Hippie to Hipster - The Commercialization of Abbot Kinney Blvd. by carla salehian

HIPPIE TO HIPSTER the commercialization of abbot kinney boulevard adam monaghan & carla salehian

Image Source: Authors

UP 281 SP 13

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. HISTORY OF ABBOT KINNEY BLVD. [p.1] 2. A PARCEL RIPE FOR DEVELOPMENT [p.12] 3. VENICE COMMUNITY ROOTS GRANT PROPOSAL [p.17]

Image Source: Schmidt-Br端mmer, 1973

PART 1: HISTORY OF ABBOT KINNEY BLVD

Nestled on the California coastline between Santa Monica and Marina Del Rey, Venice,

California, is regarded as one of Los Angeles’s most vibrant communities. Beneath its rich façade of an eclectic urban form and creative residents, however, lies a tense history of counter-culture and gentrification, anti-consumerism and ostentatious wealth, rebelliousness and conformism, through which much of its modern condition can be understood. Originally a beach town known for its charming tourist attractions and picturesque natural features, Venice became an enclave to the “beatnik” countercultural movement beginning in the 1950’s. While the greater part of the country was experiencing large hikes in home ownership and affordability of material goods such as automobiles and refrigerators, the beatnik generation was different. Possessing “deviant tastes in language, literature, music, drugs, and religion,” this generation sought to withdraw itself entirely from the widespread American consumer culture of that time (Maynard, 1991, p. 5). The beatniks sparked a sense of political consciousness that paved the way for the peace-loving hippie generation of the 1960’s and 1970’s. Contrasting the radical foundations established by its past inhabitants, the neighborhood of Venice has since experienced massive transformations in both physical and socio-demographic form. Charming bungalows of the original resort town have been demolished and replaced by higher density condominiums, increasing property values have driven out some of the original residents, and areas once known for their cultural and historical significance have been replaced by more commercial, economically driven forces. No place is a more extreme reification of this greater pattern of change than Venice’s own Abbot Kinney Boulevard and its subcultural movements. From hippies to hipsters, Abbot Kinney has seen it all, an ideal topic of study as we attempt to survey the historical progression toward increased commercialism within this contradictory locale.

Introduction: Located at the heart of Venice, just four blocks from the beach, Abbot Kinney Boulevard (known as West Washington Boulevard prior to 1989) is a 1.2 mile long corridor that initially gained notoriety as the junction between the African-American, Latino, and bohemian communities of the area – a nesting ground for creative expression and radical political movements. Over time however, this boulevard would succumb to the gentrification occurring throughout the surrounding area and became a part of a rebranding effort towards a Venice identity they called “Brand Venice” (Deener, 2007, p. 291). Now lined with heavily ornamented eateries, modern design studios, and expensive boutiques, modern storeowners along this street boast of its authentic community feel describing themselves as “anti-corporate” (Deener, 2007, p. 292). As a commercial endeavor, the creation of Abbot

Figure 1.1: Venice, CA Periphery Map Source: Authors

Kinney Boulevard was a terrific success: its restaurants are award-winning, it is the site of two art festivals, and in April of 2012, GQ magazine (2012) even went so far as to call it the “Coolest Block in America” perfectly encapsulating the manner in which the street has gained national and international popularity as a site of innovative design, dining, and commerce. Put simply, Abbot Kinney Boulevard has transformed from being a secluded residential pathway rarely visited by outsiders, to becoming a destination point in and of itself. Not everyone considers these changes to be positive, however. In recent years, Abbot Kinney Boulevard has notoriously attracted a novel user group representative of a more modern youth culture: the hipster. In line with their beatnik counterparts, these aloof individuals evade definition; however, the general taboo around the label “hipster” connotes a lack of depth or sense of purpose while also insinuating a tone of overt elitism. Similarly, much like the greater Venice community, Abbot Kinney Boulevard has grown increasingly exclusive over the years and its residents have shifted from being that of creative producers to more passive consumers. By comparing Abbot Kinney Boulevard’s bohemian hippie-culture of the 1960’s and 1970’s to the “Hipster Haven” it is today, we are able to witness the stark contrasts between two versions of Venice: a place of political activism, artistic expression, and rebellion compared to a place of commercialism and conformity.

Figure 1.2: Abbot Kinney Boulevard and Surrounding Neighborhoods Source: Authors

The 1960’s and 1970’s: The Hippies of Venice and Abbot Kinney Boulevard: During the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, the United States was on the cusp of a massive cultural shift. Contrary to the idealized middle class suburban society that epitomize American life in the 1950’s, a new culture of political activism emerged in the form of war protests and the civil rights movement. This shift was especially prevalent among the American youth of the political left, who collectively created the hippie culture. Much like the counter-culture movements that preceded it, American hippies pushed the limits of virtually all aspects of life including what a person could wear, what a

