Tokyo: Re-establishing the Ghetto Narrative in Modern Day Japan by camilla.allan

DIVERSITY 多様性 AS A RESOURCE AS A PROBLEM

TOKYO RE-ESTABLISHING THE GHETTO NARRATIVE in modern day tokyo

Camilla Allan

CONTENTS 1. Introduction ��v

1.1. Urban History �� vi 1.2. Land and Housing Policies �� x 1.3. Today’s Urban Fabric �� xiii

Diversity as a problem ��xvii

Diversity as a resource �� xxiii

2.1. Danchi in Tokyo �� xvii 2.2. Danchi in Tama City �� xix 3.1. Gaijin in Japan �� xxiii 3.2. Gaijin in Tokyo �� xxv 3.3. Gaijin in Hiroo �� xxvi

4. Conclusion ��xxviii

High Economic Growth: Intensified Urban Sprawl & Industry Growth

Edo Period: Settlement of Tokyo, known as Edo

Start of Meji Restoration: Edo renamed Tokyo

Sakoku isolation period

1500s-1868

1633-1835

Tokyo Town Planning Ordinance

1868

Capital Construction Law

City Planning Act

1888

1879

Great Ginza Fire

Imperial Capital Reconstruction Project

1919

1923

1950

1923

1941 - 1945

The Asia-Pacific War (WWII)

The Great Kanto Earthquake

Yearly review and revision of City Planning Act City Planning Act revised in a move towards decentralization

Promulgation of City Planning Act National Capital Regional Development Act & Founding of Japan Housing Corporation

1955

Construction of Tama New City

1969

1964

1970s

New Visa typologies announced

1998

1995

The Great HanshinAwaji Earthquake

Tokyo Olympic Games

2019

2020

Tokyo Olympic Games

Tokyo Rugby World Cup

ABSTRACT __________ Re-establishing the ‘Ghetto’ narrative in modern day Tokyo

__________

This paper aims to analyse two cases contrasting social scenarios which have come about through structural, cultural and political policies and decisions on behalf of Tokyo’s governing body. The view point I will be taking in this analysis is through the Western cultural lense, as I have not visited Tokyo personally. Through the reading of academic papers, reports, articles, books and other sources, the paper will look to understand the socio-economic contexts of two demographically different groups, the elderly and the foreign nationals, and analyse the physical manifestation of their presence in Tokyo due to factors perpetuating segregation. In addition to this the paper aims to suggest how these two demographically different groups have indirectly had an effect in one another socio-political circumstances as a result of the government’s response so the economic and social issues it faces.

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1. Introduction Contemporary Metropolitan cities are dynamic hubs of people, buildings and spaces. Tokyo, Japan, is the world’s most populous city with just over 13 million residents. Its urban fabric is an intertwined weaving of established culture, innovative technology and meticulous governing. However, amongst all this is an underlying layer or socioeconomic policies which have led to the presence of urban segregation on a social and physical scale. This paper aims to analyse two types of segregation which are present in modern day Tokyo and how these are emphasised through the use of physical, legal and psychological devices. The paper will initially look at analysing the urban condition of Tokyo throughout history in order to understand its present urban fabric. In addition to this, it will pinpoint pivotal policies and events which have contributed not only to the wide spread urbanization of the wider Tokyo metropolis but also which have led to the aforementioned segregation in the city center and its suburbs. Two case studies will be analysed in depth in order to portray the extent of the physical and social segregation which is present in Tokyo today. In the first instance, the paper will be looking at how demographic diversity may be considered an issue in Tokyo, by analysing the danchi - social housing units, which were built in the post war period to house the masses which were left without homes after the Asia-Pacific War damage. The paper will look to study a city in the suburbs of Tokyo called Tama New Town, and will specifically look into the example of the Toei Atago Complex, a danchi complex constructed in the early 1970s and now home to a majority of elderly people living alone. The paper will argue that through the use of policies and structural devices, the City of Tokyo has created a ghetto for the elderly in the suburbs of the city. In addition to this, it will explore how the speedily aging population has caused, and will be causing an exorbitant amount of pressure on Tokyo’s economy and job market. In the second instance, the paper will be looking at how demographic diversity is considered a resource by the Japanese government, by looking into the presence of expats in the Tokyo region. With events such as the Olympic games, over the past halfa-Century Japan has been positioning themselves on the world map, attracting more and more immigrants every year. Noting the negative connotation that accompanies the mention of immigrants in Europe, the paper aims to argue that the inverse is true for Japan. This notion will be expanded through the analysis of Hiroo, Shibuya. This is an .v

area in the Shibuya ward, in the City of Tokyo which is nicknamed Gaijin ghetto by the locals, because of its inordinate concentration of foreign residents in comparison to most other areas of the city. This paper aims to argue that the presence of ex-pats in Tokyo is a resource to ease the pressured economy due to the looming generational crisis. The aim of the paper is to study the concepts of social diversity through the lense of diversity of age and diversity of cultural and ethnic backgrounds, and how the two both play a role in the economy of the country. Whereas the former has created a looming crunch in the job market in Japan, foreign nationals have been looked to as the solution to fill the labour force gap which has been created. Thus, through the micro analysis of two specific areas in Tokyo, the paper will look at how the physical presence of two diverse social groups in Tokyo have manifested themselves both socio-economically, with regards to what their presence in the wider Tokyo region means, and physically, with regards to how their presence has manifested itself in the creation of segregated ghetto areas due to the government’s actions and policies.

