Westwood Village Then and Now - A Case Study

WESTWOOD VILLAGE THEN & NOW a case study

carla salehian [winter 2013]

Introduction...................................................................................... 1

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Methodology.................................................................................... 4 Historical Analysis............................................................................ 8 Planning and Zoning...................................................................... 16 User Group Analysis....................................................................... 32 Current Conditions and Interventions............................................ 46 Conclusions.................................................................................... 58 References..................................................................................... 60

1.1 Periphery Map............................................................................ 2 2.1 Base Map................................................................................... 6 3.1 Timeline.................................................................................... 10 3.2 Chronological Figure Ground Map........................................... 12 3.3 Architectural Styles.................................................................. 14

LIST OF FIGURES

4.1 Primary Land Uses Inventory................................................... 18 4.2 Detailed Land Use Inventory.................................................... 20 4.3 Lynch Analysis.......................................................................... 22 4.4 Zone Distribution...................................................................... 28 4.5 Land Use/Zoning Inventory...................................................... 42 5.1 Coffee Shop Customer Types.................................................. 36 5.2 Coffee Shop Customer’s Length of Stay.................................. 40 6.1 Sidewalk Analysis..................................................................... 48 6.2 Storefront Vacancies................................................................ 50 6.3 BID Critique.............................................................................. 54 6.4 Commercial Signage................................................................ 56

1.

INTRODUCTION

Located just south of the UCLA campus, Westwood Village could be considered by most a to be “college town” much like any other, but below the surface this small neighborhood contains the complexity and diversity of any other urban space. The entirety of the Westwood Village area is contained within an area of about fifteen blocks, and upon visiting this area for the first time, two major features immediately stand out to newcomers. First, each of those 15 blocks is predominantly commercial. Its sidewalks are filled with dozens of restaurants and shops and as in any other neighborhood, there are the familiar restaurants and retail chains, but also readily available are a wide variety of local businesses, as well. A second feature that stands out to a first time visitor is that of the built environment itself.

Westwood Village features a wide variety of architectural styles ranging from classical brick buildings and clock towers to Spanish style architecture observed in the baroque details on the Regent (Fox) theatre’s tower and the courtyards dispersed along Broxton Avenue complete with Spanish tile flooring

and fountains. With these stylistic details, Westwood Village gives the impression of containing a lot of character and life. And although this was true for most of its early years, this is no longer the case.

Today, Westwood Village’s built environment struggles with another pair of characteristics: age and contrast. As appealing as its buildings may have once been, much of their facades today are worn, and most of its sidewalks are dirty, cracked and uneven giving the impression that the city lacks the funds to provide even the most basic services in terms of the upkeep of its basic infrastructure. The problems are not only superficial; within the buildings, vacancies are sprouting across even the most prominent of avenues and boulevards in the area. In terms of users, people no longer seem to consider Westwood Village the cultural landmark it once was.

In addition to age, Westwood Village also exhibits a strong sense of clashing elements and contrast. In terms of land use, its low-lying mixed commercial use is contrasted with surrounding residential and public facility uses. As for its user groups, Westwood has an overwhelmingly

Westwood Village’s built environment struggles with age and contrast.

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WESTWOOD VILLAGE PERIPHERY MAP

FIGURE 1.1 Source: Belmont Village

INTRODUCTION

strong student population but older demographics are also readily present. Put simply, Westwood Village is made up of a hodgepodge of elements that can, at times, muddle the community’s sense of identity.

Here is a place that is both conveniently located adjacent to a world-renowned university and to top that off, is also rich with history and cultural significance. It is an area that should be filled to the brim with life and excitement, instead most everyone seems to reach a consensus on one thing: that Westwood Village has “seen better days”

Nevertheless, despite the negative attributes Westwood Village does hold a lot of potential. It is still full of activity and its visitors and residents can be observed there at almost any hour of the day. As was mentioned before, one of the most significant demographics is, of course, that of the UCLA student population. With a wide range of housing available at its periphery, Westwood Village remains a convenient location for shopping, dining, and any dayto-day needs for those living both on and off-campus. And students aren’t the only inhabitants of the Westwood Village area.

With its proximity to major institutions and

major sources of employment, Westwood serves a wide variety of residents and visitors on a day-to-day basis and its active streets and sidewalks are what give it the greatest sense of community.

All in all, with it’s proximity to such large high-rises in the Wilshire area to its south, a large University to its north, and a bustling 405 freeway to the west (See Figure 1.1), Westwood Village could’ve easily been dwarfed or overshadowed, but nonetheless it has stood the test of time and deep within its old and weathered buildings, contains a certain charm and character that allows it to stand on its own as a piece of Los Angeles culture and continues to hold the potential to become a welcoming destination point for visitors near and far. The following analysis provides a historical explanation of how this once burgeoning place of thriving culture slowly declined into a state of stagnancy and the more recent attempts that have been made to restore it.

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2.

METHODOLOGY

In order for one to better understand Westwood’s historical rise and fall, several observational site visits were performed throughout a period of about two months to gain a better understanding of its compositional and cultural makeup. The information gathered was then organized and presented in the form of graphic representations, maps, and written analysis included throughout this report (See List of Figures.)

Base Map: Prior to conducting any site visits or performing any analysis, the area of study was defined and represented in the form of a base map (Figure 2.1) The base map outlines the area of study’s basic boundaries while many of the other maps throughout this report each build upon it by presenting progressively detailed layers of information in terms of Westwood’s history, land uses, and physical composition.

Suffice to say, it was very much the starting point of this project and simply presents an outline of the outer block shapes and major streets and intersections.

In terms of its purpose, the base map

is simply meant to serve as a foundation (or base) for more detailed maps and to provide a general sense of perspective and scale. In order to capture what is considered to be the “heart” of Westwood Village, this study will observe the area south of Le Conte Avenue, north of Kinross Avenue, east of Gayley Avenue, and west of Tiverton Avenue.

By looking at this base map, one is able to hypothesize certain characteristics of the area. We see Westwood Village’s blocks are unconventional in shape with a network of streets and alleyways cutting through them. Rather than a more traditional grid-like pattern that is easy to navigate by car, Westwood’s crooked streets and alleyways show us an environment that is oriented more toward the pedestrian.

Observational studies seem to confirm this notion; most individuals feel very comfortable navigating the crooked streets and sidewalks and cars seem to respect them and their right-of-way. In addition, block length is considerably short which also makes it easier to navigate by foot.

The next chapters of this report will focus on analyzing this area of study.

First, the history of Westwood Village PAGE 5

METHODOLOGY

will be assessed in order to gain a better understanding of the Westwood Village that once was. This will include the study of major historical events in the area, a chronology of the development of its built form, and a brief study on its architectural landmarks. Next, Westwood Village’s “current conditions� will be observed through both formal and informal means.

Observed land uses will be compared to actual zoning classifications as well as descriptions set forth in the Westwood Village Specific Plan. In addition, Lynch analysis will identify the manner in which the land use decisions in the area affect some of its major built form characteristics.

After this, the report concentrates on the user groups in the area with detailed study on the student demographic. Lastly, the report observes recent efforts taken to revitalize the area. Specific concentration will be placed on the Westwood Village Improvement Association, a BID that was launched in 2011. Its actions and efforts to-date will be critiqued in terms of both its successes and areas in need of further attention or development.

Before delving into these sections, clarifications on the scope and nature of

this project must be made. First, while Westwood Village can be analyzed from a wide array of perspectives, this project will place a particular focus on the pedestrian experience above other characteristics (Lynch analysis will place an emphasis on walkability, sidewalks will be assessed, etc.)

Second, most of the information presented is based off of personal observation; secondary sources on the locale were not gathered until the later stages of this project. Unless it is cited otherwise, all critiques, observations, and suggestions are entirely my own.

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3.

HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

Westwood Village’s history dates back to 1919 when a businessman by the name of Arthur Letts purchased the 3,000 acre parcel, “Wolfskill Ranch.” A few years later, the Janss family eventually inherited the land (through marriage) and being the savvy investors that they were, immediately began to lobby for UCLA’s relocation to Westwood. Being so, it can be said that the history of Westwood Village goes hand in hand with that of UCLA’s for once the relocation area was confirmed by means of a three-way deal between the Janss Investment Company, the State of California, and the cities of Los Angeles, Santa Monica, and Beverly Hills, the Janss Investment Company immediately took steps to begin development for the Village.

The company sought to create a shopping center that was meant to attract affluent suburbanites and being so, was one of the first to accommodate for the automobile with its broad streets and parking lots. In contrast to my previous assumptions that the short block sizes and crooked streets were created with the pedestrian in mind, the wide roads and strategically placed

clock towers and architectural landmarks in the village were actually made to orient the driver.

When it first opened in 1929, the original design of Westwood Village was considered “one of the most well planned and beautifully laid out commercial areas in the nation.” In terms of its aesthetic quality, much like in other communities, an art jury reviewed all plans. These individuals had strict control over the acceptable architectural types in the area and in the case of Westwood, it was clear that a style and design was of upmost importance. A 1930’s magazine article even noted that “The founders of Westwood Village did not permit, and still do not permit, the erection of any building whatsoever that does not fit into the picture. The new city is almost entirely constructed of the best type of Mediterranean architecture.” (Gebhard, et al., p.135-136) The area opened with 34 businesses and despite the Great Depression, this number grew to 452 by 1939. It was also during the 1930’s that Westwood Village gained notoriety for its many movie premieres in its Fox theatre (See Right).

Source: Water and Power Associates

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HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

The Janss Company sold Westwood Village in the 1950’s but for the next several decades, Westwood Village would continue to grow and flourish until around the 1980’s. By then, larger and eventually more popular, shopping centers sprang up around the area leaving Westwood Village in the dust, both metaphorically and literally. Business owners in the area also pointed to a particular event that they believe also played a critical role in the decline in business and activity. Gang violence began to emerge during this decade and in 1988, Karen Toshima, a 27 year-old bystander was killed in a gangrelated shoot out. According to historian Marc Wanamaker, “That was it. Nobody showed up the next weekend. It was a ghost town.” (Groves, 2008) Suffice to say, business has improved since those “ghost town” days but the road to recovery has been slow and cumbersome.

Chronological Figure Ground Map: In terms of the history of its built form characteristics, Westwood’s development began in a small cluster of commercial buildings and since then, its expansion has progressively rippled outward. I sought

to visually represent this expansion in the form of a graphic with the creation of a “Chronological Figure Ground map” (See Figure 3.2). As with any other figure ground map, this graphic illustrates the building footprints within my specified area of study. However rather than simply creating a stark black/white contrast between building footprints and unenclosed space, I added a further layer of detail by taking estimates of when buildings were constructed (by studying historic aerial photographs) and placing them on a scale in which darker tones of gray/black indicate older buildings. In other words, the darker a figure is, the longer it’s been there. The figure shows how the very core of Westwood Village, constructed in the late 20’s and 30’s existed along Weyburn Avenue, Broxton Avenue, and Westwood Boulevard. Beyond this, the periphery of the shopping center primarily consisted of vast open spaces. For the next few decades, Westwood continued to grow and expand. But beginning in the 1980’s major redevelopment efforts began to take place around the periphery. Historic aerial photographs show demolition projects and the construction of newer (and often times

Source: Water and Power Associates

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HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

taller) buildings. These sites are marked by the lighter grey and white tones.

Architectural Styles Figure: While the figure ground map illustrates general construction trends over time, the “Architectural Styles” graphic (Figure 3.3) demonstrates specific architectural styles that give Westwood Village its “Mediterranean” character. Westwood’s buildings feature a wide variety of architectural styles ranging from Spanish Colonial Revival to the Moderne style.

Also significant to the area is a wide selection of American Colonial Revival structures known for their use of red tone brick and symmetrical front facades. The “Architectural Styles” graphic features three examples of historically significant buildings drawn from the Specific Plan, the “Dome” building, the Bruin theatre, and the Holmby building. Each of these buildings is represented by a sketch and close up image shots taken on site.

First, the Yamato building (known colloquially as, “the dome”) was constructed in the earliest days of Westwood Village back in 1929 and is an example of the Spanish Revival architectural style. This

domed octagonal building was originally the office building for the Westwood’s founding Janss Investment Company and being so, represented one of the most dominant structures within Westwood Village. Located on the corner of Kinross Avenue, Broxton Avenue, and Westwood Boulevard, it still commands an impressive presence thanks to the building’s looming height and decorative dome. While the building façade itself at first seems quite simple, with muted cream color tones and tall, glass and ironwork doors, tinted to obstruct a passerby’s view of the interior, a closer look reveals classical detailing, for instance, a bust built within the exterior wall of the building itself. As the building’s colloquial title suggests, however, the spotlight feature of the structure is its ornate dome. Moorish, white and aqua zigzag tile-work cover its exterior, topped by a cupola, a quintessential exhibition of “Mediterranean” character. (Gebhard, et al., p.137)

The Bruin Theatre, second in my analysis, is yet another example of a structure that adds much to Westwood’s culture and character. Architecturally, it couldn’t be more different than the Yamato PAGE 13

HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

building. Found on the corner of Weburn and Broxton Avenue, the Moderne-style Bruin Theatre was constructed in 1937 and features a semi-circular façade and a wrap around marquee overhang. Compared to the surrounding buildings, the Bruin Theatre shares similar cream-colored color tones, but its ornate, blue and yellow artdeco inspired sign sets it apart from the rest (p.137). This sign-lit up by night- protrudes from the facade as part of an overhang that creates an illusion of depth, in contrast to Yamato’s height, that characterizes the structure. (Gebhard, et al., p.137)

Lastly, the Holmby Building was also constructed in 1929 and is listed in the Westwood Village Specific Plan as a Mediterranean style streetscape of six Spanish Colonial revival storefronts. Like much of Westwood Village, its history is closely tied to that of UCLA’s and early in its existence, it was used as the first dormitory for female students. Again, the structure features a dominant characteristic that acts as a major landmark for the area. Its corner clock tower is capped with a green pinnacle and features classical design details in its pointed pediment above the window frame and Moorish pattern work underneath the

railing. (Gebhard, et al., p.137)

While few can deny its richness in history and its architectural treasures, it was mentioned before that the Westwood Village experienced today is much more stagnant. The next chapter of this report will shift gears toward the present by focusing on the informal and formal land uses and regulations that shape its current built form characteristics.

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4.

PLANNING & ZONING

INFORMAL ANALYSIS

Throughout the earlier stages of this project, informal studies (without the use of outside research) and site visits were performed in order to get a sense of a visitor’s “initial impressions” of the village. First, a primary land uses inventory map (See Figure 4.1) was created by canvassing the area and noting its land use types based simply off of observation.

The primary land use map presents us with more information by adding a level of detail to the base map with estimations of parcel divisions (based off of perceived storefront counts, etc.) It then takes this modified base map, assigns a different color for each land use, and then applies it to the parcels. Here, commercial usage is identified as a dark pink, residential use is in orange, open space is in green, medical use is in blue, and vacant lots are in a dark grey.

Primary Land Use Inventory Map: During the initial observation studies, it was noted that if a person enters the Westwood Village area, it was likely they

were there as consumers. Upon looking at this map, we see immediately see why this is so: commercial land uses dominate Westwood and of the area studied, there was not a single block that did not feature commercial space.

Residential land use is primarily seen just outside the periphery of this area of study but within the Westwood Village area you find the Palazzo apartment complex on both sides of Glendon Avenue and a retirement complex (Vintage Westwood Horizons) at the corner of Weyburn and Tivernton Avenue. While the retirement complex is comprised of a large (and rather old) tower that does not fit the low-lying built form characteristics in its periphery, the Palazzo complex seems to be much more integrated with the surrounding area.