person could listen to, and even to some extent, how a person could think. Clothing that drew upon Native American elements, psychedelic music, and new age philosophies grew immensely popular as an attempt to expand the mind. Drawing upon the theories of the beatnik generation that came before it, hippies viewed cities, urban life and modern living as an obstacle to enlightenment and instead, wished to revert back toward the natural. It was a philosophy that spanned across the entire country but seemed to have a particular resonance with the Venice community. Apart from fueling passions toward national events, hippie culture in Venice was also seen on a more local level, and the “war” they were protesting came in the form of redevelopment (Potts, 2009). Since its conception, the developmental patterns of Venice seemed to constantly be at odds with the City of Los Angeles: while Los Angeles was famously car oriented, Venice development was geared more toward the pedestrian; while Los Angeles’s urban form had clear distinctions between public and private life, Venice favored a more integrated and mixed use community setting. By the 1960’s, Venice’s total population would grow to approximately 36,146 inhabitants and much of its distinctions from Los Angeles would contribute toward creating a singular identity and would serve as a major source of pride for Venice residents (Venice Community Plan, 2000). For them, the heterogeneity in Venice’s urban form and demography contributed to the essence of its community character; one in which a conglomerate presence of widely disparate groups (which at the time included a population of AfricanAmericans, Mexican-Americans, and Russian Jews) could live “simply and unpretentiously alongside one another” (Schmidt-Brümmer, 1973, p. 13). While other cities across the United States called for the need to increase human interrelations and the unity of man, the Venice community was already providing “free legal and medical services, communal living and work collectives, community art and theater projects, food co-ops, and child care centers” in a completely un-programmed and organic way (SchmidtBrümmer, 1973, p. 17). In addition, local parks, gardens, and any sort of public space were highly valued among this community. Along what we know today as Abbot Kinney Boulevard, land use had always been mixed and low density, but its commercial uses leaned more toward the utilitarian featuring shoe repair, barbershops, and small grocery stores accessible to nearby residents (Shiu, 2010).

Figure 1.3: Venice hippies receiving free food at the park. Source: LA Times Photographic Archives, 1968

Figure 1.4: A makeshift bulletin board used to share local and regional information among the community. Source: Schmidt-Brümmer, 1973

In 1971, however, this freewheeling community came under attack and, ironically, the tolerant, carefree characteristics of this neighborhood ultimately contributed to its demise. As the Venice community itself was growing stronger, the built environment was in a state of decay. The iconic canals were the site of rundown bungalows with “stagnant, foul-smelling waterways and caved-in sidewalks” (Deener, 2012, p. 7). On Abbot Kinney Boulevard, artist studios, teen centers for African-American youth, and thrift shops were paired alongside graffiti covered walls and abandoned stores (See Figure 1.5). Ultimately, the City of Los Angeles recognized this physical blight and deemed it appropriate for renewal in the form of a 24 million dollar redevelopment plan, which was passed by the City Council on June 15, 1971 with a vote of 13 to 1 (Schmidt-Brümmer, 1973, p. 25).

Figure 1.5: Abandoned grocery store building in Venice, CA. Source: Schmidt-Brümmer, 1973

Grey indicates redevelopment area

Figure 1.6: (1971) Venice Neighborhood Redevelopment Map/(1990) Venice Coastal Land Use Plan, Central Venice Source: City of Los Angeles and photograph of Venice Coastal Land Use Plan

It was a devastating hit for the community, and for years residents opposed the new master plan, asserting that their fight was not only to defend their property rights, but to claim their rights to remain a people and a community. This form of local activism was displayed throughout the area in a multitude of creative forms characteristic of Venice hippies: musicians composed songs, artists painted murals, and activists organized protests (See Figure 1.7). During this time, political activism was concentrated along Abbot Kinney Boulevard, adjacent to the traditionally black neighborhood of Oakwood (See Figure 1.8). Various African American community organizations and the Peace and Freedom party were said to have originated there (Deener, 2012, July 30). The street was home to Project Action, a non-profit organization that contributed to the establishment of 14 housing projects

in Oakwood. In addition, the left-wing political newspaper, the “Free Venice Beachhead,” was first conceived on this corridor in 1968 (See Figure 1.9), which served, and continues to serve, as a significant outlet through which public opinion can be shared. There, they published poetry, discussed a wide variety of local issues, and advocated for increased affordable housing and the protection of lowincome residents. In the end, however, these efforts proved to have little effect on the growth-machine that was urban redevelopment during the 1970’s. Slowly, the community felt the full effects of gentrification as property prices began to increase and long-time residents and businesses were forced to move elsewhere. Although many argue that traces of that original Venice community atmosphere are still apparent today in its lingering artistic presence, to other more pessimistic participants, redevelopment was the final blow to Venice. As described in Horst SchmidtBrümmer’s (1973) Venice, California: An Urban Fantasy, “The [project] is not for renewal but for removal of the present Venice, a destruction of its identity as a community, and a reconstruction of Venice into a luxury resort of minimarinas, expensive town houses, and boat docks” (p. 7). Of course, not everyone shared this negative opinion of the redevelopment process. Developers felt they were providing a service to the people of Venice and when redevelopment plans reached Abbot Kinney Boulevard, which at the time was called West Washington Boulevard, the city discovered the opportunity to reestablish the commercial corridor as a testament, of sorts, to the very culture it drove out some years prior.

Figure 1.7: Venice bohemians playing bongos on steps of LA City Hall to protest city ordinance. Source: LA Times Photographic Archives, 1965

Figure 1.8: African American boys in front of neighborhood market in Venice, CA. Source: LA Times Photographic Archives, 1969

1989: Gentrification Reaches Abbot Kinney Boulevard The transformation process of West Washington Boulevard to Abbot Kinney Boulevard occurred over a span of about thirty years from the 1960’s to the 1990’s. As the redevelopment project increased property values in Venice, new business owners began to establish themselves in the area and took on a sense of responsibility for the

Figure 1.9: The Free Venice Beachhead (1971) Source: Schmidt-Brümmer, 1973

space, using their deep knowledge of the political process to seize the opportunity to reestablish the commercial corridor and establish relationships with city representatives. What began as a small group of local entrepreneurs would later be formally known as the Abbot Kinney District Association (AKDA), an open membership neighborhood organization (for a fee of $100) that was comprised of business owners, developers, and residents who lived on the street (Deener, 2007, p. 299).