1.1. Urban History Tokyo, formerly known as Edo, was first set up as a fishing village in the 12th Century by the Edo Clan. After the Edo Castle was built 250 years later, Edo became the centre of the government in 16031. Similarly to the ways of the New World in Europe, the urban layout of the town was aptly organized with relation to the geography of the land. With the cardinal points in mind, the mountains in the north, the river in the east, the bay in the south and the road in the west, a grid was overlaid on the land, similar to that of Imperial Kyoto2. This juxtaposition of the grid system over the existing urban fabric including the castle as well with the organic neighbourhoods to the north created a level of segregation between the aristocracy and samurai, above the castle, and the artisans and merchants below the castle. Due to the topography of the land, and its respective residents, the two areas were known as Yamonate, the upper city, and Shitamachi, the lower city (Fig.01). The structural and social differences between the upper and lower cities were, and still are, visible, in the urban fabric. The former, loosely divided by organic roads shaping large plots of land on which large free standing homes would house the aristocracy and samurai. The latter, a tight rigid grid fragmenting the space between the castle and the bay, formed of a dense and industrial urban fabric, further subdivided by canals3. The Edo period carried on until 1868 when the Meji Restoration began and the city was renamed Tokyo. Leading up to this year, Japan had experienced a period of complete isolation from the outside world. This was called the Sakoku, and was enacted by Togukawa shogunate in 1633, and lasted until 1853, when it was forced to open trade to the West by the Perry Expedition. The reason behind the Sakoku was to eradicate the colonial and religious influences which had been brought in by the Portuguese and Spanish, as they threatened the power of the shogunate4. In the period after trading opened up again to the West, Tokyo began to see Western influences, such as the introduction of a high speed transport systems, the use of 1 “A Brief History of Tokyo.” Japan Info. Accessed October 31, 2019. https://jpninfo.com/10714. 2 Tardits, Manuel. Tokyo: Ritratto Di Una città. Bologna: Odoya, 2018, p.100. 3 ibid. 4 Yasuka. “The Sakoku Years of Japan.” KCP International, October 16, 2014. https://www.kcpinternational. com/2014/10/the-sakoku-years-of-japan/.

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Fig.01 - Map of Tokyo in the Edo period showing the upper city, Yamonate, and the lower city, Shitamachi.

Fig.02 - Map of Tokyo around 1923 showing the fire damage due to the Great Kanto Earthquake. Source: https://www.oldtokyo.com

Fig.03 - Aerial photograph of the 1964 Tokyo Olympic stadium. Source: http://www.oldtokyo.com/1964-summer-olympic-venues/

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brick and stone construction methods as opposed to the typical wooden structures, as well as men and women being influenced by Western fashion, such as clothes and hair trends5. 1923 saw the event of the Great Kanto Earthqauke which led to a wave of fires and devastation, leaving 120,000 people dead and two million people homeless6 (Fig.02). Tokyo’s mayor, Shinpei Goto, had ambitious ideas of how to take advantage of the situation, being able to rebuild the city’s infrastructure and urban fabric, in order to modernize it and beautify it. However, the urgent need for housing and infrastructure was much too great, and the plans had to be scrapped in order to provide for the public’s needs. Nonetheless, Goto’s previous plans, from 1919, were still implemented and notably changed the shape of Tokyo’s urban fabric. These included the widening of roads, adding parks and gardens, creating green lined streets and the addition of new infrastructure including schools7. In the years following the Great Kanto Earthquake, a number of innovative urban projects took place, such as the implementation of the Metro Rail Network. However, 1941 saw the start of the Asia-Pacific War which caused further destruction to the City of Tokyo, eradicating most of its infrastructure and homes (Fig.04 &05). The government responded to this by enacting the Special City Planning Law, under which they attempted to repair the devastation caused by the War. In addition to this, 1943 had seen the merging of the City of Tokyo with the Tokyo Prefacture,

Fig.04 - Example Street plan showing street readjustment of area as per the Special City Planning Law. Source: http://www.greatkantoearthquake.com/reconstruction.html#rebuilding

Fig.05 - Diagrammatic explanation of Street plan showing street readjustment strategy as per the Special Planning Law.

5 “Transition of Tokyo’s Urban Planning”, Bureau of Urban Development of Tokyo Metropolitan Government. Accessed October 30, 2019. http://www.toshiseibi.metro.tokyo.jp/eng/pdf/index_01.pdf?1503 6 The Aftermath - The Great Kantō Earthquake.com. Accessed October 30, 2019. http://www. greatkantoearthquake.com/aftermath.html. 7 Tardits, Manuel. Tokyo: Ritratto Di Una città. Bologna: Odoya, 2018, p.100.

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forming the Tokyo Metropolis. 1950 saw the enactment of the Capital Construction Law, attempting to construct the nation’s capital city. However, due to the growing urban sprawl, the government developed a cross-regional approach for the national development8. The next two decades saw gradual growth and development of the urban fabric with infrastructural developments through institutional policies and with the aid of international support. This attempt by Tokyo to become a world class city came to a peak in 1964 when they were the host of the Olympic Games. In 1969, the City Planning Act was promulgated with focus on strategic land use zoning with regards to controlling the growing urban sprawl and the urban quality.9 In this time, the government saw the importance of mass housing in the suburbs, which they tackled through the construction of ‘New Towns’ - modernist garden cities. In these towns, the government built mass modernist social housing blocks, inspired by

Fig.06 - Aerial photograph of the devastation caused near the Sumida River, Tokyo, 1945.

Fig.07 - Photograph of Danchi in a Tokyo suburb. Source: http://danchi-dreams.com

8 “Transition of Tokyo’s Urban Planning”, Bureau of Urban Development of Tokyo Metropolitan Government. Accessed October 30, 2019. http://www.toshiseibi.metro.tokyo.jp/eng/pdf/index_01.pdf?1503 9 “A Brief History of Tokyo.” Japan Info. Accessed October 31, 2019. https://jpninfo.com/10714.

