VOLUME 7
CUI;fURE AND CONTROL IN COUNTER- REFORMATIO SPAIN
ANNE J. CRUZ AND ~ARY ELIZABETH PE
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EDITORS
UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRESS MINNI'APOLIS
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OXFORD
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Chapter 10
On the Concept of the Spanish Literary Baroque John R. Beverley
Li:;~ one of its major figures, Janus-"el bifronte dios" in Gongora's exact characterization (one face peering perhaps at the sunset of feudalism, the other at the dawn of capitalism) the Baroque has been seen an ambivalent phenomenon as has its "reception." The debate over its nature and value has been yerennialIy on the agenda of modern European literary and cul tural criticism, indeed was in a sense the issue that founded this criticism as such. What is at stake here is not only the Baroque as a "style-concept," but also its articulation as a cultural signifier, with a correspondingly variable set of signifieds, in the long his tory of ideological class conflict that accompanies the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Europe. It is reductionist to argue, like Werner Weisbach, that the Ba roque was the cultural form of the Counter-Reformation (among other reasons because there was a Protestant Baroque), but per haps not too much so. The pejorative connotation the term ac quired in European art history came from the Enlightenment attack (Boileau, Luzan) on the Baroque as a decadent and irra tional style; in the case of Spain, the aesthetic correlative, as it were, of the Black L(!gend. The Romantics resurrected some 216
fi~ures associated with the Baroque (e.~., Bach and Caldero
but did not revise the negative vision of the epoch as a wh For an emerging and still combatted liberalism on the Hapsbu Latin periphery of European development, the Baroque seen as an essentially reactionary phenomenon (by, for ex ple, Galdos, Clarin, and Antonio Machado in Spain; by C and Gramsci in Italy), Consequently. its revalorization, initi by Heinrich W6lfflin's influential Principles of Art History, wo be contingent precisely on the crisis of liberalism that accom nied World War I and the Russian Revolution. In turn, emerging ideology of aesthetic Modernism in its fascist (O' Spengler, Pound), neoliberal (Eliot, Ortega, and the Spa Generation of '27), and Marxist (Walter Benjamin) vari would recuperate the Baroque-and invert the Romantic hie chy of symbol over allegory-in its own "invention of tradit (to borrow Eric Hobsbawm's phrase). One point of contact with Modernism was that the Bar was by antonomasia a "difficult" style. The Italian Manne had advanced in the sixteenth century the idea of difficul such-difficolta-as an aesthetic property. They held that a 'cial pleasure was to be gained thorough the ability of m (aell/ezza) to experience the artwork as an intricate space o nification. The point was related to a Neoplatonic argume favor of intuition and artistic freedom that amounted to a ki formalism. What counted for the Mannerists was the dispo not the materia. By contrast, the leitmotif of Gongora's detrnc in the seventeenth century-post-Tridentine humanists Francisco de Cascales, who claimed to represent an Aristot "discipline of the rules" in literature-was that the cultivati difficulty for its own sake betrayed a contradiction of the S lastic entailment of res and verba, of language and that w language represents. By seeming to posit conceptual wi genio) as the primary basis for aesthetic pleasure, they that Gongora and his followers produced a discourse tha nugatory and functionalIy atheistic (see ColIard, and S "Barthes"). The element of difficulty and excess in Baroque writi particular links to the question of reading and "reading f tions," to use a term Tony Bennett has done much to de
(and by which is meant those historically and socially specific de terminations that bear on how a reader reads a text, ilS opposed to phenomenological reader-response theory of the sort associ ated with Gadamer or Fish). Who read in Golden Age Spain and its colonies, and what does this have to do with our notion of the literary Baroque? Early modern texts are ubiquitously disfigured by the sort of linguistic modernization favored by formalist phi lologists like, in Spanish literary criticism, Damaso Alonso. 1 In like fashion, there is a natural tendency to misrecognize their nature and function as cultural artifacts by considering them as if they were in their initial moment of production and circulation the same thing that they are when we encounter them today as part of an academically. defined and sanctioned enterprise like "Spanish literature." The notion of literature as something available to a "reading public" at large is historically linked in Europe to the commodi fic;. tion of literary production and distribution, ilnd to the grc.wth of mass public education, particularly in the nineteenth century. As the cases of both the comedia and DOll Quijote sug gest, such a commodification was well under way in seven teenth-century Spain. The book industry was one of the first forms of capitalist production and merchandising in Spain and in Europe generally. In one of his last adventures, Don Quijote visits in Barcelona - then as now the most highly developed cap italist enclave on the Iberian Peninsula-a factory where books like Don Quijote are composed, printed, and bound, That, for all practical purposes, is the end of Don Quijote, both the hero and the novel. It is not until the period of triumphant liberalism in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, that the virtual monopoly of the Church and the aristocracy on higher education and literacy (of the sort required for the "apprecia tion" of complex literary works) is decisively broken, and that something like a large, socially diverse reading public emerges. By contrast, we know that certain forms of Baroque literature were in fact designed to resist even the already existing possibil ities of commercial publication and distribution in seventeenth century Spain, since their instrumentality was not at all to "reach" a mass audience but rather to intervene in discrete cir cuits of aristocratic power and patronage. The mode of existence