Figure 1.10: The Many (Upscale) Faces of Abbot Kinney Blvd. Source: Authors

During the early 1990’s they took on two major tasks that would create lasting impacts on the neighborhood. First, they were successful in renaming the street after Venice’s founder to Abbot Kinney Boulevard. Second, the AKDA refocused the street’s commercial association toward aesthetic matters. Not surprisingly, both these changes were largely propelled by economic factors. Visitors and store patrons would regularly confuse West Washington Boulevard with the Washington Boulevard to the south that serves as a border between Venice and Marina Del Rey. A new name fostered a sense of rebirth in the area, catching the attention of local media. Shortly after this, the AKDA concentrated its efforts on the beautification of Abbot Kinney Boulevard’s streetscape. Seventy-four palm trees were planted along the street, and garbage cans, bike racks, planters, and crosswalks were all installed. In addition, they created a website to catalogue the businesses located along the boulevard. The AKDA, which continues to operate today, functions similarly to a business improvement district (BID) in that a group of private interests has gained control over public land as an attempt toward economic revitalization. However, one important distinction is that rather than establishing formal control and clearly described responsibilities, the AKDA appropriated the space through a more informal process in which they created a street aesthetic “based on personal and group preferences that privilege their own definitions of quality of life” (Deener, 2007, p. 300). In essence, with this sort of control, the AKDA had the freedom to fabricate a culture for Abbot Kinney Boulevard that accentuated certain neighborhood historical features while conveniently ignoring those of its ethnic minorities. The Abbot Kinney District Association endorsed the artistic and bohemian identity of Venice by creating neighborhood music festivals and art walks while overlooking its lower-income, mixed racial history. The effect was tremendous and was seen almost instantaneously, not least of all through the real estate

market. In 1979, the median household value in Oakwood was around $150,000. In 1989, this figure grew to $280,000 and in 2006, at the height of the housing bubble, a one bedroom, one bath property in the area closed at $875,000 (Deener, 2007, p. 304). It comes as little surprise that these drastic pricing changes had a direct effect on Venice’s ethnic composition, but it is also interesting to see the impact it has had on local businesses. Older establishments meant to cater to the lower-income demographics, such as the youth center, were the first to leave and eventually, the trajectory of increased upscale commercialization would bring us to a space virtually unrecognizable from its past.

Figure 1.11: All Property Median Sales Price in Venice, 2000-2013 Source: Trulia Real Estate

2010’s - Present: The Hipsters of Abbot Kinney Boulevard Today, newspapers, magazine articles, and countless blogs and travel websites all promulgate and solidify this new image of Abbot Kinney Boulevard as an upscale destination. As Leslee Komaiko (2003) of the Los Angeles Times put it, “Welcome to the new Abbot Kinney: upscale Abbot Kinney, a place to see and be seen, spot celebrities, eat $8 pancakes, buy $200 jeans, a $1,000 vintage wood school chair ($985 to be exact), or maybe a $2-million loft.” Land use along the boulevard remains mixed, but with an emphasis on “Community Commercial”, something the Venice Community Plan (2000) describes as being pedestrian oriented with retail shops, restaurants, and art galleries. Here, it is made quite evident that the primary activity of the street is now consumption of high-end merchandise. This has resulted in an intensification of the border-like effect created between the neighborhood of

Figure 1.12: The Venice Hipster Source: Authors

Oakwood and the more affluent neighborhoods to the west, which in true “gentrified” fashion has driven out many of the original inhabitants. In 1970, the Black/African American demographic was 10.3% of the total Venice population. By 1980, this figure reduced to 9.6% and in 1990, reduced even further to 7.8% of the total Venice population (Venice Community Plan, 2000). When asked about the retail theme and beautification of the new Abbot Kinney Boulevard, one Oakwood resident expressed the following sentiment:

“

They say it’s beautiful now but beauty is in the eye of the beholder. I don’t see it as being beautiful. I don’t think walking down Abbot Kinney and looking at a three hundred dollar chair that looks like they pulled it out of the alley is beautiful. Because it’s been whitewashed or whatever they call that now [referring to the process that makes the products appear worn out]. I don’t think a one thousand dollar dress on Abbot Kinney or what WE used to call Washington Boulevard is what’s beautiful. I just don’t. I don’t get that kind of beauty and I don’t want to. I liked how it was before when it really was bohemian. That’s the street I liked (Deener, 2012, p. 229).

In this regard, the commercialization of Abbot Kinney Boulevard has served as an attraction for higherincome consumers, but has also served as a symbolic boundary for lower-income residents, informing them of their position as outsiders and excluding them from playing a role in defining the neighborhood’s future. While gentrification drives out long-time residents of the area, a particular user group has begun to gravitate toward the space – the hipster.

10.3%

1970

9.6%

1980

7.9%

1990

Figure 1.13: Venice Racial Composition (1970 - 1990) Source: U.S. Census

As mentioned previously, the hipster has become an enigma in modern society in the sense that it is a subculture that is easy to identify yet difficult to define (See Figure 1.14). Most everyone is aware of the concept of “the hipster” in the abstract but at the same time, its broad spectrum of variety defies specifying an essential set of qualities or characteristics. Instead, the only consistency that can be found is the fact that the term is, for the most part, used in a derogatory fashion. Despite the fact that hipster culture springs up in a multitude of forms across the United States, few people would openly admit to being a hipster. Being so, they provide an interesting point of comparison with other subcultural movements of the past. Particular to Abbot Kinney, the hipsters observed there today might look similar to the Venice hippies of the 1960’s and 1970’s at first glance, but in essence, their differences far outweigh their similarities.