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Western architects, such as Le Corbusier’s Ville Radieuse. These are known as danchi, and they represented the nation’s attempt at working towards a modernist, Western urban fabric10. Since its post war attempts at improving the city, Tokyo has grown to become the most populous city in the world, looking forward to hosting the 2020 Olympic Games.

1.2. Land and Housing Policies

1888 saw the origin of Tokyo’s city planning legislation ordinance - the Tokyo Town Planning Ordinance. At this time, after the Great Ginza Fire of 1872, the Meiji Government issued a statement for the city to be built back up fireproof, as well as including a Western-style brick quarter in Ginza. In addition to this came the construction of the Hibiya Park and Ueno Park, as well as the road adjacent to the Imperial Palace moat - elements of which to this day represent the planning legislation of the time. In 1919 the former ordinance was replaced with the City Planning Act, but was shortly followed by the Imperial Reconstruction Project of 1923, following the devastation caused by the Great Kanto Earthquake. This saw wide-scale land readjustment and city planning methods of development of the affected areas. The Pacific War of 1941-1945 meant further destruction, from which followed the Special City Planning Law of 1946, which saw the reconstruction and land readjustment of Tokyo under the Tokyo Special City Plan. In addition to this, the Capital Construction Law was established in 1950, which saw the construction of the capital city of Tokyo as part of a national project. Shortly after this, however, the extreme urbanization and growth of the urban area into the suburbs, resulted in the attempt at developing a cross-regional development perspective under the National Capital Regional Development Act of 1956. The yeas to follow saw total revision of urban plans on behalf of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, with the addition of transport systems and green spaces. 1963 also saw the revision of the Building Standards Act, which through the readdressing of designation of green spaces and urban facilities, opened the doors to the development of skyscrapers in Tokyo. In this time, the Imperial Reconstruction Project, in which the government looked to reclaim portions of private land by readjusting the residential boundaries. In doing this, they were able to claim back approximately 10% of land which was designated for public use11. (Fig.04 & 05) The 1919 City Planning Act had to be renewed in order to respond to the inordinate amount of growth and urban sprawl which has been taking place since the the end of the post-war turmoil in Tokyo, in the mid-1950s. Thus, the new City Planning Act was promulgated in 1969 in order to address three main concerns: The first point was to rescale authority by delegating decision-making power on urban planning for municipalities to their respective local authorities.

10 Teresa Mathew @_teamat Feed Teresa Mathew, and CityLab. “The Eerie, Fading Glory of Japan’s Modernist Mass Housing.” CityLab, April 26, 2018. https://www.citylab.com/design/2018/04/the-slowdecay-of-japans-modernist-dreams/558857/. 11 Rebuilding - The Great Kantō Earthquake.com. Accessed October 30, 2019. http://www. greatkantoearthquake.com/reconstruction.html#rebuilding

TA MA C E NTR A L A R E A TOK YO

3 MA C HI

1 MURA

26 SH I

23 K U

Fig.08 - Mapping the location of Tokyo from a Macro to a Micro Scale. - By Author

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NORT H T O KYO

WEST T O KYO

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E A ST TOK YO

C EN TR A L T O K YO

The second looked at determining urban areas which required promotion or control, respective of the condition of urban sprawl in the given area. The third ensured systematic development of urban areas under public initiatives by establishing a development permission system. Since its promulgation in 1969, the City Planning Act has undergone partial revision most years, with major revisions taking place in 1992, which looked at subdividing further the districts and establishing a zoning system. In addition, the turn of the century saw the revision of the City Planning Act as a means to propagate decentralization in Japan. This revision included further authoritative independence of municipalities by means of abolishing the requirement for prefactural-government consent in planning decisions. All revisions promulgated since then have been in line with the Decentralizatio Reform of 2007, thus ensuring the power of sub-national and sub-prefactoral authorities12.

1.3. Today’s Urban Fabric 21st Century Tokyo has seen the increasing influence of Western society in its infrastructure, fashion and technology. However, it’s important to understand how Tokyo’s Urban Fabric is a palimpsest of modernity over layers of a long history of culture and tradition. Not only can this multitude of layers be seen in the architecture of the city, with the contrast of typical timber construction of the temples, alongside the experimental metabolist buildings, next to the modern skyscrapers and old narrow streets of food vendors - it can also be experienced in the systematic organization of the city, its residents and its exuberant innovative technology and fashion. However, before understanding the specific and complex urban fabric that is the City of Tokyo, it’s important to understand its wider geographical context. Japan was initially split into three prefactures during the Meji Restoration, one of them being -Fu , representing the urban prefacture, whereas -Ken was meant for the rural prefactures. In 1869 the Tokyo prefacture was referred to as Tokyo-Fu. However, when Tokyo was proclaimed a metropolis in 1943 when the City of Tokyo and Tokyo Prefacture merged, it was categorized as a -To, which stands for metropolis, making it the only -To in Japan.13 The Greater Tokyo Area, also known as the Tokyo Megalopolis, is made up of the Tokyo Prefacture and its three neighbouring prefactures, Chiba to the East, Saitama to the North, and Kanagawa to the South, with a population of 32 million people, 30% of Japan’s population. Tokyo Metropolis, the metropolitan prefacture, is itself split into 23 special wards (-Ku), 26 cities (-shi), 3 towns (-machi), and 1 village (-mura)14 (Fig.08). The overall area of the Tokyo Metropolis is of 2,191km2, which is the thirst smallest prefacture in Japan, is contrasted by the mass of residents, which amounts to 13.5 million people (according to 2016 estimates).15 Thus, Tokyo is the most dense prefacture in Japan. 12 “Chapter 1: Transition of Tokyo’s Urban Planning “ http://www.toshiseibi.metro.tokyo.jp/eng/pdf/index_01. pdf?1503 13 Miaschi, John. “The Prefectures of Japan.” WorldAtlas. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/theprefectures-of-japan.html (accessed October 31, 2019). 14 “TOKYO’S HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, AND POPULATION.” Tokyo Metropolitan Government: Geography of Tokyo. Accessed November 1, 2019. http://www.metro.tokyo.jp/ENGLISH/ABOUT/HISTORY/history02.htm. 15 Tokyo Population. (2019-10-29). Retrieved 2019-11-01, from http://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/ tokyo/