In fact, the Palazzo rental complex even features some commercial units on the ground level, the most prominent retail spaces being that of a Rite Aid and a Trader Joe’s. In addition to these residential spaces, apartments are also seen on the second and third story of a large structure on the east side of Broxton Avenue but appear to be empty and lack any sort of signage that would confirm their usage.

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PLANNING & ZONING

The land use map also calls attention to other characteristics of the Westwood Village area such as open space (represented in green). Within the studied area, there are no public, open spaces, there are only some private gardens/courtyards seen within the Palazzo complex. However, long lawns on the outer edge of UCLA can be found to the immediate north of Westwood village and are sometimes used for recreational or informal commercial uses; a man pushing an ice-cream cart can be seen there several times throughout the week as students walk to and from the campus. As far as medical land uses, UCLA’s hospital and medical plaza are found within the university boundaries and provide a major presence in the entire Westwood area.

Within the Westwood Village area of study, smaller medical offices can be seen along Westwood Boulevard and are marked in blue on the land use map. These provide private optometry and dental medical services. Lastly, the land use map also identifies vacant lots in dark grey. Within the studied area, one vacant lot exists at the corner of Le Conte and Gayley Avenue.

Detailed Land Use Inventory Map: The detailed land use map (Figure 4.2) adds an even greater level of detail and information by building upon the primary land use map. Here, the general commercial land use category was divided into four separate categories that all seemed to have a significant presence in the area: arts/entertainment, dining, health/beauty, and shopping/services. General shopping/ service locations were marked in the same dark pink as in the map before however “arts and entertainment” commercial uses were now marked in a maroon color. Within Westwood Village, three movie theatres exist as popular destination points for residents and visitors; a Landmark theatre is located along Broxton Avenue but the two more popular theatres are that of the Bruin and Regent (Fox) Theatres located on the corners of Broxton and Weyburn Avenue.

Apart from these, the Geffen Playhouse also serves as a significant place of culture in the area.

While Westwood Village is not particularly known for its fine dining establishments, a few of the more highend restaurants can be found. Most notably, there is the Japanese “Yamato” PAGE 19

PLANNING & ZONING

restaurant at the corner of Broxton and Kinross Avenues. As it was mentioned in the previous section of this study, the restaurant is located in the historic dome structured Janss Building and is on one of the most central locations in Westwood Village. Palm trees line the main entrance and create a space where many pedestrians gather. Restaurant patrons also wait to be seated in this area in either large groups or in couples. The prices at this establishment are higher than most other restaurants in the area and consequently it is not a place where students go regularly. Instead, it was more common to find middle-aged couples and groups of businessmen dining here. In comparison, students in Westwood Village tend to frequent the wide selection of fast food establishments such as the In-NOut on Gayley Avenue or the Chipotle on Broxton Avenue. In this map all restaurant locations were marked in purple.

Lastly, I was surprised to find that “health and beauty” businesses are fairly well distributed throughout Westwood Village. In almost any street a visitor can find a wide variety of nail salons and beauty supply shops as well as hair salons. Despite there being many health

and beauty businesses, few seemed to be very busy, Those locations can be found on this map in fuchsia. Overall, the land use map provides a better sense of the level of variety found in Westwood Village that plays such a significant contribution toward giving it its character and toward making the location interesting to navigate on foot.

Lynch Analysis Map: In a study performed to discover the most important characteristics that impact a city’s image, Kevin Lynch identified five types of elements: “paths”, “edges”, “districts”, “nodes”, and “landmarks”. The Lynch Analysis Map (See Figure 4.3) analyzes Westwood Village using these elements and was subcategorized into major and minor types.

• Paths - According to Lynch, paths are the channels by which a traveller moves and could include anything from streets and sidewalks to canals and railroads.

Therefore, any street or sidewalk could technically be considered a path, however, this map instead concentrates on only the most significant walkways PAGE 21

PLANNING & ZONING

for the pedestrian. The major walkways were distinguished on map in magenta.

Here, we see that Weyburn Avenue provides one of the most significant walkways through the Westwood Village area. This is most likely attributed to two factors; first, it is one of the densest and most eclectic streets in the area.

Second, it provides individuals with one of the most direct routes across the neighborhood. Another major path is on Westwood Boulevard between Le Conte and Weyburn Avenue and serves as one of the most prominent pathways to and from the heart of the UCLA campus. Interestingly enough, the rest of Westwood Boulevard does not serve as a major path for pedestrians. This could be because the street is usually packed with cars and because great portions of its retail spaces are currently vacant. Broxton Avenue is another significant pathway for pedestrians and also features much street life and activity but isn’t as busy as the path on Weyburn and is therefore, identified as a “minor” path by a lighter tone of magenta.

• Edge - As the name suggests, edges are linear boundaries between two phases. While the area of study is most likely too small for any formal edges, a wall lines a good portion of Le Conte Avenue creating a visual marker for individuals to distinguish the boundary between space inside and outside of the UCLA campus. Because it helps individuals organize the physical space and layout of the area, it was identified as a “major edge” in purple along the top portion of the map.

• District – A district is a medium-to-large section of a city and usually has some identifying character. Again, our area of study in this case was too small to contain any districts within it, but when considering Westwood Village among the greater Westwood/Wilshire area, Westwood, itself, could easily serve as a major commercial district. For this reason, the entire village is outlined in teal. In the periphery, UCLA could serve as a major public institution/ educational and research district, while the residential areas to the north could also serve as another type of district.

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• Node – Nodes are points or spots where there is a particular concentration of city features. Examples could include a busy intersection or a popular city center.

Being that the concentration of this Lynch analysis was on walkability, one major node was identified in blue at one of the busiest pedestrian crosswalks at Weyburn and Broxton Avenue. Here, the length of the crosswalk time is significantly greater than most other crosswalks in the area and the street paving outlines crosswalks not only along the periphery of the intersection, but diagonally across it as well. In addition, this intersection is one of the most active and dense in terms of popular meeting/gathering points.

No other intersections or building concentrations seemed to have all of these characteristics based off of the initial studies and as a result, no other major nodes (or minor nodes) were identified.

• Landmark – Lynch’s definition of a landmark is also fairly straightforward.

To him, a landmark was an external physical object that acts as a reference PLANNING & ZONING

point and could range in form and size from anything from a monument to a store. This Lynch element in particular seems to be especially significant in the Westwood Village area as pedestrians are constantly using a few major structures in the area to orient their sense of space and direction (these are marked on this map by the green circles). The first most obvious landmarks are those of the two popular Regent and Bruin movie theatres. In fact, the Fox tower on the Regent theatre is so effective as a landmark it can even be seen from the 405 Freeway.

Two other landmarks in the area come in the form of stores and restaurants; one is the City Target at Weyburn and Glendon Avenue, and the other is the In-N-Out along Gayley Avenue. Apart from being popular destinations for residents and visitors, the size of these lots is much larger than most of its surrounding businesses which make them easy markers for pedestrian to get oriented and when asking for directions, these stores are frequently used as “signposts”. Lastly, the copula on the top of the Yamato restaurant, and

the row of palm trees before it, might not be as significant when it comes to pedestrian landmarks but does serve a distinguishing icon for the area and is therefore labeled as a minor landmark in light green.

Thus far, most of the characteristics highlighted in the Lynch analysis have contributed toward establishing positive characteristics in the area, but some problematic areas do exist and must also be considered. In the Lynch Analysis map, these were identified as “Image Problems.”