Figure 1.14: The Venice Hipster Source: Authors

First, the hipsters of Abbot Kinney Boulevard are an exclusive group of people unlike the inclusive, all accepting hippies of the past. Upon visiting the street today, you are immediately struck by the homogeneity of its users. Instead of the diversity of the past, similar designer haircuts, sunglasses, and trendy fashions were constantly observed (Author’s Site Visit, 2013, April 26). As such, those without the proper accessories might not feel like they belong. Second, the hipster of Abbot Kinney Boulevard is also distinguished by its consumer behavior. While the Venice hippies emphasized a sense of craftsmanship and a withdrawal from urban living, the hipster is much more commercial, establishing a culture and an identity that can be purchased. In other words, being a hipster has less to do with the type of person you are and has more to do with the your sense of fashion, the things you do or buy, and the places you visit. Finally, all these characteristics contribute to the final distinguishable difference between the hippie and hipster culture – a sense of purpose. While the hippie emerged as a direct response to the tumultuous political climate of the time, hipsters today exist without any motive or political drive. In this sense, they are merely superficial and exist not as a counter-culture, but as a manifestation of “common” culture deeply intertwined with the mass consumerism that occurs today.

Conclusions: In observing the history of this unique and ever-changing urban space, we explored two separate versions of subcultures found on Abbot Kinney Boulevard and the manner in which the individuals found on it have evolved and adapted. Interestingly enough, historical analysis of Abbot Kinney has also demonstrated how the street itself has served as a reflection of the culture of its inhabitants. During the height of the American hippie movement, Abbot Kinney Boulevard acted as a physical representation of their inclusive philosophy observed in its diverse demographic composition. At the same time, the street served as a hotbed of protest and community outreach, demonstrating the manner in which the hippie culture valued political activism. On the other hand, Abbot Kinney’s modern-day hipsters are criticized by much of society and popular culture for being shallow, anti-social, and superficial. Over time, these qualities seem to have manifested themselves in the street too. Businesses place value on aesthetics in their heavily ornamented storefronts, similar if hipsters walked their streets without the right accessories or ornamentations, a building could look out of place. Similarly, the social, cultural, and economic exclusivity in the hipster culture is reflected in the built environment symbolically, by means of inflated prices, and physically, in terms of their inward orientation and structural form that more often than not appears to be (literally) inaccessible to certain visitors (such as those in a wheelchair). As to whether or not the rebranding of Abbot Kinney Boulevard was a success, the answer all depends on who one asks. As described earlier, from an economic standpoint, the project was a success, but after a more careful study, we must pause and ask: at what cost? In revitalizing this commercial corridor, Abbot Kinney gained a chic and trendy reputation but lost much of the bohemian soul and energy it was trying to capture in the first place. All hope is not lost, however. Underneath the façade of its heavily decorated and antiqued structures, there are still a few remnants of past cultures. Greyhaired hippies are still seen around Abbot’s Habit, a local coffee shop, and newsletters like the “Free Venice Beachhead” are still in circulation, giving reason to hope that this dormant bohemian culture has a chance of emerging once more, reestablishing this locale as a place of diversity and creativity. Time will tell if the next chapter in the Abbot Kinney Boulevard story will be as bleak as the Venice future described by Horst Schmidt-Brümmer in 1972, but if groups such as the Abbot Kinney District Association continue their attempt to beautify and reestablish this commercial “Brand Venice,” they might want to focus less on the concept of “brand” and focus more on the essence of what it means to be “Venice.”

PART 2: A PARCEL RIPE FOR DEVELOPMENT Image Source: City of Los Angeles, 2013

One of the great land use mysteries of the sprawling Los Angeles metropolis is how single

parcels of land end up vacant. It would seem intuitive for all available land to be utilized in a city that has been growing unabated since the turn of the 20th century. However, vacant or underutilized parcels can be found along every major boulevard throughout the city. Abbot Kinney Boulevard in Venice is no different. Despite experiencing a commercial real estate boom since the early 1990’s, there were still several vacant lots at the time of the authors’ field visit on April 26, 2013. The specific lot that the authors chose to investigate is located at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard, directly across the street from the Westminster Avenue Elementary School.

Parcel Description The parcel at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard is located in Los Angeles ZIP Code 90291 (see Figure 2.1). The PIN (polygon identification number, which is assigned by the City of Los Angeles Department of Public Works, Bureau of Engineering) is 109-5A143 423. The parcel measures 4,797.6 square feet. The APN (Assessor Parcel Number, which is assigned by the County of Los Angeles, Office of the Assessor, and is used to locate assessed property value for ownership records) is 4286012002. The parcel is located on Ocean Park Villa Tract number two.

Figure 2.1: 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard Parcel Identification. Source: Authors

The plot at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard falls under the jurisdiction of the Venice Community Plan, the Venice Local Coastal Program Land Use Plan, and the Venice Coastal Zone Specific Plan, which break Venice into eight subareas. This particular parcel is located within the North Venice subarea. The lot is zoned C2, Community Commercial (see Figure 2.2). This is the highest allowable commercial use, meaning that anything less than Community Commercial, including Neighborhood Commercial, General Commercial, and Artcraft (in descending order) are all allowed in the C2 zone. According to City of Los Angeles land use planning, “The Community Commercial designation is intended to provide focal points for local shopping, civic and social activities and for visitor-serving commercial uses,” (Venice LCP LUP).