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of literature and lilerary texts in precapitalist societies -eve transitional, late feudal (or, if you prefer, early modern) s like Golden Age Spain, already marked by a flourishing trade - is in several respects quite different than it is in our something that should lead us to regard with suspicion th tion of literature itself as an unchanging essence. To begin with, there is the fact that probably some 80 pe of the population of Golden Age Spain could neither rea write at all (and that this was regarded as normal, as compa our contemporary anxiety over illiteracy). This did not that this section of the public was necessarily barred from ature altogether. Wlad Godzich and Nicholas Spadaccini drawn attention to the emergence in the sixteenth centur mass-oriented "auditive culture" -the concept comes fro Brazilian critic Luiz Costa Lima - tha t differed both from tional oral poetry and narrative, dependent on recitation memory, and from the written/published text produced f private consumption of a reader or readers. Such a culture involve, for example, the comedia itself, which could enga audience in extremely complicated word play, or the com practice of reading books aloud' alluded to several times Quijote, or the poes(a de corde! - texts that could be orally ered but were composed in written form and published ch in some form or other (one of the earliest forms of the Top is the pJiego suelto or printed song sheet). Such discursive and practices are characterized, in Godzich and Spadac words, "by a high level of rhetorical fabrication" depende the new possibilities of expression developed in Renais vernacular literature. "Although orally delivered, [they do seek to establish a dialogical relation with the audience b stead to leave the audience dumbfounded: boca abierta" (47 Baroque penchant for difficulty which was supposed to mark of its differentiation from the vu/go produced paradox a popular taste for extravagant syntax and images. 2 The most influential theorist and one of the most imp practitioners of Baroque ecriture in Spain was the Jesuit Ba Gracian. Readers of Gracian are familiar with the extreme ciality of his writing. This involves not only its elliptical c tis/a syntax and its very dense play of intertextuaJity but a
extremely intricate structural design, sometimes hidden by its aphorislic surface form. What is curious is lhat such nn intensely and explicitly literary writing could be seen as effective, as Gra chin certainly intended it to be, in forming a guide to statC'craft or "mirror of prince':i" - particularly in a SitUil tion of imperial dl' scellso where new forms of political imagination and practice were urgently needed. In pnrt, of course, this claim htld some thing to do with the discovery of the nonrefprential, gt'nerative properties of langua~e by what Noam Chomsky has cCllled Car tesian linguistics. In part too, however, the c1ilim fits with what we know about the nature of aristocratic dictiltorship itself as a power system. In ManlVall's well-known the~1js, the Spanish Ba roque represents a "lyrical en~ineering of the human world" by the absolutist state. This i~ not a case of cultural activity directing itself to a power center from the outside, in the way both Inass and elite cultures are related to the state in contemporary libE'ri11 societies (see Ln CII/tura dd barroco). In the Spanish Court and the colonial viceroyalties of the Golden Age, art ilnd politics are no! yet clearly separate disciplines and activities. That is why for Graciiin an arte de agudew based on the study of literary concl'its (conceptos) could be seen as a prerequisite for the formation of the Baroque man of affairs, the polftica. 3 This extreme dependence on cultural production for securing and developing rule also entailed whnt in contemporary philos ophy would be termed an "antifoundationalist" conception of politics and power. This is implicit in Gracian's theory of the conceit itself, which as A. A. Parker stressed, begins with the distinction between agudeza de artificio-Iiterary wit, justified by . :.=;:~netic cd ;eria -and agudeza de perspicacia --- philosophical in (\~~J:benC2,(.e ability to see relations that are logically and objec t:veJy true. !n his famous definition of the concepto as "an act of (;.2 will thell expresses the relationship that exists between ob jects" ("un acto del entendimiento, que ex prime la correspon aencia que se halla er,tre los objetos" [Aglldeza y arte de ingenio, Discurso II, 240]), Graciiin was not proposing a symbolist poet ics of correspondence of hidden essences, Parker argued, but stressing precisely the arbitrary and formalistic character of lin guistic signification.
