Up-rising! Istanbul

UP-RISING! ISTANBUL 2030 SCENARIO on density / accessibility / permeability

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UP-RISING! ISTANBUL 2030 SCENARIO on density / accessibility / permeability

IUAV University of Venice Master in ‘Sustainability and Landscape’ Academic year 2016-2017 Graduand: Francesco Caratti Supervisor: Prof. Lorenzo Fabian Assistants supervisor: Prof. Luca Velo Arch. Giacomo Magnabosco

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ABSTRACT

This thesis focuses on the future development of the metropolitan area of Istanbul, in light of the estimates that put its population at 20 millions by 2030 (Euromonitor International, 2013). In addressing the spatial implications of this unprecedented demographic growth, an alternative evolutionary scenario will be drawn, by making use of the three foundational factors identified by the New Urban Question: social inequality, environment, and mobility.

This scenario will thereby delineate a more sustainable Istanbul, wherein an accessible, porous, and permeable urban fabric (Secchi, Viganò, 2011) is key to an inward and wellbalanced expansion, a more conscious exploitation of the recourses is promoted, and land consumption is significantly reduced.

Furthermore, it will describe a targeted and non-invasive process of densification, which, being tailored on the spatial availability of the different urban fabrics, allows for a grater degree of adaptation to the prospective demographic trends, and provides a concrete response to the ever-growing housing demand.

The thought trajectory of this thesis will touch upon, firstly, an analytical section that focuses on the examination of the peculiar urban structure of Istanbul, and, secondly, an operative planning part, wherein issues and potentialities will be simultaneously taken into consideration. A set of urban regeneration strategies will be thereby constructed, which are specific in relation to the individual urban fabric as well as its socioeconomic context.

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Contents

ABSTRACT

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01 / INTRODUCTION

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Istanbul in 2030

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Shrinking cities vs Fast growth cities

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The development of the Fast growth cities

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Comparisons between Fast growth cities

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02 / URBAN DEVELOPMENT

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Urban development

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Urban growth paradigm based on the introduction of a set of mega infrastructures

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Current trends scenario

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Inception and development of the informal city and the gated communities

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Gecekondu_the city of the poor

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Gated community_the city of the rich

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03 / NEW URBAN QUESTION ISTANBUL

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New Urban Question

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Map New Mediterranean Question

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N.U.Q.(I). Mobility

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N.U.Q.(I). Environment

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N.U.Q.(I). Social inequalities

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Fields of action

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Alternative scenario_2030

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04_ URBAN FABRICS

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Urban fabrics

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Map_ main urban fabrics of Istanbul

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Analysis of the urban fabrics

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The potentialities of the urban fabrics

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Twentieth-century fabric

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Gated communities

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Informal fabric

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05_ GECEKONDU DISTRICT_NORTHERN UMRANIYE AS A CASE STUDY

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Gecekondu district_northern Umraniye as a case study

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Augmented accessibility

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Green network

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Top-down densification

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Bottom-up densification

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Inward densification

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Fabric regeneration

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Vision of gecekondus fabric by 2030

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FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

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Bibliography

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01 / INTRODUCTION

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Istanbul in 2030 In the next fifteen years, Istanbul is expected to face a dramatic rise in population, which will grow from approximately 14 millions in 2015 to roughly 30 millions in 2030. Traffic congestions will reach even more striking peaks. The number of existing cars, which is now 3 millions, will quadruple, further impacting on a road system that is almost exclusively apt to support wheeled vehicles.

The environmental resources, already used at full capacity, will be increasingly stressed by the uncontrolled expansion the city, which, in turn, will necessarily lead to the phenomena of land consumption, reduction of forests and farmlands, and pollution of the water basins. Moreover, the divide between rich and poor citizens will continuously widen, and the informal city will be gradually overwritten, in order to make room for the construction of imposingly luxurious residential complexes. The notion of gated community, which, today, is broadly seen as the ideal residential model, will guide the housing market to meet the demand of the upper middle class. With regard to this scenario, which, in less than 15 years, will encompass the totality of Istanbul, I decided to take on two specific questions that would productively guide my research: - Is Istanbul able to grow inwardly, so that not to further impoverish the available resources and consume new land?

- Can densification become a useful tool for the regeneration of the pre-existing urban fabrics?

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in the next page: construction site of the new highway source - reclaimistanbul.com

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Shrinking cities vs Fast growth cities In this section of the thesis, Istanbul will be understood in relation to a global scale, in order to draw comparisons with other metropolises, and conclusions on its prospective growth in size and population.

Thus, two opposite phenomena can be observed, which fundamentally characterize the majority of the cities in the 21st century of standardized globalization, and involve respectively the growth and the decline in the population size: the Fast growth cities, namely metropolises that are affected by a sudden and dramatic demographic rise, and the Shrinking cities (Wolfgang Kil, 2006), which are those subject to an evident population decrease.

Most often, the reasons for these opposite trends are to be traced back to the economic field, and might vary depending on the different urban contexts.

The following map compares Fast Growth and Shrinking Cities, and shows that the former category is mostly distributed across the developing countries (with particularly high concentration in the Sino-Indian area), whereas the latter can be typically found in the most industrialized ones.

It is critical to discern which category a given city belongs to, since both demographic growth and decline are fundamental factors decisively influencing the development of the city itself (Burdett, 2006).

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shrinking cities population loss 10 - 24% 24 - 49% 50 - 74% 75 - 100%

fast growth cities population (million) 13 - 15 16 - 20 21 - 37

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The development of the fast growth cities Fast growth cities can be classified on the basis on the different periods when this very growth occurred. In addition to a geographical characterization, the following map also provides a detailed temporal framework. It thereby suggests that the demographic rise of cities such as London and New York, once the world’s most populated, has progressively stabilized since the ‘50s, and is now proceeding at an essentially constant rate.