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Possible Explanations for Vacancy at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard

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Source: Venice Local Coastal Program Land Use Plan, Chapter II, Exhibit 10a. (June 2011) N avy St

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Figure 2.2: Venice Land Use Plan (Map): North Venice.

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Ocean Front Walk There is any number of reasons that a particular piece of property might lay vacant: decline in the economy or quality of life in the area, inability of the property owners to make mortgage or tax payments, or perhaps environmental or land use barriers to development exist (Goldstein et. al., 2001). The causes leading to an unused parcel are not always neatly organized in the city or county land records. Rather, they may be more like clues in an unsolved mystery that are scattered, hidden, or even locked away. Vacant property in Los Angeles always has a story to tell, especially when it is located on one of the most commercially successful boulevards in the entire city. Depending on the circumstances and the amount of information readily accessible by the public, that story may be more like one that is Exhibit 10a “based on a true story,” rather than a “biography.” N

Land Use Plan (Map): North Venice • Venice Canals

Not to Scale

In this particular case, the authors’ investigation of the vacant parcel at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard turned up a few clues, however the exact details of the “biography” during the time period from the 1960’s to the present proved to be too difficult to uncover in a compressed time period, with limited resources. A summary of the author’s findings – as well as a bit of educated speculation – regarding the history of the property follows. The current assessed land value is $1,818,685 (zimas.lacity.org). According to records obtained by the authors from the Los Angeles County Recorder’s Office, the current owner of the parcel is Ten Eleven Properties, LLC. The previous owner was Brian Patrick Kariger, in representation of the Brian Patrick Kariger Trust, who signed a quitclaim deed on May 18, 2010, turning the property over to Ten Eleven Properties, LLC. According to online research, Ten Eleven Properties, LLC is an active real estate company founded on March 8, 2010, and Brian Patrick Kariger is one of the company’s members (Ten Eleven Properties LLC, 2013). Prior to the May 2010 transaction, a grant deed was signed on November 9, 2009 between seller Elaine Spierer in representation of the Elaine Spierer

Trust, and buyer Brian Patrick Kariger in representation of the Brian Patrick Kariger Trust. No further documents relating to this parcel were found through the Los Angeles County Recorder’s Office, and Mr. Kariger could not be reached for comment.

2013

2003

1980

Besides the information collected from the L.A. County Recorder’s Office (which would ideally have the entire transaction history for the property), the only other piece of information regarding the history of the parcel was gleaned from the use of historic aerial photographs. An image taken from 1980 shows that there was a small structure, perhaps a small commercial business of some sort, located on the parcel. Unfortunately, no land records could be obtained from the County Recorder’s Office to demonstrate what the structure was or who owned the property. When the image from 1980 is compared with the next available aerial image from 2003, the structure on 1011 Abbot Kinney and the structure on the adjacent lot have vanished and only a patchy grass lot remains. The final aerial image is from Google Earth in 2013, which shows that a commercial-like structure has been built on the adjacent lot, while the parcel at 1011 Abbot Kinney remains vacant. The image appears to show that it has been compacted and grated, which would seem to indicate that it is ready for development (see Figure 2.3).

Figure 2.3: Evolution of a Parcel via Historic Aerials. Source: Authors, www.historicaerials.com, maps.google.com

During a follow-up field visit on May 24, 2013, the authors discovered that the parcel is, in fact, no longer vacant (see Figure 2.4). A company called Home Grown Edible Landscapes is opening a new business called, “The Chef ’s Garden: The ‘Pop-up’ Organic Practice Urban Farm Project.” Master Gardener and Horticulturist Geri Miller founded the business, although it appears that unless she is a member of Ten Eleven Properties, LLC, she does not own the land at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard. According to the company’s website, “The Chef ’s Garden by HGEL will support the growing food revolution by promoting HGEL’s approach to hyper-locavorism. At our first location, the HGEL urban growers at the Chef ’s Garden will work with the best and brightest chefs and mixologists on the hot

Figure 2.4: 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard on May 24, 2013, HGEL’s “food revolution” along Abbot Kinney Boulevard begins. Source: Authors

Abbot Kinney restaurant row in the heart of Venice, custom growing the culinary ingredients their craft demands…all with a minimal carbon footprint and sustainable organic practice,” (Home Grown Edible Landscapes, 2013). As previously noted, C2 Community Commercial allows for any commercial land use, including, “Nursery, flower or plant, provided that all incidental equipment and supplies, including fertilizer and empty cans, are kept within a building,” (City of Los Angeles Municipal Code). Ms. Miller and HGEL appear to be capitalizing on the trend of chic and trendy commercialization along Abbot Kinney Boulevard.

