Transgressing Formal City - M.Arch Thesis 2018

Capitalising on informality to develop cities. Can we see informal settlement as a community that contributes to the city instead of having city support them all the time; thus, reversing the roles?

TRANSGRESSING FORMAL CITY

M.Arch Thesis 2018

Caroline

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis represents work that came about perhaps, from my childhood observation on daily occurences in Indonesia cities and my naive ambition to grow up and contribute in any way to make a difference.

I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Oliver Heckmann, who has been very supportive in giving his academic advice, as well as in pushing the development of this thesis to make it a substantial work.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to other professors and researchers who had helped me broaden my knowledge in this issue and encourage to pursue this topic. Samson Lim, with his meaningful advice on the topic based on his own experiences. Trevor Patt, with his feedback at the early stage, and Miya Irawati, with her knowledge and research outcomes from Future City Lab, which had been very important in supporting the basis of this thesis.

I would also thank all other authors and researchers, whose works have been nothing but inspiring. This thesis would never come around without all the data I could gather from external resources.

Lastly but most importantly, I would like to thank my family and friends who have been very supportive all the time. Special thanks to my mom, who never failed to let me know her almost-impossible ideas that honestly, triggered my thoughts sometimes. To Yu Jie, who was going through this thesis journey together and never failed to bring fun in going through this process. Lastly, to all friends who stayed up together in the studio and all the interesting conversation that we had about thesis. Can’t wait to see how our theses bring us on onwards!

SUTD Master of Architecture - Thesis Document Transgressing Formal City Caroline, Master of Architecture Student Advisor: Assistant Professor Oliver Heckmann, Architecture and Sustainable Design E-mail: caroline@mymail.sutd.edu.sg

Informal settlement in Cihampelas area, Bandung

Garbage collector taking an afternoon break in Sadang, Bandung

Street multi-functioning as patio, playground, laundry area, and social area in Sadang, Bandung

CONTENT

01

02

03

04

05

06

INTRODUCTION

LITERATURE STUDY

INFORMAL URBANISM

INFORMAL SETTLEMENT IN BANDUNG

STRATEGIES ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

DESIGN INTERVENTION

Rapid urbanisation and

20th century city planning

Rapid urbanisation and

Pattern of informal

Metro cable, Caracas

Area of interest

megacities

Nodes, lines, and network

growth

settlement

Half-a-house, Quinta

Strategies

Current city planning

Economic growth

The failure of city

Monroy

Urban planning strategies

Informal urbanism in Asia

Dynamic of informality

planning

Grotão Fábrica de

Intervention system

Informal settlements

Current solutions on

Current solutions on

Música, Sao Pãolo

Roofscape infrastructure

Thesis statement

informal practices

informal settlement

Conclusion

Proposed mechanism

Dynamic distribution of informal settlement Case study - Dharavi Informal settlement in Bandung

ABSTRACT

In 2015, UN-Habitat estimated that approximately 54% of the world’s population lived in cities, and it is expected that some 70% of the world’s population will be residing in urban areas by 2050.1 In the wake of this rapid growth and cities’ inability to support it, informal urbanism is a common phenomenon, defined as the production of urbanization independent from formal frameworks and assistance (if they exist) that do not comply with official rules and regulations.2 It has been the most pervasive form of urban development globally over the past 50 years.3 Despite its resilience, complexity, and interconnectedness with formal cities, urban informality is still underappreciated and portrayed as a plague to many developing cities. It has undiscovered potential, just as how it has been essential as part of economic development in developing cities.4 This thesis seeks to look at the issue objectively, to gain insight on the relationship between formal and informal.

This thesis seeks to research on the urban informality through different scales. On an urban scale, it seeks to understand the spatial existence of such informality, mainly through investigating the distribution of informal practices and settlements in 1. UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures. World Cities Report. Nairobi, Africa, 2016.

2. Dovey, Kim. “Informal urbanism and complex adaptive assemblage.”

the urban fabric and how they form a tightly-connected mesh with the formal cities. On the micro scale, it seeks to deconstruct different informal practices, ranging from spatial, economic, and social sectors, to

International Development Planning

find the main characteristics that contribute to their

Review 34, no. 4 (2012): 349-68.

resilience, complexity, and interconnectedness to the

doi:10.3828/idpr.2012.23.

city.

3. Ibid.

4. Portes, Alejandro, and Janice E.

The results of the findings will justify how informal

Perlman. “The Myth of Marginality:

urbanism exists as part of urban fabric and the goal

Urban Poverty and Politics in

of the thesis is to create an intervention; based on

Rio De Janeiro.” Contemporary Sociology 6, no. 6 (1977): 745. doi:10.2307/2066409.

the findings, that will make city more livable, with sensitivity towards the informal.

01 INTRODUCTION

RAPID URBANISATION AND MEGACITIES

IT IS EXPECTED THAT SOME 70% OF THE WORLD’S POPULATION WILL BE RESIDING IN URBAN AREAS BY 2050

In 2015, it was estimated that

The centuries-long urban evolutionary

population. Such trends can be found in

approximately 54% of the world’s

processes that took place in the West

mega cities such as Jakarta, Manila,

population lived in cities, and it is

have taken only two or three decades in

Bangkok.

expected that some 70% of the world’s

Africa and Asia, and will continue to

population will be residing in urban

accelerate in these regions.

3

areas by 2050; many of them in mega

1. UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures. World Cities Report. Nairobi, Africa, 2016.

Uncontrolled growth of population contributes greatly to the urban growth

2. World Cities Report 2016. World

In global South itself, there is a

of the cities. Many small cities in Asia

Cities Report, 2016.

than ten million. Asian and African

general distinction amongst these

and Africa are already facing extreme

3. 2010 Revision of the World

cities (also referred to as ‘the global

mega cities. There are two types of

rapid speed of population growth,

Population Prospects, Population

South’) are facing the fastest growth.1

mega cities here4; those that have the

creating many problems in the cities

Division of the United Nations

resources and capacity to develop, like

such as pollution, traffic, impoverised

Of the world’s 31 mega cities in 2016,

China. China alone was home to six mega

and chaotic city centers. These problems

24 are located in the less developed

cities in 2016.

are almost impossible to tackle, looking

cities;

cities with a population more

regions or the global South. African

Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat.

4. Bingham-Hall, Patrick. Garden city

at the scale of population growth at

mega city: rethinking cities for the age of global warming. Singapore:

and Asian mega cities are the fastest

The other type is those cities that

current state and future. Niamey, the

growing metropolises: Delhi, Dhaka

are not yet ready to grow at such

barely known capital of Niger – a west

and Lagos will grow by 10 million

an unprecedented rate. These cities

African country with the highest birth

5. Vidal, John. “The 100 Million

inhabitants each. These cities are

are usually facing dire problems of

rate in the world – could explode from

City: Is 21st Century Urbanisation

growing at such a rapid speed that it

uncotrolled population growth, lack of

a city of fewer than one million people

is estimated that there will be 41 mega

infrastructure and resources, and growth

today to be the world’s eighth-largest

cities in 2030.

of slum districts due to its inability

city, with 46 million people, in 2100.

to catch up with the rapidly expanding

It is astonishing to see how a small

2

5

Pesaro Publishing, 2016.

out of Control?” The Guardian.

March 19, 2018. Accessed March 27, 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/ cities/2018/mar/19/urban-explosionkinshasa-el-alto-growth-mexico-citybangalore-lagos

CURRENT CITY PLANNING IN ASIAN CITIES

Figure 1.1. Selected current and future mega cities in 2015 and 2030

city can expand uncontrollably to an equivalent of four mega cities in less than 100 years.

The rapid change in urban context calls for a new way in planning the city. Until now, most cities in the global South are still planned based on the

One way to challenge and find solution to this problem

conventional planning method, which is done in a

is to look at the current city conditions. How cities

perspective to create new cities. Westernised theories

are being planned may not accommodate and foresee

from the satellite town of Ebenezer Howard’s Garden

the extreme changes that are happening today, such as

City (1890s–1900s), to the influential city of Le

the swelling of growth and urbanisation impacts. This

Corbusier’s Ville Radieuse (1924) are still being

realisation of the flaw of current city planning in

used as guidelines of the planning of many developing

emerging cities calls for more realistic and grounded

cities.1

approach on analysing and planning the cities based on their own current conditions.

In highly urbanised parts of the world, as municipal planners cope with the cumulative effects of centuries of urbanisation2, the theories behind these grandiose planning schemes that enjoyed blank-canvas settings are now largely redundant. Cities as they are today are complex and made of multiple interwoven layers

1. Denison, Edward, and Guangyu Ren.

of interactions and systems; they are almost fully

“Transgression and Progress in China:

developed with little space left for development. To

Wang Shu and the Literati Mindset.”

design the cities with the mindset of building them as what they were centuries ago will be a mistake. Today, architects and planners should be more concerned with responding to the city rather than creating it.

Architectural Design. November 14, 2013. Accessed March 11, 2018. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/ doi/10.1002/ad.1672/abstract.

2. Ibid. 2013.

Figure 1.2. Desakota spatial structure that happens predominantly in Asian region

Further on, the rapid movement and growth of people

original plan. The latter cannot ensure the formal

in urbanised cities today have resulted in the high

growth of the city as planned, with the changes in

increase in demands of city resources and amenities,

today’s situations, such as rapid and continuous

such as lands, power, and materials. These resources

growth of population. This has forced the city to

cannot follow the rapid and exponential expansion rate

expand outwards in an irregular and unplanned (or lack

of the cities as they are limited; they are either

of it) manner. In many Asian cities, the phenomenon

non-renewable or renewable in a restricted rate. In the

of urban-rural (desakota) spatial structure emerged

way, this shows the limitations

around 1990s. Unlike the distinct rural–urban dichotomy

of the state to ensure

security in provision of resources to meet the needs

applied in traditional Western urban models3, such as

of the people. This problem can be found in almost all

in concentric-zone model in Garden City model, more

developing cities in the world.

ambiguous rural–urban spatial structure exists in the desakota model. Desakota is triggered by economic

On the other hand, this rapid growth of cities

shifts from traditional cultivation to industrial

also brings about highly-dynamic conditions in the

activities, together with the expansion of urban areas

developing cities. Developing cities are becoming more

towards the rural areas. Ginsburg and McGee4 argued

interconnected, thanks to advancement in technology,

that the classical urban models are not directly

movement, and communication that contribute to the way

transferrable to Asian urbanization patterns and

cities are evolving today. This complex interconnection

processes; thus resulting in different effects of

3. Wu, Bing Sheng, and Daniel Sui.

calls for a new way of planning that focuses more

urbanisation specific to Asia condition.

“Modeling Impacts of Globalization

on the dynamic of the city today. As cities are

on Desakota Regions: A Case Study of Taipei Metropolitan Area.”

progressing towards higher economic development and

Hence, it will require a paradigm shift from the

Environment and Planning B: Planning

growth, city planning should adapt in the way that

established notions of spatial ordering using land uses

and Design 43, no. 2 (2015): 320-40.

can address these issues. Merely following establised

and zoning embedded in “high modernism”5 models to a

method of city planning will not efficiently address

more integrated model that also addresses the dynamic

the strengths and weaknesses of the developing cities.

of the existing urban conditions; these include not

doi:10.1177/0265813515605216.

4. Ibid. page 322.

only the planned aspects of the city, but also the

5. Scott, James C. 1998. Seeing like a State : How Certain Schemes to

Moreover, the fact that most cities are growing in

informal aspects that are almost inherently present in

Improve the Human Condition

uncontained manner today as the result of the current

any city today and have formed strong inter-connection

city planning also shows the inefficacy of the

with the formal aspects.

Have Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press.

INFORMAL URBANISM IN ASIA

The phenomenon of informal urbanism occurs in many cities, including mega cities as a result of urbanisation of migrants from less urban to urban areas, coupled with the inability of cities and governments to absorb the growth and increase in needs of resources in cities. These needs may include proper infrastructure, housing, employment, welfare, and land.

According to UN Habitat, informal urbanism is defined as the production of urbanisation independent from formal frameworks and assistance (if they exist) that do not comply with official rules and regulations.

Urban informality can be classified into two parts: informal practices and informal urban morphology.1 Informal practices may include activities such as hawking, provision of certain services without government’s approval, trading. Informal urban morphology may refer to the informal settlements or construction of some sort in urban areas.

Informal urbanism ranges from poor rural migrants who build their homes in an emerging community through gradual processes of informal land occupation and consolidation to the developer who subdivides land without complying with all regulations.2 The ‘informal’ cannot be simply equated to ‘illegal’, since the ‘informal’ may be the only possible way of urbanization in cities where no other options exist; the ‘informal’ cannot be equated to ‘inferior’ or ‘marginal’, since there are many examples where informally developed communities become better place to live than dysfunctional public housing projects and housing estates produced by commercial developers.

The ‘informal’ cannot be equated to ‘poor’, since

1.

UN-Habitat, 2016

2. Ibid.

3. Dovey, Kim. “Informal urbanism and complex adaptive assemblage.”

International Development Planning Review 34, no. 4 (2012): 349-68.

increasingly middle class families (even millionaires)

“illegality” (as they were originally when people

find their housing and place to live in non-formal

invaded open land on hillsides, marshes, watersheds,

neighborhoods.3

and roadsides), as most now have de facto tenure. They can no longer be defined by lack of urban services,

Since social and economic practices occur by means of

since over time almost all have obtained access to

exchange of two parties, it is apparent that formal

water, sewage, and electricity. They can no longer

and informal are intermeshed as part of urban fabric.

be defined according to the precarious construction

In 2017, 60% of Indonesia’s economies rely on informal

materials of stucco, wood, or scrap materials, as

sector4 that involves the majority of informal urban

most are now brick and mortar and two stories high or

dwellers. Such high percentage also applies to other

more. They cannot even be defined as “free” places to

emerging cities such as Mumbai, Bangkok, and Manila.

live as there is now a thriving internal real estate market for rental and purchase, with prices in the most

In fact, the boundary between formal and informal

desirable favelas, such as the famous Rocinha, rivaling

are blurring today. According to Perlman5, informal

those of regular neighborhoods. Finally, they cannot be

settlements can no longer be defined by their

defined as communities of misery as not all the people in favelas are poor and not all the urban poor live in favelas. Thus, as cities grow, so is the informal; they are becoming more interconnected to the formal.

