Challenging the Education Retrograde - Laura Turner

CHALLENGING THE EDUCATION RETROGRADE

LAURA TURNER / PILOT THESIS

GLOSSARY Bureaucratic organisation Refers to the way of organising people by, formal rules, laws, regulations and hierarchical relationships (Olejniczak, 2018).

Cultural Organisation Refers to the way of organising people by group work, socialisation, informal norms, and shared assumptions and values (ibid.).

Free Schools Danish Free Schools (as discussed in the essay) are not to be confused with the Swedish or British Free School, where the school is funded by the government but not run by Local Authority. Organisations such as faith groups or businesses can set them up.

‘My project’ Refers to my studio project. A mix-use education facility which facilitates two local overcrowded schools and a whole other cohort of students, along with shared spaces for public use. Ideas such as the invisible school (which appropriates underused city spaces) or the dispersed school (where learning spaces are distributed across the neighbourhood) are currently being explored.

Skinner box The device originally used to condition a rat to ring a bell before receiving food.

Teen/Teenager When I am referring to ‘teens’, I am describing secondary-school aged children.

Writing referring to ‘adolescents’ is referencing research on 13-19 year-olds.

With thanks to Lefkos Kyriacou

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION The Invisible teen 1/ Buildings Cannot Teach but the City Can The Illusion of Free Will Cohesive Communities: A Case Study The urban Classroom Reciprocal Neighbourhoods How the City views the Young People Good Adolescents and Good Adolescence: A Case Study How the Young People View the City Snowflakes: A Case Study 2/ U.K.: Bureaucratic Organisation Denmark: Cultural Organisation 3/ Permeability The Incomplete Object Thickness Schoolhouse Im Birch: A Case Study Territory You Can’t Sit With us

INTRODUCTION

THE INVISIBLE TEEN I am not a native Londoner.

However, I find occasion to acknowledge the presence of the unlikely individual in responses to London’s rapidly densifying urban matrix. The invisible teen is privy to a more deeply embedded, unfiltered perspective on the city; they blend into rush hour despite ill-fitting school uniforms, are heavily cloaked by the gated education system and instil anxiety into the neighbourhood after dark. They are both feared by, and controlled by, the city.

Just North of Elephant and Castle, St George’s district is formed of seven of schools*. Yet the area is dominated by incessant Georgian terraces, imposing gates and relentless traffic. Not a student in sight for a large portion of the day.

How do we design for such an elusive user?

I introduce Southwark with such hyperbole to encourage opinions of its potential and illustrate its flaws. Beyond my developing vision for St George’s, are research objectives concerning the extent to which architecture and urban design can impact social change.

The reciprocal relationship between the community and the school consumes the majority of the essay in the first research objective. Then, the dichotomies of pedagogy and typology is discussed as a second objective; finally, the notion of thresholds between the city and the school looks to architectural theory in order to apply critical thought to my own design ideas.

A blackhole surrounded by the clamour of Elephant and Castle, the honeypot of the Imperial war museum and the rush of Waterloo Station, St George’s should be the centre of teenage activity, clique formations, territorial warfare, basketball, grime, slang. * Number of schools (primary and secondary) within half a kilometre from St George’s Obelisk

1/ Many writers suggest we are on the cusp of an educational revolution; it is a theme which has regularly emerged during my research. This is good news and poses the question of what learning could look like from an architectural perspective.

My first research objective is written in two parts: one part looks to the city and focuses on urban design; the other looks to the people within the framework of sociological research.

BUILDINGS CANNOT TEACH, BUT THE CIT Y CAN

teachers (Beard, 2018). Skinnerisms such as these can be seen across media, advertising, technology, language and many other platforms. Free will is a myth THE ILLUSION OF FREE WILL (ibid.).

The extent to which the city, in terms of its urban design, influences the behaviour of its young people - and how this behaviour reflects back on the city - is suggestive of the power of the built environment.

Behaviour design is not a new idea. In the 1930s, B.F. Skinner’s ‘Operant Conditioning Chamber’, (Skinner, 1938) – or the Skinner Box - proved that “environmental conditions, rather than conscious choices, caused behaviour” (Beard, 2018). His lesser-known utopian novel, Walden Two, was written in response to this and described a town where people were conditioned to be “productive and creative” (Skinner, 1976). Behaviourism at its birth was directly associated with urban planning.