The first of these image problems was that of “isolation” which was represented by a dotted line. Areas of isolation in Westwood Village were located in secluded alleyways off of the busy streets of Weyburn and Broxton avenues. These isolated pathways were dark and, of course, unpopulated, especially during the evenings. And while individuals and couples could be seen cutting through the alleyways from time to time, it didn’t appear to be very safe. A second image problem is that of a “characterless path” identified along Tiverton Avenue. Compared to other streets in Westwood Village, this street

features minimal pedestrians and this is most likely due to the fact that it lacks any of the character or charm apparent in most other streets. Instead, the buildings lining the sidewalks are monotonous, bland, and uninviting in that they provide no reason to explore them. A third image problem exists just a block away from Tiverton Avenue at the corner where Kinross meets Glendon Avenue. Here, a “lack of relation” exists between an ultra-modern multistory building and its surrounding built environment. Instead, the building calls a lot of attention to itself and worst of all, a lack of proper signage prevents the pedestrian from even knowing what’s inside.

Kevin Lynch believed that a great American city was one that provided a positive and vivid mental image to its citizens. In order to achieve this, the city had to fulfill a series of conditions that enhanced the city experience to its visitors and residents and also provided them with a sense of security. As a result, these conditions would create identity, structure, meaning, legibility, and imageability in a city and would ultimately convert a simple “space” into a significant “place”.

Westwood Village may be far from a

“A great American city provides a positive and vivid mental image to its citizens.”

-Kevin Lynch

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perfect, or even “great” American urban place. However, the elements described in the previous sections of this essay do contribute toward enhancing its image and making it a place of cultural significance and high potential for revitalization.

In order for a city to have an identity, Lynch felt there must be distinction from other places and that it must have structure and meaning on an emotional level. These characteristics are most definitely evident in Westwood Village for its physical characteristics are unique to its immediate surroundings. Contrary to the modern highrises seen around its periphery, Westwood Village’s built environment seldom has a structure greater than three stories high. Furthermore, its constant state of activity builds a sense of community and emotional attachment. An example of this is seen when entering a coffee shop and noticing the personal relationships that exist between employees and their frequent customers. Here, residents seem to have their own routines and as a part of that, engagement with the community and local businesses gives them a true sense of belonging.

PLANNING & ZONING

For Lynch, legibility of a cityscape was also critical and meant it was easy to mentally organize a city’s parts into a coherent pattern. In Westwood Village, the crooked nature of its streets and sidewalks could make it difficult for pedestrians to orient themselves, however, with its plentiful supply of major and minor landmarks, individuals are able to navigate the area with relative ease and comfort. Furthermore, its clearly defined edge on the north also acts as a visual marker in distinguishing the territory around the Westwood area.

As a result, Westwood Village’s legibility provides significant social roles such as that of a heightened sense security.

Inhabitants feel comfortable in exploring new places when they are confident they can easily find their way back to familiar territory.

Lastly, imageability was another feature of a great city. Because much of his focus was on building the mental image of a city, for Lynch it was absolutely essential to encourage that with physical qualities, which relate to the aforementioned characteristics of identity and structure.

Imageability, therefore, stands for the quality in a physical object that provokes a

strong image to an observer be it through shape, color, or arrangement. In terms of imageability and Westwood Village, no better example stands out than that of the Regent and Bruin Theatre in the evenings.

Across the street from one another, each theatre features colorful flashing lights and antique architecture that profoundly impact the retro imagery associated with Westwood Village. It is a visual marker that stays with the visitor and brings vibrancy and life to the entire area.

While the observational studies performed for this party of my analysis were primarily superficial, analyzing this area through the identification of its land uses and its Lynch elements helps one gain a better understanding of the features that contribute toward giving Westwood Village its own identity in a city as large and dispersed as Los Angeles. No matter what your opinion is on Westwood Village, there is no denying the fact that it has culture and that through the combination of its characteristics, its identity is firmly stitched within the greater Los Angeles area.

FORMAL ANALYSIS

Though informal study of Westwood Village’s land uses and Lynch analysis does provide much information on the composition of the city in terms of the manner in which it affects its users, deeper analysis on its formal codes and regulations help further inform our understanding of why certain characteristics exist. Though Westwood Village has experienced many ups and downs since it was founded, its development throughout the past few decades has been guided, for the most part, by two major planning regulations: the zoning designation and the Westwood Village Specific Plan. Westwood Village is located within the City of Los Angeles, which has zoned the area primarily as a C4 Commercial Zone (See Figure 4.4). As seen by the hatch marks, the entire area of study for this report except for one lot is zoned C4 (which is marked in this map with dots).

By layering the official land uses on my own perceived land uses, it clearly shows that the area is less diverse than the land uses I originally identified during my preliminary studies. My perceived land uses were PAGE 27

WESTWOOD VILLAGE ZONE DISTRIBUTION

FIGURE 4.4

PLANNING & ZONING

primarily commercial, but also included residential, open space, and even medical land uses. And while these observations differ greatly from the City of Los Angeles’ zones, they were not necessarily wrong.

The C4 zone is one of the most inclusive in terms of what sort of land uses are allowed. According to the City’s zoning matrix, the C4 allows for a wide variety of commercial uses (with some limitations), residential uses (from multiple dwelling units to single family residential ones), parking areas, churches, schools, and theatres. In other words, despite the fact that the zoning in the area is quite uniform, the allowed uses within this zoning designation are anything but. Despite this, it can be argued that Westwood Village is not fully embracing its potential intensity rate and this is a condition that seems to be fully controlled by the local municipal authority (and likely with pressure from the surrounding neighborhood groups.)

Only one other zoning designation exists within the area of study and that is the PB2 designation located at the corner of Glendon and Kinross Avenue. There are many parking buildings and parking lots throughout the entire Westwood Village

area but interestingly enough, this is the only lot specifically zoned for parking.

While the zoning designations give a general sense of what sort of land uses are allowed in the area, Westwood Village’s second major planning regulation, its Specific Plan, gives a much more detailed account of codes specific to the area, itself.

It is complete with specifications on height, setback, parking, signage, and design review procedures that are intended to bring a sense of uniformity to the community.

Like the zoning regulations, this document seems to also have a direct impact on the built environment. Compared to the highrises located around the periphery, much of Westwood’s buildings are relatively low, which can be attested to the height limit of 40 feet. In addition, the consistent building frontage and setbacks stem from regulations specifying that at least 80% of the exterior wall along the building frontage “shall be located no more than five feet from any building line, up to a height of 30 feet or the top story…” (p. 17) The specific plan also has a direct impact on the built environment in terms of intensity, as well. Despite the C4 being considerably inclusive in terms of allowed usage, the PAGE 29

PLANNING & ZONING

Specific Plan removes this sense of flexibility and essentially plays a huge part in downzoning the area by issuing a set of high requirements that acts to discourage increased density or intensity in the area.

Instead, the specific plan seems to value its “village” feel and works to preserve it.

Aside from this, the Westwood Village Specific Plan provides a list of historically/ culturally significant buildings in the area, which also speaks to its commitment to historic preservation. For each “historically significant” building listed, an architectural style is noted. While the effort is there and the intentions are true, the Specific Plan does not lay out any sort of plan or program to preserve these buildings. In comparison to other, more formalized, historical preservation programs as seen in nearby locations such as Culver City, Westwood Village does not have a ranking system in terms of significance, and does not lay out a set form of procedures in terms of acknowledgement of significance and a systemized set of regulations requiring property owners to maintain and preserve it.

In this example, Culver City even amended its Municipal Code in order to foster a sense of public awareness on a building’s

historical significance by requiring any building with a “Landmark” or “Significant” status to display an informative plaque on its façade. This suggests the Westwood Village Specific Plan seems to be lacking in “teeth” and is missing a great opportunity in terms of acting upon its commitment to preserve its rich historical legacy.

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5.