Unfortunately, informality is seen as a problem in many cities. Informality is often the means by which poverty is managed by the poor6, as they are usually marginalised from the formal practices in the city.

Urban informality is not a problem, poverty is. Urban informality is too often either demonised as the virus that must be removed or romanticised as the plight of the poor. There is nothing essentially good or bad about urban informality; the crucial research questions lie in the myriad ways in which the formal and informal intersect.7 4. Waskito, Alfi Syahrin Ario.

While there are many highly insightful studies of both informal settlements and urban informality in general, the complexities of informality remain under-researched and under-theorised at micro-spatial scales.8 A range

“Indonesia’s Future Lies in Its Informal Sector | Alfi Syahrin Ario Waskito.” FEE. September 09, 2017.

Accessed March 05, 2018. https://fee. org/articles/indonesia-s-future-liesin-its-informal-sector/.

of writers from Turner (1976) to Brugman (2009) and Brand (2009) onwards have embraced the productivity of informal urbanism, yet we do not have any welldeveloped theories of how such urbanism works.

5. Portes, Alejandro, and Janice E. Perlman. “The Myth of Marginality: Urban Poverty and Politics in Rio De Janeiro.” Contemporary Sociology 6, no. 6 (1977): 745.

Looking at how urban informality is a vital part in supporting the formal part of city, it is then Figure 1.3. Urban informality as a

important that more studies should be carried out to

way of survival. Thanks to the rapid

discover the impact of informality in urban area. The

growth of online ride-hailing service

morphologies and spatialities of informality-the ways

network in Indonesia that has low

doi:10.2307/2066409.

6. Dovey, 349-68.

7. Ibid.

8. Soliman, A. (2010), ‘Rethinking urban informality and the planning

barrier to entry and considerably

in which informal urbanism flourishes in the spatial

cheap and efficient practices, many

interstices of the city and produces urban phenomena

Development Planning Review, 32,

informal inhabitants have become

with a potent impact on the streetscape and urban image9

119-4

more integrated in supporting formal sector.

should be pursued further.

process in Egypt’, International

9. Dovey, 349-68.

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS World population (billion)

global urban

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS HAVE BEEN THE MOST PERVASIVE FORM OF NEW URBAN DEVELOPMENT GLOBALLY OVER THE PAST 50 YEARS

slums

2010

2030

2050

world

>7

>8

>9

urban total

<3

>5

>7

in slums

>1

>2

>4

rural

<3

<3

<2

1 in 3

1 in 2

2 in 1

people living in slums

Figure 1.4. Statistics on slums © UNCHS-Habitat, 2014

The existence of informal

unsanitary buildings,

live in slums.2 Southern

the urbanites to get

services and is denying

settlements can be seen

poverty, and social

cities are projected to

integrated into the

the city from developing

as a breeding ground of

disorganization. Squatters

accommodate the bulk of

urbanised formal area

highly-valuable lands in

urban informality. It is

settle on land, especially

the world’s population

after a certain period of

city centres.

in this place, where the

public or unoccupied land,

growth over coming

time. They are sites of

informal habitants live,

without right or title.

decades, and slums are

remarkable aspiration,

Neither of these notions

that all sorts of informal

Squatters include those

expected to absorb most

resourcefulness and

recognises the ability

practices are born as

who settles on public land

of them.

self-sacrifice in the

of the slum dwellers to

a means of survival.

under regulation by the

face of adversity.5 Their

be part of the integrated

Informal settlements have

government, in order to

Considering the magnitude

resillience, social

labour market in the city,

been the most pervasive

get title to it. Simply

of the issues at

dynamic, and energy should

while some studies have

form of new urban

put, slums refer to the

stake, the causes and

be investigated further

implied how significant

development globally over

environmental aspects of

consequences of urban

to mold the current urban

they are supporting the

the past 50 years and most

the area where a community

slums are surprisingly

policy.

economy of the city. This

Civil Engineering and Architecture,

rural to urban migration

resides, while squatters

under- researched,

idea of acknowledging

vol. 2, no. 2 (2014): 70-76. doi:

has been housed in this

refer to the legality

sensationalised and

On another hand, urban

the contribution of the

way.1

of the land ownership

subject to preconceived

informal settlements are

informal community in

and other infrastructure

opinions.4

regarded as a permanent

the urban context and

There are two types

3

provision.2

of urban informal

1. Dovey, Kim. “Informal urbanism and complex adaptive assemblage.”

International Development Planning Review 34, no. 4 (2012): 349-68.

2. Mania Tahsina Taher, and Arefeen Ibrahim, “Transformation of Slum and Squatter Settlements: A Way of Sustainable Living in Context of 21st Century Cities.” American Journal of

10.12691/ajcea-2-2-3.

3. UN-Habitat, 2012; UNDESA, 2015; World Bank, 2013

problem in the urban

the need to maximise its

4. Bolay et al., 2016; Fox, 2014;

There are two polars

area. They are often

capacity is one that is

Marx et al., 2013; Parnell et al., 2009

settlements: slum and

About one in three urban

in looking at informal

branded as a place abound

still lacking (badly) in

squatter. Slums are highly

residents (over 900

settlements. One that

with crimes, is lacking

today’s city planning and

5. De Soto, 2000; Perlman, 2014;

congested urban areas

million people) in the

regards these settlements

proper infrastructure,

policies; and this needs

Saunders, 2012

marked by deteriorated,

global South currently

as a stepping stone for

sanitation, and welfare

to change.

6. Dovey, 349-68

HYPOTHESIS

ALTERNATIVE MODE OF URBANISM: CAPITALISING ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS TO REDEVELOP THE EMERGING CITY Informal settlements can be considered as the after-

Can we then see informal settlements as a community

effect of the top-down city planning in today’s urban

that contributes to the city instead of city having to

context. They exist as impromptu solutions by and for

support them all the time; thus, reversing the roles?

the marginalised community as a result of the intensive

Is there a way to capitalise on the full potential of

urbanisation in the cities, of which cities are unable

the informal settlements and use it to the advantage

to provide for the increase in needs of resources.

of the city and the settlements itself?

Can informal

settlements finally be integrated into the city in a With the scarcity of resources, the standard of living

more symbiotic nature to create a more sustainable

of this community is more often than not compromised.

growth of city today?

To date, there are only a few upgrading projects that have been successful in improving the standard of

The objective of this thesis is thus, to create a

living in this community. Most of these projects are

parametric, adaptive system that has the possibility

in the form of provision of vital amenities into the

to connect the informal to the city and to integrate

community, which may put extra strain on the already-

them in a sustainable and more symbiotic manner.

limited government’s budget.1

Parametric methodology will look into the utilisation of quantitative data that affect how informal and

This thesis is interested to find an alternative way

formal react to each other in the designing of the

to improve the conditions of these settlements by

solution to the problem statement. Adaptive methodology

looking beyond mere provisioning of infrastructure.

will involve a design system and strategy that change

Early research2 on informal settlements in Bandung has

along with the variations of the parameters used. In

discovered that the spatial distribution of informal

doing so, the use of line and node geometries to aid

settlements follows the economic distribution in

simplification and abstraction of complex information

the region. More interestingly, the city also takes

is utilised from the start for both analysis and

advantage of the presence of these settlements in

design strategies.

various ways despite seeing them in negative light.

1. “Upgrading of Slums and Informal Settlements.” Country Report Indonesia . doi:10.1163/1872-5309_ ewic_ewiccom_0213b.

2. Kusumawardhani, Veronica, Surjono Hadi Sutjahjo, and Indarti Komala Dewi. “Penyediaan Perumahan Dan Infrastruktur Dasar Di Lingkungan Permukiman Kumuh Perkotaan (Studi Kasus Di Kota Bandung).” NALARs 15, no. 1 (2016): 13. doi:10.24853/ nalars.15.1.13-24

02 LITERATURE STUDY

20TH CENTURY CITY PLANNING: ITS CONSEQUENCES TODAY

OVER-SIMPLIFIED PLANS AND INTERVENTIONS CAN CUT INTO THE LIVING TISSUE OF COMPLEX CITY SYSTEMS, KILLING VITAL SOCIAL PROCESSES.

Figure 2.1. Superblocks near Hong Kong airport (a new Radiant city?)

Two major manifestos emerged to dominate

of people in the cities, their culture,

Unfortunately, these models of modernist

twentieth century neighborhood planning:

their habits; the complexity and dynamic

city development are the very model

Howard’s garden cities and modernism’s

that make real cities. They overlooked

that are being replicated across Asian

Charter of Athens.1 While the garden

the bottom-up, organically built, messy

cities. They are seen as the model of

city movement largely respected the

everyday urbanisms that are dependent on

growth and modernisation, and being

neighborhood, its legacy – suburban

local knowledge and exchanges. In fact,

copied in at least one big city in

sprawl – did not. Nor did Le Corbusier

informality itself may be a defining

every country in Asia, without much

and the modernist planners, setting

sine qua non of cities and urbanism.5

thought and analysis on the local

the stage for twentieth century auto-

This is supported by Jane Jacobs’

context. The impacts of such planning

dependency and single-use functional

argument of how these simplified,

will be discussed further in subsequent

zoning. This effectively became the age

single-use urban design has removed

chapters, mainly in Indonesia. It

4. Crowley, Julia C. “Book Review:

of sterile anti-complexity in urban

vibrancy and community life from cities.

is important to note the extent of

Messy Urbanism: Understanding the

design and land use. Its principles

It is essential to inject the bottom-up

consequences of such planning in Asian

were embodied in utopian plans of urban

community practices that are grown and

cities today. Coupled with other factors

dispersal, such as Frank Lloyd Wright’s

evolving naturally over time to urban

such as bureaucracy in the countries,

Broadacre City, the functionalist

city planning. Over-simplified plans and

natural resources, and rapid growth,

automobile-dominated urban designs of

interventions can cut into the living

it makes it almost a feat to solve the

Corbusier, and Robert Moses’s “meat ax”

tissue of complex city systems, killing

challenges the urbanised cities are

carving its way through the disorderly

vital social processes. While healthy

facing today.

urban fabric of mid-century New York.2

complex adaptive systems are resilient

4

to perturbation, their resilience and

1. Boeing, Geoff. "Methods and Measures for Analyzing Complex Street Networks and Urban Form." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. doi:10.2139/ ssrn.3012684.

2. Ibid.

3. Scott, J. C. (1998). Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

“Other” Cities 5. Ibid.

6. Marshall, S. (2012a). Planning, Design and the Complexity of Cities.

In J. Portugali, H. Meyer, E. Stolk, & E. Tan (Eds.), Complexity Theories of Cities Have Come of Age (pp. 191–205).

Berlin, Germany: Springer-Verlag. of AsiaChalanaManishHouJeffrey, Eds. 2016. Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of Asia. Hong

The limitation of these simplified,

adaptability may be destroyed through

Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

top-down city planning is that they do

too many simplifying interventions.6

ISBN 978-988-8208-33-3.” Journal of

not take into account the way of lives

Planning Education and Research, 2017. doi:10.1177/0739456x17725581.

CITY PLANNING IN INDONESIAN CITIES

Figure 2.2. North Bandung early town planning by Karsten

The urban conditions of cities are

the government, namely the Agrarian

relatively large, the houses luxurious and the gardens

pretty much the result of the urban

Act and Decentralisation Act. Both

lush. The overall atmosphere was European. Middle

planning of the cities over the years,

acts aimed to enable the government

class Asians, Indonesians and Indo-Europeans lived in

both in desired and unexpected ways.

to decentralise the archipelago’s

considerably denser populated areas where the streets

In many Asian cities, town planning

administration to local administrative

were narrower, sometimes unpaved, and the houses

originated back to the time of

entities. In reality, however,

smaller and often combined with shops. The atmosphere

colonisation (since most Asian cities

decentralisation was anything but easy

in neighbourhoods was either indigenous, Chinese,

were colonised before their independence

– as the municipalities soon discovered.

British-Indian or Arab.

during World War II). This early period

The biggest obstacle was that the

town planning placed a great emphasis on

government had left the municipalities

The predominantly indigenous areas at the lower

the urban condition at that time, even

severely under-resourced. Consequently,

end of the socio-economic scale were the kampungs:

with some impacts on today’s situation.

they lacked almost everything:

densely populated and often unplanned, semi-permanent,

sufficient administrative authority,

predominantly indigenous settlements where facilities

Taking example of the Indonesian cities,

annual budget, experience, knowledge,

such as running water, baths, and toilets were often

town planning was normally categorised

labour and materials.1

public. Architects and planners of that time were

into two different periods, from 1905-

not at liberty to design the kampungs, leaving them

1950 (during Dutch colonisation) and

Within this decentralisation system,

completely autonomous in terms of spatial planning.

after 1950 (after independence).

neighbourhoods for Europeans, Indo-

This level of segregation played a big role in the

Europeans, well-to-do Chinese and

development of the cities over the time, and possibly

1. Roosmalen, Pauline K.m. Van.

During Dutch colonisation, there was a

indigenous dignitaries were designed

the very first indication of the birth of informality

“Netherlands Indies Town Planning: An

rapid socio-economic and demographic

to be vast and moderately to sparsely

in the region, where areas that were left behind by

change due to policies implemented by

populated. The parcels of land were

the administration had to rely on their own informal,

Agent of Modernization (1905–1957).”