In the context of education, it is easy to use the Skinner Box as a metaphor for schools; positive and negative reinforcements as a teaching method are familiar to

How then, can our built environment create the illusion of free will to young people without encouraging negative teenage behaviour – and simultaneously ensure the appropriate safeguarding? This is central to my project; public space designed specifically for teenagers can help establish a sense of belonging and empowerment (Arup, 2017).

According to a recent publication titled ‘Making London Child Friendly’, independent mobility and choice greatly influence a teenager’s sense of freedom (GGBD, 2020). “The freedom to

Skinner Box

occupy and move around the public realm […] without adult supervision” can advocate for long term participation in city life, have health and well-being benefits, and instil a sense of authorship of the built environment (ibid.).

Urban design can positively influence teenage behaviour.

For example, mix-use or flexible spaces establishes a subconscious awareness of safety and responsibility for oneself (Gill, 2018). Also, the visibility of different groups (such as children from different schools) can inspire inclusivity and creates a process of “self-reinforcing” behaviours (Gehl, 1971). This aids behavioural developments such as weighing up risks versus benefits (Gill, 2018).

A more interactive environment shapes well-being and learning in young people, and case study analysis can decipher how mix use schools are seeded into urban life. A mix-use school by White Arkitekter includes two high schools, a music school, a public library, a railway waiting room and others in its programme (whitearkitekter.com, n.d.).

Spaces which aren’t home or school – defined as “third spaces” (Oldenburg, 1989) – often hold symbolic meaning in which social connections are made (Hickman, 2012). Since my project is a mix of third spaces and a school, research hints at the richness the environment could generate.

Making London Child Friendly Diagram

COHESIVE COMMUNITIES: A CASE STUDY

The Messingen High School and Civic Centre in Sweden was completed in 2011 and spans 15,800 square metres (whitearkitekter.com, n.d.).

During the renovation of the Vilunda Senior High School, major structural damage was detected prompting a change of site, and the project grew into a much larger complex (world-architects.com, n.d).

The school relocated to an industrial site by Upplands Väsby station, rather “a forgotten slice of town” (whitearkitekter.com, n.d.). A steady decrease in the rail industry led to the decline of the town in the early 2000s (ibid.).

Simultaneously, a decline in Sweden’s highly regarded education system between 2000 and 2012 caused speculation over the inequalities of Swedish Free Schools; interestingly, it is these schools that inspired Gove’s UK Free School policy (Weale, 2015).

Schools were opened by companies allowed to make profit and behaved like private businesses, and in boththe UK and Sweden, the role of the architect adjusted to marketing “education-as-product” (Wood, 2018).

Thus, the Messingen district was an opportunity to widen the definition of schools. Staff and pupils were interviewed and

outcomes such as visibility to the outside world and active meeting spaces in a safe environment were discussed (whitearkitekter. com, n.d.). The smaller pupil base inspired the incorporation of multiple schools, and the opportunity to revive the local community diversified the brief (whitearkitekter.com, n.d.). The entire Messingen district became the extent of the new scheme (world-architects.com, n.d).

The mix of learning environments aims to stimulate imaginative responses to teaching and learning, allowing staff to have choice over their teaching methods, and exposing pupils to a more diverse education in close proximity to bustling community life (ibid.).

THE URBAN CLASSROOM Back in London, design projects improving community links are numerous – what’s more difficult to find is projects that cater specifically towards the ‘London teen’ in the long term. The urban landscape often does little to imitate the security, imagination and contained disorder which the classroom offers. Particularly at secondary school level, there is little information available regarding the benefits or pitfalls of outdoor school space (Taylor and Wright, 2020).

In a study by Natural England, three quarters of UK children spend less time outside than prison inmates (Natural England, 2015). Currently, playing out at lunch or break is put in rather depressing terms: “’Playgrounds’ are often […] large open spaces with wind whistling through, […] laid out to look good on an architect’s plan” (Robinson, 2014).

The social codes and the rules teenagers use to dominate space have become a limited version of ‘play’ (ibid). Why at age 11 should play be reduced to such conditions?