History of (Non)-development of 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard Without all of the details that would be necessary to piece together an exact version of the history surrounding the parcel at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard, the authors are left only to offer educated conjecture based on the available clues. Nevertheless, the history of this parcel can likely be tied to the evolution of the boulevard in general. From the 1960’s through the present, the neighborhood has experienced a socio-economic transformation from hippies to hipsters that has corresponded with an evolution in the built environment. The aerial photograph from 1980 in Figure 2.3 depicts the form of a quaint bungalow or a small business on the parcel in question, yet by 2003 the lot is vacant. It is possible that the buildings on this lot fell victim to the $24 million redevelopment plan passed by the Los Angeles City Council in 1971 (Schmidt-Brümmer, 1973). Perhaps the rising property values of the 1990s proved too much for the owner to keep up with property taxes, forcing the sale of the property. The current use of the parcel by Home Grown Edible Landscapes as an upscale garden that will provide fresh organic produce to high-priced restaurants follows a clear trend toward the consumption of high-end goods on Abbot Kinney Boulevard. While the parcel itself is now a garden buzzing with creativity and life, a truly united community spirit is absent. The wealthier residents and shoppers will be able to afford the garden parties and private gardening lessons offered by HGEL, but the lowerincome residents of the neighborhood, many of whom have been living in the community long enough to see the change from hippie to hipster, will yet again be priced out of the “Community Commercial” activity along Abbot Kinney Boulevard.

Image Source: lagreengrounds.org

PART 3: VENICE COMMUNITY ROOTS GRANT

PROJECT SUMMARY Title: “Venice Community Roots Garden” Project Description & Intended Outcome: The Neighborhood Youth Association (NYA) serves over 200 low-income, at-risk youth and their families throughout West Los Angeles. The NYA operates the Las Doradas Children’s Center in Venice, providing pre-school for children ages 3-5 of low-income families, and the Mar Vista Learning Center, where it manages a comprehensive after-school program for at-risk youth ages 6-18. The NYA will oversee the design, construction, and management of the Venice Community Roots Garden along Abbot Kinney Boulevard. In collaboration with five additional partner organizations (see “Project Counterparts” below), the NYA seeks to achieve three principal goals with this project: 1. Revitalize the productive spirit along Abbot Kinney Boulevard by creating a public space in the form of a community garden designed and built by local area youth. 2. Foster a sense of place for residents and visitors alike by creating a mural in the new public space that traces the history of artistic creation and production along Abbot Kinney Boulevard. 3. Promote civic engagement and community economic integration between low-income neighborhood youth and the upscale commercial shop owners along Abbot Kinney Boulevard. Geographic Project Location: 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA 90291 Projected Initiation Date: 2013

Projected End Date: 2015

BUDGET Total Project Cost: U.S. $ 200,000 PRIMARY COUNTERPART DATA Organization Name: Neighborhood Youth Association Mission Statement: To enable at-risk children and youth to achieve their personal best, by providing a comprehensive set of educational enhancement services, academic support, counseling, career planning, and cultural enrichment activities in a sustained, focused manner during their preschool through high school years. Type of Organization: Nonprofit Website: www.nyayouth.wordpress.com

Legal Nature: Private; U.S. 501(c)3, registered in California

PERSON RESPONSIBLE FOR THE PROJECT Name: Amanda MacLennan

Position: Executive Director

Email: amaclennan@nyayouth.com

Telephone: (310) 664-8893

Executive Summary If Los Angeles is city of disparate communities, where any sense of history tied to place becomes lost in the evolving urban landscape, then Venice is truly a microcosm of the city to which it belongs. One particular example of this evolution can be found along present day Abbot Kinney Boulevard. In the 1960s and 70s, what was then called West Washington Boulevard was an enclave of left-wing politics, live-work art studios, and African American businesses, churches, and youth centers (Deener 2007). In the late 1980s and early 1990s the neighboring Oakwood area to the east of West Washington erupted in violence between the Mexican members of the Venice 13 gang and the African American Venice Shoreline Crips (Umemoto). In 1989 a coalition of community entrepreneurs began to remake the area into what it is today. They renamed West Washington Boulevard as Abbot Kinney Boulevard, created a clean and orderly aesthetic environment, allied themselves with business and political interests, and marketed the space as a trendy, upscale commercial area (Deener 2007). High-priced, design-minded boutiques and restaurants now occupy the boulevard. The patrons are generally a homogeneous crowd of young, fashionable 20 and 30-somethings and easy-to-spot tourists. The boulevard is an exclusive hangout for cutting-edge, wealthy L.A. Westsiders. GQ Magazine even named Abbot Kinney “The Coolest Block in America” in April 2012 (GQ 2012). However, despite the buzz surrounding the stylish boulevard, there is something missing along Abbot Kinney. In a place with such a rich history of creativity and artistic production, there is nowhere to tell the story. There is no longer a true public space for community members to gather along the new boulevard. Abbot Kinney is almost exclusively a high-end commercial space. The cultural focus of the boulevard is now consumption. Somewhere along the way, the historical culture of the boulevard became divorced from it’s productive past in which, for example, writers at the Free Venice Beachhead exchanged political ideas through print media, and artists like Robert Irwin painted and created art installations. The story of the changing culture along the commercial strip is also told through rising area home prices and local, African American-owned businesses shutting down or moving away. In 1979, the median household value in Oakwood was around $150,000. In 1989, this figure grew to $280,000 and in 2006, at the height of the housing bubble, a one bedroom, one bath property in the area closed at $875,000 (Deener 2007). Two mainstays that were part of the old-time Abbot Kinney business community – the barbershop owned by Pischon Jones and Chris Featherstone’s Glencrest Bar-B-Que – were forced to relocate and close down (respectively) due to rent hikes in the past few years (Jones and Featherstone). Using the empty lot located at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard and enlisting the support of artistic allies within the community, the proposed project aims to revitalize the productive spirit along Abbot Kinney, foster a sense of place rooted in the rich cultural history of the area, and promote youth civic engagement.