Some other metropolises, such as Mexico City and San Paulo, have recently experienced a population explosion, and yet their demographic features are predicted to stay essentially stable in the years to come. Conversely, there remain a number of cities that are currently subject to a significantly rapid growth, and which, were the predicted trends to be confirmed, would develop in megalopolises with 20 to 30 millions inhabitants over course of the next 15 to 20 years.

Moreover, Fast Growth Cities that are not surrounded by substantial physicalmorphological barriers (such as seas or mountain chains) are able to spread horizontally via land consumption. It is quite common for the discourse around urban planning to be outpaced by the expansion rate of these metropolises. Thus, the first consequence in terms of city management is the loss of value and efficiency of the urban master plans, which thereby become flawed tools, no longer apt to control the development of a city.

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demographic growth expected population by 2030 population in 2005 population in 1950

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COMPARISONS BETWEEN FAST GROWTH CITIES Mexico City

Sao Paolo

20 km 16’000’000

2’000

15’000’000

8’100

Lagos

6’800

2’300

Jakarta

20’000’000 14’000’000

950

1’500 17’100

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16’100

Istanbul

10 km

Population

1990 2015 2030

8’000’000 12’000’000 19’000’000

population

2030 2005 1950

Surface (Km )

1990 2015 2030

1’050 1’521 2’000

Density (inha/Km2)

1990 2015 2030

7’000 7’400 8’100

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surface

density

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02 / URBAN DEVELOPMENT

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URBAN DEVELOPMENT

This chapter will focus on the modalities through which Istanbul has developed historically, in terms of both demographics and urban sprawl. A series of infrastructural and transformative projects will be described, which, while affecting the future configuration of the city in the next 1020 years, are currently listed in no urban development agenda, as the most recent plan for the city of Istanbul dates back to 2007. This condition, namely the lack of a master plan controlling the process of urban development, is commonly shared by several Fast Growth Cities, and epitomize how the tools of urban planning, an their evolution, are not fast enough to match the rapid progress of these demographic phenomena.

In the tendential, current trends scenario herewith portrayed, current projects and predictive data determine the evolutionary path Istanbul would potentially undertake, were it to evolve according to the same modalities that have characterized its growth in the past seventy years.

In a later phase, the attention is directed towards two factors that have fundamentally shaped the rapid development of Istanbul, namely the informal city, which will be investigated, specifically, with regard to its past developments, and the gated communities, which will be analyzed on the basis of their current and prospective potentialities.

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2016 pop. 14’000’000 Republican period (1950-70) pop. 2’000’000 Republican period (1920-50) pop. 980’000 Ottoman period (19th cent.) pop. 870’000 Ottoman period (15th-18th cent.) pop. 600’000 Byzantine period pop. 200’000

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30 km

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URBAN GROWTH PARADIGM BASED ON THE INTRODUCTION OF A SET OF MEGA INFRASTRUCTURES population 1 mln

3 mln

5 mln

7 mln

9 mln

11 mln

13 mln

15 mln

1910

1923

foundation of the Turkish Republic

1940

1950

birth of the informal settlement

1960

1973 1980 1985

first bridge on the Bosphorus first gated communities second bridge on the Bosphorus

2000

2007 2011

years

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last master plan of the city announcement of new ‘mega’ projects

which impact will the city have with these new infrastructure projects

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1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

2020

2030

birth of the informal settlement first bridge on the Bosphorus second bridge on the Bosphorus first gated communities last master plan of the city announcement of new projects third bridge on the Bosphorus new highway third airport new cities canal Istanbul urban transformations

third bridge Concluded in 2016, this bridge was much criticized with regard to its actual efficiency. According to many field specialized observers, it will worsen the traffic related issues to traffic rather than solving them.

third airport Sill under construction, it will be the biggest airport in the world, with an annual capacity of 200millions passengers.

London Heathrow airport has a capacity of 72 millions passengers a year.

new cities Two new cities, with 1 million people each, will be built on the new northern infrastructural axis. One will be locate on the European side, the other on the Anatolian side. They will ease Istanbul’s population problem

new highway Still under construction, this construction will be 164 km wide and will extend across the 49000 acres surface, which is now occupied by the Belgrad forest. It will develop on the northern axis of the city and cross the third Bosporus bridge.

canal Istanbul Not yet under construction due to numerous concerns regarding its environmental impact, it will be a new canal paralleling the Bosporus, which will extend from the Marmara Sea to the Black Sea. It will be 50km long, 150 to 200m wide, and 25m deep.

urban transformations These transformations consist in a set a projects that aim to provide a favorable situation for foreign investors, and tend to privatize the public land in a rather Dubaish fashion.

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Current trends scenario The following map combines the new infrastructural projects with data referring to the expected demographic growth. As the aforementioned diagrams show, Istanbul’s population was approximately one millions inhabitants in the ‘50s. Today the city counts 14 millions of them. This rapid growth, which is as much demographic as spatial, was partly determined by the construction of two big infrastructures, namely the first (1973), and the second (1988) Bosporus Bridge, alongside with their respective motorway networks.

In the light of past data, 2030 current trends scenario identifies the areas where future extensions and developments are more likely to occur, specifically with regard to those surrounding the infrastructural projects that are being already designed.

Especially relevant are the new northern infrastructural route, in which the third Bosporus Bridge and its own dedicated highway will be included, a third airport, and two newborn cities.

With regard to these territorial transformations, what’s especially worrisome is the complete unpredictability of their consequences and impacts on the environment, the transportation system, and the socio-economic relations, since these new infrastructures are themselves not part of any urban development master plan.

Furthermore, an estimated scenario of 2050 is proposed, wherein the prospective expansion of the city is described on the basis of the current trends, thereby manifesting that there is no limit to land consumption in such a fast growing city.