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Unlike European cities which are rarely destroyed by natural disasters, Tokyo is prone to seismic activity and has had its fair share of natural disasters tearing down its infrastructure and causing the city to re-build itself from ground up. The periodic reconstruction of the city has given it a hybrid nature in which buildings form the previous century are juxtaposed to modern skyscrapers, creating a tangible palimpsest of Tokyo’s history16. Furthermore, unlike the majority of European cities, Tokyo was never bordered by a boundary wall. Thus, the historic centre is not distinct from the modern infrastructure, which as a result has mushroomed throughout the city. However, Tokyo’s centre is punctured by a large space which is home to the Imperial Palace, a key landmark in positioning Tokyo’s historic centre17. In juxtaposition to this is a backdrop of 21st Century skyscrapers, built next to modernist tower blocks amongst masses of tourists from all over the world. It’s clear from this dichotomy of styles that Tokyo is made of a mismatch of decades without specific notice given to the correlation between that which is newly build and that which has remained 18. One reason for this mismatched design of the city’s infrastructure can be drawn from the temporary nature of Tokyo’s architecture, which is typically expected to have a life cycle of approximately 30 years, as it’s expected that it will either be torn down to be replaced, or a natural disaster will occur. However, many of Tokyo’s buildings have, since the lightweight timber structures of the Edo period, bulked up in terms of their structural composition, having to cater for seismic activity19 Furthermore, the street design can be seen as an overlay of periodic style layouts, dating as far back as the Edo period, and to this day being shifted in shape. In place of what used to be a regular street grid split into large blocks, similar to those of European cities like Paris or Barcelona, an overlay of inconsistent lots, of varying densities, sizes and shapes has been built up. Thus, the complex interweaving of main roads, side roads, building façades, stepped back buildings and unplanned angles has come into being20. In Tokyo’s urban fabric we can find three typologies of plots - regular plots, flag plots and polygonal plots. Furthermore, the arrangement of buildings within their plots is completely detached from one another, unlike many European cities, such as London or Paris21.(Fig.10)

16 Tardits, Manuel. Tokyo: Ritratto Di Una città. Bologna: Odoya, 2018, p.34. 17 ibid. 18 ibid, p. 179. 19 Tardits, Manuel. Tokyo: Ritratto Di Una città. Bologna: Odoya, 2018, p.178. 20 ibid. 21 ibid, p.180.

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Fig.10 - Graphic analysis of the City of Tokyo. - Source: Tardits, Manuel. Tokyo: Ritratto Di Una città. Bologna: Odoya, 2018. Edited: By Author

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DANCHI 団地

/Japanese public housing complex/

2. Diversity as a problem The aim of this chapter is to analyse the population’s age structure, with specific emphasis on the ageing population of Japan and their living conditions. It will look at unpacking the policies which have led to the elder cohorts of the population to live in the suburbs in what can best be described as ‘old people ghettos’, living in social housing structures called Danchi. Japan’s population is the fastest aging in the world, with one fifth of the population aged over 70. This proportion is expected to get larger as the fruit of the 60/70s baby boom ages and the generation to follow is drastically smaller in magnitude. The looming mass of people which will shortly no longer be of working age will leave a huge gap in the economy, which is of great concern to the government and the people of Japan.

Fig.12 - Tokyo Population Pyramid. Fig.11 - Graph showing average age over 100 years. Source: http://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/tokyo/. Source: http://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/ Edited: By Author tokyo/. Edited: By Author

2.1. Danchi in Tokyo The Pacific War saw the destruction of 300,000 homes in Tokyo, leaving masses of people homeless. The 1950s saw the establishment of the National Capital Construction Committee which promulgated the construction of social housing units in suburban Japan22. Satellite cities became havens for mushrooming tower blocks inspired by Le Corbusier’s Ville Radiueuse and Soviet suburban tower blocks, in an attempt to replicate low-cost engineering construction methods23. These are called Danchi. Danchi were primarily constructed between the 1950s and 1970s, at the height of modernity. Intended to represent Japan’s new identity in its post-war era, the Danchi were designed in a Western style, leaving behind the traditional timber frame 22 Sorensen, André. “Subcentres and Satellite Cities: Tokyos 20th Century Experience of Planned Polycentrism.” International Planning Studies 6, no. 1 (2001): 9–32. https://doi. org/10.1080/13563470120026505. 23 Brasor, Philip, and Masako Tsubuku. “Danchi Housing Lets You Think Outside the Usual Box.” The Japan Times. Accessed November 2, 2019. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2012/11/06/how-tos/ danchi-housing-lets-you-think-outside-the-usual-box/#.Xb3pTy-ZPOQ.