Cars, Conduits, and Kampongs: 87-119. doi:10.1163/9789004280724_005.

administrative systems for survival.

During 1910 to 1950, realising the need to plan for sufficient housing

and expansion of neighbourhoods,

the government demonstrated plans to no longer focus on a single, isolated neighbourhood but encompass various new neighbourhoods instead, such as Thomas Karsten’s plan for Bandung North.

In Bandung, the early city planning had been inspired

by Ebenezer Howard’s radial city configuration. The spatial plan during this period was strongly influenced by the rise of new industrial enclaves in Bandung’s suburbs in 1950s. The concentric zone principle was adopted in the master plan by applying a series of rings to the urban form (called ‘Karsten plan’ after the architect). The Alun-alun area, an open public plaza, was set as the centre of the rings. The residential areas and businesses were then placed at the second ring, while residential neighbourhoods for workers (as well as agricultural areas) are localised in the next rings.2 This layout is highly influenced by Howard’s plan, where there is a growth of concentric rings outside.

The inside core houses city center and business area, residential and industrial areas intersperse the next ring,

and green belts on the periphery ring.

Interestingly, the implementation of such layout has shown its limitations today in the most precise manner.

The original Howard’s plan promised the existence of “slumless, smokeless city”, and ironically, when the same method of city planning had been implemented in Bandung, the city has faced the worrying growth of slums and congestion, as a result of rapid economic and population growth that were unforeseen by the government. These problems are one of the main problems the government has tried to tackle to date, with few instances of success.

After 1950s, there was a disjunction in the city planning due to the gradual change in design approach 2. Tarigan, Ari K.m., Saut Sagala, D.

in the region. The end of Dutch colonisation

Ary A. Samsura, Dika F. Fiisabiil-

sperheadeded the growth of professionals and scholars

illah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and

from US, Austria, and Germany in Indonesia. This in

Mangapul Nababan. “Bandung City, Indonesia.” Cities 50 (2016): 100-10.

turn led to a more American design approach in the

doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.09.005.

designing of town planning. As such, contrary to

Figure

2.3. Ebenezer Howard’s Garden city plan (top) and early 1950’s Bandung city plan (bottom)

the relatively small-scale neighbourhoods and towns designed by Dutch town planners, American town planners designed vast towns with dense business centres linked to vast, quiet and green residential suburbs by long, wide traffic routes. The new approach fostered town plans and architecture in which transportation by car instead of on foot or by bicycle was the norm, as were high-rises and air-conditioning, that were so fundamentally different from the earlier Dutch approach.

There are two major conditions from the past that exacerbate the urban condition in Indonesian cities today. Firstly, the seggregation of the native settlements from the urban area (more developed at that point of time) had influenced the development of urban areas today, where these native settlements (kampungs) suffer major lack of infrastructure and sanitation from the start

Figure 2.5. Aerial view of early Bandung town, showing city hall away from other buildings

Figure 2.4. Early Bandung town with informal transportation like horse rickshaws

of the urban development. The lack of focus in the development of the native areas as compared to the urban areas, results in the further inequality in the standard of living, which amounts to the worsening condition of the informal settlements in the urban area. Early informal settlements (kampungs) became neglected and unable to catch up with the city development, while at the same time, rapid urbanisation also resulted in the growth of more new informal settlements that are specifically located in the urban centers of cities (commonly regarded as slums and squatters).

Secondly, the shift to the American approach of town planning has changed the urban fabric into big-scale neighbourhood.

This resulted in the mobility issue in all cities, as cities are forced to adapt its connectivity network from small to big scale with rather minimum concern on the development of infrastructure. The lack of such connectivity will eventually affect mostly the informal community, as they do not have proper access to the city and hence, becoming more marginalised. On a separate note, this problem of connectivity within the new cities interesetingly, has resulted in the growth of informal transportation systems that have become so integral in the city today. without which, the city will not function.

NODES, LINES, AND NETWORK

Cities are complex systems shaped

avenue as a source of income for the

through decentralized, bottom-up,

inhabitants. Mobile hawkers and peddlers

self-organizing processes and top-

congregate around public places in

down planning interventions. Urban

cities to sell their goods, ruled by the

complexity is manifested through the

logic of the proximity of location of

self-organization of these components.

these places in cities as well as the

In particular, these components interact

number of people in the cities. Beneath

through networks – both virtual (Internet

its somewhat messy appearance (called

and telecommunication, flows of capital,

‘messy urbanism’ in some studies2),

etc.) and physical (street networks, rail

there is still a system that governs

networks, etc.)1

the appearance and organisations of informality.

Acknowledging the presence of bottomup organisations in the cities as

The challenge in tackling this issue

informality, informal urbanism

is to discover the network of system

is defined as the production of

that takes place behind the presence of

urbanisation independent from formal

informal urbanism. This network can be

frameworks and assistance (if they

invisible and not very apparent at the

exist) that do not comply with official

start. This network can also be complex,

rules and regulations. Despite the

as more widely-known through the phrase

lack of formal planning, informal

‘the whole is greater than the sum of

urbanism still comprises logic behind

its parts’. There has not been (or

its existence, for instance, the

minimal, at the very least) any study

accumulation of informal settlement

that tries to represent relationships

such as squatters along the river does

between informal and formal, informal

not happen by chance, but rather ruled

and informal, or informal and other

by certain logic. In this case, the

systems in today’s urban situation.

river acts as an attractor owing to its ability to support the settlement, in terms of providing free water supply,

In this thesis, lines and nodes are

and to some extent providing the

used as a strategy to quantify these

Figure 2.5. Basic methodology used to analyse relationship between nodes and lines

relationships. They can be seen as a

settle toward over time.4 They can

In Figure 2.6, the diagrams show how

methodology to simplify the complex

also act as the resultant nodes of

the methodology of space simulation is

relationship, as well as a way to create

the urban conditions. Lines can act

used to analyse the impact of having

abstraction to a certain extent, which

as the connecting element of nodes,

attractor nodes in the urban area near

may provide some ways or possibilities

which creates network of nodes that

the road network. The simulation is done

not to only generate information or

can be read as a system. The lines can

with the use of combined parameters

analysis but also for subsequent design

represent physical element such as

of population density in the area,

process.

roads, or virtual element such as routes

hierarchy of roads and road junctions,

taken by people. This method is used

and the size of attractor nodes. The

The use of lines and nodes to represent

to define what complexity means within

gradient lines that represent the roads

parameters in analysing informal

informal urbanism and is an attempt to

are also used as an attempt to represent

urbanism is useful as values can be

measure the degree of complexity in the

the likelihood of the intensity of

assigned on these lines and nodes and

context.

the road use near the attractors. On

2. Crowley, Julia C. “Book Review:

the next part of the analysis, adding

Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of AsiaChalanaMan-

more quantitative analysis can be done to display the relationship of the

Spatial simulation is then done to

more street will also show how spatial

nodes and lines. From a qualitative

create visualisation of the impact

intensity will adapt and change with

perspective, Castells3 argues that

of nodes and lines in the urban

complexity of the network. This is

understanding flows and networks, rather

environment. This method is particularly

synonymous to the way developing cities

than locations themselves, is critical

useful in analysing the impact that the

are always evolving and informality

for understanding cities.

attractor nodes will likely have on the

densifies with rapid growth. Throughout

1. Boeing, Geoff. "Methods and Measures for Analyzing Complex Street Networks and Urban Form." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. doi:10.2139/ ssrn.3012684. 1

ishHouJeffrey, Eds. 2016. Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of Asia. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. ISBN 978-9888208-33-3.” Journal of Planning Education and Research, 2017. doi:10.1177/0739456x17725581.

existence of informality (such us number

the chapters, this method will be used

3. Castells, M. (2009). The Rise of

In this study, nodes can act as

of informal business in the area, or

to represent and analyse different

the Network Society (2nd ed.). Malden,

attractors, in that they possess values,

even density of informal settlement near

systems and relations between nodes and

MA: Wiley- Blackwell.

or sets of values that a system can

the attractor nodes).

lines.

4. Boeing, Geoff. 21

03 INFORMAL URBANISM IN BANDUNG

RAPID URBANISATION AND GROWTH

Bandung

Figure 3.1. Map of Indonesia’s population density

Indonesia is a sovereign archipelago in Southeast Asia

registered residents in 2015, Bandung Metropolitan Area

and the fourth most populous country on Earth after

(consists of Bandung city and other cities within close

China, India, and the United States. It is made up of

proximity) is the third most populous metropolis in

more than 17,000 islands with over 1.9 million square

Indonesia after Jakarta and Surabaya.4

miles of land, which makes it the 15th largest country.

It has a population estimated at 266.79 million in 2018,

During recent decades, Bandung City has been successful

up from the 2015 estimate of 257 million. By 2050 About

in attracting both large domestic and foreign

56.7% of Indonesia’s population lives on Java, the most

investments to develop various public infrastructures

populous island.1

as well as generate local businesses such as tourism, manufacturing, textiles and apparel, pharmaceutical,

Bandung is located not far from Jakarta, the capital

financial, food, entertainment, and services.5 The

city of Indonesia, and it has a total population

economic boost and urban expansion has become the main

of 2.5 million. To date, it is the densest city in

drive on rapid increase of the population in the urban

1. “Indonesia Population 2018.”

Indonesia, with population density of 14,800 people/km2.

area.

Indonesia Population 2018

Both cities are expanding at a fast rate and becoming

(Demographics, Maps, Graphs).

Accessed March 05, 2018. http://

more connected, and known lately as Jakarta-Bandung

However, despite the rapid economic boom and

worldpopulationreview.com/countries/

Mega-Urban Regions. With spatial, infrastructure, and

development, the city has been facing a problem of

indonesia-population/.

economic expansion, Bandung is expected to become a

congestion and lack of adequate resources to meet the

2. Tarigan, Ari K.m., Saut

megalopolis in no time. Bandung has become a large-scale

needs of all the city dwellers. Transport network

Sagala, D. Ary A. Samsura, Dika

city with an area of 168 km and is one of the most

systems are not fully developed in the city, public

important centres for political, economic, and social

housing is almost non-existent due to the competitive

"Bandung City, Indonesia." Cities

activity in Indonesia.3 With a total of 9.4 million

land market by private developers; which leads to the

50 (2016): 100-10. doi:10.1016/j.

2

F. Fiisabiilillah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and Mangapul Nababan.

cities.2015.09.005.

1987-2017

Figure 3.2. Map of Jakarta-Bandung Mega-Urban Regions

1986

emergence of slums and squatters in the city for those who cannot afford housing, and environmental degradation and resources depletion are becoming more severe due to rapid growth and consumption that happen in the city.

1951

3. Firman, T. (2009a). The continuity and change in mega-urbanization in

1906

Indonesia: A survey of Jakarta–Bandung Region (JBR) development. Habitat International, 33(4), 327–339.

4. Indonesia Population 2018 .

Accessed March 05, 2018 Figure 3.3. Expansion of Bandung’s street network and area over 110 years

The growth of the street network is analysed with street syntax. In this analysis of space syntax, topology and the analysis of natural movement is determined by the configuration of space itself, rather than by 1987-2017

the presence of specific attractors or magnets. One of the main findings of space syntax has been that in modern cities the location of economic space correlates strongly with those spaces with high natural movement, or in space syntax terms, high integration levels.1 Thus, some locations in city will have more potential than others because of their structure of the grid and how they relate to it.

A more integrated road is more likely to be selected as part of a route between other pairs of road, that is, it will produce a multiplier effect and attract more retail and other uses through movement since accessibility plays a vital role for decision makers in deciding where to locate public facilities or amenities so as to

1986

maximize their usability. This dynamic process is called the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;movement economyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Connectivity relates to the number of intersections along a lineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s length. Together with connectivity, integration calculates the level of accessibility of street segments from all other street segments within a spatial system. On the other hand, space syntax defines the intelligibility of layouts in terms of the relationship between the local and global properties. Intelligibility is an important measure that is predictive of way finding and environmental cognition within environments.2

1951

Fig. 3.4. shows that roughly the most integrated lines are located in the city centre or extend from it, mainly to the east and west with a few segments to the north and south. Both east west and north south arterial roads were the first connecting road that established

1906

during the Dutch period. The results also show that

1. Soesanti, Siska. Norihiro Nakai

the dominant axis of the old Bandung city survived and

"Street Network in Bandung City,

is still present today. Based on these results, space

Indonesia: Comparison between City

syntax of Bandung can be used as a tool in predicting not only the future economic growth, but also the growth of other aspects of cities that rely on connectivity and infrastructure.

0

Figure 3.4. Space syntax of road network

3

Center and New Commercial Area."

International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Vol:4, No:6, 2010.

Page 1252.

2. Ibid. Page 1255.

ECONOMIC GROWTH 9.4

10 9 8

Java Province, and it is even higher than the national

7

growth rate with a percentage of almost 10%. Commerce and

6 Percent

Bandung’s economic growth has been the highest in the West

industry are the main contributors to Bandung’s total GDP per year. Since 2013, Bandung has launched new industrial centres in different districts1, such as the Binongjati

6.2 6.0

5

6.16.0 4.3

8.6

8.5

8.3

8.2

6.56.5

6.26.2

4.0

4 3 2

Knitting Industry, Cigondewah Textile Industry, Suci

1

T-shirt and Clothes Industry, Cihampelas Jeans Industry,

0

Cibaduyut Shoes Industry, Cibuntu Tofu and Tempeh Industry,

2008

and Sukamulya/Sukajadi Doll Industry.