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planned road network existing road network trends scenario by 2050 trends scenario by 2030 urbanized

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INCEPTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INFORMAL CITY AND THE GATED COMMUNITIES 1940

Industrialization

1950

First migration 1st generation gecekondu

1960

Consolidation and first bridge on the Bosphorus

1970

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1980

Second migration Seconda migrazione Gecekondu 2nd generation 2°generazione gecekondu

1990

Consolidamento Consolidation and e nascita first delle gated prime communities gated community

2010

Situazione Current situation attuale

2016

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Gecekondu_the city of the poor In the ‘50s, the main factor leading to the sudden demographic and spatial growth of Istanbul was the informal city. At the beginning of the decade, there took place a first wave of migrations, whereby thousands people moved out from both the countryside and the nearby cities, attracted by the growing number of job opportunities in Istanbul’s manufacturing sector.

Since the state government was not able to provide them with a concerted system of accommodations, these workers spontaneously built their own gecekondu (that translates as “house built in one night”), by seizing a series of interstitial areas located across the urban margins, areas that were conveniently close to the industrial districts and devoid of any infrastructure or public space (Karpat, 1976).

However, in the 70’s, when the second wave of migrations took place, the private housing market had learned its lesson and was fully ready to accommodate the new residential demand. The drive for speculative investments thereby generated a lucrative and yet thoroughly illegal parceling plan, which, via the construction of an essential roadway network, subdivided much of the suburban area in profitably sellable lots.

An effective process of legalization of the gecekondus occurred only in the ‘90’s. In grasping the quantitative significance of this so-called informal city, it is sufficient to consider that its population skyrocketed from 240,000 in 1960 to approximately 6 millions in 1997 (Hurriyet, 1997), and that its territory currently occupies as much as the 60% of the urban fabric.

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in the next page: scheme - two phases of the origin and development of the informal city

FIRST MIGRATION

SECOND MIGRATION

first informal units

subdivision

primary infrastructure

land occupation

consolidation

consolidation

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Gated community_the city of the rich Today’s Istanbul has been growing thanks to an orchestrated set of operations, which are directed towards the substitution of the informal city, and culminate in the progressive removal of its cultural identity. This process originated in the ‘80s, when the first gated communities developed, as a result of globalization and neoliberal socio-economic policies. Taking queue from the Northern American system of repartition, these gated communities are sold as a comprehensive packages that capitalize on the ideas of happiness, satisfaction, elitism, and safety, by offering single-family housing units that are provided with gardens, pools, golf courses, schools, privatized urban services and surveillance.

In truth, these communities represent the exact opposite of the traditional districts of Istanbul, wherein citizens of the most disparate social classes used to share the same space. Moreover, due to the extensive media coverage, architects were forced to accommodate the growing demand for enclosed and protected districts, thereby heavily impacting on the urban fabric of the city. Hence, quite often, gated communities are located in the green areas of the city, which should be, instead, dutifully safeguarded.

Furthermore, these communities are multiplying and spreading at ever-increasing rates, so that they now embody an ideal housing model, meeting the requirements of heterogeneous segments of population spanning both the middle-class and the urban elite (Baycan and Gülümser, 2007).

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in the next page: scheme - gated community typologies in Istanbul

GATED COMMUNITY TYPOLOGIES gated tower unit type:

high-rise building residence

profile target:

urban elites

location:

central business district

security level:

very high

6%

gated apartment block unit type:

flats

profile target:

middle class

location:

inner - outer city

security level:

middle

37 %

gated towns unit type:

any type

profile target:

mixed type

location:

periphery

security level:

high

44 %

gated villa towns unit type:

single unit dwelling

profile target:

upper class

location:

periphery

security level:

very hight

13 %

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03 / NEW URBAN QUESTION (ISTANBUL)

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NEW URBAN QUESTION

The three factors Bernardo Secchi identified as foundational in the New Urban Question, namely the growing social inequality, the increasingly endangered environment, and mobility (understood as the equally distributed access to the city), pose a set of questions that are relevant to the entirety of the Mediterranean area. These factors can constitute a “New Mediterranean Question”, which is delineated in the following map.

It appears clear that Istanbul is a chiefly central component in this analytical discourse, which, more broadly, can be applied to any of the urban metropolises affected by a rapidly evolving process of growth.

Looking through the lens of a sustainable urban development, an alternative scenario for the Turkish capital is proposed, in opposition to that which is envisioned by the predictions based on the confirmation of the current trends. In this scenario, the city has stopped consuming land and resources in an uncontrollable manner; instead, it grows inwardly via the optimization of the numerous idle spaces and the creation of a porous urban fabric; the existing infrastructures are improved, favoring a kind of mobility that is accessible to everyone; densification is reached on the basis of residential demand, only where the least dense fabrics allows for it, thereby laying the grounds for a concrete process of urban regeneration.

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in the following pages: map - ‘New Mediterranean Question’ in the next page: quotation - Bernardo Secchi from ‘La città dei ricchi e la città dei poveri’

« The metropolises developed in different periods, and are dissimilar from each other, despite being concomitant. But, with all probability [...] they will have to face, in the near future, similar problems, which, as a whole, will constitute the ‘new urban question’.

Social inequalities, and the fact that they give place to manifest forms of spatial injustice, together with the consequences of climate change and the problems related to an understanding of mobility as being part of the rights of the citizen, represent one of the most relevant aspects of it. »

Bernardo Secchi 36

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N.U.Q.(I). Mobility The first factor identified in New Urban Question is mobility, understood in terms of free access to the city for everyone.

Istanbul is one of the most congested cities in the world, where, on average, citizens spend 30 minutes a day stuck in the traffic, which is equivalent, annually, to 125 hours (TomTom, 2015). The intervals between 7am and 11am, and between 4pm and 10pm are the most overloaded. The system of public transportation is flawed.

Buses, which run on the same congested roadway network as cars, are not a reliable alternative to them. Moreover, railed vehicles cover only a small percentage of the city territory, and that results in a very limited access for those living in the suburbs, who generally cannot afford their own car. The subway system, in the last years, is being implemented; however, the development of wheeled and railed links is not proceeding at the same pace, as the slowing down of the new infrastructural projects, such as the third bridge on the Bosporus and its dedicated motorway, clearly shows (Gerรงek, 2011).