USER GROUP ANALYSIS

Up until now, much of the emphasis of this report has been on the physical composition of Westwood Village in terms of its history, land uses, and built form characteristics. This next section will focus on the people living, working, and visiting this area as well as their relation to the physical space and the ways in which they navigate around it. Arguably, they are the people who bring life to this built environment and play a huge role in creating the atmosphere others experience when in the area. These individuals are called “users”, and in most analysis of any physical place they are divided into categories or “user groups.” Westwood Village showcases a wide variety of these user groups. Initial observation sessions showed that the “student” user group is by far the most prevalent but closer examination at dispersed times of the day reveal much more variety. On Weekday mornings, you see business executives on their mobile devices purchasing breakfast to go or mothers getting their routine workout pushing strollers. Visit Westwood

on a Sunday morning and you are likely to see elderly couples walking down its sidewalks or large families gathered together posing for pictures. On occasion, you might even see a celebrity getting his coffee fix at the local, independent coffee house (Tobey Maguire was seen recently on a Tuesday afternoon) and on the other extreme, Westwood Village also has a small, but significant homeless population.

The variation and diversity of Westwood’s users is undeniable and is even more astounding considering how small and compact of an area it is. Due to time limitations involved in the scope of this study it, unfortunately, was not possible to study all these user groups and create an exhaustive inventory of all the categories of people within Westwood Village. Instead, rather than labeling user groups based off of superficial observations, my intention for this part of the analysis was to focus instead on a sub-section of a particular user group and perform spatial analysis on their relationship to the physical environment. In other words, given time limitations, I felt it much more meaningful and interesting to focus less on broadly answering “who” was there and more on “why” a particular group PAGE 33

I chose to concentrate my attention on two major facets of student life: work and social.

USER GROUP ANALYSIS

was there and “what” they were doing.

In order to capture the essence of the typical Westwood user, the particular user group I chose to analyze in detail was, of course, that of the student. Walk around Westwood on any day at virtually any hour and it is easy to spot one of these users donning their college sweatshirts and carrying their loaded backpacks.

Identifying students is therefore, usually quite simple. And in order to illustrate an accurate picture of what a typical student might be doing in Westwood, I chose to concentrate my attention on places or activities that encapsulate two major facets of their life, facets I call “work” and “social.” The “work” facet of life involves anything that seemed to be visibly related to a person’s education. This could include anything from studying to reading or writing and could be performed either individually or as a group. Consequently, the “social” facet of life attempts to capture life outside the framework of school and includes everything from eating out or shopping to watching a movie. In essence, “social” attempts to capture all the public activities in a student’s life outside of attending class, studying, or working on assignments. They

could also be performed either individually or as a group.

In identifying these two categories, it is assumed that if a student is in the Westwood Village area, he or she is likely to be doing something in either of the two facets mentioned before and being so, detailed studies were performed in order to get a better understanding of the student user-group and its subsets in relation to their physical surroundings and how those surroundings affect these facets of their lives. In order to get a better understanding of the “work” facet, analysis was performed on the mecca of student study spaces—the coffee shop. Here, I compared two popular coffee shops in the area and identified the student to non-student user distribution in each as well as other interesting differences between the two. After this, in order to better understand the “social” facet of a student’s life, I analyzed the area during the quintessential time to go out – a Friday night. Here, I assessed the popular destination spots in a concentrated area and identified the users within them. Further details on these studies will be explored in the next sections of this report however, it is important to note that again, no outside

research was performed in the process of this study and all conclusions were drawn from a purely observational.

STUDENT USER GROUP STUDY: WORK

As mentioned before, the “work” study is meant to explore Westwood’s student population by concentrating on anything work, or school, related. Coffee shops have always been a popular location for students to study in and this is perfectly evident within Westwood Village. Within the area, there are five different types of specialty store coffee shops (more if you were to include the café’s) ranging from large chains such as Starbucks and the Coffee Bean to smaller, independent businesses such as Boba Loca Coffee or Espresso Profeta. Suffice to say, there are a wide variety of choices but what is even more impressive is the fact that every single one of these locations is consistently filled with students.

Coffee Shop Analysis Part 1 Starbucks: One of the most popular locations where students in Westwood

Village study is Starbucks, and more specifically, the Starbucks located at the corner of Weyburn and Broxton Avenue.

The location is considerably large, has ample seating, and most importantly, actively caters to the student population.

No greater evidence of this exists than the fact that this particular location (the closest to the actual UCLA campus) recently expanded its hours and is now open 24 hours; the first Starbucks to do so in Los Angeles. Here, students can find comfort in the familiarity of the warm paint colors paired with the industrial style furniture.

Most importantly, they also find power outlets for their laptop chargers throughout the store and have access to free Wi-Fi: the two lifelines of any productive college student. Starbucks’ mission statement is to create a haven or a break from the outside, but the Weyburn Avenue location seems to be, more than anything, a chic study hall.

I knew the student population within Starbucks was large, but in order to get a good sense of how large, I decided to take an inventory of all the occupied sitting spaces in the store on Wednesday, January 30, 2013 at 3:50 PM and marked which were taken up by students studying PAGE 35

USER GROUP ANALYSIS

and which weren’t (Note: This study was focusing only on the seated customers, those who ordered their drinks to go were not included in the analysis). The results were rather astounding. As seen in Figure 5.1, the blue squares represent spaces occupied by students studying (reading books, working on their computers, discussing assignments in pairs, etc.), the grey squares represent empty (or vacant) spaces, and the green squares represent customers who are not students.

The figure shows the overwhelming degree to which students occupy the space. Of the 32 total spaces counted, only two customers were not students studying and four spaces were vacant, leaving 28 spaces to be occupied by students. It was also interesting to see how Starbuck’s physical structure also played a part in the distribution of students within the space.

Edward Hall (1969) wrote about how the “structuring of semi-fixed features can have a profound effect on behavior” and this phenomenon is very apparent here.

Starbucks’ seating arrangements are split into two sections: a slightly elevated area separated by a few stairs, and a lower area where customers order their drinks and

can also find seating dispersed throughout a larger space. Students are almost always seen in the elevated section and in a territorial sense, seem to have nearly declared the space as their own. Despite a seat or two being available in the upper section, Starbucks customers that are not students are rarely seen sitting there. Here, the partition created by the stairs could play a part in separating the space both physically and mentally for customers.

In addition, the density in seating on the upper level could also contribute to this phenomenon, as well. Unlike the more spread out seating options in the lower level, the upper level seating arrangement is extremely tight and it is common for complete strangers to be between what Hall (1969) would describe as a personal, or even intimate, spatial distance from each other.

The floor plan in the top portion of the figure provides an account of the spatial distribution of students in Starbucks, but in order to gain a better understanding of the density, I created a pie chart to accompany this graphic (see right). Here, we see the percentage distribution of group sizes per table. When the study was PAGE 37

performed, 12% of all the spaces available in Starbucks were vacant while individual users primarily occupied the filled spaces (75%). The remaining 13% of spaces were filled by groups of two. All in all, it seems as though people who go to Starbucks to study, tend to go alone.

“We will gladly serve you once you have finished your cell phone/texting conversation.”

-Espresso Profeta

USER GROUP ANALYSIS

Espresso Profeta: About a tenminute walk away, another coffee shop, Espresso Profeta, seems to exist as the antithesis of the Starbucks brand and provides an excellent comparison being that it, too, is a popular place for students. Rather than rich dark, colors, you are greeted with bright walls and sunlit windows upon entering. The space is small and friendly and rather than purposefully creating a convenient space for students to study, it aims to create a space for pleasant conversation and relaxation. An intention that is only magnified when spotting a sign on the cash register that reads “No cell phone or Bluetooth devices. We will gladly serve you once you have finished your cell phone/texting conversation.” WiFi is available for customers here, but students have to ask for access. In addition, there are intentionally no wall outlets available

for customers to use to charge their laptops. Much like the description of the manipulation of commercial space described in Malcolm Gladwell’s 1996 piece, “The Science of Shopping“, all of these characteristics combined create an image/identity for Espresso Profeta that has a profound impact on its customers.