2009 West Java Province

2010 National

2011

2012

Bandung

Figure 3.6. Economic growth in Bandung, West Java, Indonesia © RTRW Kota Bandung 2011-2031

As the city expands outward with the addition of roads and highways, so are the economic sectors. Figure 3.5. shows how the commercial area in the city has expanded northward with the new construction of roads and highways northward. key map

The city is dynamic as it is growing and its growth has affected the growth of other economic sectors. And it may not very well be just limited to economic sectors, as it also affects the growth of other networks, such as transport, infrastructure, logistics, informal, and housing, as shown in Figure 3.7. As much as it is commendable to have significant growth in the city, it is also worrying when there is a limit to how

1|city center

1. Tarigan, Ari K.m., Saut Sagala, D. Ary A. Samsura, Dika

much resources and funds the state can utilise for

F. Fiisabiilillah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and Mangapul Nababan.

2a|Lebak Gede village

the growth. Coupled with rapid population expansion

2b|Citarum village

and bureaucratic, corrupt governance in the region,

2|new commercial area

3|former commercial area 3a|Juanda street

expansion does not sound as easy. In Bandung, the city’s

3b|flyover

roads and infrastructure have almost reached their

3c|Pasirkaliki street

saturation point,2 meaning that they are being heavily

3d|highway to Jakarta

used by the urban population and have reached their limit to support the city. This will affect the standard

Figure 3.5. Location of city center and new commercial area

of living in the city.

"Bandung City, Indonesia." Cities 50 (2016): 100-10. doi:10.1016/j. cities.2015.09.005.

2. “Organizational Structure of Institutional Investment in Bandung City, West Java Province, Indonesia.”

International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 5, no. 2 (2016): 1205209. doi:10.21275/v5i2.nov161317.

DYNAMIC OF INFORMALITY

Informal practices are seen as survival mechanism for the poor. More often than not, they are seen as nuisance and eye sore in the city. Yet, the novelty of such structure or system has always been refreshing to observe. Their unique approach to solve challenges displays efficiency and creativity in making use of limited resources in the city. This chapter comprises a catalogue of a compilation of informal practices found within the urban fabric of Bandung city. They are usually simple small structures or systems that are utilised by the inhabitants, without involving any advanced techonology or notable design. They are informal and do not conform to any standard regulation; they exist as immediate bottom-up solutions to urban conditons and challenges.

This informal experience can be equated as coming across oversized, bulky structure such as bus shelter. It takes up so much space with the sole function to provide temporary shelter. This informal structure can be seen as the complete opposite. It is flexible most of the time, with the capacity to transform to accommodate other functions.

Such structures and systems are common practices in developing cities, where informal practices have been part of everyday life. However, it can be considered new and strange to outsiders, to observe such versatility done informally, much like a criticism to the formal urban conditions in the city.

The catalogue is a compilation of field work that involves various observation and interview in Bandung city. Aside from informing the qualities of such practices in the city, it also forms a study of the distribution of these practices in the city, specifically, the atractors that result in the existence of such informal practices, and its connection to city network.

Convenience kiosk + street-side cafe Location: Along the road, sidewalks

0 10 20

Attractor points: Commercial areas

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

This is a typical makeshift kiosk on the street that functions like a convenience store or mini-mart. Up to two people can stay inside, with mini kitchen to prepare drinks and instant food for buyers. It usually has width less than 1m so as to not be too visible, as such structure is illegal in the city.

Due to its compact size, they populate the city in unutilised spaces, such as along drainage or edge of sidewalks, in close distance to serve people around the area. They also tend to use the host building structure as support illegally.

Fruit market Location: Entrance of informal settlement

0 10 20

Attractor points: Informal settlements

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

The narrow street leading to informal settlement is usually occupied by the inhabitants as trading space. They can occupy up to half of the width of the street. As most inhabitants walk or riding motorbikes, the street is still wide enough for circulation. This entrance point becomes a meeting, trading, and social point for inhabitants. The consumers of such market is usually the inhabitants of the settlement itself. The location of the space is very accessible and strategic for fast trading as it is at main circulation point.

Garbage collectors Location: Formal neighbourhood Attractor points: Formal settlements

0 10 20

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

Garbage collection is the most obvious social phenomenon that indicates the reliance of the formal and informal. In the formal neighbourhood, their mobile presence is almost highly desired, as they pay residents for selling their unwanted objects, from old TVs to newspapers. In turn, they will recycle these objects and produce some profits for their livelihood. The fact that they are mobile and do not take permanent space in the neighbourhood, while still rendering service is highly appreciated.

Small-scale home production Location: Entrance of informal settlements

0 10 20

Attractor points: Street connection to main roads

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

This textile waste holding shed is located right next to the small street that leads into the back of the informal settlement. Even though it congests the side of the street, it is a system set by the inhabitants to allow easy distribution and discharge of these bags. As the streets become narrower inside the settlement, most production process venues are located near the main streets.

Food push carts Location: Around the neighbourhood

0 10 20

Attractor points: Public spaces and settlements

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

This push carts are common to be found everywhere, from formal to informal neighbourhoods, to the streets near public spaces. They are mobile and can be parked at any location, and again, are considered desirable by the people because they sell local food dear to the community.

Becak/three-wheeled motor taxi Location: Around the neighbourhood Attractor points: Public spaces

0 10 20

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

Becaks are still found in the public/commercial places in the cities. It is considered a simple mode of transport that relies on manpower, cheap, and usually used for short-distance transport. Becaks are preferred mode of transportation in the region that are not accessible by public transport such as buses or taxis. They usually transport passengers from public places to residential areas.

Kaki lima/five-foot peddler Location: Around the crowded road Attractor points: Public spaces, markets

0 10 20

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

Kaki lima can be found everywhere in the city. They possess a very low barrier to entry. The name kaki lima means ‘five feet’ which originates from the size of the mat used by the peddlers that is about five feet, but it also refers to the agility (‘many legs’) of the peddlers to pack their goods and run when being chased away by the authority in the city, as their presence is considered illegal.

Informal traffic police Location: Junction of primary roads, U-turn Attractor points: High vehicular traffic

0 10 20

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

This informal figure stations themselves at the junctions of roads with heavy traffic. They try to regulate and ease the traffic, like what traffic officers do to compensate the lack of traffic regulations and personnel in the area. Road users will usually pay their service with small change.

Semi-permanent push cart/side-road cafe Location: Main road side

0 10 20

Attractor points: Commercial area

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

Normally operating under the tent, this type is the combination of mobile push carts and more permanent structure of tent, tables, and chairs. At one zone, there will be a congregation of at least 3-4 push carts. At the end of the day, they all will be dismantled and packed with the push carts. A very popular hang out, meeting, and eating point in almost all cities in Indonesia. They can be found along the main road, near on-street parking space where cars can easily park.

Car Location: Road side

0 10 20

Attractor points: Crowded public spaces

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

This mobile car is the latest trend in the informal practice. It shows the increase in level of affluence where peddlers do not only sell their goods with push carts or in kaki lima, but they travel with cars; this is also showing the growth of informal practice in the middle-class community. These cars usually station themselves at crowded place to sell their goods but also to evade the officers for illegally selling goods on the roads. It is a much faster escape means to kaki lima.

Warung/Convenience store Location: Extension of house/house garage Attractor points: Neighbourhood

0

10

20

50

Attractor agent Informal practice

Warung is Indonesian local version of mini-mart in the neighbourhood. They exist as part of inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; living place, usually occupying the extension from or garage of the house. Their mode of survival depends on the sale of goods in small quantity, as many buyers cannot afford buying in large quantity.

Dawn market Location: Parking lot

0 10 20

Attractor points: Near permanent market

50

100

Attractor agent Informal practice

Dawn market operates only from 5-8am, when activities in the city have not started yet and many spaces like parking lots are still available for use. Their temporal presence is almost invisible within city fabric and can only be experienced at certain period of the day.

CONCLUSION

Type

Location map

Example

Consumer group

Remarks

Informal practices have become the urban solution to urban habitants from almost all walk of lives, regardless of the status of income. Their existence complements what is not

Permanent

Warung, kiosk

High, middle,

Remains in

and low-

permanent location

income,

yet appropriately provided by the formal regulation and urban planning. The main reason why they remain resilient and resistant to change and prohibition until today is because there is always demand for their services and goods

depending on

in real life. They usually provide goods and services at

quality of

much lower price, making their existence suitable to meet

goods

the needs of the poor,

Hence, restricting or eradicating

such practices will only put the city in a more dire state, Semi-

Temporary

High, middle,

Selling container

permanent

market along

and low-

or tent are located

the road,

income,

along the street,

morning or

depending on

they are packed

evening market

quality of

at end of the

goods

day. Also occupy

where the poor will find it even more impossible to meet their daily expenses.

The better solution will be to develop a management system that is able to regulate and include these practices into the formal framework. This inclusion should also aim at

permanent building

not only formalising, but also improving the capacity

that only operates

and producitvity of such practices. Simple, effective

half a day

measures such as regulation in time and position layout, communication and collaboration with government, and licensing will be sufficient to integrate such practices in

Mobile

Semi-mobile

Push carts,

High, middle,

Change location to

becak, other

and low-

serve and go to

informal

income,

consumers

transport,

depending on

garbage

quality of

collector

goods

Push carts,

High and

car-turned-

middle-income,

They are seen as practice with

push carts

depending on

higher capital,

quality of

even conducted by

goods

middle-income group

urban planning

CURRENT SOLUTIONS ON INFORMAL PRACTICES

Informal urbanism has not yet found its place in the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s agenda.

It is regarded as practices and systems of survival that have not created significant benefits to the growth of many Indonesian cities. In fact, many of the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s initiatives are focused on eradicating and stabilising the issue to a certaint extent. A lot of informal practices such as hawkers are being banned to take place in the city center areas, or being displaced to a more formal framework, such as a designated place for hawkers that may not be as strategic as the open city centers.

The construction of pedestrian bridge in popular Ciwalk area in Bandung is an example of how the government tries to solve the investation of informal

Figure 3.8. Unexpected use of bench as kidsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; playground in Cicendo Park

practices in busy city area that has caused congestion and disrupted traffic. It is a good start, creating a platform that includes informal practices, mostly food peddlers, into a more permanent and designated part of the city. This act can be seen as creating a second layer of attractor lines (the bridge) that attract the hawkers to congregate along and free up the congested road below. However, it has a certain barrier to entry that prevents anyone to participate as hawkers in this area are required to pay quite a high fee. Such venue has also become too commercialised and catered to mostly tourists, not so much on city dwellers. A more inclusive implementation with lower barrier to entry that reaches and affects the entire community can be developed from this model.

Another effort done by the government to inject better social life to the poor community (who is mostly living in informal settlement) is the allocation of underutilised space in the city and its conversion to Figure 3.7. Ciwalk skywalk that move hawkers up on the bridge to alleviate congestion and traffic below

parks of different uses. Such transformation creates

new attractor nodes in an otherwise unused space, and adds sense of belongings for the community who has very limited number of social spaces in their densely populated living quarters. Public spaces are considered privilege in the city; they are overused and considered as new concept of urban space in Bandung1. Owing to this, the way they are used and perceived by the community is often different from the design intent.

According to the architects, there is a need to design public spaces that are locally specific, governed by specific local conditions and

public needs in

Indonesia. Enforcing law on informal practices has been proven to be unsuccessful in Bandung, and the government has been trying to cooperate with the informal community by relocating and including them in the urban design.

Located under the Pasupati Flyover near the Tamansari informal settlement, the government is on the right direction for including more informality as part of city planning in recent years. The unused areas below the the flyover have been converted into parks with different programs such as meeting point, film park, and skate park for youth. These spaces are overused most of the time, reflecting the unbalanced supply and demand of such social spaces in the city.

More wholesome programs that include most informal players, combining both top-down measures with bottomup approach should be pursued further.

Figure 3.9. Taman Jomblo, Taman Film, and Taman Skate below Pasupati Flyover in Bandung

1. SHAU Architects in public lecture in FCL, Singapore. 16 May 2018

04 INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

PATTERN OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

THE EXISTENCE OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENT CAN BE TRACED BACK TO CERTAIN PARAMETERS, SUCH AS ECONOMIC, TOPOGRAPHY, AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN THE AREA.