What is continually deferred in Gracian is the resolu the indeterminacy between a rhetorical notion of the disc construction of power and meaning-what Nietzsche mu admired in hj!' work-and the notion of power as an exp of an innate quality (qlli/ate rey, to use one of his charac expressions) demanded both by aristocratic caste assum and Counter-Reformation political theory. As is well k Graciiin sustaiJ1('d this deferral by substituting a logic of a ances for il logic of essences. As he notes in one of the maxims of E:I Mroe, "This first rule of greatness advises not infinite, 10 appear so, which is not an ordinary su '("Esta primeril regIa de grandeza advierte, si no el ser in aparecerlo, gtlP no es sutileza comun" [7]). The means of t ferral is the practice of literature or writing itself. Jean-Crh,toplle Agnew has recently argued that the de ment of Elizabethan and Jacobean theater in England coi with the onset of market society in the context of the pr accumulation of capital. Where the marketplace was a nec but liminal institution in feudal society, the market came t as coextensive with (and determinant of) society itself. T pansion of exchange relations and the increasing importa money disrupted traditional hierarchies of social statu privilege, producing what Agnew calls a crisis of represen that the emerging secular theater both reflected and deep As in the Calderonian topic of the "great theater of the w the Spanish Baroque is similarly aware of the "semiotic" bitrary and contingent character of social authority and ro the other hand, it wiII also insist on the necessity of th maining as they are. Clifford Geertz has written of the "semiotic of powe underlies the "theatre state" of seventeenth-century Bali:
The stupendous cremations, tooth filings, temple dedications, pilgrimages, and blood sacrifices, mobiliz hundreds and even thousands of people and great quantities of wealth, were not means to political ends they were the ends themselves, they were what the s was for. Court ceremonialism was the driving force of court politics; and mass ritual was not a device to sho up the state, but rather the state, even in its final gasp
was a device for the enactment of mass ritual. ... The ritual life of the court, and in fact the life of the court generally, is thus paradigmatic, not merely reflective, of social order. (13) Geertz's vision of the "theatre state" is intentionally formal istic (he does not trouble to explain the forms of feudal extrac tion that provided among other things the revenues for such spectacles). But it does help us understand the Baroque's sense of the autonomy and centrality of cultural practice (see Aposto Iides, and Marin on French absolutism). The Baroque's major in stitutional and ideological form is in fact the spectacle of the city itself, whose rise all over Europe as an international, national, and/or regional corporate seigneur involved, as John Merrington has noted, "not only a massive shift of human and material re sources in favor of urban concentrations, but also a conquest over the countryside, which becomes ruralized, since it by no means represented in the past an exclusively agricultural milieu" (171). As an urban cultural form, the Baroque implies a taste for the new and the artificial, for example fireworks (fuegos de artificio), which, Maravall notes, "were an adequate sign of the splendor of whoever ordered them because of their very artifice, their dif ficulty, the expense in human labor and in money that they im plied" (Culture 246). But the taste for the artificial also carries with it for a Baroque sensibility the fear of moral or ecological perversion - the trans gression of the Horatian golden mean-and a consequent nos talgia for "the simple life" represented in idealized form by the pastoral. Gongora has elaborate fireworks scenes in both the 50 ledades and the Paneg{rico for the Duke of Lerma, his last major work. In the 501edades (I, 642-658) an old man who witnesses the spectacle fears, however, that, on the analogy of Phaethon's chariot, an accident will happen ("and miserably I the village that greeted the night I will make at dawn a sterile field" [Jl y mis erablernente I campo amanezca esteril de ceniza I la que ano checio atdea"}). This same cult of (and anxiety about) the artificial character izes those elite forms of Baroque culture that are internal to the life of the court represented, say, by Gongora's poetry or Velaz-