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construction methods and multi-generational Japanese homes. The inclusion of modern appliances in the designs expressed the nation’s efforts to become part of the post-war modern world24. The extremely high demand on behalf of the population to live in such modern apartments, contrasted by the inequivalent supply led to the set up of a lottery allotment system. The danchi were perceived as the height of a democratic housing system in which formed communities as masses of people were swarming to the cities in the peak of the industrial post-war period25. The architecture of these, as previously mentioned, was inspired by Western predecessors. Uniform concrete tower blocks of no more than 5 storeys contained numerous apartments of the same design. Compared to other apartments built in those times, they provided better lighting and cross-ventilation due to the fact that in most danchi there were no connecting walkways internally or externally. This meant that transparent windows could perforate both façades of the tower blocks, allowing for the aforementioned good light and cross-ventilation. The lack of walkways was countered by the presence of a stairwell in-between two columns of apartments. However, the down-side of this design is that danchi were designed without elevators, which may have not been a problem at a time when young families moved into the apartments, but has increasingly become an issue with Japan’s aging population and most specifically the aging population of those living in danchi.26 The Public Housing Act of 1951 ensured that 80% of households could be eligible for subsidised housing in Tokyo. This came as a result of the post-war mass homelessness which plagued Japan. However, the 1990s saw a shift in the Public Housing policy due to the disproportionate number of people demanding housing in comparison to the supply - in 1989, there were 35.5 applicants registered per unit of housing supplied27. The shift in housing policy in the 1990s saw the shift of the income cap on those applying for social housing subsidy in order to favour the increasing older generation and those most economically disadvantaged. Furthermore, in order

Fig.13 - Graph household demographics in Tokyo. Source: http:// worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/tokyo/. Edited: By Author

24 Brasor, Philip, and Masako Tsubuku. “Danchi Housing Lets You Think Outside the Usual Box.” The Japan Times. Accessed November 2, 2019. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2012/11/06/how-tos/danchihousing-lets-you-think-outside-the-usual-box/#.Xb3pTy-ZPOQ. 25 ibid. 26 ibid. 27 Kobayashi, Masahiro. “The Housing Market and Housing Policies in Japan.” SSRN Electronic Journal, March 2016. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2752868.

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to discourage people outside of the target social group (that being low-income people with housing problems), the interest rate on mortgages for apartments in danchi were raised28. Although the intention of this policy shift was to ensure a merit based system of allocating housing, its results have been a move away from family dwellings to twoperson or single person dwellings29. (Fig.13) With Tokyo’s growing old population, this has lead to the majority of danchi being home to old people, either living alone or with their partner. The following chapter will attempt at further explain this phenomenon by looking at a specific case of a danchi in Tama City, Tokyo, and how its social structure may be most simply defined as an elderly people’s ghetto30.

2.2. Danchi in Tama City Tama city is one of the 26 cities in the Tokyo Metropolis. It was set up as a ‘New Town’ in the mid-1900s, when the Tokyo was experiencing extreme growth and urban sprawl as part of the post-war boom, as a means to mitigate the masses of people migrating to the city. Designed with the purpose of a garden city, Tama hosts a loose urban fabric constructed of numerous danchi and unstructured road grid, as well as large infrastructure such as universities and shopping malls. Furthermore, the topography of the area creates picturesque views of the extent of Tokyo’s suburban areas - in great contrast to the urban fabric of the city centre. However peaceful the suburbs may be, the distance from the city centre has its negative impacts in terms of transport and services connections. This issue is of particular importance when looking at the age composition of the danchi in the area. A large portion of those living in danchi in Tokyo are aged 65 and older. This is especially true of the Toei Atago Complex, in Tama City. Set atop a steep hill, the extensive conglomerate of danchi is almost completely populated by elderly people, most of whom live with their partner or alone. The number of issues which arise from the social structure of this complex fosters the segregation of the old people from the rest of society, thus creating a pseudo-ghetto old age community. In order to understand the extent of the alienation of the residents of the area with regards to the rest of Tokyo it’s important to look at its physical urban context and the structures put in place, social and physical, which promote the segregation of old people in this community. About 30 minutes from Shinjuku train station, on the express Keio line, lies the 28 Ronald, Richard. How Changes in Housing Homes and Households are Reshaping Urban Japan.. Centre for Urban Studies, University of Amsterdam. March 2016. 29 ibid. 30 “How Tokyo’s Suburban Housing Became Vast Ghettoes for the Old.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, June 11, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/jun/11/how-tokyo-suburban-housingblocks-became-ghettoes-for-the-old.

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sprawling Toei Atago Complex, in Tama City. Spread over 5 blocks, the 1,698 units are part of a wider network of thousands of other similar developments all over Japan. This danchi is well known amongst the Japanese population due to its presence in a 1995 Studio Ghibli production, Whisper of the Heart, a romantic story of two young school students. However, the reality of this place is much contrasted to this portrayal of it31. Its young residents are almost inexistant, with 29.6% of its residents being 65 years or older, substantially higher than the 20.4% of the population in Tokyo’s Metropolis32. This number is expected to increase twice as fast as the Tokyo average, reaching 32.6% over the next decade. This number, however, is even higher in most other danchi, with roughly two thirds of those living in these social housing blocks over the age of 65, making these blocks glorified retirement homes33. Tama New Town was one of many satellite cities set up as part of the National Capital Regional Development Plan of 1958, which saw the proposal of green belts and satellite towns in the outskirts of large Japanese cities in order to mitigate the overcrowded and polluted conditions which plagued the inner cities. Thus, the liner city build on the framework of the road network was formed on the hills of Tama City at the end of the 60s34. Built on the ridge-like terrain spanning across the east/ west terrain, most of the Toei Atago Complex efficiently sits on the south slope of the Notrth-Western part of the city since in 197235. Although intended to be lived in for a limited period of time, a great number of the residents of the complex have been living there since its opening. Almost 50 years on, the infrastructure is crumbling, the services lacking and the quality decaying. Due to the laws passed in the 1990s to favour low-income, disabled and elderly citizens, the number of young people living in the complex is minimal. In addition to this, in order to avoid eviction of the older family members due to the income limit being surpassed, those of working age have ended up moving away from this area, to the city. This migration away from the suburbs has created a quasi-old age ghetto in a

Fig.14 - Photograph of old Japanese resident. Photographer: Lee Chapman.