Beyond the school gates, the limited existing examples of dedicated teenage space highlight the potential of such endeavours.

Alexandra Road park, reimagined by J. L. Gibbons and Erect, is a linear stretch of play space where the evolution of growing up is reflected in a gradient of age appropriate space (jlg-london.com, n.d.).

Its sensitive restoration has meant the original design intent can be fully experienced (Mark, 2015). It was also a project initiated by the estate’s resi-

Alexandra Road Park

Alexandra Road Park

dents’ group. A grassroots approach, the park’s effectiveness is entrenched in the neighbourhood’s enthusiasm to resurrect and maintain quality outdoor space for all to use (ibid.).

While neighbourhood influences on adolescents are modest in comparison to parental or teacher guidance (National Academy of Sciences, 2011), emerging research suggests recreational resources are important to areas of low socioeconomic status (Burton and Floyd, 2014 and Moore et al, 2008), further demonstrating Alexandra Road Park’s value.

By comparison, the “microcontexts” of schools (such as classrooms and hallways), shows a stronger correlation to adolescent behaviour (LaRusso, Brown, Jones and Aber, 2009). A teenager’s quality of relationships and perception of safety are influenced by the school setting (Jones and Molano, 2010), suggesting that replicating the physical qualities of schools in a city environment may improve a teenager’s connection to the area.

In a study involving workshops with secondary school children, White Arkitekter found

teenagers favoured more enclosed spaces with shelter, seating and colour, in studies both in Oslo and London (whitearkitekter.com, n.d.). The importance of views was also revealed (instagram. com/whitearkitekter, 2020); indeed, at Alexandra Road, the restoration has improved site lines across the park, adding to its success in drawing in teenagers. To see without being seen is a necessity to young adults, for better or worse.

This link between school and spaces in the urban realm provide an exciting insight into how we might deign urban landscapes in the future. Alexandra Road Park’s “outdoor rooms” (jlg-london.com, n.d.) and a variety of sunken, intimate spaces successfully provides playscapes for both younger and older children; you grow up with the park. The neighbourhood provides consistency, safety and ordered chaos, much like school.

Places for Girls Study by White Arkitekter

RECIPROCAL NEIGHBOURHOODS

HOW THE CITY VIEWS THE YOUNG PEOPLE The community in North Southwark is vibrant in its attitudes to neighbourhood and social change, due to its range of generations and cultures, as evidenced in the Up the Elephant campaign (35percent.org/uptheelephant, n.d.) and the battles against antisocial behaviour (streetcheck.co.uk/crime/se16hr, 2020). While active in opinion, where its social troubles lie is in the conflict of opinion.

The void that is the area of St Georges harvests crime, encouraged by the lack of “eyes on the street” (Jacobs, 1961). The immediate community is wary of this and the current relationship between the residents and the local teenage youth is largely negative.

Bertotti et al (2016) have listed young people as a major barrier to community cohesion.

In a study involving people from disadvantaged backgrounds in twenty London boroughs

including Southwark, participants expressed “strong anxieties” about youth behaviour, fearing gang culture and crime (ibid.).

But how much of this fear of youth is due to stereotyping?

Rather than viewing the young person as an individual, negative stereotypes often prevail in such community discussions. This could be subject to a range of factors including media portrayals, political influence, community gossip or the personal views of adults with a relationship to the teenager (Devlin et al, 2007).

What’s more concerning is that much of the research I have read on the topic of teenage behaviour in a neighbourhood context is focused on negative undertones. However, an initiative striving to make a positive change to the welfare services in terms of youth and community relationships takes a much different approach and shows promising results (Cottam, 2018).

Good Adolescents and Good Adolescence: A Case Study ‘Loops’ by Hilary Cottam is a longitudinal study by her practice, Participle.* Its beginnings (approximately ten years ago) were based on the shock report by the United Nations that well-being in young people in Britain were the lowest in the Western world (International Child Development Centre, 2008). Cottam questioned “do young people really need youth centres […] and what is a good adolescence in this century?” (Participle, 2015).

The promise of pizza in return for a chat encouraged young people to take part in the study, and over time, through cycles of reflection and prototyping, Loops became a youth service endorsed by local businesses.