quez's paintings. These embody the aristocratic fetish o highly wrought art form, which is seen as noble or sublim the extent that it eludes the comprehension of the masses situates itself outside the nascent bourgeois value system money and market exchange as determinants of power and tus. In Baroque representation, for example in the key symbo the cornucopia, wealth and power appear as uncoerced refl of some providence built into Nature itself, rather than as p ucts of human labor carried out under exploitative and in case of the colonies, genocidal relations of production. Th part of its service as an ideological practice for and of a seig rial, Catholic ruling class that needs to differentiate itself f the sordid world of commerce and manual labor at the s time that it depends on the gold and silver exports from Americas. Metaphorical and mythological decor, the Baroq peculiar verbal and iconographic alchemy, constitutes a kin "theory of magic accumulation" that masks the real primitiv cumulation of capital in the colonies and in the confiscatio Jewish and morisco property, making it appear harmonious the religious and aristocratic assumptions of the state's im alist ventures. Such a procedur~ works to affirm the hegem not by its coincidence with the official representions of power authority but precisely by its "defamiliarization" of these poem like the Soledades or a novel like Don Quijote sets sphere of private experience that was distinct from but not ( essarily) in contradiction with the public sphere and the pu identity of the reading subject as a social agent. Maravall's basic thesis is that the Spanish Baroque is a cu of reaction against the ideological and social mobility in Spain and Europe that threatened to break down both the archical order of feudal estates and the authority of the Chu as a "historical formation" it represents a feudalism that ha corporated and recontained the emerging energies of both a scent bourgeois and plebeian humanism and capitalism. ~u vision, however, entails a number of paradoxes. First, as J Elliott, among others, has observed, Maravall's concept of absolutist state which he derives from Weber's characteriza of the modern state bureaucracy is too monolithic, and assu too great an identity of interests between Crown, nobility,
ON THE SPANISH LITERARY BAROQUE
Church and too great a degree of centralization and functional rationalization of the state apparatus itself ("Concerto"). Elliott does not make the point, but it would perhaps be more perti nent to see representation of the state in Baroque culture more as an imagillnry-in the Lacanian sense of a projection of desire that systematically misconstrues the real-of absolutism than as an expression of its actual coherence and authority. Second, if Baroque culture indeed seeks to reasserl the prin ciple of seigneurial authority it cannot do this on a purely feudal or, what amounts to the same thing in culture. on a Scholastic basis, as we noted previously apropos of Calderc'in. The Spanish literary Baroque is at least in part the product of the Jesuil~' in sistence that the sllspect new genres of Renaissance vernacular literature, many of which had been placed on the Index of pro hibited books in the wake of the Council of Trent. could be r~· cuperated and mobilized in the service of Catholic orthodo:o<y and the defense of Spain's overseas empire. 4 Among the prod ucts of the relative IiberAIi~ation of literary policy that followS the death of Philip II in 1598 are Don Quijote, G6ngora's Pn/ifemo and Soledades, the comedin, and the body of novels known in Spanish literature ()~ the Baroque picaresque. What this implies, however, is that the literary forms the Baroque will mnbili1.C' against an emergent bourgeois and artisanal culture arc pre cisely those provided by that culture: the PetnHchan lyric, the pastoral and picaresque novel, the essay, the autobiography, the "history," and the plebeian-humanist dramrJ of the sort rep resented by the Celestina or Juan del Encina. Far from restoring the Scholastic principle of comullitas, based on the natural reci procity of the hierarchically differentiated orders of society, Ba roque culture tends precisely to interpellate the hUInan subject as a solitary individual. Maravall notes that "in the baroque world individuals appear on the level of morality as monads," something confirmed by the picaresque novel or the "baroque anthropology" of Shakespeare's or Calderon's characters (ClIl
lure 203). Third, the Baroque is a profoundly historicist cultural form. But its representation of history has a problematic dimension, since it addresses not only an apotheosis of empire but also a growing sense that Spain itself has entered its Iron Age, a period
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of irreversible crisis and decay. Elliott voices the questio must have inevit<lbly confronted the Barogue letrado: "If great empires, ilKluding the greatest of them all, had rise to fall, could Spain alone escape?" "The idea of an infinite cal process by which all living ()q~allisms were subj growth, maturity' and decay was deeply embedded in Eur thinking," he continues. "The organic conception of the s the sixteenth century reinforced the analogy, and histor firmed it" ("Sel[· Perception" 48). To represent history is aware of the po~:,ibility of change, but change is precisely thing the Baroqlll~-as an affirmation of the conservative s of SpaniAh socirl y -wants to resist. How to deal with a sit in which history is seen both as a necessary ("epic") con for sublimation and authority, and as a force of decay or en that will r~duce the architectonic consolidation of state a clesiastical power [0 the status of a ruin (or what is perhap more fright~nir\g nnd incomprehensible, bring to the fore further course new forms of human community and cu i.e., a new