There is a logic to the

can be found at different

up to four floors. Narrow

sanitation, welfare, and infrastructure. In some case,

existence of informal

locations in the city and

alleys usually connect

this has resulted in efficient, creative localised

settlement, in line with

possess specific DNAs

houses before they meet

system within the settlements, while in other cases,

the idea that they

related to what kind of

bigger streets, which

this lack of provision of resources has resulted in low

cannot survive alone and

the neighborhoods they

will connect

quality of life of inhabitants.

require dependency on

are in.

fabric. Due to the dense

their surroundings. The

to the city

condition, the environment

Understanding the different typology of slums in

existence of slum can be

Their networks are

in informal settlements is

urban context will result in differentiated, specific

traced back to certain

entirely human in scale

usually darker with less

approach to slums.

parameters, such as

with paths that allow

sunlight penetrating

economic, topography, and

for access of people and

through the ground.

social conditions in the

affordable vehicles such

area. For instance, many

as bikes and carts. Due

Informal settlements are

informing current urban policies. In many cases of informal

slums can be found near

to land scarcity and high

also well-known for its

settlements, they are very organic in structure and morphology.

the developing areas as

number of inhabitants,

lack of sanitation and

They had web-networks of small roads; which might not be

inhabitants try to ride on

informal settlements are

infrastructure systems,

considered well designed for modern urban planning but still

economic expansion on the

usually irregular,

since they are not

ensuring the provision of multi-purpose social space or

areas. They are dynamic1

unplanned, and highly-

part of the national

communal facilities.2 The social and communal space and close

as their growth and

densed horizontally.

infrastructure system.

neighborhood relation create the vibrant life. The fact that

Development:The case of Kampung

distribution are dependent

Lack of technical and

Owing to this, informal

these self-built neighbourhoods are able to sustain themselves

Menteng Atas and Rasuna Epincentrum

on the multi-functional

construction skills limit

inhabitants ought to

under many constraints and limitations in the city proves that

nature of the city.

the height of houses to

manage their own system of

there is a certain level of efficiency in their informal system

They

1. Taher, Mania Tahsina, and Arefeen

As mentioned above, the informal settlements possess certain

Ibrahim. “Transformation of Slum

resilience that should be studied further and applied in

and Squatter Settlements: A Way of Sustainable Living in Context of 21st Century Cities.” American Journal of Civil Engineering and Architecture 2, no. 2 (2014): 70-76. doi:10.12691/ ajcea-2-2-3.

2.

Simatupang, Wita, Miya Irawati,

and Rully Mardona. “Symbiosis of Kampong and Large Scale

Development.” Proceedings of 8th Conference of the International Forum on Urbanism (IFoU), 2015. doi:10.3390/ifou-a009.

that can be studied and perhaps, implemented in the city.

In terms of resilient character, many studies have shown a longlasting observation: informal inhabitants always manage to penetrate the workings of district life and ply a range of contacts and networks while having so few resources to work with. What might happen if these individuals and households had more resources and opportunities at their disposal3?

Furthermore, informal settlements have arguably the lowest carbon footprints of any form of urbanism on the planet - they often utilise recycled materials at high densities with low-rise morphologies, close to employment with very low car dependence.4 While it does not mean that this can be the solution to the sustainability problem in the city, as the context of informal buildings in informal settlements is very different from that of the city, this offers a glimpse of inspiration as to how current urban policies can adopt the efficient systems and practices found here.

As cities become more urban, they have to accept the fact that they are becoming more â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;informalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

Rather than denying the informal, it is important to acknowledge this change and adopt a pragmatic approach that include this organic mode of development as part of the urban planning.

3. Simone, AbdouMaliq. Jakarta, Drawing the City Near. Minnesota: UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRESS, 2014.

Source: "04 Slum Typology." LinkedIn SlideShare. August 23, 2010. Accessed March 31, 2018. https://www.slideshare.net/ thepottyproject/04-slum-typolgy

4. Ibid.

THE FAILURE OF CITY PLANNING

‘MASTER PLAN 2005 HAS FAILED TO REALISE THE CARRYING CAPACITY OF BANDUNG’ Due to rapid urbanization, the Master Plan 2013 had to increase

Many critical urban issues relating to urbanisation such

the population capacity of Bandung from 750,000 persons (‘Karsten

as urban infrastructure and basic service provision,

Plan’) to 3,000,000 persons. Further, the integrated land use and

decent housing and settlements, land for housing are

transportation planning approach in Master Plan 2013 were failed to

the few things that urban planning in the city needs to

be implemented due to land and development speculation by private

tackle.1 In 1990s, Bandung government decided to focus

sectors. The current commercials are mostly designated in the city

on the inner development of the city center, as a way

centres, while affordable housings are located in the suburban area.

The separation will decrease accessibility, city vibrant life and

to improve urban environment through densification and centralised urban activity.

livelihood issues. And this would worsen the city traffic jams. “ (Tanuwidjaya, 2016)

The plan was considered a miss as it was unable to meet the growing demands of the densifying city center.

At the same time, the suburban areas did not receive sufficient resources to grow equally. This decision has caused substantial environmental degradation in the city. Rapid land use changes and unmanageable traffic condition in the city centre have been some of the externalities that urban planning and management in Bandung have not been able to make adequate response to.2 In 2003, the focus in the planning was steered in the complete opposite direction.

Local government

introduced a new master plan that adopted the compact development approach.

The plan was to develop growth

1. S.D. Arifwidodo / City, Culture and Society 3 (2012) 303–311 2. Ibid.

in other part of the city and control the growth in city center. To channel urban activities and leverage environmental burden in the city centre, this master

4

plan divided Bandung into six areas of growth and

3

establishes six secondary urban centres and one new primary urban centre on the east side of the city.3 8

1

In 2007, local government claimed that the city has undergone structural changes in terms of the urban form;

9 6

that Bandung has evolved from a concentric city into

5

a multiple nuclei model of a city, with total eight urban centres. In Bandung, urban densification is the

7

important feature in urban planning policies. Master

10

Plan 2013 has put emphasis on the urban densification

2

and controlling a new development in the city centre.

Figure 4.2. Urban centers in Bandung

Starting from 2011, there has been an effort by government to upgrade infrastructure in city center.

This also includes the acknowledgement of the growth of slums and squatters as the result of the city planning that led to intensification of land and resources in city center. Hence, there has been an effort to upgrade the slums in the urban areas to improve the quality of life of the inhabitants as well as to ramp up the development outlook in the city center. Out of 150 slums to be upgraded within five years, only 10 were done completely. This was ineffective as the growth of slum continues to escalate at a rate of 24% a year in the city.4 The choppy master planning that contradict each other do not ensure smooth transformation of the city.

Focusing on the issue of informal settlement itself, the government faces the resilience of the sector, and has been slow in taking action on tackling this issue. There Figure 4.1. Densification of urban

is little improvement in the informal settlement area

area has resulted in the incrase in

in the city. It can also be seen that the government

adminstrative areas throughout the

of Bandung has yet to consider the potential that the

city, which put extra need for budget allocation from the government

informal community can offer to the city.

3. Ibid.

4. Manalu, A. Sanjaya. "Efektivitas Dinas Ruang dan Cipta Karya Kota Bandung."

CURRENT SOLUTIONS ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

Informal settlements are usually treated

being constructed. This apartment will

with insignificant upgrading projects, or

consist of 1000 units with an ownership

relocation of the whole settlements to

of 60 years. Following this, another 12

non-strategic areas further away from the

community apartments in 12 different

city centers.

locations will be constructed and the

Figure 4.3. Rusun Rancacili in Bandung remains empty as inhabitants refuse to dwell in this place, far remove from the city

works will be procured to private sector.

Indonesian government implemented the

The construction of community apartments

‘Cities without Slums’ initiative in 2010

is considered as an innovation in

to eradicate slums in the country,

overcoming the problem of slums, with

Such programs are the Mid-Term

the ownership right lasts up to 60 years

Development Investment Plan (RPIJM),

(this is significantly longer than other

Regional Housing and Settlements

general apartment which last only 5-6

as part of tourism in the city. Kampung Dago Pojok,

Development Plan (RP4D), the Spatial Plan

years), this scheme was believed to be

one of the informal settlements located next to the

of Bandung City (RTRW, 2011–2031), the

able to provide the poor with an asset.

center of urban renewal area in Bandung’s main tourist destination in Cihampelas, has transformed the houses

Plans for the Prevention and Improvement of the Quality of Urban Slums (RP2KPKP),

Unfortunately, such initiatives have not

walls into art murals showing the creativity and

and the Environment and Building Block

seen the light. One of the apartments

contribution of the settlement to the city’s art and

Plan (RTBL). Some of the strategies

that had been built currently was still

culture. Pionereed by external organisations like Taboo

include upgrading and restructuring the

empty (as shown in Figure 4.3. of Rusun

Community

spatial organisation of the informal

Rancacili). The non-strategic location

prevent eviction and demolition of the settlement by

settlements, installation of basic

has become a hindrance for the informal

the government, by proving its worth and contribution

infrastructure such as water access and

inhabitants to stay in the apartment.

as part of urban fabric, as well as to infuse sense of

drainage, and the construction of new

There has to be a better solution than

community and pride to the inhabitants. The movement has

apartments to reallocate the informal

just relocating the inhabitants to less

been rather successful, as such bottom-up initiatives to

inhabitants (widely known as ‘rusun’ in

strategic location and less valuable land

upgrade the appearance of the settlement have gained the

Indonesia).

in the city.

support from the government.

Up to date, there is little improvement

Another form of resistance to eviction

Another improvement can be seen in the construction

in the condition of informal settlements

that is specific to Bandung’s identity

of microlibrary in the poor settlement in Bima Street

nationwide. Bandung City Government is

as a tourism and creative city is

in Bandung, done through the collaboration of Bandung

to build 15 apartments by the end of

the creative kampung movement. The

mayor and SHAU. The microlibrary is built in the effort

2018. However, during this research was

inhabitants of the informal settlement

to promote literacy and reading habit within the poor

conducted, there is only one apartment

aimed to integrate their living community

community to reduce rate of dropout and illiteracy. The

and BCCF, the aim of the movement is to

DYNAMIC DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENT Dynamic distribution of informal settlement in Bandung is tied in closely to growth of industries. Generally, informal settlements are mostly located behind markets and trading places, as well as by the river. The distribution pattern of these informal settlements follows the primary and secondary centers of different economies in the Bandung cities, including trading industries and services, manufacturing industries, as well as offices and civic centers.1 The following studies are based on the physical quantitave data of the distance of the informal settlements to various economic centers in the city. The addition of the microlibrary in the existing small square is also intended to add identity and pride into the community.

In nutshell, solutions to the growth of informal settlement in cities today involve upgrading amenities within the settlement, development of public housing, and participatory design projects. The limitations of such

analysis of the closest distance of clusters are done quantitatively through measurement of distance and then indexed on the Bandung development region. There are generally three different patterns in the analysis: 1. Cluster pattern, R value =< 0.9 2. Random pattern, R value = 0.9-1.1 3. Scatter pattern, R value > 1.1 Services and trading industries are found to have higher correlation with the informal settlements nearby, while offices have lower correlation.

urban upgrading are the limitations of the ideology of space. In such policy approach, what is redeveloped is the space, the built environment and physical amenities rather than peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacities or livelihoods.1 Addition of more social spaces and infrastructure to current informal Figure 4.4. Wall mural in Kampung Dago Pojok Figure 4.5. Microlibrary in Bima, Bandung 1. Roy, Ananya. "Urban Informality:

settlements is a good first move to include these settlements as part of urban fabric. However, the next step to further integrate them should be to capitalise the resources in the

Toward an Epistemology of Planning."

settlements fully and integrate these

Journal of the American Planning

resources as the functioning part of

Association 71, no. 2 (2005): 147-58. doi:10.1080/01944360508976689.

the city.

1. Dywangga Auliannis. "Permukiman Kumuh di Kota Bandung." July 2009, FMIPA UI. Page 82

DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND TRADING AND SERVICES Distance

Percentage (%)

Near (<1.3km)

74.4

Medium (1.3-2.6km)

21.1

Far (>2.6km)

4.4

Trading and services Informal settlement

DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND OFFICES Distance

Percentage (%)

Near (<1.3km)

72.8

Medium (1.3-2.6km)

6.7

Far (>2.6km)

20.5

Offices Informal settlement

DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES Distance

Percentage (%)

Near (<1.3km)

50.9

Medium (1.3-2.6km)

41.5

Far (>2.6km)

7.6

Manufacturing industries Informal settlement

CASE STUDY - DHARAVI SLUM MUMBAI

DHARAVI’S INFORMAL ECOSYSTEM Dharavi, which sprawls over 240 hectares (590 acres) is one of the largest and densest slums in the world. It is located in Mumbai, next to the urban development of the city. Real estate in Mumbai, India’s financial hub, is among the most expensive in the world. The contrast between rich and poor is stark, and about 60 percent of the city’s population of more than 18 million lives in slums.

Despite the lack of infrastructure on the slum, where study has shown that there is only approximately one working toilet for every 1000 inhabitants, Dharavi is a place with massive economic potential. The recycling industry in Dharavi creates an informal economy with an annual turnover of $1 billion. It is dynamic and growing; the people have created a community of schools, temples, mosques, restaurants, tailors and mobile phone shops since they are denied any infrastructure by the city state.

This informal economy is under threat of government’s development plan to transform the slum area into a commercial and business area, where slum dwellers will be forced to move out. The case of eviction of slum dwellers is common in the cities, coupled with less invasive approach, such as more in-situ projects in recent years to develop and upgrade the informal settlement. What is missing in these efforts is the idea that informal practices are not considered as potential at all. In the case of Dharavi, despite its contribution to recycling industry in the city, the inhabitants are still not given incentives to grow the industry and to integrate it to the city’s infrastructure system. Development is planned without any consideration of the informal practices in the Figure 4.6. Dharavi settlement amidst garbage pile

city.

E

SITE

B A

A|Chambda Bazaar Dharavi grew outward from the neighborhoods of Koliwada and Chambda Bazaar. This is one of the most densely

D

populated areas in Dharavi, more than six times of Manhattan B|13th Compound It is at the heart of Dharavi’s recycling industry. An

C

estimated 80% of Mumbai’s plastic waste is recycled in the slum, in some 15,000 single-room factories C|Kumbharwada Most dwellings are used as home and production space D|New Transit Camp This is a temporary relocation site for dwellers as new developments were built around the slum. The site later became permanent E|Koliwada Dharavi’s original neighborhood. Unlike most of the slum, the area is less dense

Site plan of Dharavi

0 50 100

250

500

INFORMAL NETWORKS Recycling in Mumbai can be considered an exhaustive system, it recycles any sort of material, from newsprint to rubber, even dung gets gathered, sorted, sold, resold, and recovered for use. It is discovered that no manufactured object in Mumbai that does not spend at least one phase of its production chains in Dharavi.1 Having said that, as materials get repurposed and revalued up to 700% in this recycling chains, the city itself does not have adequate recycling and waste management system. It relies on the existence of Dharavi, the densest slum on Earth to do the job.