Young people choose an ‘opportunity’ provided by community members, in order to gain work experience and new friendships; as put by Cottam in the report, “the community is the youth centre” (Participle, 2015).

world around them” (Participle, 2015). This is also true of communities - “an inclusive […] city is one where people without formal […] relations take responsibility for others” (Jacobs, 1961).

Reciprocal networks and a sense of empowerment characterise a strong community (Forrest and Kearne, 2001).

The conclusions behind such concepts are often, as Cottam pointed out, buried in academia (Participle, 2015). Stereotypes are an additional barrier to the realities behind the complex world of adolescence and a change is needed in how the city views its youth. The implementation of projects such as Loops is therefore difficult, however the potential behind such ideas is tantalising.

Moreover, “a good adolescence […] is about the relationships between young people and the *Participle is a social enterprise focused on reforming the British Welfare State (Creative Review, 2016). Its team designs working exemplars for a new Welfare State (Philonomist, 2019) and runs longitudinal social experiments to better the lives of those living in local communities.

HOW THE YOUNG PEOPLE VIEW THE CITY Negative connotations of the London teen dominate academia, the media and disconnected communities; yet our teenage generation are some of the most accepting and empathetic people to date. Activism such as LGBT campaigns and ‘School Strike for Climate’ provides examples.

Their awareness of the world

around them is often overlooked, particularly in terms of urban design.

Hana Riazuddin is a Researcher at King’s College London who questions young people’s mental health within the wider debate on urban transformation. ‘Endz n’ Out: Growing Up During Neighbourhood Change’ is an important insight to how the city is viewed by teenagers.

Youth Activism

Snowflakes: A Case Study

“Young people aren’t valued or given dignity and respect” are the words written by eight driven and audacious sixteen to seventeen-year-olds from South London, keen to use their voice (our-neighbourhood.co.uk, 2020). The research is a frightening insight into how young people feel they have been totally abandoned by their city’s authorities (ibid.). These young adults are hyperaware of gentrification as a major player in dividing and shattering existing communities in Lambeth and Southwark, and have made intelligent, personal observations using rigorous methods.

The research makes explicit the otherwise marginalised voices of young people in the inner-city, which is a refreshing and necessary step in understanding how teenagers experience urban life.

It explores the experiential side of the built environment, what young people think about their neighbourhoods, the spaces they frequent and the wider social impact on the people living there (ibid.).

The teens recognise the need for community cohesion and articulate the effects of gentrification in term of classism, racism and agism:

Page excerpt from Endz ‘n’ Out

“[Gentrification] has led young people to feel repressed and silenced as they cannot express their culture. The areas they have grown up in have been modified to only accommodate a dominant White, middle-class, British identity, concealing the rich diversities in our communities” (our-neighbourhood.co.uk, 2020).

These uncomfortable truths are directed towards local governance rather than the community members themselves. When the research was flipped, the

Page excerpt from Endz ‘n’ Out

negativity was aimed toward the youth by both community participants and the research. The gen-z voice of anger and compassion is comparatively more considered. These young people have fight and ambition behind their words and can see a future of community cohesion, which is, after all, the common goal.

2/ Here, I explore the question of whether a particular pedagogy influences a certain kind of architecture. Globally, there are many examples of schools designed specifically for alternative pedagogies; in the UK however, many typologies are a product of government action, rather than pedagogical research. There is no drive to invest in or reimagine the space; the architecture is forced into a rut. These built relics are so prevalent in the UK that they are a typology in their own right.

I will analyse two educational approaches and the resulting schools, comparing the UK to Denmark. Subtle differences in culture and history creates a ripple effect, constituting dramatic differences in education systems and school typology.

U.K.

BUREAUCRATIC ORGANISATION The bureaucratic organisation of schools in the UK theoretically means improved efficiency and equal opportunities (lumenlearning.com, n.d.). There is a tendency for ‘person’ to become ‘people’ during discussions at an organisational level, and the favouring of the ‘collective whole’ enables a rhetoric of equality while ignoring ‘lower-ranked’ citizens such as teachers and pupils (Lieberman, 1990). “Suppose the object were to figure out what it is that the teachers need rather than what the school needs?” (ibid.). The teacher’s potential “to become - an effective, recognised, rewarded individual” is stifled by an engrained bureaucratic discourse (ibid.).