dominant class). From this aporia derives th roque's peculiar fascination with ruins, disillusion (desen <; , and death.' What is entailed in Baroque spiritualism is the parad conjunction of the principle of submission to authority wi practical and theoretical ideal of the self-willed, independe dividual. The quality of mind that is to synthesize these t pects is illgenio- wit. Wit is what allows both for desellg sense of the ultimate vanity of history and human desire for effective invention and innovation in what Gracian ca "mlilldo trabl/cado, " a world turned topsy-turvy. Wit is ultim a political virtue and necessity, but it is to be learned prima the laboratory of poetic or artistic conceits. The artist is h (much less herself) an hidalgo or gentleman, yet at the sam aware of the ambiguous nature of his or (problematically social position as a kind of artisan producing (and some making a living at it) a specific knowledge artifact. Go speaks of the lrabajo or labor involved in both the creatio reading of his poetry; Cervantes makes self-deprecating about copyrights and royalties; a favorite Baroque term is cacion, making (the Spanish word for factory is fdbrica: for
chanically powered mill, illgcnio); the image of Nature in Ba roque representation anticipates Newton's mechanics and Enlightenment deism. Partly as a consequence of (1 new sense of mastery and freedom, but partly also as a way of disassociating the. artist from the sphere of "ordinary" labor 'lnd language, there arises something close to the modern ideolugy of the aes thetic, with its concepts of "genius" and aesthetic autonomy, which are tied in turn to the promotion of art by the ruling class as witness to its rule. The "other" of the Baroque is consecutively Nt'oclassicism, liberalism, and bourgeois revolution. Spain was, like Russia or the components of the Austro-Hungarian empire, a country that represented an impasse in the transition from feudalism to cap italism: hence the Black Legend and the anti-Baroque stance of the emerging bourgeois aesthetics. Gramsci observed that in seventeenth-century Italy "humanism assumed till: aspect of a restoration. Yet like every restoration, it assimilated and devel oped, better than the revolutionary class it had poli tically suffo cated, the ideological principles of the defeated clilss, which had not been able to go beyond its own corporate limits and create the superstructures of an integral society" (234). lIenee the split between intelligentsia and people that marks subsequent Italian cultural history. Glossing this point, David Forgacs remarks that "[w]hereas in the other European countries the exported Re naissance produced a progressive scientific intelligentsia, which played a crucial role in the formation of the modern national states, in Italy itself it led to the involutionary COUll ter-Reforma tion and the ideological triumph of the Catholic intellectual hierarchy" (90). This does not exactly fit Spain, because of the popUlist and "national" character of Baroque culture, Maravall suggests, al though the point about the cooptation and involu (ion of a po tentially democratic and secularizing force by a Catholic and aristocratic intelligentsia is certainly relevant. Elliott warns against the tendency (in, among others, Maravall) to "overesti mate the passivity of seventeenth-century societies and to exag gerate the capacity of those in authority to manipulate those so cieties for their own ideological ends.... {T]he works of Spain's Golden Age contain sufficient ambiguities to suggest that sub-
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versive subtexts are there for the reading" ("Concerto" the other hand, part of the literary Baroque's effectiven ideological practice may have been precisely its abili gage, through ambiguities and possibilities of plural the attention and conviction of its audiences. As Mi cault reminds us: "If power were never anything but re if it never did anything but say no, do you really t would be brought to obey it?" (Power/Knowledge 119). But the Baroque is also, as Spengler argued, alrea the modern. The contemporary "man [sic] of letters" and porary literatures are, in effect, carryovers from the Bar bourgeois-liberal culture, as is also the literary critic, brought into being by the demand for exegesis posed b fiCUlty or aesthetic radicalism of the Baroque text. To r we have been doing here, on the concept of the Spanis Baroque is thus in some sense to reflect on the modern tion of literature and literary criticism itself in its condit ideological apparatus of the state, that is, on the activi sented in part by this collection of essays. Notes
This essay is based on ideas developed in a review article that ori peared in bollndary 2 (Spring-Fall 1988) under the title "Going Baroque quently translated and revised for RL'Visla de erilica lilcraria lalilloam (1988J) and in a new article on Gracian and the Baroque concepl o forthcoming in a collection of essays on the Lalin American Baroque Mabel Morana for Ediciones del Norte. I am grateful to Paul Bove, Ma guson, Anne Cruz, and Mary Elizabeth Perry for their comments an tions.