Project Summary: What is the Venice Community Roots Garden? This proposal for the Our Town grant program of the National Endowment for the Arts is called the “Venice Community Roots Garden.” The project will put literal roots into the soil on a vacant parcel at 1011 Abbot Kinney Boulevard in the form of trees, plants, herbs, fruits, and vegetables, while serving as a public space for the community to remember the district’s figurative roots of diversity, artistic production, and civic engagement. The Neighborhood Youth Association, (NYA) with it’s strong connection to the Venice community and a history of promoting civic engagement through the Venice Garden and Home Tour, will serve as the principal implementing organization. The NYA will integrate five other organizations – bringing a wide range of talented leaders and community perspectives – into the project design and management process in order to create a productive, public garden that will be operated and maintained by the youth and families of the NYA. In addition, the project site will be decorated by a mural that integrates the forgotten, productive history of the African American and Latino residents of the Oakwood neighborhood into the popular history of Abbot Kinney Boulevard that was appropriated and re-told by the newer, mostly white residents from the 1990s onward.

The concept of the project is simple, and several preliminary logistical details have already been taken into consideration and/or executed. The owner of the parcel has donated the land to the NYA, and an anonymous donor has provided the funding to build a small supply warehouse on the property. Going forward, the project will be implemented in three phases. The first phase involves education, training, and planning with the NYA students and the secondary counterpart organizations. In one series of teaching seminars and workshops, UCLA urban planning graduate students will teach the students about sustainable urban design. The tangible product of these workshops will be the design plan for the parcel, including the placement of the mural and warehouse, layout of the garden, selection of the building materials, and compliance with the Venice Community Plan and

the zoning ordinance. The parcel is zoned C.2, community commercial, which allows for anything allowable under C.1.5, limited commercial, including, “Park, playground or recreational or community center, privately operated” (City of Los Angeles Municipal Code). In another seminar and workshop series, Ron Finley of the organization L.A. Green Grounds will work with the students on the subjects of gardening as community activism, and the importance of food and nutrition. Finley and his organization have a solid record of using “guerilla gardening” to build community cohesion and transcend cultural bridges in South L.A. (see Figure 3.1). It is important to note that the lessons from the gardening and mural workshop series will be put into practice by the students and incorporated into the site design. At the same time, Emily Winters of the Venice Arts Council and members of the Venice Neighborhood Council Arts Committee will engage with students, longtime neighborhood residents, and Abbot Kinney business owners in a series of interviews to build the story that Ms. Winters will eventually represent on the mural. Throughout this process of community engagement, Ms. Winters and her team will adhere to the principles of Dolores Hayden’s The Power of Place, as exemplified in the following quote, “It is about giving respect to members of a community, listening to them and talking to them as equals, and earning their trust” (Hayden 1995). Ms. Winters has a long history of community activism in Venice, having painted the mural telling the story of the Venice Canal evictions, which is located on the corner of Dell Ave. and South Venice Blvd (see Figure 3.2). That particular mural is a depiction of how art and gardening brought Venice community members together in the face of adversity, which further supports the idea that the Venice Community Roots Garden will create a connection between current and past occupants along Abbot Kinney Boulevard. In phase two of the project the site will be converted from an empty lot into the built-out public space described above, complete with a garden, small warehouse, and

Figure 3.1: Ron Finley and the L.A. Green Grounds team prove that gardening as community activism brings the neighborhood together in South Los Angeles. Source: http://lagreengrounds.org/2013.fumisfebruary-dig-in-recap/

Figure 3.2: The JAYA mural, by Emily Winters, is an excellent example of how community activism through artistic endeavor brought the Venice Canals neighborhood together in the 1970’s and continues to do so today. Source: Author’s photographs

historic mural. The NYA and the Venice Neighborhood Council Arts Committee will spearhead the effort to organize a community volunteer labor schedule to include a mixed roster of NYA students and families and the Abbot Kinney shop-owners. The VNC Arts Committee will play a strong role here as the liaison to the Abbot Kinney merchants, having previously developed positive working relationships with many of these people through collaboration during the planning and execution of the annual Abbot Kinney festival. The shared experience of building a public space together will allow two distant populations – the low-income, mostly Latino youth of the NYA and the wealthy shop owners – to put human faces to previously held stereotypes. All project counterparts will remain actively involved during the construction phase: the UCLA urban planning students work with the NYA to ensure their design is built according to plan; Mr. Finley will provide technical oversight during the construction of the garden; and Ms. Winters and the NYA students will paint the mural. In addition, all community members who participate in the construction of the public space will contribute their personal stories to the creation of the first truly public space along Abbot Kinney Boulevard. All participants will be encouraged to share their stories on social media throughout the construction process in order to bring the larger Venice community into the place-making process. The final phase of the project is the ongoing effort to ensure that the place-making and revised history telling that was achieved during the construction of the project continues to be woven into the fabric of the Abbot Kinney community. This will be accomplished through a continued economic relationship between the NYA students who cultivate and sell their produce to the Abbot Kinney restaurants and merchants who purchase their neighborhood-produced goods. The same face-to-face interactions that built cross-cultural relationships during the construction phase will endure, as the community garden becomes a supplier of healthy, nutrient-filled food to Abbot Kinney Boulevard shopkeepers. All proceeds from sales will be reinvested in the garden and as such shall be managed by the NYA.