For example, as teachers are confronted with government targets, the efforts of both the teacher and pupil are reduced to a statistic. The “crude and diversionary” National Testing system merely provides the government with measures of school performance, rather than an idea of a student’s learning (Maguire

and Ball, 1994). The relationship between school reformation and classroom activity is therefore unknowable – an unfortunate repercussion of bureaucratic organisation (ibid.).

Likewise, there is inconclusive evidence to show that a positive change in the school environment can increase pupil performance (Woolner, 2015 and Stricherz, 2000). This is odd, considering the proven impacts of behaviourism. Interestingly, Woolner notes how “bureaucracy creates increasingly complex norms” (ibid.), rather than improving organisational efficiency.

These two anomalies could be intrinsically linked.

If we look as far back as the 90s, the government was accused of deliberately excluding professional and academic input from education policy (Maguire and Ball, 1994). The restriction - and even rejection – of research was commonplace (Black, 1992 and Gipps, 1993). As Gipps said over a decade ago: “We did not anticipate […] that policy-making in education, based on research evidence,

would be cut off […]. Misreporting in the public […] has, effectively I fear, asserted the primacy of common-sense knowledge over specialist, expert knowledge and assigned it (forever?) to the sidelines.” (Gipps, 1993).

A similar occurrence saw the removal of the Building Bulletins. A fantastic resource with sensitive spatial considerations in school design, their dismissal withdraws the need for an architect (Wood, 2018). The act of concealing valuable data is becoming familiar.

The subversion of pedagogical expertise and architectural input has resulted in typologies such as new-builds under the PSBP*.

The “modified shopping sheds” (Moore, 2013) have little consideration of the socio-environmental context of each school.

Inevitably, this ignores the backgrounds unique to each child; this is counterproductive since children from disadvantaged areas do worse in school than their middle-class counterparts (Cullis and Hansen, 2008). Perhaps this could be lightened if schools considered social needs, such as offering “third spaces” (Oldenburg, 1989) or youth facilities

after school.

It’s a similar story for post-war schools. The stripped-down space standards are shrouded in the veil of “equality of [educational] opportunity” (Hartley and Whitehead, 2006). This is 1940s rhetoric where the bureaucratisation of education grew alongside post-war architecture.

Now, this out-dated government discourse ignores school buildings as a major aspect of staff and student experience, as evidenced in the multitude of cuts (Sweeney 2020); neither does it recognise the well-being of staff and students (McInerney, 2020).

As post-war school tower blocks crumble, temporary classrooms stand for decades (Perraudin, 2019). The chain of decisions underpinned by a bureaucratic organisation – while well-intentioned in theory – hasn’t entirely panned out in terms of educational or design success and is responsible for both the post-war and PSBP school typology.

PSBP Typology

*Priority School Buildings Programme (2016), in which the most deprived schools are renovated using a standardised design methodology and a lower budget.

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Programme Diagram

Post-War Typology: Wetherby High School, Leeds

DENMARK

CULTURAL ORGANISATION Denmark, known for being one of the happiest countries in the world (World Happiness Report, 2020) can attribute its success to its social and political equity (OECD, 2018). High levels of social bonding, communal rituals and traditions are threaded into the country’s history (Allan, 2019).

Philosopher Nikolay Grundtvig influenced the Danish phenomenon of ‘fællesskab’, which loosely translates as a ‘sense of togetherness’. He conceived that learning is found through lived experience and in our natural surroundings (Grundtvig, 1838.

See Mason, 2020). To Danes, education does not come from memorising books – nor does it necessarily happen in a classroom (Mason, 2020).

Fællesskab shapes the country’s cultural organisation, government policy, and the education system (Allan, 2019), and learning, like togetherness, “is not a theoretical quantity that can be assessed” (Mason, 2020). This

can be seen both in pedagogical approaches which emphasise physical, hands-on activity rather than tests, and in their governmental approach which promotes the enterprise of staff and students (ibid.).

The dual school systems, both funded by the central government, includes Municipal (state) schools and Free schools; the latter attended by 17% of children (Ministry of Children and Education, 2020). Refreshingly, both types work together in a way that may seem foreign to cultures with a more competitive approach (Mason, 2020).