Despite its lack of sanitation, water, sewage, and proper infrastructure, Dharavi forms a closed ecosystem that functions efficiently to support the inadequate infrastructure in the city. Ironically, it acts like a purifier in the urban context, where it cleans, removes, reprocesses, and adds values to the waste of areas beyond its territory.

0 50 100

250

500

Waste collection points outside Dharavi

1. Mostafavi, Mohsen, and Gareth Doherty. Ecological Urbanism. ZĂźrich, Switzerland: Lars MĂźller Publishers, 2016.

INVISIBILITY NETWORK OF INFORMALITY IN THE CITY In this analysis, the secondary roads become the main paths of garbage distribution, on the contrary to the significance of the main roads. This is so, as informal garbage collectors usuallly operate in smaller roads that allow them to roam around.

With different weightage on the road, space syntax of the area around Dharavi shows that great interconnection between the city and the 13th Compound.

It forms almost an invisible network of recycling connection in the city 0 50 100 0

Space syntax on intensity of road use with relation to recycling system

250

500 3

Mumbai cities generate 11,200 tonnes of waste a day

RECYCLING NETWORK As the web of Dharavi’s recycling and other social market chains function at the congested ground level, this explains why vertical residential tower strategy

13th Compound

to upgrade the slum failed. It simply cannot sustain

district in

the richness and density of social and economic

Dharavi

interactions and synergies between different roles.2 For Without adequate waste management system, it relies on Dharavi’s salvaging services

instance, shops and production workshops are located below family units and are connected, where each unit will be connected directly to street and within close proximity to other informal amenities set up by the slum dwellers. Sometimes they occupy even the same space.

Dharavi is an ecosystem of its own where there is almost no distinction in space in terms of work, residential, social space, streets and alleys, and

Rag pickers gather

public or private infrastructure. In this kind of

plastics for

dwellings, people have managed and taken matter at

processing

their own hands to ensure their survival. With almost

Waste buyers purchase recyclable

Plastic pellets are

100% employment, Dharavi becomes a place deemed as the

washed and dried

stepping stone for migrants to gradually be initiated

before repurposing

into the formal urban fabric.

goods from rag

The systems that exist and set up by the dwellers are

pickers

building up on each other. To support the recycling chain, there is also ‘tiffin’ system, a midday meal delivery in the community. It is a highly efficient system where tens or hundreds of thousands of meals are accurately prepared in main kitchen, gathered and delivered to remote locations of work within hours, with a precision unmatched by any formal distribution system in the world.3 The network of agents, brokers, relays, main kitchen and administration, up to color coding to differentiate the location of each lunch box is an informal network set up across the urban web.

Sorters categorise

Grinders pulverise

This efficient system has worked out how to deliver

and separate

the sorted plastic

on time with only approximately twenty meals delivered

1. Mostafavi, Mohsen, and Gareth

waste

late a year and also across highly-complex multi-

Doherty. Ecological Urbanism. Zürich,

plastics

segmented routes of the dense slum.

Recycling network of Dharavi and the city

Switzerland: Lars Müller Publishers, 2016.

2. Ibid, 102-104.

3. Mohsen, 102-104.

THE HIGHLY-INTEGRATED WORK LIFE SPACE Dharavi’s dense condition has resulted in the unique housing typology, where the separation between work, Workers’ dorm

life, and leisure is blurred. In a small building unit, there is usually a high program mix that shows a certain hierarchy in the informal settlement.

Housing units are placed higher up in the building for

Owner’s house

Praying hall/community space

privacy while production factories, workshop, informal amenities such grocery shop, bakery, postal collection point are below. Due to dense habitation and limitation of space, the ground floor can be seen as almost one

Workers’ dorm

Library

long continuous stretch from the external streets, as

Workshop

people utilise every inch of the space to suit their needs. Internal street that separates two units are usually used to store goods or connect two workshops at Recycling workshop

different buildings.

Recycling workshop

Looking closely, the conditions that happen in Dharavi interestingly show all the aspects needed for good External street with shopfront

Grocery shop

Internal street

Recycling workshop

Recycling workshop

for storage

and storage

and storage

urbanism: life in the streets, urban density, community spirit, mixed functions, active ground floors with activity spilling out on the street3, and highly complex and interlinked systems of performance.

Typical housing/workshop units in Dharavi

3.”Slums to Connect Cities.” Gehl.

March 28, 2017. Accessed March 31, 2018. http://gehlpeople.com/blog/ slums-to-connect-cities

The astounding efficiency and resilience set up in the name of survival in the informal settlement in Dharavi has proven how informal settlement can exist on its own way and it is a cue for the urban planners to start capitalising on its efficiency instead of eradicating its physical presence as well as its systems of performance. In the case of Dharavi, integrating the significant recycling system into the waste management of the formal city can be the first immediate response to improve the livelihood in the informal settlement.

Figure 4.8. Tiffin delivery

STRENGTH Vibrant urban life Highly

efficient

informal

systems

that

have

been

established in the community Highly integrated work-life balance Complement the limited recycling system in Mumbai Low rental

WEAKNESS Lack of proper infrastructure Lack of hygiene

OPPORTUNITIES Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s recycling center MIgrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; stepping stone to get employment in the city Expansion of highly-integrated system within the formal urban area too

THREAT Outbreak of disease due to

poor living condition

Higher crime rate due to poverty Figure 4.7. Workshops and houses existing together

TO IMPROVE THE POOR COULD BE SEEN AS PATRONIZING, BUT TO LEARN FROM FAVELA SELF-BUILDERS IS ALSO TO RISK ROMANTICIZING POVERTY

CHRISTIAN KEREZ

CONVERGING ATTRACTION In this case, what attracts informality to grow in Dharavi is the interdependency of the city and the slum.

Mumbai city will face chronic issue of waste management without

the

existence

of

Dharavi,

and

Dharavi’s

recycling sector will not survive without the supply and demand from the city. Both informal and formal sectors act as attractors to each other and ensure the survival of both. This shows the potential of Dharavi to be fully integrated in the city’s recycling system to support the city.

INFORMAL SETTLEMENT IN BANDUNG

THESE INFORMAL PRACTICES, SYSTEMS, AND SETTLEMENTS EVENTUALLY GIVE BIRTH TO INFORMAL URBANISM AS AN ALTERNATIVE MODE OF URBANISM IN THE CITY.

Figure 4.9. Tamansari slum taken from the balcony of Ciwalk mall

In 2015, there are 453 informal

to railway stations or rivers. This may

government is also facing the problem

settlement areas covering 1,457.45

account to the unclear administrative

of allocating resources in the cities,

hectares according to Settlements

logistics in Indonesia, where these

for instance, to build infrastructure

and Spatial Planning of Bandung City

places are operated and owned by more

like roads for expansion or to build

Government. These informal settlements

than one institution, and actions taken

affordable housing for the new migrants.

are characterized by the lack of clean

against illegal use of land have to go

This condition spurs the growth of

water provision (less than 30%), low

through a long period of time as they

informal settlements in the cities

quality of drainage system, low quality

have to be discussed by all parties.

where frustrated migrants start to take

of road (more than 70% of road is in bad

matter at their own hands and create

condition), and highly populated (high

In terms of economic growth in the cities

their own systems of survival in terms

level of population density with more

in Indonesia, these cities are usually

of fulfilment of basic needs, such as

than 100 houses in one hectare).

growing faster than the pace of which

clean water, sanitation, transport, and

infrastructure can be built. As a result,

economic sector as well. These informal

In Indonesia cities, there are generally

many migrants are moving into the cities,

practices, systems, and settlements

two main factors that affect the growth

with minimum skills and knowledge to

eventually give birth to informal

of the informal settlements. Firstly, it

contribute. As they find themselves at

urbanism as an alternative mode of

is the lack of land control by the state

the bottom of the economy, their living

urbanism in the city.

and secondly, it is the economic sectors

condition is jeopardised and they are

that act as attractors of the growth of

forced to live in minimum condition.

the informal settlements.2 The growth of

1. Handayani, Sri, et al. "Transformation Model for Slum Upgrading." Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia. 2007.

2. Ibid.

3. Afifah Huwaida Khairunisa, et al.

informal settlements can be easily found

With the increasing number of new

around the illegal land plot such as next

inhabitants in the urban areas, the

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Spatial Pattern of Slum Areas in North Jakartaâ&#x20AC;? Departemen Geografi, Fakultas Matematika dan Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam, Universitas Indonesia, 2016

SLUM INDICATORS IN INDONESIA3

SANITATION Decent: Individual toilet, septic tank availability Average: Public toilet, parallel sewage Bad: No toilet, no sewage

WASTE DISPOSAL MANAGEMENT Decent: Managed by village Average: Managed by neighborhood Bad: No management

DRAINAGE Decent: No blockage Average: Temporal blockage Bad: Blockage is present

ACCESSIBILITY Decent: >50% of road is 2m wide Average: >50% of road is 1.5m wide Bad: >50% of road is <1.5m wide

POPULATION DENSITY Decent: <400people/ha Average: 400-500people/ha Bad: >500people/ha

HIGH DENSITY SLUM AREA IN BANDUNG Areas with high density of slum in Bandung city

SLUM AREA IN BANDUNG (LATEST CENSUS) Name

Area (Ha)

%

Andir

12.9

1.8

Cicendo

29.9

4.0

Sukajadi

45.6

6.2

Bandung Wetan

10.8

1.5

Cibeunying Kaler

32.8

4.5

Cibeunying Kidul

17.5

2.4

Cidadap

21.0

2.9

Coblong

26.8

3.7

Sumur Bandung

2.7

0.4

Bandung Kidul

13.6

1.9

Margacinta

102.3

14.0

Rancasari

45.0

6.1

Batununggal

27.7

3.8

Kiara Condong

33.6

4.6

Lengkong

3.9

0.5

Regol

33.7

4.6

Astana Anyar

2.0

0.3

Babakan Ciparay

78.3

10.7

Bandung Kulon

42.1

5.8

Bojongloa Kaler

37.5

5.1

Bojongloa Kidul

39.8

5.4

Arcamanik

14.0

1.9

Cibeunying Kidul

0.9

0.1

Cibiru

8.4

1.2

Cicadas

35.7

4.9

Ujung Berung

14.7

2.0

732.9

100

TAMANSARI: AREA OF FOCUS

TIMELINE

During colonialisation era (before 1920s) It was a green, recreational area 1920-1945 Developed into botany garden for education purpose together with the construction of THS institution 1960-1980 More universities and schools were built, densification of buildings.

In 1975, the area had 404 residents and 79 houses per hectare. The settlementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s infrastructure was in bad shape or non-existent. There were social problems too. The population had become increasingly heterogeneous, and as a result of circular migration the percentage of temporal residents increased. Crime was rife within the kampongs.

1945-1959 Developed into educational region to support the construction of ITB (first university in Bandung)

1980-2000 Rapid increase in informal settlement.

Reduction on green area to informal settlement, mainly to cater to student housing needs and migrants.

2001-now Construction of Pasupati Flyover to Figure 4.9. Areal view of Tamansari informal settlement

ease traffic jam around the area.

More attention put into the dense and unregulated settlement by the government.

The Tamansari area grew spontaneously as a slum due to the rapid physical development of Bandung, which has resulted in an urban fabric of shanties in the surrounding environment. The current population of

RW 04

Tamansari is 28,703 inhabitants with an average density of 281 inhabitants/ha over 102ha1. Tamansari is located near commercial areas (Dago and Cihampelas streets) and the 14 universities in the immediate areas, which

RW 07

attract renting employees, temporarily living students,

RW 10

and new residents. The strategic location is responsible for continuous increments in its density, driven by

RW 11

a rapid increase in its population and population

RW 15

mobility.1 RW 12

Area of focus consists of the darker shade, which RW 09

constitue area with mostly informal settlement and

RW 10

higher poverty level in Tamansari urban community. This

RW 16

includes 14 sub-communities, which are RW 04, 05, 06, 07, 09, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 dan 20.

RW 14 RW 17

The building patterns within these blocks are small

RW 20

building footprints, 100 percent plot coverage, and little or no allocation for public open space or social facilities. Another pattern also concerns the mode of growth in the informal area, whereby due to limitation of land, it involves very little land conversion but more of infilling or addition to existing settlement horizontally and vertically, contributing to the reason of the much finer grain of the urban fabric of such settlement when seen from the plan, Interestingly, building typology is also based on proximity to and types of attractor points. There are four different categories that can be considered as typology of informal settlement with respect to their location.

1. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Statistic Daerah Kecamatan Bandung Wetan.â&#x20AC;? Statistic Daerah Kecamatan Bandung Wetan, 2015.

In category 1, houses are located near the main street.

0 50 100

250

500

Tamansari community Sub-communities (focus area)

Tamansari informal settlement in Bandung

They are more permanent, almost double the size (48m2) of houses from other categories, built up to 3-storey high with bricks and reinforced concrete, and many are

2. The Inclusive Cities Observatory.

"Bandung, Indonesia: An Inclusive Approach to Developing the Future Bandung Community." 2000. Accessed April 20, 2018.