Thus, this public transportation system, which is not even able to meet the ferry routes necessities of the current population, strade strade infrastruttura trasporto tratte rails transport will be increasinglysecondarie ill-suitedprimarie to faceautostrade the in progetto su rotaia ferry complexities brought about by the dramatic strade strade autostrade infrastruttura trasporto tratte planned infrastructures secondarie in progetto su rotaia ferry demographic growth predicted forprimarie the strade strade autostrade infrastrutturahighways trasporto tratte years to come, and which, necessarily, secondariewill primarie in progetto su rotaia ferry intensify the demand for a more accessiblestrade strade autostrade infrastruttura tratte primary roads trasporto secondarie primarie in progetto su rotaia ferry city, sustained by a more efficient public strade strade autostrade infrastruttura trasporto secondary roads network of public transports. secondarie primarie in progetto su rotaia strade secondarie

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strade primarie

autostrade

infrastruttura in progetto

tratte ferry trasporto su rotaia

tra fe

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30 km

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N.U.Q.(I). Environment The second factor concerns the environment, and how the process of sprawl constantly affects it. One of the most fundamental issues, unquestionably, is the pollution of the areas surrounding the drinking water basins, which, under the pressure of socio-economic factors, have been illegally reassigned to either residential or industrial functions, and are thereby subject to contamination and degradation.

This process led Istanbul to increasingly rely on the water supply of the nearby cities (Bekiroglu and Eker, 2010).

Another worrisome issue is the significant reduction of the cultivated areas, as a consequence of the rapid urban expansion.

In the last 10 years, farmlands dropped in number by 15% (Istanbul Metropolitan Planning Report, 2005).

In this context, meeting the ever-growing alimentary demand becomes a complex issue, whose solution requires a sustainable and responsible implementation of the local resources, which is able to do away with the current significant reliance on importation.

There it remains extremely relevant the issue concerning the natural areas such as the forest of Belgrad (located in the northern part of the city), constantly under threat and dramatically downsized by both the current sprawl and by lakes the development of the future mega-projects. water network terreno terreni rete laghi Not only does this forest represent theboschi/ last urbanizzato riserve agricoli idrica green lung in the city, holding in check the terreno boschi/ terreni rete agricultural laghiland agricoli idrica ecological balance of the city, but iturbanizzato also has riserve central role in the safeguarding of the water terreno boschi/ terreni forestsrete laghi urbanizzato riserve agricoli idrica basins, the protection of biodiversity, and the urbanized terreno boschi/ terreni rete overall natural system that is at risk. urbanizzato riserve agricoli idrica terreno urbanizzato

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boschi/ riserve

terreni agricoli

laghi rete idrica

laghi

0

10

30 km

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N.U.Q.(I). Social inequalities The last factor of the New Urban Question deals is social inequality.

In the map, it is clearly shown that gecekondu’ fabric stands for the majority of the urban surface, namely 60%.

In the past 10 years, these informal residential settlements have been subject to a series of orchestrated interventions, and gradually replaced by the gated communities, with inevitable, devastating consequences on the cultural identity defining the gecekondu settlements.

Not only are the gated communities replacing the informal city, but they are also been recklessly developed within the protected natural areas, threatening the existence of that which is left of the Belgrad forest.

Gated communities are ideal residential models that have been topping the real estate market in the last few years. Once exclusively reserved to the elites, they have additionally extended their reach over the upper middle class. At the same time, there remains a disarmingly blank space in the policies concerning social housing, as a result of which lower income citizens are forced to leave the central areas, and move to the high-density blocks, located at the city margins.

It appears clear that the social gap has widened over the course of the past years, and that it will be ever-increasingly so, given the widespread absence of interest in policies tackling this process.

gecekondu settlements tessuto urbano

gated comunities tessuto urbano

gecekondu gated communities gated gecekondu urbanized comunities

tessuto urbano

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gated comunities

gecekondu

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30 km

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Fields of action The three maps proposed above show how the factors of the New Urban Question manifest the most significant complexities Istanbul is faced with, which are to be tackled in order to foster a sustainable development of its territory.

The diagram indicates the main fields that are necessary to act upon, in order to foster a set of direct improvements to the quality of life of the citizens, as well a better employment of the resources the city depends on.

With regard to the topic of mobility, it is fundamental concentrate on the existing roadway network, implementing, specifically, the number of tramway lines, expanding the sidewalks, and creating a cycle network that is able to provide citizens with a concrete alternative to the current means for travelling across the city.

In analyzing the environmental factor, instead, the focus is to be shifted on tackling the widespread scarcity of natural public spaces, by repurposing abandoned urban areas (residual areas) via the creation of a set of new structures, apt to be openly and publicly utilized.

Finally, in order to provide a fruitful response to the predicted demographic growth, and to do away with further land consumption, it is crucial to focus on the least dense urban environments, which make up the 60% of the city, by dint of a set of soft interventions that are simultaneously able to densify the urban fabric and consistent with its pre-existing identity.

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in the next page: diagram - fields of action

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Alternative scenario_2030 This scenario depicts a potential and sustainable process of growth, in stark opposition to the one envisioned by the predictions confirming the current trends, according to which the city will be subject to an unrestrictedly impoverishing growth.

In this alternative scenario, the city reduces soil consumption and grows inwardly; natural resources, such as the water basins, are protected and preserved by a set of buffer zones; the Berlgrad forest is freed from the effects of sprawl, thereby returning to its fundamental role of main ecological system. Moreover, a porous and permeable system is introduced, which significantly improves the environmental quality of the city by optimizing abandoned areas and including a large number of green zones.

While the road network remains unchanged in size, the railed public transports are implemented and cycle networks are built, as part of an open system that makes the city accessible to everyone.