Free schools were established in the mid-19th century and aim to provide an “authentic” education concerned with the “living world” (Allan, 2019). They are able to establish their own curriculum, appoint their own staff, and are not obliged to enter children into examinations (ibid).

Municipal schools, while following set government legislation, have a very similar ethos; there is no difference in socio-economic background between children in Free and Municipal schools (Mason, 2020).

Underlying these typologies is a deeply engrained belief that a gradual understanding of “interconnectedness between self and others” is the best way to learn (ibid.). Fællesskab is woven into pedagogy and is established in architectural typology, as in the example of the Frederiksbjerg School by Henning Larsen Architects where the school was designed as the heart of the community (Archdaily, 2016).

The Municipal school, situated in Aarhus, was the first in Denmark to be completed under the Danish School Reform of 2013 (Taylor and Wright, 2020 and Archdaily, 2016). Objectives of the reform include respecting professional knowledge and reducing the significance of social background on academic results (The National Reform Programme, 2013).

Additionally, the introduction of “activity hours” (ibid.) was honoured in the brief; movement and play feature heavily in the architecture with “places for gymnastics, climbing, running and jumping” (Detail Inspiration, 2018). The scale of the building is balanced by the number of smaller play spaces, with ample

opportunity for informal meetings and small teaching groups.

To conclude, the Danes are united in their ‘sense of togetherness’, which transcend beyond hierarchical or managerial boundaries and are practiced in every aspect of life. While the system is not perfect (Mason, 2020), the culture of togetherness fosters a tolerant and freewilled society, taught to accept difference and explore the world around them. It questions how the UK could begin their own reformations; perhaps by encouraging positive social attitudes, such as those from our gen-z teens.

Inclusive and empathetic mentalities could pass through generations to form a new, progressive education system.

Frederiksbjerg School by Henning Larsen Architects

3/ My final research objective explores the threshold between the city and the school, analysing a spectrum of possibility over the permeability, thickness and territory of the school edge. I also cover important arguments such as whether architecture can harvest cultural and community growth; borders vs boundaries; safeguarding, and how power dynamics influence school spaces. Design theory will be used as a discussion point, throughout which I will refer to precedent studies and question the implications to my site.

PERMEABILIT Y

THE INCOMPLETE OBJECT

The perception of urban edges is determined by the borders, boundaries, access points and social interventions in the city (Sennett, 2016). While boundaries describe a limit to a territory, borders are zones where we become more interactive (ibid.).

A meeting place where different cultures or physical conditions join, borders are porous by nature.

Borders and boundaries are incongruously resistant to definition (Pullen, 2013); rather than a backdrop to the city, they are active participants informing human behaviours and actions (Salamanca, 2016).When it comes to teenagers, it is usually boundaries that are discussed rather than borders - perhaps due to community distrust or the authoritarian control over urban space.

Cities – and certainly schools – regularly restrict access for teenagers. Teenage behaviour is also discussed in terms of ‘boundaries’, usually with nega-

tive undertones. Setting boundaries, in all senses, is undoubtedly intended to mediate conflicts and quash safety concerns. Can we, as architects, accomplish this while thinking about boundaries as their more permeable counterpart - borders?

The argument of edge-as-border rather than edge-as-boundary considers the indefinite adaptability of a place over time, as opposed to space as a limited, closed system (Sennett, 2016).

Sennett, in his lecture ‘The Open City’, discusses his theory of “seed-planting” as an alternative to master planning, likening the process to the Quinta Monroy development by Elemental and Alejandro Aravena (Sennett, 2013).

The tissues of community would cultivate around the incomplete structure - or “seed” - in a non-linear, interwoven resolution. This creates an open, permeable system which responds to the residents (ibid.).

The flaw in this is the uncomfortable assumption that architecture alone can influence – and indeed begin - such communities; surely people are the core to a community. While this has worked in developing countries, I’m sceptical of how it translates to the ‘woke’ teenagers of Southwark.

However, a Rawlsian intervention to allow the organic growth of a neighbourhood creates a purposeful imbalance in the city (Sennett, 2013) – an idea

Quinta Monroy by Elemental

which could run parallel to an educational revolution. The development of an embedded local neighbourhood could be conceived through the idea of an incomplete ‘object’, where permeable borders are formed.