0

50 100

250

500

0

University Green open space

250

500

Public transport terminal

Creative industries

Attractor nodes around Tamansari area

50 100

Public transport terminal nodes around Tamansari area

01

02

03

04

05

06

07

08

09

10

11

12

Category 1 Category 2 Category 3 Category 4

converted to commercial use, such as warung, food stall, and student rental houses along the road.

In category 2, houses are located along the river and semi-permanent in nature. The first two floors are usually reinforced with concrete, while the remaining floors are built with lighter materials such as timber and asbestos panels.

In category 3, houses are located along the main alley.

As the alley gives additional space and functions as their front yard, the circulation to the houses are generally wider. The structure is more permanent, with bricks as load-bearing wall, and simpler material like timber on upper floors.

In category 4, houses become less permanent and also denser as it goes deeper into the settlement. There is no vehicular access in this area and circulation becomes as narrow as 0.8-1m.

Figure 4.10.

01. Category 1. 02. Category 2.

Based on the usage of land, majority of land is fully utilised for housing, shops, and home-industry production plants. Most of the inhabitants are students,

03-05. Category 3. 06. Fish farm.

07-10. Conditions in category 4 area.

11. Circulation space utilised as backyard. 12. Tamansari area.

Job Agriculture Student Private employee Seller Civil servant Army

Total -

Land use Housing

Area (Ha)

%

36.73

25.77 5.26

4059

Office

7.5

375

School

2.25

1.58

15.75

11.05

1320 275 73

Trade and industry Market

1

0.70

10.02

7.03

Religious space

6.75

4.74

Cemetery

0.02

0.01

30.5

21.40

32

22.45

142.52

100

Terminal

Labour

1877

Tailor

6

Artist

12

Road

Carpenter

72

Others

Doctor

3

Driver

23

Entrepeneur

77

sellers, and labours, whose activities take place in the formal neighbourhood of the city.

In terms of infrastructure, there is lack of green open space due to the high density of built structure in the area. Clean water is available from water wells dug by inhabitants. Some sub-communities in the area have dried up the well water and must rely on buying water from clean water supplier. In the areas without proper drainage and septic tank, waste water is channeled straight to the main river, resulting in the pollution of river. Aside from disposal, the main river is also utilised by the inhabitants as fish farm as additional source of income.

Garbage is not properly managed, as management and collection of household garbage is done privately by the community without government aid. The system put in place is that each household will pay a monthly fee to get their garbage collected by the community, the garbage will then be sent to the nearest public collection point by their own means. The narrow

0

condition of the alleys often hinders collection of

250

500

Communal septic tank

garbage and results in garbage being thrown in the river.

50 100

Primary drainage

Water system around Tamansari area

Secondary drainage Tertiary drainage

75+ 70-75 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4 0

1000

2000

Figure 4.11. Age group of Tamansari inhabitants in 2014

In recent years, the government has been trying to build high-rise apartment to solve the issue of density, poor access, and sanitation in Tamansari. This proposal has been rejected by most of the inhabitants as it does not consider their current way of life. The resistance of the inhabitants resulted in regular protest events as shown in posters in Figure 4.12, where inhabitants and activists organised talks, festival, and stage performance right in front of their settlement as a way to protest the planned move to demolish the area.

In conclusion, despite various limitations that exist in the settlement, there is a potential to capitalise on what the settlement already has. Based on the interview

by Rezza Munawir1, most of the respondents living in the area is well-educated, with 60% graduated from high school. 60% are at productive age, with more than 60% are currently employed in informal sector. Looking at the conditions of buildings in the area, the area can be considered a mature area with 91% houses or parts of 1. Rezza, Munawir. "Slums Improvement Program Through Cultural And Tourism

houses already constructed permanently. The fact that

Planning, Supported by Public-Pri-

the lives of the inhabitants have been strongly rooted

vate Partnership: The Case Study of

in the area asks for a different kind of treatment to

Greater Pulosari Area, Bandung, West

mere demolition, re-building high-dense apartment,

Java â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Indonesia." Slums Improvement Program Through Cultural And Tourism

and commercialising the entire area to integrate them

Planning, Supported by Public-Private

to the rest of formal urban area. Looking inward into

Partnership: The Case Study of Greater Pulosari Area, Bandung, West Java â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Indonesia, March 2015.

the community to capitalise the potential of human and natural resources will be the main agenda of the thesis.

Figure 4.12. Posters done by activists to protest and resist the plan to demolish and commercialise Tamansari area

05 STRATEGIES ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

METRO CABLE SYSTEM CARACAS, URBAN THINK TANK

MOBILITY PROBLEM IN CARACAS One urban problem that could be found in Caracas is the presence of informal settlements in the valley surrounded by hills of uneven topography. It formed a restricted access that limited horizontal connectivity between different low income areas. As such, the inhabitants faced the problem of assessibility from their houses to their workplace, which caused inefficiency and isolation from the rest of the city.

The land use is very diversified and mixed, middle class neighborhoods and low-income zones, commercial zones, factories, educational, services. With such high population level, only one road connected the Caracas Valley to Petare. Extreme long travel times due to road congestion and poor state of maintenance was the main problem in the informal settlement.

The project involves the construction of five cable car stations at the heart of the informal settlement in Caracas. It has a length of 2.1 km and acts as a transportation system to transport 1,200 people per hour in each direction. The act of building expensive infrastructure in the informal settlements to ease connection and improve accessibility of the inhabitants to other parts of the city reflects the readiness of the government to invest in informal settlement and to Figure 5.1. Cable car station at Caracas hill Š Iwan Baan

integrate them into part of urban fabric.

ATTRACTOR: CONNECT-THE-DOTS SYSTEM The analysis shows that there is virtually no supply of jobs in the areas, requiring people to travel to the traditional city center or to Boa Viagem Beach (a newer central area in recent years), where is the largest number of jobs. These main centers are far from 10 km to 17 km from the communities. Significant proportion of jobs is located in sub-centers on the outskirts of the city. The sub-centers acquires a central role for the improvement of mobility and accessibility conditions, helping to reduce travel times for work, study or shopping reasons. Yet, before the construction of the stations, the informal settlements still had a problem accessing the sub-centers owing to their difficult geographical location on the hill.

The vast majority of people seek recreation in the community, making intensive use of urban facilities, within 100m

such as courts and playgrounds, which are scarce most

within 250m

of the time. The construction of the cable car system

within 500m

thus, acts as the connecting line that connects these attractors in the city to the informal settlements on

Analytical relationship of economic programs to informal settlements

the hill.

Streetscape connection Streetscape connection Informal slums street connectivity integrated with modern structure of the station

FORMAL/INFORMAL CIRCULATION The project is the answer to governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s initial proposal to construct roads on the hills, which would have destroyed many houses and displaced the slum inhabitants in the process.

The insertion of the stations is done as an alternative strategy, through minimum invasion on the densely populated hill. By only converting the land on top of the hill, the project has saved costs to build road networks throughout the hill, which is more invasive and will disrupt the established social and urban fabric of the informal settlement. There are addition of streets to connect station straight to the settlement downhill. Thus, what started with insertion of five stations can catalyse the expansion of 0 50 100 Site plan of Caracas informal settlement

250

500

streetscapes that cover the entire community. It is not just connecting the settlement to the city, but also connecting the settlement from within.

Figure 5.2. Vertical gym at La Ceiba Station, a top-down container built to contain bottom-up activities of the local

FORMAL/INFORMAL DYNAMIC The insertion of the cable car stations informs the growth of dynamic between informal and formal.

Different programs are inserted to complement different stations, such as social, cultural, and system administrative functions.

At La Ceiba Station, Vertical Gym is built to allow community gatherings, playing field and sports venues.

The building is designed as flexible as possible for any informal activities. At Los Mangitos Station, 40 units of housing are built to replace the demolished house.

The station structure also includes public spaces for out-patient health care facilities and other amenities that can be part of governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s move to improve the welfare of the people. But importantly, they also house Formal intervention Informal settlement Extent of station within walking distance of the slum

other informal initiatives set up by the community themselves, such as solar panels to power the informal community in the future. In nutshell, the addition of initial formal amenity spurs the growth of both formal and informal more easily.

Cable car can accommodate up to 2000 people/hour City Illegal taxis and motorcycles as means to reach city, informal transport network

City center

to close the gap in connectivity before cable car construction

City Increase access of employment and human

0

Space syntax showing the connectivity before and after cable car

3

flow

Connectivity integration with cable car implementation

ADDITION/CONNECTING The that

city

acts

attract

as the

a

collection

growth

of

the

of

attractor

informal.

points

With

the

construction of the cable car, the informal region is connected more to the urban fabric through the network of infrastructure. Integration of the informal settlements are done through connecting them to economic and social opportunities in the city.

HALF-A-HOUSE QUINTA MONROY, ELEMENTAL

INCREASING LAND VALUE IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENT The problem with informal settlement in Quinta Monroy is that they are illegally occupying stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s land.

Coupled with poor maintanance and living condition, the land value will only drop over time. On top of that, the state has to also provide subsidy for the poor families. They are suffering loss from such situation.

Located in the city center of Iquique, Quinta Monroy is a slum upgrading program that keeps the original 93 illegal squatter families in the central city location, ensuring their access to employment, welfare, and infrastructure networks. The upgrading of the slum is done through the provision of half-built row houses, which can be expanded and built further by the residents themselves.

Figure 5.3. Completed houses in Quinta Monroy Š Estudio Palma

SOCIAL HOUSING AS STABILISING POWER AND ASSET As intended, self-construction made expansion possible for the families at a pace set by their own. Within two years, many additions had been made at an average cost of USD 750 per family, providing evidence of the community's growing wealth. Not only did this provide families with more space, it also increased the size and value of their now-legal asset to an estimated 60 m2 and USD 20,000 respectively. $7,500 (subsidy)+$750 (value of self-build additions or improvements) = $20,000 (home value) In other words, the housing unit built with a one time housing subsidy and expanded with personal funds or, in some cases, small additional subsidies had appreciated to an estimated value of USD 20,000. The formal scheme has given legal properties to the inhabitants, legalising their social and economy status in the city.

Moreover, the formal scheme also considers the informal practices and leaves it to the inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; discretion to fill in the framework provided for them. The social Formal intervention Informal settlement Site plan of Quinta Monroy

housing upgrading is not a mere upgrading to beautify the site, but it can be seen as a potential shortcut for the inhabitants to equity and wealth.

INFORMAL-FORMAL DYNAMIC

The built half-part of the Circulation network

house provides structural

There is an increase in porosity with regards

support for subsequent

to the surrounding city blocks with proper layout of houses, which suggests better

addition of the other

opportunity for seamless integration and access

half by residents when

to city.

they have the means.

Shaded parts are parts that are adaptable and flexible, while the unshaded part of each house forms the essential 35m2 which contains proper access to sanitation and electricity.

This incremental strategy suits the characteristic of informal settlements where inhabitants usually do not have sufficient/ stable incomes and can only improve their life Unbuilt space

incrementally.

Provide opportunities for

Improvised programs

ordered informal

have been introduced

expansion to inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

by residents to support

preference

their welfare, such as converting the other half of the house as small kiosks, cafes, bars. This creates the growth of informality within the mini-city, which has the

U-shape layout

possibility the extend its

Central open space

reach beyond the Quinta

surrounded by houses to keep community

Monroy site itself.

spirit

Informal adaptation to formal approach

ECONOMY NETWORK Economic network is within close proximity around the site, and Quinta Monroy is located

at the center of

the economic center, where the inhabitans can integrate themselves as part of the economy network. Given the strategic location and high land value, the inhabitants are part of the formal access to transport, education, work, and health facilities.

In this project, 70% of the budget was spent on the land and 30% on infrastructure and building, where it is usually the other way around in isolated public

within 100m

housing out of the city center. Such approach done by

within 250m

the architects is so that the inhabitants will be able

within 500m

to integrate as quickly as possible into the city.

Analytical relationship of economic programs to informal settlements

INFORMAL CONNECTION TO URBAN AREAS The success of this project can be attributed to the decision to keep the informal settlement in the city center. It is located within 1km proximity to amenities and transport. Since the project allows the informal inhabitants to stay put in their original location, it allows them to keep their jobs and settle down; allowing them to grow as the city grows, without being marginalised.

ALTERATION/STABILISING The

city

acts

as

a

collection

of

attractor

points

that attract the existence of the informal. With the upgrading of the Quinta Monroy informal settlement, it improves the standard of living of the people,

by

firstly stabilising the informal neighbourhood. It is a sustainable and incremental investment to integrate them into the formal neighborhood over a period of time.

0

Space syntax of road network around the informal settlement

3

GROTÃO FÁBRICA DE MÚSICA SAO PÃOLO, URBAN THINK TANK

LACK OF PUBLIC SPACE AND DIFFICULT TERRAIN Paraisópolis is located in southwest São Paulo. Despite challenging topography and recurrent, dangerous mudslides in periods of heavy rainfall, approximately 80,000 people now live on the territory in a dense, informal settlement covering less than one square kilometer.

This project is more than just an insertion of functioning public space in the middle of the informal settlement, but it is a colllection of public infrastructure that is needed to ensure better quality of living in the settlement, such as a community space for local music and youth groups, education, gym, housing, agricultural terraces to prevent further soil erosion, circulation access along terraces and across buildings to connect the upper and lower parts of settlement. The insertion of the building acts like an urban catalyst as it gives empowerment to the community; it is highly visible as an object of change and pinpoints the progress to better future for the community.