1. This is an issue similar to the revival of Baroque instruments a mance practices in early modern music; i.e., it involves attention to id textual determination and interpretation. For a discussion of Alonso's tions of the text of Gongora's Soledades see Beverley, Soledades 9-13. 2. Apropos the "neobaroque" poetry of Ungaretti, Gramsci obser might note, however, that the classical baroque, sadly, was and is pop well-known that the man of the people likes the acrobatics of images i while the current baroque style is popular among pure intellectuals. has written that his comrades in the trenches, who were 'common peo his poems, and it may be true: a particular kind of liking to do with t that 'difficult' (incomprehensible) poetry must be good and its auth man precisely because he is detached from the people and incompre (272-273).
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JOHN R. BEVERLEY
3. On the knowledge/power axis in Baroque reprpsentation see in parlicular the opening chaplers of Foucault's Les Mots elles clroses; Beverley, "The Produc lion" ;md "Sobrt' Gongora"; and Hildner 47-67 4. On the role of the Jesuits in fomenting lilt' literilry Baroque, see "La bar roquiz,lCion de la ratio sludiorum" and "Gracian y la rclarica barroca" in Batllori 101-114, and Wittkower. ~. On the theme of entropy in Baroque representation, Waller Benjamin commented: "This is the heart of the allegorical way of seeing, of the baroque, secular explanatioll of history as the Passion of the world; its importance lies solely in the stations of its decline. The greater the sir,nificance, the greater the subjection to death, because death digs most deeply the jagged line of demarca tion between physical nature and significance. But if nature has always been subject to the power of death, it is also true that it has always been allegorical. Significance and death both come to fruition in historical development, just as they are closely linked as seeds in the creature's graceless state of sin" (106). 6. On this point, see, e.g., the acts of the 1981 University of Toulouse collo· quium (La Conleslalioll); Hildner; Ruth EI Saffar's deconstruction of figures of gender in Calderon's theater; and Smith, "Barthes" and "Writing Women." Per haps the strongest case for the potentially contestatory power of Spanish Ba roque cullure has been made by Waller Cohen for the comedia, which had usually been regarded in previous Hispanism of both the right and the left as ideologi cally con formist.
Works Cited Agnew, Jean-Cfistophe. Wnrltls A/,art: Tlw Markel 11/ld tire Thealer, 1500-1750. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1986. Apostolides, Jean-Marie. Le Roi-Marllille: Spectacle et politiqlle au tellll's du Lollis XIV. Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1981. Batllori, Miguel. Graciall y el barroco. Rome: Edizioni di storia e Letteratura, 1958. Benjamin, Walter. Tire Ori~ill of German Tra~ic Drama. Trans. John Osborne. Lon don: New Left Books, 1977. Bennett, Tony. "Texts in History: The Determinations of Readings and Their Texts." Journal of till! Midwest Modern Langllage Associatioll 18, I (1985): 1-16. Beverley, John. "The Production of Solitude: G6ngom and the State." Ideologies alld Literature 13 (1980): 23-41. _ _ . "Sobre G6ngora y el gongorismo coloniaL" Revista Ibl!roamericalla 114 115 (1981): 33-44. Chomsky, Noam. Cartesian Linguistics. New York: Harper, 1966. Cohen, Walter. Tile Drama of a Nation: Public Tlleater ill Reflaissanee Spaill alld Ell' glalld. Ithaca: Cornell Univ, Press, 1985. Collard, Andree. Nueva poes(a: eoneeptismo, eullerallis/llo ell la cr{fica espa'lola. Ma drid: Castalia, 1967. La COlltestatioPl de In Societe dalls la Litterature Espaglloll' dll Siecle D'or. Toulouse: Universite de Toulouse, 1981. Ellioll, J. H. "Self· Perception and Decline in Early Seventeenth Century Spain." Pnst and Present 74 (1977): 41-61.
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___ . ed. Poder.ll socieilad CIlia ESI'O/la d.· los APlslrias. Barcelona: Edit tic~,
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