Moreover, porosity could make buildings more truly urban (Sennett, 2016); rather than isolating the whole building – a process familiar to UK schools - architects can implement borders rather than boundaries.

THICKNESS

SCHOOLHOUSE IM BIRCH: A CASE STUDY

Considering this theory in relation to my project highlights the concept of thickness - particularly with regard to ideas such as the invisible school or the dispersed school. Here, there is a variety of thicknesses – sometimes even no thickness - between the school edge and the outside world.

Schoolhouse ‘Im Birch’ by Peter Märkli in Switzerland is a mixuse, experimental building which provides a centre function for a new urban area. No fences or physical security measures; no front or back to the building, and with thresholds sometimes only as thick as a running track, there *Personal dialogue between myself and Rod Heyes.

is currently no such school – or public building – in Switzerland like it (Gabler, 2004).

When asked about the lack of security, teachers are unperturbed. The intruders who do walk through the front door and disrupt the classes have become known to the school. The children can learn appropriate responses to such situations, developing their emotional intelligence in a safe environment before transferring this to the outside world*.

Architecturally, classroom clusters around a central court form a “small school” where teachers

can supervise multiple classes at once (Gabler, 2004.). A “corridor schoolâ€? and self-contained classrooms were considered out of date (ibid.). The deep floor plan is balanced by a regular, grid-like concrete façade which connotes elements of discipline. Its solid presence conversely rejects notions of thickness or impermeability, and its civic frontage implies its importance to the lives of the locals.

TERRITORY

YOU CAN’T SIT WITH US

The Heideggerian concept of local care and Heidegger’s acknowledgment of territory is often discussed in urban and social contexts. In a thesis titled “Heidegger’s Threshold: Philosophy of Environment and Education”, it is noted how Heidegger analysed the problems we face in a world dominated by global transactions that bear no relation to location – both financially and physically (Irwin, 2005). The “deterritorialisation of global production has decoupled responsibility for care of people [or] splaces” (ibid.).

Pedagogical practices and architecture in particular fall victim to this. According to Irwin, “the disciplining of children […] into wriggle-free, self-contained […] individuals” (ibid.) is central to modern schooling – something I have come to agree with over the course of my project. Furthermore, she writes: “Refocussing [education towards] the cultural integration of bodies, minds and surroundings

shifts our attention from ‘self’-interested individualism and opens an entirely new basis for culture – nature” (ibid).

This speculates how territory is a positive tool to gain ownership of both school spaces, and a student’s own personal identity, within a setting defined by local cultures. To achieve this, stepping outside the educational norm is paramount.

In a similar development, Foucault recognised the “modern play of coercion over bodies” (Foucault, 1979, quoted by Ball, 2013) which is articulated in relation to the State School system in the book: ‘Foucault, Power and Education’ (Ball, 2013). Underlying throughout is a criticism of the UK education system whereby we must confront the problem of standing outside our own history and begin to move with the times (ibid.).

The creation of state schooling is no longer a cause for celebration but is an “inglorious moment” in our history (Foucault, 1979, quoted by Ball, 2013). In ‘Discipline and Punish’, Foucault compares the prison typology to

a societal mechanism integrated throughout the city. Knowledge and power resist one another in a performative state of punishment on the body and mind, administered by members of authority and physical city spaces alike.

We can assume schools are one such place. Here, the definition of territory transgresses the perception of mere defendable space and describes a notion of defendable thought or reputation.

Such is the definition when it comes to students. Teenagers claim and police their space to fierce extremes (architecturaleduction.org, 2018). In an ethnographic study of a UK secondary school, one student hadn’t gone to school because she had no one to sit with (Dytham, 2018); the psychological ramifications of spatial enforcements can be intense.

Rules and rituals in secondary schools are far from trivial (ibid.).

Territorial behaviour creates ownership, power and control over a place. These spaces – let’s call them ‘clique spaces’ - serve

specific purposes for specific social groups. From corners of a corridor to a patch of grass, they inevitably form through an innate sense of territory all teens seem to develop.

These spaces can change indefinitely and cannot necessarily by designed for; however, the acknowledgement of clique spaces from architects could, for example, make for more diverse – or ‘incomplete’ – breakout spaces.