Figure 5.4. Vertical gym at the heart of

Sao Paolo slum

BUILDING AS CATALYST OF INTEGRATION AND PRODUCTIVITY The design centers on a music and dance school in the lower zone, which stacks diverse programs to maximize site potential. These include an open theater, performance hall, practice and rehearsal spaces, studios, and classrooms. The other key component is a new terraced landscape, which in addition to stabilizing the sloped terrain and preventing further erosion, will transform GrotĂŁo into a natural arena, encouraging diverse community participation, and reestablishing connections through the site to the wider neighborhood. In this way, the project will expand cultural programs into the community, while forming a new network that serves youth from all levels of society.

Another goal that is important in this project is the creation of a productive zone in the informal settlement through the building and landscape.

The project aims to bring self-sufficiency and entrepeneurship in the community through urban agriculture.

0 Site plan

25

125

Terraces

Public ramp system

Urban agriculture

Wetlands

Field, performance area

Music school

INSERTION One

way

to

develop

the

informal

settlement

is

by

building a container of public activities that can act as a catalyst to improve the quality of living of the inhabitants. This strategy can succeed when the insertion of programs is facilitated with proper access to most parts of the informal settlement.

Connection

Public elevator

Multi-functional uses of the site

Site access

CONCLUSION

Informality can be seen as both opportunities and problems. We should not rashly connote it as a challenge Pattern diagram

faced by those living and working in the informal sectors. Neither should we dismiss its potential as it is often a source of dynamism and innovation in cities.

It is thus, important to capitalise on the potential of informality while tackling its negative aspects.

Type

Addition/

Alteration/

connecting

stabilising

Insertion In doing so, various ways have been identified in the case studies on how to successfully empower and facilitate the growth and integration of informal

Example

Infrastructure,

Informal

Community

Transportation

settlement

building,

network

stand-alone infrastructure

settlement in the formal cities. One key point that is worth mentioning is how specific each solutions are in addressing the challenges in the informal settlement, in order to ensure successful implementation of solutions.

Generally, there are three main ways identified on the types of intervention in informal settlements, namely

Result

Connecting informal

Upgrading current

Adding more

settlement to city

settlement

amenities in informal

addition, alteration, and insertion. They may have the same approach but different results depending on the program, scale, and condition of the settlement.

settlement Moving forward, the design intervention strategy in Impact to existing built settlement

Minimum

Maximum

Minimum

the thesis aims to be specific to site conditions of informal settlement chosen in Bandung. It will implement a certain abstraction and simplification to analyse urban complexity, and then, come up with a design intervention that is based on specific urban parameters in the Tamansari settlement. Few identified urban parameters to be important consideration are the existence of river and water channel in the area, high saturation level of circulation access and public spaces, informal and formal practices, and attractor nodes in the surrounding location.

The direction of

the design will be towards creating different layers of public infrastructure networks based on these parameters in the existing informal settlement. These networks are envisioned to be adaptive to evolving needs and projections in the settlement over time.

06 DESIGN INTERVENTION

AREA OF INTEREST THE AMBIGUITY OF OWNERSHIP

Shaded and paved corridor as part of informal institution like mosque Extra frontyard on different elevation

Opening part of house for informal business

Houses near formal road to open informal business along the main entrance

Narrow alley for circulation only

Clustered house for two or more families

Extended balcony space, pulled back first floor

Stacked up houses creating shading

THE AMBIGUITY OF OWNERSHIP IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENT Spaces

are

shared

or

claimed

as

if

they

belong

to

exclusive groups. Similarly, private spaces are shared

Sheltered and pulled back house facade for business, social space, or wider circulation

Narrow alleyway adjacent to boundary wall to city Shaded alleyway.

Whose property?

as if they are public spaces in generic, yet unique spatial conditions in the settlement.

Upper floor playground for neighbourhood kids

Windows on second floor on narrow, quiet alley

Placing interior circulation in the exterior of the house

AREA OF INTEREST

Dynamic of informal practices

informal police

food cart

mobile warung kiosk

kaki lima

food hawker

warung

impermanent

food hawker

hawker textile becak

industry

STRATEGIES

1

SLUM RECYCLING ECOSYSTEM AS ECONOMIC POTENTIAL The recycling industry in Dharavi creates an informal economy with an annual turnover of $1 billion. It is dynamic and growing; the people have created a community of schools, temples, mosques, restaurants, tailors and mobile phone shops since they are denied any infrastructure by the city state.

2

INSERTION OF PUBLIC SPACES WITH PINPOINT ACCURACY The Caracas project involves the construction of five cable car stations at the heart of the informal settlement. These stations effectively provide the much-needed social spaces for the community.

3

AFFORDABLE HOUSING PROVISION Quinta Monroy is a slum upgrading program that keeps the original 93 illegal squatter families in the central city location, ensuring their access to employment, welfare, and infrastructure networks. The upgrading of the slum is done from the inside out, pretty much inspired on bottom-up that works in the neighbourhood. It is done through the provision of half-built row houses, which can be expanded and built further by the residents themselves.

Space syntax to show intensity of usage level of alleys within the settlement

172 72

18

98

136

Surface water analysed through the slope of the terrain

Estimate of number of run-down houses based on their location pattern to roads, rivers, and width of alleys

Agent no: 50

Agent-based simulation to simulate informal movement based on the change in attractor nodes created inside the settlement over a period of time

Agent no: 100

Agent no: 150

Agent no: 200

Agent no: 250

URBAN PLANNING STRATEGY

city

city

city

informal settlement

informal settlement

informal settlement

housing public space

recycling points

RECYCLING PLANTS

public space

recycling points

PUBLIC SPACES

recycling points

HOUSING

Clusters of occupiable space and houses to be

Recycling plants are established within periphery

demolished

of settlements

RECYCLING PLANTS

HOUSING

Less frequented alley connection and the nodes

Housing within settlement

PUBLIC SPACES

More frequented alley connection and the nodes

Public spaces within settlement and connected to the city

SITE PLAN SCALE 1:3000 0

15

30

75

INTERVENTION SYSTEM

PUBLIC AMENITIES PUBLIC HOUSING INFORMAL SETTLEMENT FORMAL RECYCLING

LANDFILL

TRADING POINT

SORTER

INFORMAL RECYCLING FACTORIES

CRAFT

STORAGE WASTE PICKERS WASTE MERCHANTS FORMAL COLLECTION SERVICE CITY

MANUFACTURING FACTORIES

$$$

Economic system in the informal settlements

Ground floor plan SCALE 1:1000 0

5

10

25

INTERVENTION SYSTEM

Spillover area around nodes

Underground water storage

Node

Current informal settlements

Insertion of a nodal program within

Carving in spillover area for informal

the settlement

activities with respect to current

Spillover area around connector alleys

settlement fabric morphology Roof

Spillover plan SCALE 1:1000 0

5

10

25

TYPICAL HOUSING PLANS WITH VARYING SPILLOVER AREAS FOR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES

TYPICAL RECYCLING PLANT PLANS WITH VARYING SPILLOVER AREAS FOR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES

TYPICAL PUBLIC SPACE PLANS WITH VARYING SPILLOVER AREAS FOR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES

Catalogue of three different typologies of intervention in the informal settlement

SCALE 1:400

0

5

10

ROOFSCAPE INFRASTRUCTURE

Roof

COLLECTED UNDERGROUND WATER

PVC Pipe

WASHING OF RECYCLED MATERIALS HOUSING

PUBLIC SPACES

RECYCLING

WASTE

PLANTS

WATER Accessible tap water

o

0

o

o

10

10

o

10

o

20

o

30 o

20

Water management system through nodes

Underground storage tank

Discharge to river

Typical DIY rainwater storage to support informal activities

Housing

PART PLAN

CABLE TIE

recycling centers

DIY PLASTIC POLE AS RIBS FROM

o

0

o

o

10

10

o

10

o

20

o

30 o

20

RECYCLED MATERIAL

TYPICAL UNDERGROUND RAINWATER STORAGE THROUGH ROOF TO SUPPORT FORMAL ACTIVITIES SUCH AS WASHING OF PROCESSED GOODS IN THE RECYCLING PLANT

Roof acts as a unifying element that is based on different angles of bending throughout its coverage. This is done in order to maximise water catchment rate, as well as to introduce formal variations on the roofscape

STORAGE TANK FOR WATER CHANNELED TO PLANTS

ROOF AS MEANS OF AMENITIES

AND PHYSICAL

MEANS OF TOP-DOWN AND BOTTOM-UP APPROACH

DRYING PANEL

WATER CATCHMENT PIPE TO CHANNEL WATER BACK TO GROUND FOR STORAGE/DIRECT REMOVAL TO RIVER

public spaces

ROOF STRUCTURE

FACADE

HANGING

PROPOSED MECHANISM

Bandung generates 7,500 m3 of waste a day with only 65% being processed Decentralised recycling plants in the slum Without adequate waste management system, its final landfill is running out of space

Rag pickers gather waste materials for processing Raw recycled materials are washed Waste buyers purchase recyclable

and dried before repurposing

goods from rag pickers

Sorters categorise

Grinders pulverise

and separate waste

the sorted waste

Roof as water-management infrastructure

RECYCLING PLANT PUBLIC SPACES

0

6

12

18

HOUSING 23

CITY CONSTANTLY GENERATING WASTE LANDFILLS EXCEEED CAPACITY

6AM: TRUCK FROM CITIES TRANSFER WASTE TO RECYCLING PLANTS

5PM: COMPACTING DRYING

RECYCLING PLANTS

3PM: WASHING PELLETS

PAPER PLASTIC METAL BROKEN GOODS KARUNG GONI ANYTHING YOU DONT WISH

6PM: GARBAGE PICKERS RETURN SELL RECYCLEABLE WASTE FROM HOMES AND STREETS TO RECYCLING PLANT

1PM: MELTING

7AM: SORTING

Illustration on how three systems of intervention interact with each other in

8PM: SELLING PELLETS BACK TO THE CITY

achieving an integrated system for the community. It involves the integration of the economy, housing, and social aspects in the neighbourhood. These planned interventions in the form of provision of space,

9PM: SELLING PELLETS TO CRAFT WORKSHOPS IN THE SLUM

infrastructure, and framework are envisioned to only be able to work well with the active participation of the neighbourhood, in other words, marrying informal, bottom-up practices with formal framework.

PUBLIC SPACES

PUBLIC HOUSING

MARKET HAWKER

MORE AFFORDABLE WATER STORAGE SITE HOUSEHOLD RECYCLING COLLECTION

CRAFT DIY WORKSHOP

CRAFT DIY MARKETPLACE

12PM: OFFICE WORKERS' LUNCH TIME

UNDERGROUND WATER COLLECTION WATER STORAGE TO SUPPLY WATER TO RECYCLING CENTER

6AM: RAG PICKERS TO START THE DAY

Creating urban catalyst within the informal settlement.

Recycling hubs as economy driver for the community.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

“Indonesia Population 2018.” Indonesia Population 2018

Crowley, Julia C. “Book Review: Messy Urbanism:

(Demographics, Maps, Graphs). Accessed March 05, 2018.

Understanding the “Other” Cities

http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/ indonesiapopulation/.

De Soto, H. (2000). The mystery of capital: Why capitalism triumphs in the West and fails everywhere else. New York:

“Organizational Structure of Institutional Investment in

Basic Books.

Bandung City, West Java Province, Indonesia.” International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 5, no. 2 (2016):

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LIST OF FIGURES

F. Fiisabiil- illah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and Mangapul

Unless otherwise stated, all images are from private

Nababan. “Bandung City, Indonesia.” Cities 50 (2016): 100-

documentation from site visit.

10. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.09.005.

Figure 1.1. Selected current and future mega cities in 2015 UN-Habitat, 2012; UNDESA, 2015; World Bank, 2013

and 2030 Figure 1.2. Desakota spatial structure that happens

UN-Habitat, 2016

predominantly in Asian region © McGee, 1991 Figure 1.4. Statistics on slums © UNCHS-Habitat, 2014

UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures.

Figure 2.1. Superblocks near Hong Kong airport (a new

World Cities Report. Nairobi, Africa, 2016.

Radiant city?)

Figure 2.2. North Bandung early town planning by Karsten

Vidal, John. “The 100 Million City: Is 21st Century

Figure 2.3. Ebenezer Howard’s Garden city plan (top) and

Urbanisation out of Control?” The Guardian. March 19,

early 1950’s Bandung city plan (bottom)

2018. Accessed March 27, 2018. https://www.theguardian.

Figure 2.5. Aerial view of early Bandung town, showing city

com/ cities/2018/mar/19/urban-explosion- kinshasa-el-alto-

hall away from other buildings © Tropenmuseum

growth-mexico-city- bangalore-lagos

Figure 3.2. Map of Jakarta-Bandung Mega-Urban Regions Figure 3.8. Unexpected use of bench as kids’ playground in

Waskito, Alfi Syahrin Ario. “Indonesia’s Future Lies in

Cicendo Park © metrotv_jabar

Its Informal Sector | Alfi Syahrin Ario Waskito.” FEE.

Figure 3.9. Taman Jomblo, Taman Film, and Taman Skate below

September 09, 2017. Accessed March 05, 2018. https://fee.

Pasupati Flyover in Bandung © galihsedayu © nasional.tempo

org/articles/indonesia-s-future-lies- in-its-informal-

Figure 4.1. Densification of urban area has resulted in the

sector/.

incrase in adminstrative areas throughout the city, which put extra need for budget allocation from the government

World Cities Report 2016. World Cities Report, 2016.

Figure 4.2. Workshops and houses existing together © Youth Ki Awaaz Figure 4.3. Tiffin delivery © Karma India Figure 5.1. Cable car station at Caracas hill © Iwan Baan Figure 5.3. Completed houses in Quinta Monroy © Estudio Palma Figure 5.4. Vertical gym at the heart of Lafarge Holcim Foundation

Sao Paolo slum ©