31 “How Tokyo’s Suburban Housing Became Vast Ghettoes for the Old.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, June 11, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/jun/11/how-tokyo-suburban-housing-blocksbecame-ghettoes-for-the-old. 32 “Tokyo Population 2019.” Tokyo Population 2019 (Demographics, Maps, Graphs). Accessed November 4, 2019. http://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/tokyo-population/. 33 “How Tokyo’s Suburban Housing Became Vast Ghettoes for the Old.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, June 11, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/jun/11/how-tokyo-suburban-housing-blocksbecame-ghettoes-for-the-old. 34 Thesis: Postwar Residential New Towns in Japan: Constructing Modernism 35 “多摩ニュータウン団地図鑑.” 多摩ニュータウン団地図鑑 - FrontPage. Accessed November 4, 2019. http://tamant.s500.xrea.com/.

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Fig.15 - Graphic Urban Analysis of Atago, Tama City, Tokyo.

complex which was not designed for that purpose. The narrow, decaying stairways, lack of elevator and steep topographic nature of the site has made it extremely difficult for people with disabilities and of old age to take part in standard daily activities such as grocery shops and visiting the doctor. Furthermore, the lack of youth in the area has meant a subsequent lack of services. This has lead to people feeling trapped in their apartments for days at a time, often leaving to lonely deaths36. Tokyo’s economy is going to be facing extreme problems in the coming decade, with a growing old population and comparatively small working class generation taking their place, there is the threat of a massive gap in the job market. One of the ways in which the government is attempting to combat this is through the provision of enabling old people to still be part of the working class, as well as promoting the women’s education and labour force, which has only become bigger in more recent years. However, the generational working pool is too small to be able to support the whole economy. Thus, the government has to utilize alternative methods to be able to support the economy through the next few decades.

Fig.16 - Photograph of Atago Complex, Tama City.

36“How Tokyo’s Suburban Housing Became Vast Ghettoes for the Old.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, June 11, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/jun/11/how-tokyo-suburban-housing-blocksbecame-ghettoes-for-the-old.

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GAIJIN 外人

/alien/

3. Diversity as a resource This chapter’s aim is to propose Tokyo’s efforts of attracting foreign residents as a solution to the major gap in its labour market due to the problem of ageing population in contrast to the diminishing working class. It will focus on the presence of ethnic diversity within Tokyo and how its perceived as a positive factor in the economy. Specifically, it will look at the presence of ex-pats within the city of Tokyo, where they live and how these places may be regarded as foreigner ghettos. The analysis will go into further depth with regards to the are of Hiroo, in Shibuya, nicknamed the Gaijin ghetto by the locals due to its high concentration of foreign residents, as well as the government’s incentives to attract foreigners to the city. With a history of alienating and discriminating against foreigners in Japan, with the derogatory use of the word Gaijin, meaning alien or foreigner, the native people of the country will be experiencing an immense influx of foreign workers into the country, meaning they will need to adapt their relations with foreign people.

3.1. Gaijin in Japan Since the 1990s, the Japanese government has made a shift in its immigration policy, aware of the looming demographic gap that is going to cause extreme voids in the job market. With foreign tourism at its peak and the Tokyo 2020 Olymics around the corner, Japan is now more than ever in need of a bulky work force. However, with the rapidly ageing population and the demographic crunch which has been a number of decades in the making, the number of native Japanese able to work is quickly diminishing37. The labour gap can be clearly seen in 2018 statistics which show that for every 100 workers there are 160 jobs available, thus leaving 60 spaces unfilled. With current numbers showing that over 27% of Japanese population is over the age of 65, and with the number expected to hit a peak of 40% in 2050, the government has been looking at outsourcing to fill the gap in the labour market. In a country which has traditionally kept foreigners out, maintaining its tradition and culture, the Prime Minister made the controversial decision to pass a law which

Fig.17 - Graph showing Foreign National Labour Force in Japan.

37 Lufkin, Bryan. “More Seniors, More Foreigners: How Japan Is Changing.” BBC Worklife. BBC, December 11, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20181210-more-seniors-more-foreigners-how-japan-israpidly-changing.

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would aim to allow over 300,000 blue-collar workers into the country over the next five years, across 14 sectors of the economy38. Due to the increasing tourism in Japan, the number of English speaking workers required is also increasing. In addition to this, workers in the agriculture and construction fields are also needed, due to a lack of native Japanese wanting to do these jobs. This gap in the market used to be filled by the tradition of “technical intern programs” whereby young graduates would work for three to five years at extremely low wages, or even unpaid, in order to gain experience. However, with increased concern for the low working conditions and tendency of exploitation, the programmes have mostly ceased, leaving a void in the labour market39.

Fig.18 - Graph showing ratio of Job availability to available workers.