Finally, urban densification is sustainably fostered, thanks to soft operations of infill and superfetation that are consistent with local identities, and yet thoroughly apt to accommodate the growing residential demand predicted for the years to come.

buffer zones

forest agricultural land urbanized

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increased porosity widespread mobility

protection and increase of forests

land consumption control

densification

0

10

30 km

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04 / URBAN FABRICS

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URBAN FABRICS

This chapter is dedicated to the urban grain composing the city of Istanbul, and the observation of the different impacts that the factors of the New Urban Question have on the urban fabrics.

Four main typologies of urban fabrics thereby analyzed: the historical, the nineteenth century one, the informal and that of the gated communities. Each of them is investigated against the backdrop of welfare, mobility, environment, and urban densification. The purpose is that of singling out which fabrics are the most malleable, and, accordingly, the most apt to host the process of urban regeneration, and which ones are able to efficiently absorb the demographic growth.

Additionally, three of these typologies are selected and further explored. For each of them three strategies of development are proposed: firstly, the strengthening of the public transport, in support of an improved accessibility; secondly, the realization of a porous system, which relates the green areas to urban gaps that have been converted into public spaces; finally, a strategy for fostering the process of urban densification, which does away with land consumption and is based on the introduction of the services required by the growing demographic demand.

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in the following pages: map - main urban fabrics of Istanbul in the next page: urban fabrics, from the top down - historical - twentieth-century - gated communities - informal

200 m

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3

2

1

53

500 m

4

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1. HISTORICAL FABRIC

2. TWENTIETH-CENTURY FABRIC

BUILDINGS DENSITY ON THE PLOT

very dense urban pattern

very dense urban pattern

dense urban pattern

dense urban pattern

WELFARE

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university campus and high schools

university campus and high schools

mosques

mosques

museums

museums

bazaar

shopping moles

3. GATED COMMUNITIES

4. INFORMAL FABRIC

very dense urban pattern

very dense urban pattern

dense urban pattern

dense urban pattern

sparse urban pattern

sparse urban pattern

very sparse urban pattern

very sparse urban pattern

university campus and high schools

university campus and high schools

mosques

mosques

hospitals

market/bazaar street

shopping moles

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2. TWENTIETH-CENTURY FABRIC

1. HISTORICAL FABRIC ROAD NETWORK AND PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION

primary roads

metro

primary roads

metro

secondary roads

railway

secondary roads

tunnel

bus stations

tram

bus stations

metro stations

metro stations

GREEN AREAS

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parks

parks

private gardens

private gardens

residual areas

residual areas

3. GATED COMMUNITIES

4. INFORMAL FABRIC

primary roads

primary roads

secondary roads

secondary roads

bus stations

bus stations

parks

parks

private gardens

private gardens

residual areas

residual areas

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The potentialities of the urban fabrics The analysis undertaken above shows that the matters concerning welfare, density, and service accessibility are distributed over the four fabrics taken into consideration. As a result, the old city fabric of the Sultanahmet, which is the most targeted by mass tourism, is also the most efficient in terms of public transport, tertiary services, and green areas, it is this well managed precisely because of its historical relevance.

Accordingly, this fabric it is excluded from the following section, which will focus on the development of a set of strategies for the process of urban regeneration.

In contrast, being the other types of fabrics more problematic, a more attentive study is required, which needs to focus on the potential strategies for a process urban regeneration that makes them more efficient, functional, and livable.

The four maps on the side of this page are based on the multiple sections of each given fabric, in order to illustrate their morphological evolution, considering that Istanbul, far from being a uniform horizontal city, is unevenly distributed across 7 hills, precisely like Rome.

in the next page: multiple sections of the urban fabrics

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HISTORICAL FABRIC

TWENTIETH-CENTURY FARBIC

latitude of action

latitude of action

GATED COMMUNITIES

latitude of action

INFORMAL FABRIC

latitude of action

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Twentieth-century fabric This district, located in the Sisli area, was one of the firsts to be influenced by the western culture, with specific regard to French bourgeoisie’s cultural preferences, ethics, and culinary habits. This district was one of the firsts to be influenced by the western culture, with specific regard to French bourgeoisie’s cultural preferences, ethics, and culinary habits. Education and lifestyle of Turkish youngsters were deeply influenced as well, especially over the course of the late Ottoman Empire. In the subsequent decades, thanks to the construction of a series of important buildings and the development of new transport routes, there was a notable increase in the number of apartment blocks, quite relevantly under the pressure of the younger generations, which were willing to have more “modern” families. They preferred to live in individual apartments, seen as symbols of a modern lifestyle, rather then in big homes hosting extended families (Hacihasanoglu, 2006).

Over the course of its development, this fabric has become progressively denser, and rich with services and welfare zones. Moreover, the subway system efficiently connects it to the city center. However, its very structure is considerably fragmented, mostly due to the significant amount of cars in the overcrowded streets, and to the large car parks hosting them.

For this reason, pedestrian spaces are frequently limited, and so are the recreational areas, which, instead, would have a determinant role in unwinding such a dense urban fabric

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in the next page: aerial view - Sisli, Twentieth-century fabric source - ‘Tracing Istanbul’, Oguz Meric

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5

7 8

4

1

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Twentieth-century fabric _stategies With regard to mobility, the core strategy is that of creating a slow-mobility network of cycle and pedestrian routes, which allows for both the safe movement of citizens and a reduced automobile usage.

Provided that we are dealing with a highdensity area, a rethinking of the roadway section is required, which needs to focus on widening the pavement sections and introducing a series of tree-lined avenue and cycle lanes, able to connect services and welfare zones—both already exist in this specific fabric, but they are very sparse and disconnected.

One of the main interventions required is that of repurposing some of the parking areas, thereby making room for a new alternative mobility, as well as contrasting urban density by dint of the introduction of new public spaces. On the other hand, ground level car parks are supplanted by a diverse set of underground, elevated and tower-based constructions, in order to create a more permeable fabric, where a slow-mobility system connects services and public spaces.