Rather than finding a lack of wall outlets as inconvenient, many embrace it as part of its charm and use it as a cue to unplug and unwind. In addition, the line formation area is not lined with shelves of products as it is in Starbucks, here the customer feels like the establishment is not trying to sell you anything other than good coffee and a good experience.

The floor plan in the bottom portion of the figure is based off of observations made at the same time (3:50 PM) on Tuesday, January 29, 2013 and again, spaces occupied by students studying are labeled in blue, non-student customers are in green, and vacant spaces are in grey.

The figure shows us that seating is much more limited in Espresso Profeta than it is at Starbucks and is also much more free form in its spatial distribution as tables and chairs are moved around often by customers.

Another major difference between Profeta and Starbucks is the ratio of students to non-students. Of the 11 spaces recorded, one space was vacant, students studying occupied six spaces, and non-students took up four spots. The corresponding pie chart also shows us how the group sizes per table are also more evenly distributed.

Compared to Starbucks where 75% of all tables were used by single individuals, only 37% of the tables were being used by one person. Tables of two constituted 36% of the total and groups of three were observed, too. At Espresso Profeta, students are still the majority of seated users but only by a small margin. Here, you see much more customers that are not studying and are instead, sitting and conversing.

Coffee Shop Analysis Part 2

While Coffee Shop Analysis in Part 1 provided an interesting account of “snapshots” of user type, spatial distribution, and density in Starbucks and Espresso Profeta at a specific time, analysis in Part 2 is meant to provide a more detailed account of these coffee shop “sit-down customers” over the

course of time. Specifically, Figures 5.2 attempt to provide a more temporal rather than a spatial analysis by answering the question, “How much time do customers stay in these coffee shops?” In order to investigate this, I chose five random sitdown customers to act as a representation of the larger customer base and logged the time they sat down, the time they left, and a description of each. The data was visually represented in the form of bar graphs demonstrating the total time each customer spent at the coffee shop. Once again, there were stark differences between Starbucks and Espresso Profeta.

Starbucks: At Starbucks, all of the five users observed were students studying and all with the exception of one user spent over an hour in the coffee shop.

For most of these individuals, the ritual was the same. First, they would begin by staking out their place of study. If they were lucky enough to find an available space they’d immediately claim their territory by leaving their book bag or other study materials on the chair or table, ask a nearby fellow student (assumedly a stranger) to watch their stuff, and then stand in line PAGE 39

USER GROUP ANALYSIS

to purchase their beverage. The order of events, itself, says much about their mindset going into Starbucks: the purpose of their visit is first to study and to purchase a drink second. Based off of the random sample, the average Starbucks user spent about 1 hour and 46 minutes there and all of the individuals purchased only one drink. I took this to mean that for students, purchasing a drink at Starbucks could be less about satisfying a craving and more about fulfilling an obligation (in exchange for using the study space).

Espresso Profeta: The bottom figure on the other hand, paints a completely different picture. At Espresso Profeta, only one of the five users observed was a student. Instead, the customers exhibited much more variation in age group and nearly all of those customers came for social purposes: light conversation, etc. Another major difference between Starbucks and Profeta customers was that unlike all the observed users at Starbucks that went alone, most customers at Espresso Profeta were in groups of two or even three. In terms of the customer’s length of stay, users rarely stayed for over an hour. Here, the average time spent in the coffee shop

was around 45 minutes. Peculiarly enough, User 4 sat down at a table and stayed for less than ten minutes, a behavior you would never expect to see at Starbucks.

It was previously mentioned that Espresso Profeta seemed to exist as the antithesis of Starbucks, and Figure 5.2 seems to make the clearest argument as to how this could be so. If Starbucks is a convenient place for students to study, Profeta is a place that is truly about the coffee where users have the opportunity to share that cup of coffee over good conversation with a friend. It’s a place of escape, and ironically, in becoming the antithesis of its larger chain competition, it is a place that better defines the Starbucks mission statement than Starbucks (on Weyburn) does, itself.

STUDENT USER GROUP STUDY: SOCIAL

Having explored the “work” facet of student life in Westwood Village, we turn our attention to the “social” facet, encapsulating everything outside of educational studies. As I mentioned before, I proposed the best way to explore PAGE 41

USER GROUP ANALYSIS

the social facet of student life would be to make observations on a Friday night in order to assess crowded gathering locations. My past studies on Westwood Village had revealed the intersection at Weyburn and Broxton Avenues to be a well-populated node of activities and being so, I thought this would be a good place to start. Equipped with a note pad and a camera, I set off to explore this area on Friday, February 1, 2013 at around 7:45PM with the intention of walking along Broxton Avenue and taking note of the most popular locations for students to visit.

There were two major drawbacks, however. First, I was surprised to find that Westwood was far less populated than I had anticipated. The streets held some activity and several restaurants or establishments were fairly crowded but others were closed or practically empty.

Another major drawback, was that while it is easy to identify students during the weekday while studying, identifying students on Friday evenings is much more difficult (understandably, you see far less people carrying backpacks or books).

Being so, I categorized the people I saw primarily by age and broke down the

perceived “college-aged” students by the way they were dressed (casual vs. formal), creating a total of six different user groups.

In doing this, I hoped to (a) see what sort of people visit Broxton Avenue on a Friday night and (b) better understand why there were less college-aged students there than I had anticipated.

In Figure 5.3, each of the six user groups is marked by a different colored circle and placed in areas where they were most concentrated. If there were higher concentrations of a particular user group in a certain location, multiple circles were clustered together within that area.

Description of User Groups: • Children (3-12 yrs.) – Pink: While not expecting to find many along Broxton Avenue on a Friday night, I did notice a few children in the area. They were primarily seen going into dessert specialty stores in the area including the ever-popular “Diddy Riese” ice cream shop and “Stan’s Donuts”.

Children were always in the company of either an older college student or a middle aged adult (presumed relatives) and were never seen alone.

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Next, being that students were the main focus in this user group analysis, the college-aged demographic was analyzed in more detail and was divided into two categories: those that were casually dressed and those that were formally dressed. And while it may seem superficial to categorize students based off of clothes, I believe that observing the way in which a person chooses to dress in a location speaks volumes toward their mental perception of that space.

• College-Aged (20-35 yrs.) Formally Dressed – Orange: If a student was formally dressed, it was assumed that that person had established plans to go out into Westwood, in a more expensive restaurant, and most likely in a group.

These individuals were primarily seen at restaurants along Broxton Avenue such as Habibi Café, Gypsy Café, BJ’s Restaurant and Brewhouse, AMI Sushi, and Yamato. Groups of them were also seen clustered in front of Starbucks as if they were waiting to meet with others.

• College-Aged (20-35 yrs.) Casually Dressed – Green: Casually dressed USER GROUP ANALYSIS

college aged individuals, on the other hand, seemed to be acting upon more routine plans. Most of these individuals tend to be groups of young men in sweat pants or work out clothes grabbing a quick dinner at a fast food chain.

The largest concentration of casually dressed students were seen waiting in line for ice cream at Diddy Riese or eating at Five Guys or Chipotle.

• Middle-Aged Adults (40-60 yrs.) – Blue: Being that Westwood Village is primarily known as a “college town”, I was also surprised to see a considerable number of middle-aged adults in the area. These persons were well dressed for the most part and were generally seen in the company of their presumed spouse and sometimes with children. Along Broxton, they were observed in higher concentrations in sit-down restaurants such as Habibi Cafe, California Pizza Kitchen, or the higher end Yamato restaurant. Perhaps this is most likely due to the movies that were playing in this area (Gangster Squad and Zero Dark Thirty), but a significant number of middle-aged

adults were also spotted at the movie theatres in Westwood and compared to visits during the day, much more adults of this age group were also seen at Starbucks.

• The Elderly (65+) – Purple: The elderly did not constitute a significant portion of Broxton Avenue’s users but a few were seen at the California Pizza Kitchen as well as the movie theatre. Middleaged adults also accompanied all these individuals.