With vast differences in language and culture, the native Japanese residents have traditionally been largely opposed to assimilating with foreign workers, concerned about their intentions with regards to stealing their jobs. However, most recently, it has become more clear that rather than taking jobs which local residents would be doing, they are taking a place in the industries which are otherwise experiencing job shortages40. Thus, the government sees the influx of foreign workers as an asset, in order to ensure the filling up of the job market. 1st April 2019 saw the creation of the “Specified Skill Visa” which provide relaxations in terms of previous protocols necessary to enter the country: Type 1 Visa

Foreigners with Japanese language proficiency and industry specified skills can apply for this 5 years visa. This work visa type will allow international workers to work in 14 sectors of a middle and lower level of labour skilled jobs. The applicants of this visa type will have to pass a Japanese language test and technical exams. This Visa will be awarded at first for five years [...] and workers will not be able to bring their family members with 41.

Type 2 Visa

Workers staying on visa type 1 can apply for visa type 2 (starting in 2021) if they have acquired higher 38 Lufkin, Bryan. “More Seniors, More Foreigners: How Japan Is Changing.” BBC Worklife. BBC, December 11, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20181210-more-seniors-more-foreigners-how-japan-is-rapidlychanging. 39 ibid. 40 “Record 1.46 Million Foreign Workers in Japan.” nippon.com, March 6, 2019. https://www.nippon.com/en/ japan-data/h00382/record-1-46-million-foreign-workers-in-japan.html. 41 Admin. “JAPAN NEW WORK VISA POLICY 2019.” VISA GURU, October 20, 2019. https://visa-guru.com/ japan-new-work-visa-policy-2019/.

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levels of specialization in their fields. Currently, applicants can only apply for 2 streams, construction, and shipbuilding. It allows visa holders to bring their family members with them and also allows the unlimited visa renewals and could possibly allow them to apply later on for permanent residency too. [...] Candidates do not need to show the language proficiency tests, instead, will be tested in an exam against their skills 42.

Noting the specific requirements set out by the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, it is clear to see that immigrants into Japan are to be able to bring specialized skills into the country, or to be able to assimilate to Japanese culture and environment seamlessly by having a minimal pro-efficiency in the language. Although the government has been making efforts to bring in more foreign workers, the existing working environment, rules and cultural heritage may mean that the country isn’t ready for the mass influx of foreign people that it requires. In order to understand the circumstances in which foreign people live in Japan it’s important to understand the conditions at the micro scale, by looking more specifically at cities and their dynamics.

3.2. Gaijin in Tokyo

Fig.19 - Graph showing increase in Foreign nationals residing in Tokyo

Fig.20 - Graph showing number and percentage of Foreign nationals residing in each of Tokyo’s 23 special wards.

Tokyo is home to the greatest concentration of foreign nationals in Japan, hosting 21% of overall foreigners in the country. Of these, almost 85% live in Tokyo’s 23 main wards. It’s easy to imagine the reason for this, seeing as tourism is mainly focused in these areas, meaning that they are by nature more foreigner friendly in terms of language and infrastructure. The post-war years saw Japan looking to tighten its international relations. This can be seen with Japan’s move to join the United Nations in 1956 and hosting the Olympic Games in 1964. It’s thus evident that with greater international relations came more need for embassies and subsequently foreign nationals to work there. Japan now has 152 diplomatic missions, all of which are in the City of Tokyo43. 42 Admin. “JAPAN NEW WORK VISA POLICY 2019.” VISA GURU, October 20, 2019. https://visa-guru.com/ japan-new-work-visa-policy-2019/. 43 “Foreign Missions in Japan.” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Accessed November 4, 2019. https:// www.mofa.go.jp/about/emb_cons/protocol/index.html.

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The majority of these consular offices are in the most central regions of Tokyo, namely: Minato, Chiyoda, Shinjuku and Shibuya wards. Looking at Fig.20 which represents the percentage of the population in each Tokyo’s 23 wards, it’s notable that the concentration of foreign nationals in these 4 wards is high in comparison to the majority of others. This is due to the initial move to these areas of the consular officers with their families, in order to live nearby their place of work. This evidently raised demand for international shops, schools and services in the area. As a consequence of the greater concentration of international amenities in these areas, foreign nationals who subsequently moved to Tokyo would conglomerate in these areas in order to make communication and daily living easier. This has resulted in areas of high concentration of not only foreign nationals, but further shops and schools, creating pseudo-ghettos of foreign nationals within the city of Tokyo. The most notorious of these is Hiroo, in the Shibuya ward, which has been nicknamed the Gaijin ghetto of Tokyo44.

3.3. Gaijin in Hiroo

Fig.21 Map showing areas with most concentration of feoreign nationals. Source: https://www. realestate-tokyo.com/area-guide/ - map showing best foreign friendly areas to live in Tokyo.

Home to Imperial and samurai families after the Meji Restoration, Hiroo has become one of the most upper class residential areas in Tokyo. Due to its geographic location within the city, having good access to Yokohama (the old landing port), the higher altitude meaning less humidity and its existing large infrastructure, foreign countries saw this place fit to set up their consulates. Furthermore, the safety aspect that comes with establishing legations close to each other became a pulling factor for later consulates to move to the area as well45. Hiroo is nestled between the bustling night-life and business district of Shibuya and Roppongi, yet still offers peaceful green spaces and hilltop views, ideal for upper class families moving to Tokyo. Furthermore, its streets are lined with trendy coffee shops and restaurants, a clear consequence of gentrification due to the high demand of international friendly shops46. In addition to these, a wide range of international 44 “Moving to Tokyo.” Expat Arrivals. Accessed November 4, 2019. http://www.expatarrivals.com/asia-pacific/ japan/tokyo/moving-tokyo. 45 Plaza Homes Ltd. “History of Hiroo – The Town of Embassies.” PLAZA HOMES. Accessed November 4, 2019. https://www.realestate-tokyo.com/living-in-tokyo/around-tokyo/history-of-hiroo/. 46 Plaza Homes Ltd. “History of Hiroo – The Town of Embassies.” PLAZA HOMES. Accessed November 4, 2019. https://www.realestate-tokyo.com/living-in-tokyo/around-tokyo/history-of-hiroo/.