Precisely because of its extremely compact nature (with few space for available and unutilized areas), strategies based on densification can be hardly applied to this fabric.

proposed tramway proposed slow mobility network proposed green connections car parks reconversion residual areas existing parks existing services

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PROPOSED MOBILITY

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INCREASING ACCESSIBILITY

CAR PARKS RECONVERSION

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Gated communities The urban fabric comprising the gated communities of Levent-Ulus developed after the ‘80s, and is characterized by a peculiarly sparse structure, plenty of wide abandoned areas that function as useful discontinuities among these very gated communities. Several types of them can be found, which differ in composition, commercial profile, and security level.

What’s common to all of them is their being neatly enclosed by a series of walls that provide exclusive access, and guarded by private security services. Moreover, those living in these communities are use to travel only by car, and this very fact results in the general scarcity of means of transportation affecting citizens who can’t neither afford to live in a gated community nor to own a car.

The main issues emerging in this type of urban fabric are the isolation effect, (which is caused by the growing disproportion between the amount of these communities and that of the normal residential areas), the disparity between public and private transport, and the lack of public services, which is compensated by the existence of private schools, parks, and hospitals.

On the other hand, this fabric is particularly promising in view of a potential process of urban regeneration, mainly because of both its low density and the presence of considerably big residual areas, which would ideally be the ones most significantly involved in this process.

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in the next page: aerial view - Alkent, gated communities source - ‘Tracing Istanbul’, Oguz Meric

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Gated communities_strategies Within this fabric, the first strategic action is to enhance the existing public transportation network, positing a new tramway system as the core artery of an improved railed infrastructure, which is able to connect these areas to the rest of the city.

Thus, a viable alternative to car travel is created, which grants full city access and mobility to all. In order to mitigate the divisive effects of the gated communities, a series of tree-lined avenues is introduced, and the street section widened, so that to provide a number of safer pedestrian passages.

Additionally, a porous system of green areas is realized, which is supported by a network of cycle and pedestrian paths, and makes use of the numerous residual areas to implement the public space available within the fabric. The functions of these repurposed zones vary according to size. For instance, they can be varyingly used as crosswalks, community vegetable gardens, and urban parks.

Generally speaking, this new system directly connecting pathways, services, and recreational areas, is useful for a concretely sustainable development, thereby improving the quality of life of the citizens. Moreover, provided its lowdensity structure, the this fabric would be able to meet the growing residential demand, absorbing roughly 15% of it, by dint of a strategy of inward densification.

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INCREASING ACCESSIBILITY

RESIDUAL AREAS RECONVERSION

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Informal fabric The development of the informal fabric of the Ümraniye district originated in the ‘50s, when 900 people, mostly migrants from the nearby Black Sea area, settled into a small village. Afterwards, its population grew significantly between the ‘70s and the ‘80s, due to the migrations that were directed towards rural areas in Anatolia. Accordingly, it is mainly composed by spontaneously built gecekondu forming a very peculiar pattern, wherein the average building is decisively smaller than that encountered in the aforementioned fabrics. Accessibility, in this “city of the poor”, is very limited; provided that only 30% of the dwellers owns a personal vehicle, for the remaining 70% of them travelling around the city becomes very complicated, especially due to the lack of adequate means of transportation.

Another issue is the absence of services and areas dedicated to the welfare, which negatively affects the quality of life of the citizens, who are forced to face a deficient sanitary system and low-standard educational programs.

At the same time, due to its low-density structure, the reduced size of the buildings (no higher than four floors), and the abundance of residual areas, this is the most malleable fabric, which might be suitable to host a process of urban regeneration, thereby considerably absorbing the predicted demographic growth.

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on the next page: aerial view - Sultanbeyli, informal fabric source - ‘Tracing Istanbul’, Oguz Meric

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Informal fabric_strategies The first strategy to apply to this fabric concerns the expansion of the existent tramway network, which will make this area long way more accessible from the city center, thereby dramatically reducing travel times.

Furthermore, a cycle system is realized, which takes advantage of the reduced presence of cars, and is based on a series of cycle routes allowing quicker movements within the fabric. This newly introduced network will connect the pre-existing services with the prospective ones, such as small clinics, libraries, kindergartens, recreational areas, and, at the same time, it will take part into a wider permeable system exploiting the great number of residual areas.

These spaces will be equipped in accordance with the needs of the citizens, thereby becoming flexible and available to anyone.

This capillary intervention will contribute to the construction of a sponge-like structure, wherein slow-mobility is systemized in a set of new services, which, in turn, will be interconnected to the newly created public spaces. The kind of urban transformation that comes in place will constitute a much more accessible fabric, well equipped and ecologically sustainable, which is able to improve the wellbeing of the citizens living in these areas. Finally, the peculiarly low density of the built lots might allow densification to become a useful tool for the regeneration of the urban fabric. Thus, by dint of a series of non-invasive operations of superfetation and infill, the gecekondus’ district will be able to assimilate approximately 50% to 90% of the predicted demographic growth.

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proposed tramway proposed slow mobility network proposed green connections residual areas existing parks existing services

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05 / GECEKONDU DISTRICT_NORTHERN UMRANIYE AS A CASE STUDY

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GECEKONDU DISTRICT_ NORTHERN UMRANIYE AS A CASE STUDY From the investigation proposed above, it emerges that the informal fabric is the most malleable and most favorable in view of the desired process of urban regeneration. By dint of an operative chart, the whole of the planning micro-actions concerning the three macro-strategies are shown.