• The Homeless – Yellow: In the introduction, it was mentioned that the homeless population within Westwood Village is small, but significant. A few individuals are consistently seen throughout the area and Friday nights are no exception. The homeless were seen primarily in areas outside of vacant spaces where there was not much foot traffic.

student social life, Westwood seems to be a destination for undergraduates living oncampus looking for a fun night “out in the town.” But the fact that Broxton Avenue wasn’t very active on a Friday night tells us that for older students living around the area, Westwood doesn’t seem to be the destination for their social outings.

Instead, it is more of a “launching pad”.

Students gather together at landmarks and from there, travel together to locations outside the Westwood Village area. For them, Westwood Village is seen more as a place of convenience. It is a convenient, nearby area where people can walk to get something to eat, buy groceries, or perform routine activities. For them, the social facet of their life might be better-focused exploring places they don’t experience on a day-to-day basis. In addition, another obvious reason for Westwood Village’s lack of activity on a Friday night could be due to the previously mentioned crumbling built form characteristics.

Westwood Village is a place of convenience.

The user group inventory along Broxton Avenue did much to illustrate the sheer amount of diversity that exists within Westwood Village. In terms of PAGE 45

6.

CURRENT CONDITIONS & INTERVENTIONS

SIDEWALK DAMAGE

Having gone into much detail on the historical background and composition of the area, the next section of this report concentrates on the current conditions that characterize Westwood’s decline.

Its sidewalks are crumbling, colors that were once vibrant are washed out, and the parking that once defined the area now notoriously difficult. During my initial studies, two major negative attributes stood out to me. First, the level to which sidewalks were damaged and unkempt was alarmingly high. Layers of dirt and grime, deep cracks, and uneven pathways create an atmosphere that is not only unappealing, but is also a safety hazard for the high number of pedestrians. Second, I also noticed the great number of “For Lease” signs that exist within such a small area. Both of these characteristics were studied further by form of detailed site visit analysis.

In terms of assessing sidewalk damage, I began by creating a basic ranking system in order to categorize the type of cracks I noticed were most common in the area. The severity of sidewalk damage was divided into three different levels. The “Low Level” crack describes sidewalk damage that is superficial and has no effect on pedestrians. In other words, they require no immediate intervention. Next, the “Medium Level” crack describes sidewalk damage that is more prominent. Here, the cracks create a slight change in level and intervention is necessary, but not critical. In addition, previous interventions to temporarily fix the sidewalk remain effective. Third, the “High Level” crack describes sidewalk damage that is extremely prominent. Here, the cracks create a significant change in level and create a threat to pedestrians in that they can easily trip over them. If previous interventions to temporarily fix this damage were made, they are no longer effective PAGE 47

CURRENT CONDITIONS

and critically require attention.

Each of these rankings were assigned a point level and in order to map sidewalk damage in Westwood, I traveled up and down every street and took note of the type of cracks I observed by keeping a tally. Every time a low level crack was observed, I gave the street one tick mark, each level two damage cracks was given two tick marks, and level three damages were given three tick marks. In the end, total numbers of marks (or points) was calculated for each street and were then ranked in order of level of severity. Streets with sidewalk damage between 0-10 points were classified as having a “Very Low” level of damage. Streets with sidewalk damage between 10 and 24 were classified as having a “Low” level of change. Medium level damaged sidewalks had between 25 and 34 points, and lastly sidewalks with the most damage (35 or more points) were said to be in the “High” level of damage classification.

The results (See Figure 6.1) matched much of my expectancies and past observations. The Street with the least amount of sidewalk damage was that of Glendon Avenue. This is understandably so

considering the Palazzo complex on either side of the street is fairly new and required a full refurbishment of the sidewalks around it. The three streets were classified in the “Low” category were Kinross, Broxton, and Tiverton Avenues. Here, sidewalks were not necessarily new, but did not feature very many level changes in sidewalk. The only medium sized crack that was noted on Tiverton Avenue, however, is located directly in front of the retirement complex, and considering that many of its residents take walks on the sidewalk, these cracks should be placed on high priority. In addition, Broxton Avenue features wide, decorated sidewalks with very little damage but the street is so dirty, most of these decorative elements cannot be appreciated.

Two streets were listed as having medium level damage and these were Westwood Boulevard and Le Conte Avenue. Significant sidewalk damage was noticed in each of these streets but were more dispersed. Here it was clear that efforts were made to fix sidewalk damage and for the most part, those interventions seem to still be effective. In contrast, the two streets with the most sidewalk damage were Gayley and Weyburn Avenue.

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CURRENT CONDITIONS

Weyburn Avenue is one of the longest streets observed in my area of study and therefore, it was expected for it to have more cracks than its surrounding streets.

Despite this, the number of high category cracks seen on this stretch of sidewalk was alarming, especially considering how populated it nearly always is. Broken patches of cement are very common and pose a tripping hazard to all pedestrians.

The stretch of sidewalk with the highest level of sidewalk damage is Gayley Avenue (especially considering it is shorter in length than Weyburn.) Particularly on the sidewalks between Le Conte and Weyburn Avenue, sidewalk damage is so severe, it has been blocked off by cones for several months and the other cracks along the sidewalks the street are difficult not only for the elderly and disabled, but for all pedestrians. Pedestrians here spend much more time looking at the floor than they do their surroundings and at times, can be observed avoiding the sidewalk altogether.

STOREFRONT VACANCIES

The second major negative attribute I noticed in the area was that of the store vacancies. In order to study this characteristic further, I took to the sidewalks once again to count the number of storefronts along four of Westwood’s central commercial streets: Broxton Avenue, Glendon Avenue, Weyburn Avenue, and of course, Westwood Boulevard. The storefront counts covered the ground-level commercial spaces and while counting them, the number of vacancies was also noted. In the end, all the fieldwork data was presented in a “Storefront Vacancies” graphic (See Figure 6.2).

Here, the percentage of occupied vs. vacant storefronts on each street were calculated and represented on horizontal bar charts. Broxton and Weyburn Avenues were the most heavily occupied with a vacancy rate of about 10% each. In contrast, a third of Glendon Avenue is currently vacant despite being primarily comprised of newly redeveloped buildings (and sidewalks in excellent condition!)

Lastly, Westwood Boulevard, what should PAGE 51

be the very core of the village also has a high vacancy rate at nearly 30%. These streets were then placed on a spectrum ranging from “vacant” to “occupied”.

Interestingly enough, these results highly correspond to initial observations made in terms of activity levels. Lynch analysis listed Broxton and Weyburn Avenues as significant paths for pedestrians. In contrast, pedestrians along Westwood Boulevard primarily walk through without stopping at any of the shops and Glendon Avenue features high-density residential apartments but is almost always empty.

In his piece for the Washington Post, Phillip Kennicott (2010) describes the impact storefronts, and their windows can have on a street. There, he describes how increasingly fast-paced lifestyles and the rise of convenience superstores have made storefront window displays obsolete.

Perhaps it should, therefore, come as no surprise that within Westwood, a significant amount of pleasant window displays exist along Broxton and Weyburn Avenues.

On Westwood Boulevard, however, if a window isn’t covered with a “For Lease” sign, it’s bigger chain retailers like CVS cover them up anyway with advertisements CURRENT CONDITIONS

and promotional signage. Yes, the differing levels of street activity on my observed streets could be the result of a wide variety of issues, but if storefront windows do indeed impact the psychological consciousness of shoppers and impact a group’s “collective identity” as Kennicott (2010) suggests, then it’s possible they could be one of the most impactful.