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services is present in the area. These include international schools and preschools, English bilingual hospitals, including the Japan Red Cross Medical Center, and international grocery store, providing a variety of non-Japanese products, reminiscent of the foreign nationals’ home countries. The architecture of the area is varied, with low rise luxurious apartments and detached houses, as well as large condominiums such as Hiroo Garden Hills. Regardless, due to the strategic location and international and high end environment of the area, the housing provided in Hiroo is mostly tailored towards a wealthy foreign market47. Public transport in the area consists of two options - the first is the Tokyo Metro Hibiya Line, which can be taken from the Hiroo Starion, on the eastern edge of Hiroo. The second option is departing from the Ebisu Station, on the southwest of Hiroo. This connects to the JR Sakyo, Shonan-Shinjuku and Yamanote Lines, as well as the aforementioned Tokyo Metro Hibiya Line. The most historical and important of these rail networks is the Yamanote line. This is the rail line that loops around the central 9 wards of Tokyo and demarcates the more expensive, highend inner circle from the less expensive outer area of Tokyo. This line connects directly to well known, tourist areas such as Akihabara, capital of all things anime and manga, Tokyo Station, departure point for the nation’s shinkansen network (bullet train), Yurakucho and Shimbashi, heart of the business district, Shinjuku, home to the Tokyo Metropolitan Government Building complex and culturally rich Golden Gai, to name a few48.

Fig.22. Graphic Urban Analysis of Hiroo, Shibuya, Tokyo

47 Plaza Homes Ltd. “What Makes Hiroo a Great Place for Expats?” PLAZA HOMES. Accessed November 4, 2019. https://www.realestate-tokyo.com/living-in-tokyo/around-tokyo/hiroo-great-for-expats/. 48 Milner, Rebecca. “Touring Tokyo on the Yamanote Line.” Lonely Planet, April 30, 2018. https://www. lonelyplanet.com/articles/seeing-tokyo-along-the-yamanote-line.

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4. Conclusion It seems appropriate to conclude that Tokyo is a city of opposing polarities. On the one hand, the issue of the ageing population, one which has to do with internal generational concerns and trends which have come about because of Japan’s history. On the other, is the influx of foreign nationals, willing to fill the gap being left by the native historical events. Tokyo’s government, aware of the looming crunch in the job market due to the inordinate proportion of the population being over the age of 65, and thus, not able to contribute as part of the working force, has been making moves towards limiting the extent of its impact on the economy. In addition to this, with a growing old population, Tokyo needs to be ready to take care of the next generation by ensuring adequate living conditions, health infrastructures and other services. As seen in the analysis of Tama City, a large portion of old people is currently living alone in dire conditions in danchi, unable to take part in daily activities and rarely visited by family members. Because of this, a far too large number of old people have been dying alone in their apartment and not found for days. This, due to the policy passed by the government in the 1990s to limit those who are eligible for monetary funding for social housing, has meant that a far too large number of old people in Tokyo live in segregated communities in the suburbs, in what can only be described as old age ghettos. In light of this situation, the effect that the gap in the generational pool is going to have in the job market, and the disproportionately large number of old people in society looming, Tokyo’s government decision to alter the Visa requirements for foreign nationals is definitely a move in the right direction. Not only will the influx of working class people be able to fill the gap in the market, but because of the specific requirements set out in order to obtain a Visa, only people of high skilled work capabilities or blue collar workers who speak Japanese will be able to move to Tokyo. Although a controversial move in terms of public opinion, due to the concern for how foreign nationals are able to abide by the unspoken rules of Japanese society and the worry that ‘immigrants will steal our jobs’, statistics have shown that the majority of the foreign labour force that is coming into Japan is mainly filling the gaps that have been left by the lack of job seeking natives in relation to the number of jobs available. Japan has typically been a homogeneous country, emphasised by the Sakoku isolation period as well as by the rigid and historical cultural structure which is extremely unique to the country. Thus, it’s reasonable to come to the conclusion that foreign nationals who live in Tokyo tend to congregate in areas with a high concentration of international friendly infrastructure, shops and schools. Due to the nature of the wealth and skill required in order to be able to gain a Visa in Japan, it’s evident why the areas which are mostly inhabited by foreign nationals are the more luxurious, in the upper city. In addition to this, Hiroo’s concentration of international embassies has been an enormous pulling factor in terms foreign nationals moving to the area, creating the locally renowned Gaijin ghetto. In conclusion, due to the socio-political factors which have affected the presence of the above mentioned demographic groups, the physical manifestation of them has resulted in two very different typologies of ghettos. The one, a run down, 50 year old complex in Tokyo’s suburbs, where native Japanese of an old age live a dire last few years of their lives whilst creating a mass gap in the job market. The other, an upmarket, luxurious area in central Tokyo, reliant for bringing large amount of capital and jobs in order to .xxviii

help support the economy, and within that, the people of the older generation that are no longer able to work. Both of these ghettos are extreme cases of segregation amongst a demographic group, and both have their issues in terms of creating a society in which diversity is not seen as only an asset or an issue, but rather as being naturally interlaced within the urban fabric of Tokyo.

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