This series of micro-action, in order to be actually efficient, needs to take part in a whole, unitary system, which is aimed at making the gecekondu fabric more accessible. The presence of welfare zones is substantial, and residential demand is met, through a series of small interventions of densification that don’t alter the scale and the structure of the fabric. Moreover, in this last strategy, lots constituting the gecekondu’ district are subdivided on the basis of their nature. A top-down approach is proposed in the case of lots owned by the city administration or by the state government, whereas a bottom-up approach is applied when those owned by private citizens are involved. Insofar as both types of approaches are concerned, citizens’ engagement is fundamental, in order to guarantee a specific set of densifications, which are tailored on the different necessities, and respect the value of the individual properties. In this case, citizens are let free to alter the very space they live in, while preserving the permeable structure of the fabric.

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proposed densification proposed green network proposed mobility network

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Augmented accessibility One of the main issues of the informal fabric is its accessibility. Therefore, it is extremely relevant to act upon this field, in order to make this fabric an easily reachable destination. In terms of public transport, it fundamental to extend at least one of tramway lines, thereby connecting rapidly the city center to the gecekondu district, by making use of the preexisting 8 meter-wide roads. Thus, a viable alternative to buses would be built, since, due to the significant frequency of traffic congestions, they cannot be considered efficient means of transportation.

Moreover, a connective cycle network needs to be built, which is able to allow easy access to the various services and welfare areas scattered across the fabric.

This system is supported by a number of smaller pedestrian routes, which make use of the unutilized spaces, distinctive of this kind of fabric.

An improved accessibility to the informal city, via the construction of a slow-mobility network and a new, railed transport system, allows the citizens to travel safely, more efficiently and sustainably, as well as to feel increasingly involved in the infrastructural planning of the city.

in the next page: diagram - augmented accessibility

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WIDESPREAD ACCESSIBILITY TO THE URBAN FABRIC

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Green network In parallel with the improved accessibility, a capillary action on the unutilized areas of the fabric is fundamental. The purpose is that of allocating different public functions to these residual areas, by dividing them in three different classes on the basis of their dimension: size S areas, which are the small interstitial spaces between two building; size M, which are those which are wider, and linearly traverse individual lots; size L, whose dimensions are virtually that of whole single lot.

This classification is useful to plan the introduction of different activities, which vary on the basis of the specific structure of a given residual area, as well as of the specific necessities of the local dwellers.

In order to activate this process of repurposing, it is mandatory to directly and actively engage with citizens through a series of workshops, meetings, and events, thereby providing them with the opportunity to feel included in the process of regeneration, and triggering a series of mechanisms that are able to preserve the traditional value of their culture, and, most importantly, their sense of community. These spaces will be protected and respected only if people feel part of this transformation. In other words, abandonment and degradation will be naturally dispensed with if dwellers are let free to nurture a strong sense of belonging to these areas. in the next page: diagram - residual areas reconversion

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POROUS SYSTEM OF GREEN AREAS EXTENDED ON THE FABRIC

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Top-down densification With regard to the strategy of densification, a further investigation of the properties of the different lots has been executed: it emerged that the municipality owns a part of the lots located in the gecekondus fabric, while individual citizens privately own the rest. Accordingly, the best strategy varies depending on the nature of the ownership, and it generates two different approaches, namely either a top-down or a bottom-up one.

As far as the publicly owned lots are concerned, municipality needs to be the direct promoter of the operations aimed at the densification process, engaging with investors and citizens alike. A new synergy is thereby established, whereby all interested actors collectively contribute to the regeneration of the fabric by building the needed primary services, such as kindergartens, schools, libraries, clinics, gymnasiums and so forth.

Social housing projects will be developed in the least dense lots, in order to integrate the dynamic residential attitude traditionally rooted in the culture of those living in the gecekondu settlements. By means of this process, where in additional actors, such as local enterprises, young architects, and craft associations, are involved, the purpose is that of revamping a cyclical local economy.

in the next page: diagram - top-down approach

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Bottom-up densification In the privately owned lots, a bottom-up strategy becomes the relevant one. As part of this approach, citizens themselves will be the promoters of the process of densification, through targeted actions, such as vertical and horizontal superfetation, infill, and outfill, varying in accordance with the specific case. As far as the interstitial spaces between adjacent buildings are concerned, a series of different agreements can be stipulated by individual owners themselves, who can split the construction costs, in order to obtain, for instance, additional flats to either rent out or donate to a hypothetical growing family, as well as spaces dedicated to commercial activities, specifically those located on the ground floor.

In doing so, citizens are let free to improve their conditions, also thanks to the role of the city administration, which will ideally act as the guarantor mediating between the interests of the individual citizens.

Indeed, albeit in the past gecekondus residents could build their homes in an improvised manner, now the municipality supervises construction in detail, thereby giving them the opportunity to build safely, sustainably and efficiently. The goal is also reached by dint of the support provided by a heterogeneous set of local actors, such as enterprises and associations, interested in fostering a cyclical urban economy.

The entirety of the concerned actors can thereby individually take advantage of this process, despite acting in favor of the common well-being.

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in the next page: diagram - bottom-up approach

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TARGETED DENSIFICATION INTERVENTIONS ON THE FABRIC

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Inward densification The aim of this thesis is that of proposing a sustainable urban development, and, in parallel, efficiently assimilating the substantial demographic growth expected for 2030.

Thanks to the employment of QGIS, it was possible to calculate the prospective increase in residential use, in relation to a scenario wherein buildings no higher then 3 floors are implemented with an additional one. If such operations were undertaken establishing a 25 sqm surface as the acceptable residential standard, a 35% increase, as compared to the current gecekondus’ population, would be obtained.

Provided that gecekondus’ fabrics are quite homogeneous, and that they occupy about 60% of the urbanized surface of Istanbul (wherein 8 millions people are currently living), as many as 3 millions citizens could be provided with an accommodation by applying this vertical superfetation to the informal city alone, thereby absorbing the 50% of the expected demographic growth.

It is important to highlight that the strategy of urban densification has to be accompanied by an overall improved accessibility, and the introduction of a porous fabric, rich in green areas and services.

These three strategies will be able to foster a sustainable urban development only if they are executed together as a combination, thereby absorbing the expected population explosion without consuming new land.