Overall, using space to discipline others is an organic, inborn response developed over time around a constant, recognisable structure. Widening boundaries and creating borders may not necessarily relax social practices – nor should that be the aim.

It does however convey the importance of ownership to a teenager’s life.

Moreover, to address Foucault: if the dualities of knowledge and power traverse the whole of society, why do we build walls around them?

Is this not a wider social comment about the dichotomies between human instinct and a need for structure? My project thus becomes a metaphor for this – the question of how far to define the school threshold is a fine balance between a deep-seeded want for ownership and the organisational need for regulation and control. Currently, “rather than the ‘humanity’ of the learner as the legal limit of educational practices, education is used to define the legal limit to humanity” (Ball, 2013). Let’s try to flip this by including humanity in our future briefs.

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IMAGE SOURCES Images listed in the order they appear in the doccument.

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https://www.our-neighbourhood.co.uk/?lightbox=dataItem-k7p5m2qe6 https://simplebooklet.com/6efhDKk8Su8m32M01CwnlV#page=42 https://www.our-neighbourhood.co.uk/?lightbox=dataItem-k7p5m2qe3 Elephant and castle shopping centre - reference not found Southwark street - reference not found https://london.eater.com/2019/5/1/18285413/elephant-and-castle-shopping-centre-food-demolition https://www.sciencephoto.com/media/213781/view/rat-in-a-skinner-box https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/ggbd_making_london_child-friendly.pdf https://whitearkitekter.com/project/messingen-high-school-civic-centre/ https://whitearkitekter.com/project/messingen-high-school-civic-centre/ https://whitearkitekter.com/project/messingen-high-school-civic-centre/ https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/buildings/alexandra-road-park-by-j-and-l-gibbonsand-erect/8690360.article https://www.erectarchitecture.co.uk/projects/alexandra-road-park/ https://whitearkitekter.com/project/places-for-girls/ https://londonnewsonline.co.uk/d-days-for-the-elephant-date-set-for-two-day-judicial-review-into-delancey-plans-for-doomed-shopping-centre/ https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=XTFADwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=radical+help&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwivnbeUnovpAhXM6nMBHfexAhIQ6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&q=radical%20help&f=false https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-49758914 https://simplebooklet.com/6efhDKk8Su8m32M01CwnlV#page=42 https://simplebooklet.com/6efhDKk8Su8m32M01CwnlV#page=42 https://simplebooklet.com/6efhDKk8Su8m32M01CwnlV#page=42 https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2013/apr/14/michael-gove-standardised-school-architecture Authors own image https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wetherby_High_School#/media/File:Wetherby_High_ School_(28th_August_2014).JPG https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wetherby_High_School#/media/File:Wetherbyhighschool. jpg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wetherby_High_School#/media/File:Wetherby_High_ School_(6th_February_2013)_003.JPG https://www.archdaily.com/799521/frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects/582bf874e58ecee4050000d6-frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects-photo https://www.archdaily.com/799521/frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects/582bf97be58ecee4050000db-frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects-photo?next_project=no https://www.archdaily.com/799521/frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects/582bf7d8e58ece6ce80000a2-frederiksbjerg-school-hen-

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ning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects-photo?next_project=no https://www.archdaily.com/799521/frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects/582bf846e58ecee4050000d5-frederiksbjerg-school-henning-larsen-architects-plus-gpp-architects-photo?next_project=no https://www.archdaily.com/10775/quinta-monroy-elemental http://www.archipicture.eu/Architekten/Schweiz/Maerkli%20Peter/Maerkli%20Peter%20 -%20School%20Im%20Birch%20Zuerich%20Oerlikon%2010.html http://www.archipicture.eu/Architekten/Schweiz/Maerkli%20Peter/Maerkli%20Peter%20 -%20School%20Im%20Birch%20Zuerich%20Oerlikon%2011.html http://www.archipicture.eu/Architekten/Schweiz/Maerkli%20Peter/Maerkli%20Peter%20 -%20School%20Im%20Birch%20Zuerich%20Oerlikon%2016.html https://architectureandeducation.org/2018/05/22/you-cant-sit-there-how-studentsclaim-and-police-school-space-through-sitting/