Project Benefits for Abbot Kinney Boulevard The Venice Community Roots Garden produces five clear benefits for all stakeholders. Those benefitting from the project include the direct beneficiaries (the youth and families of the NYA), all five secondary project counterpart organizations, residents of the surrounding neighborhood, and Abbot Kinney Boulevard merchants and property owners. A detailed discussion of each project benefit follows: 1. Improves quality of life. The project reconnects the youth and families served by the NYA to the life-giving force of food production. Too many marginalized young people across Los Angeles live in urban food deserts, devoid of grocery stores, disconnected from any source of nutrition, and unaware of the food production cycle. The mostly lower income African American and Latino families living in Venice’s Oakwood neighborhood are no exception. This project would teach youth participants’ valuable gardening skills and provide a healthy, diverse food basket to each participating family on a periodic basis, thus contributing to improved nutrition throughout the

community. Furthermore, the location of the Venice Community Roots Garden will attract the lower income Latino youth and families served by NYA to Abbot Kinney Boulevard on a regular basis, thus injecting much needed multi-cultural flavor to the homogeneous, wealthy, mostly Caucasian crowd that currently frequents the area. The garden will be less than a fifteen minute walk (just over one half mile) from the NYAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Las Doradas Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Center and the Oakwood Community Center, so it is easily accessible and promotes walkability within the Oakwood population and Abbot Kinney merchants alike. The garden would remain open seven days a week during daylight hours, which would add to the accessibility of this new open space for the neighborhood residents. With an assortment of benches on the property, people can feel free to utilize the space for walking and sitting (see Figure 3.3). Community members and merchants would even be able to get their hands dirty on certain days where there are planned outreach events to encourage organized participation in gardening activities and workshops. Studies have shown that using public green space and having a connection to nature have contributed to improvements quality of life among residents (Dannenberg, et. al. 2011).

Figure 3.3: A rendering from a similar concept in Pennsylvania shows one idea of what this public space could look like. It would be modified to fit the needs of this specific community and designed together with the NYA students.. Source: http://www.wilkinsburgcdc.org/programs-and-projects/green-clean-and-safe/penn-avenue-parklet

2. Encourages greater creative activity. As previously noted, the youth served by the NYA will take part in a series of innovative, creative workshops dealing with site design and place-making, food production and gardening, and capturing public history through public art. The tools they learn and share in this space will open their minds to fields they may never even have known existed. They will be guided and supervised by subject matter experts, yet they will be given creative freedom to help shape the design of the new public space, decide what should be planted in the garden, and add their personal stories to the history of Abbot Kinney that will ultimately be expressed through Emily Wintersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; mural.

3. Fosters stronger community identity and sense of place. The youth served by the NYA, the Abbot Kinney merchants, and the neighborhood community members who volunteer with the physical construction of the Venice Community Roots Garden will actively forge a shared community identity around the creation of this new public place. The historical mural will engage this public space by portraying the stories of Venice community members, which artist Emily Winters and the Venice Neighborhood Council Arts Committee will collect over time. In her work The Power of Place, historian and author Dolores Hayden notes that community participation in public life engenders place attachment among residents (Hayden 1995). As such, the process of collecting the stories, and subsequently of painting the mural, will fill the garden with memories of the boulevard through a graphic depiction of the shared vision of Abbot Kinney’s history. This new public space, and perhaps more importantly, the shared process of creating it, will connect the current lives of the people who live and work along the boulevard to the changes in the urban landscape over time. By recalling their stories and then seeing how their version of the story is depicted on the wall, the project participants will, through the transparency of art, educate and be educated about the cultural and productive evolutions through time along Abbot Kinney Boulevard. 4. Revitalizes economic development. As previously noted, the NYA members will enjoy the fruits of their labor, literally, by periodically bringing baskets of fresh, healthy, locally grown produce to their homes to share with their families. This simple act will both contribute to the overall health of the family and ease the economic burden on these families to allow the money that would have otherwise been spent on food to go into the local economy in other manners. Furthermore, a certain amount of the food produced will be sold to Abbot Kinney restaurants and merchants, thereby creating a self-sustaining economic relationship between the NYA members and the local businesses. Since the food produced in the garden will all be locally grown, organic produce, it will also contribute to the overall health and vitality of those who consume it in the restaurants on the Abbot Kinney Boulevard. 5. Emphasizes the productive aspect of urbanization along Abbot Kinney Boulevard over time. The Venice Community Roots Garden project focuses on the concept of urbanization through production. The productive relationship between the individuals that produce and consume goods rarely takes place in a local context anymore in the highly globalized economy. Instead, giants like McDonald’s and Wal-Mart source their products in such a way that there is no local, productive relationship between neighbors. The Venice Neighborhood Council has supported the struggle to keep Abbot Kinney “local,” by fighting to keep the “big box” stores out of the area. While this is a valiant goal, the result has been mixed because of the gentrification in the surrounding neighborhood and the creation of a high-end, boutique environment along Abbot Kinney. This project seeks to refocus the creative culture of Abbot Kinney to emphasize local production by truly local people, such as the residents of Oakwood served by the NYA. If the Venice Community Roots Garden project is successful, urbanization along the boulevard will highlight the importance of including local people in the productive environment and sharing the benefits of local production and consumption.

Conclusion: Project Outcomes The NYA and the five secondary counterparts are excited to begin working to bring the Venice Community Roots Garden from concept to reality. The Los Angeles Department of Neighborhood Empowerment (the local government agency that oversees the Venice Neighborhood Council) offers it’s full support as well, citing that the project will achieve one of the goals in the Venice Community Plan: “Promote existing commercial areas on Abbot Kinney Boulevard between Venice Boulevard and Main Street as an artcraft center. Encourage a broad range of community serving commercial uses and services” (Venice Community Plan). All parties involved with the Venice Community Roots Garden pledge their full effort to achieve the intended outcomes of this project:

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