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in the next page: scheme - response to the prospective housing demand by 2030

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Fabric regeneration Gecekondus’ fabric is generally quite bare, meaning pavements are scarce, services and infrastructures lacking, and lots don’t have a regular structure.

However, if one were to lose the frame of mind that associates the informal fabric with the idea of decay, complexities could be turned into resources. It is enough to think that, if compared to the rest of the city, streets are long way less congested, since only 30% of dwellers own a car, the scale of the buildings is reduced, and generally sparser lots create a series of urban gaps varying in size.

Moreover, on the social level, one of the district’s strengths consists in a cultural substratum that consolidated historically, and which allowed dwellers to survive despite the poor conditions they were living in, especially by being always mutually supportive and enforcing the sense of community.

For these reasons, the fabric of the gecekondus represents the most apt to host the focused interventions needed in the process of urban regeneration and to enhance accessibility (to both services and green areas). Simultaneously, life conditions could also be improved and local identity maintained. in the following page: axonometric projection - urban regeneration of the gecekondu fabric in the next page: vision of gecekondu fabric by 2030

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FINAL CONSIDERATIONS The three main factors analyzed in this thesis, namely those that constitute the New Urban Question enunciated by Secchi, have provided a fundamental framework to the study of Istanbul, and the right tools to propose an alternative and sustainable scenario for its urban growth. These factors are critically needed in the investigation of a given city and of its future development, and are to be taken into consideration every time that a contemporary metropolis faces the main challenges of our current era, namely the accelerating socioeconomic and climatic changes.

The alternative scenario aims to propose a compact city, as a solution to both the model of urban sprawl, which is expensive and unsustainable, and contemporary cities’ rapid growth, which keeps on consuming further land and impoverishing the natural resources.

Nevertheless, reaching this target requires an extensive work on the processes of substitution, completion, and transformation of the unutilized areas, in order to nudge Istanbul towards an inward growth.

One of the main urban regeneration strategies herewith proposed, which focuses on the informal fabric, takes queue from the subjects of the ‘La ville poreuse’ , in order to create a porous fabric (Secchi and Viganò, 2011). Thus, once these pores, urban gaps within the city, are identified, it is necessary to connect them together, thereby allowing an highpermeability fabric to develop, and making it more accessible thanks to an implemented mobility. In this way, a more economical and efficient system would come into being, where capillarity is reached via operations such as micro-densifications, substitutions, and repurposing of the abandoned spaces; a series of processes promoting diversity (understood a social mixitè) are thereby triggered, and a more complex and mixed fabric is build, by specifically targeting social disparity.

Thus, densification, postulated as an operative project, becomes a useful tool for the regeneration of the preexisting fabrics, specifically with regard to the informal city.

Technically speaking, in defining a compacter urban fabric, this set of regenerative processes aim at an increased energetic efficiency, which reduces power consumption, and improves thermal comfort and residential wellbeing.

Moreover, if a series of mechanisms making use of renewable energies, such as solar, geothermal and wind, are taken into account, together with those able to recover rainwater and reuse Greywater in sewers and irrigation, it will be possible to build a system that could become energetically self-sufficient. In parallel, a set of interventions is needed within the food distribution chain. In the last 10 years, cultivable land dropped by 15% due to the city expansion (Istanbul Metropolitan Planning Report, 2005). Therefore, in the view of the future demographic growth, it becomes extremely necessary to find a productive alternative to them. In my thesis, I propose to introduce a large number of urban

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vegetable gardens, also vertical, and promote hydroponic culturing in the unutilized urban gaps as well as on buildings’ rooftops, so that to create an, as much as possibly, local and independent food system; transportation costs would be thereby significantly reduced and the quality of the produces improved.

It is my contention that the aforementioned strategies need to be fundamentally applied on a territorial scale, in order to obtain more efficient results on the large-scale. However, due to the lacking urban development agenda, which is neither up to date nor focused on the long term, and to the indifference of institutions towards promoting a new sustainable development, it will be increasingly hard to obtain concrete solutions within a reasonable time. Hence, a viable alternative could be that of momentarily ignoring the metropolitan scale and starting from a specific local scale, such as that of the informal fabric, which is more apt to host urban regeneration strategies. In this way, a course of action is proposed, which starts from the more circumscribed cases, and subsequently move outward to the rest of the city, as if it was a sort of urban acupuncture intervention (Lerner, 2011).

Moreover, starting from the smaller scale, a series of urban regeneration strategies might result in porous self-sufficient fabrics, which can be locally tested, and later connected in a whole unitary system on a territorial scale.

Another essential subject to take into consideration is the role that individual citizens will have within the decisional process concerning the future transformations of the city.

One of Turkey’s weak spots, which, to all intents and purposes, has by now become a neo-liberal tyranny, is that government cannot stand that citizens ‘use’ the city rather then merely consuming it (La Cecla, 2015).

In the last years, this behavior has reflected on the policies concerning Istanbul’s urban transformation process. In 2013, Gezi Park protests, which were a direct consequence of these neoliberal stance, exemplarily showed, firstly, how important the presence of public spaces is, and, secondly, that citizens are more than willing to be heard and actively involved in this very process. Thus, this thesis considers the direct participation of the stakeholders as fundamental, and encourages the presence of institutions such as bottom-up committees, neighborhood associations and so forth. A collaborative approach to urbanism is needed, which focuses on the local processes that can be vitally started by individuals, thereby maintaining the human scale as the core of a constructive notion of the project. Accordingly, in the aforementioned strategies for the urban regeneration, architecture is never understood as the end, but rather as the means for allowing the quality of life to improve, thereby giving citizens enough freedom to perfection the space the live in, and preserving the traditional local identity by limiting the field of action to a series of bottom-up micro-interventions. In this way, citizens will develop a new perception of the process of transformation, according to which a more sustainable city need to be reached for the benefit of not only of their current inhabitants, but also of the future generations.

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