WESTWOOD VILLAGE IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

As mentioned before, various attempts have been made to improve the vitality of Westwood Village and of these attempts, one of the most significant was the creation of its own Business Improvement District (BID) in the form of the “Westwood Village Improvement Association” in 2011, whose primary goals are to make the area “clean, beautiful, and safe.” Included in some of the daily tasks are cleaning (through “maintenance ambassadors”, sidewalk sweeping, trash collection, and sidewalk pressure walking), improving the aesthetic quality of the area (by means of

tree trimming, tree lighting, and median landscaping), and encouraging a safe and friendly atmosphere for visitors by assisting local law enforcement with issues, circulating “public service ambassadors”, and encouraging rehabilitation assistance for the local homeless population. Its “Special Projects” include sidewalk cutting, trash can refurbishment, and most notably, a completely new logo and visual identity/branding system that “embraces the District’s charm and bolsters its unique big city flavor.” (WVIA 2012) There is no denying the BID’s good intentions and necessary goals, but when reading its 2012 Annual Report, there seemed to be a heavy disconnect between the successes it was celebrating and the characteristics I observed.

Examples of this can be seen in Figure 6.3 where I pulled quotes from the annual report and compared them to photographs I took during my site visits.

It’s annual report boasts 168,557 pounds of trash removed, over 400 cases of graffiti removed, and over 1,600,000 square feet of sidewalk pressure washed. The numbers seem impressive at first glance also but few users would call their streets “clean.”

The report describes its sidewalk cutting technique as a cost-effective approach to eliminate trip hazards and claims that thanks to them, “most of the District sidewalks have become ADA compliant” when sidewalk analysis of my own showed most sidewalks were damaged and were a tripping hazard for all users.

Granted, I understand that certain considerations should be taken into account as far as these differences in observation. First, the BID has been in effect for a little over a year and expectations should be realistic. Second, I have little understanding of Westwood Village’s conditions prior to the establishment of the BID and apart from what I’ve read in interviews and articles, have no basis from which to compare its current conditions.

Third, I understand that the 2012 annual report is geared toward an audience comprised primarily of stakeholders and being so, will provide a biased and inflated opinion on its successes to date. However, despite all this, it seems as if the BID (to date) has been focusing primarily on the superficial fixes. Rather than working toward investigating the root causes of Westwood Village’s decline, the focus has

“Our successes are remarkable.”

-WVIA Annual Report

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2012 ANNUAL REPORT QUOTES

WESTWOOD VILLAGE BID CRITIQUE

SITE VISIT PHOTOGRAPHS

FIGURE 6.3 CURRENT CONDITIONS

instead been on aesthetic changes on its surface. In addition, It is clear that much time and energy was put forth creating this sleek and colorful annual report, which is complete with bright and vibrant graphics matching the tones of the newly created Westwood “image”, but the design of this document illustrates the biggest issue of disconnect between that of the BID and Westwood Village: it’s branding.

I first noticed this issue of disconnect when observing the signage around Westwood Village, the banners on lamp posts promoting its shopping and dining cultural identities were so bright in color tone, that it provided a literal contrast to the existing built environment. In order to create a visual representation for this contrast, I created a second visual perception range by creating a “Signage Color Spectrum” (See Figure 6.4). In doing so, I hoped to present the wide variety of color exhibited throughout Westwood Village with a particular focus on signage. Pictures were taken of shop signs, restaurant names on awnings, and any sort of hanging banner in the area of study that could be considered commercial or promotional. After uploading the digital photos to a computer, Photoshop

was used to take color samples from the pictures’ pixels and placed on a spectrum that ranged from “dim” to “bright”. For the most part, much of the colors observed seemed to be closer to the “dim” part of the spectrum, especially with the older shops and restaurants whose signage was dated and weathered. This wasn’t always the case, however, despite the fact that the Westwood Village Specific Plan has very detailed restrictions on the sort of signage that is permitted, restrictions on color do not exist and as a result, I noticed a broad range of brighter tone colors present as well.

Signage in Westwood Village may not have as much of a lasting impact on the user as other characteristics of the built environment such as its architectural styles or its storefront occupancies but nevertheless, signs around Westwood Village, or any city or neighborhood, serve as impermanent features that create “snapshots” of a space’s cultural identity.

The older, dimmer, looking signs within Westwood illustrate its lasting presence, and the newer, brighter, colored signs seem to attempt to represent new life, vibrancy, and potential, but instead stick out in a PAGE 55

CURRENT CONDITIONS

manner that makes them seem like they do not belong. A more positive aspect of these banners is that they do seem to serve a function in a more practical sense in that they also play a role in the user experience in terms of “wayfinding.”

A Design Resources Guide on “Architectural Wayfinding” created by the Center for Inclusive Design and Environmental Access describes the impact wayfinding has on the user in terms of “human psychology, occupant satisfaction, health, long-term performance, and the financial bottom line” (Hunter, 2010, p.1) The guidelines describe how wayfinding must be considered and integrated in the overall design and building form through the composition of the built form, the articulation of interior spaces, and level change devices. Sign systems are cited as a supplementary way to create a pleasant way-finding experience. According to them, signage should present clear articulation of information and when dispersed throughout a particular area, should be placed in strategic locations that create a visually integrated system. In terms of Westwood Village, the authors of this document might feel that Westwood

relies too much on signage rather than through a fully cohesive built environment to create facilitation in wayfinding.

The consistency created with the display of the Westwood Village Business Association banners were likely created to foster a sense of uniformity throughout the area and help to contribute to the visitor’s sense of spatial recognition.

However, it is difficult for these banners to achieve this when little consideration was given to creating a sense of uniformity between the new iconography and the surrounding classical architecture and built environment. Much like the other issues observed in terms of temporary fixes and concentration on topical aesthetic details, the branding decisions for Westwood Village seem as if they were made with little regard to the richness in culture and history that already existed in Westwood. Instead, the bright neon colors and iconography simply feel both out of touch and out of place. The branding and design decisions come off as a not-so-subtle attempt to force life and vibrancy into a district through the placement vivid and vibrantly colored signage. All in all, they are the metaphorical “Band-Aid” on complicated issues.

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7.

CONCLUSIONS

In the end, much can be learned from Westwood Village’s built form. By contrasting the Westwood Village of the past to the more decayed and stagnant Westwood Village of the present, it is clear that it was a thriving commercial center, which continues to hold the potential for greatness. Analysis on its built form characteristics has proven it has a rich history. Investigation on its zoning designations has shown that it has sufficient versatility but is not being capitalized.

Studying its user groups show the diversity in demographics and the current built form perception ranges highlights some of Westwood’s glaring negative qualities in its high number of vacancies and broken sidewalks. The decline and degradation of Westwood Village occurred over the course of several decades, as of late, however, there has been much effort to restore Westwood Village to its original state of commercial innovation and cultural heritage.

Most notably, the Westwood Village Improvement Association has been at the

local leader in taking command of this great challenge and for much of the local residents and business owners, has served as a beacon of hope. Despite the fact that the WVIA is still in the early developmental stages, this report cautions that its goals and projects to-date seem near-sighted, in terms of focusing on projects that provide only cosmetic or temporary fixes to more chronic issues, and misguided, in the terms of a branding decision that does not seem to fit the character or history of Westwood Village.

Appreciation can be given to the fact that the WVIA made such a bold decision in its graphical representation and the manner in which it shows they understand drastic changes must be made within the area. As to whether these changes will be accepted and embraced by the general public and the physical surroundings, only time will tell.

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8.

REFERENCES

GLADWELL, M. “The Science of Shopping”, New Yorker, November 4, 1996.

GEBHARD, D. & WINTER, R. 2003. An Architectural Guidebook to Los Angeles. Gibbs Smith.

pp. 135-139 GROVES, M. “Seeking Shoppers in Westwood”, Los Angeles Times, May 6, 2008.

HALL, E. 1969. The Hidden Dimension. Garden City: Doubleday. pp. 100-129.

HUNTER, S. 2010. Design Resources (DR-01) “Architectural Wayfinding”. IDeA Center,

University at Buffalo.

KENNICOTT, P. “Storefront Windows in the District Are Not What They Used to Be”,

Washington Post, May 23, 2010.

WESTWOOD VILLAGE IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION. 2012. “2012 Annual Report”.

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