Capitalising on informality to develop cities. Can we see informal settlement as a community that contributes to the city instead of having city support them all the time; thus, reversing the roles?
TRANSGRESSING FORMAL CITY
M.Arch Thesis 2018
Caroline
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This thesis represents work that came about perhaps, from my childhood observation on daily occurences in Indonesia cities and my naive ambition to grow up and contribute in any way to make a difference. I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Oliver Heckmann, who has been very supportive in giving his academic advice, as well as in pushing the development of this thesis to make it a substantial work. I would also like to extend my gratitude to other professors and researchers who had helped me broaden my knowledge in this issue and encourage to pursue this topic. Samson Lim, with his meaningful advice on the topic based on his own experiences. Trevor Patt, with his feedback at the early stage, and Miya Irawati, with her knowledge and research outcomes from Future City Lab, which had been very important in supporting the basis of this thesis. I would also thank all other authors and researchers, whose works have been nothing but inspiring. This thesis would never come around without all the data I could gather from external resources. Lastly but most importantly, I would like to thank my family and friends who have been very supportive all the time. Special thanks to my mom, who never failed to let me know her almost-impossible ideas that honestly, triggered my thoughts sometimes. To Yu Jie, who was going through this thesis journey together and never failed to bring fun in going through this process. Lastly, to all friends who stayed up together in the studio and all the interesting conversation that we had about thesis. Can’t wait to see how our theses bring us on onwards!
SUTD Master of Architecture - Thesis Document Transgressing Formal City Caroline, Master of Architecture Student Advisor: Assistant Professor Oliver Heckmann, Architecture and Sustainable Design E-mail: caroline@mymail.sutd.edu.sg
Informal settlement in Cihampelas area, Bandung
Garbage collector taking an afternoon break in Sadang, Bandung
Street multi-functioning as patio, playground, laundry area, and social area in Sadang, Bandung
CONTENT
01
02
03
04
05
06
INTRODUCTION
LITERATURE STUDY
INFORMAL URBANISM
INFORMAL SETTLEMENT IN BANDUNG
STRATEGIES ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS
DESIGN INTERVENTION
Rapid urbanisation and
20th century city planning
Rapid urbanisation and
Pattern of informal
Metro cable, Caracas
Area of interest
megacities
Nodes, lines, and network
growth
settlement
Half-a-house, Quinta
Strategies
Current city planning
Economic growth
The failure of city
Monroy
Urban planning strategies
Informal urbanism in Asia
Dynamic of informality
planning
Grotão Fábrica de
Intervention system
Informal settlements
Current solutions on
Current solutions on
Música, Sao Pãolo
Roofscape infrastructure
Thesis statement
informal practices
informal settlement
Conclusion
Proposed mechanism
Dynamic distribution of informal settlement Case study - Dharavi Informal settlement in Bandung
ABSTRACT
In 2015, UN-Habitat estimated that approximately 54% of the world’s population lived in cities, and it is expected that some 70% of the world’s population will be residing in urban areas by 2050.1 In the wake of this rapid growth and cities’ inability to support it, informal urbanism is a common phenomenon, defined as the production of urbanization independent from formal frameworks and assistance (if they exist) that do not comply with official rules and regulations.2 It has been the most pervasive form of urban development globally over the past 50 years.3 Despite its resilience, complexity, and interconnectedness with formal cities, urban informality is still underappreciated and portrayed as a plague to many developing cities. It has undiscovered potential, just as how it has been essential as part of economic development in developing cities.4 This thesis seeks to look at the issue objectively, to gain insight on the relationship between formal and informal. This thesis seeks to research on the urban informality through different scales. On an urban scale, it seeks to understand the spatial existence of such informality, mainly through investigating the distribution of informal practices and settlements in 1. UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures. World Cities Report. Nairobi, Africa, 2016. 2. Dovey, Kim. “Informal urbanism and complex adaptive assemblage.”
the urban fabric and how they form a tightly-connected mesh with the formal cities. On the micro scale, it seeks to deconstruct different informal practices, ranging from spatial, economic, and social sectors, to
International Development Planning
find the main characteristics that contribute to their
Review 34, no. 4 (2012): 349-68.
resilience, complexity, and interconnectedness to the
doi:10.3828/idpr.2012.23.
city.
3. Ibid. 4. Portes, Alejandro, and Janice E.
The results of the findings will justify how informal
Perlman. “The Myth of Marginality:
urbanism exists as part of urban fabric and the goal
Urban Poverty and Politics in
of the thesis is to create an intervention; based on
Rio De Janeiro.” Contemporary Sociology 6, no. 6 (1977): 745. doi:10.2307/2066409.
the findings, that will make city more livable, with sensitivity towards the informal.
01 INTRODUCTION
RAPID URBANISATION AND MEGACITIES
IT IS EXPECTED THAT SOME 70% OF THE WORLD’S POPULATION WILL BE RESIDING IN URBAN AREAS BY 2050
In 2015, it was estimated that
The centuries-long urban evolutionary
population. Such trends can be found in
approximately 54% of the world’s
processes that took place in the West
mega cities such as Jakarta, Manila,
population lived in cities, and it is
have taken only two or three decades in
Bangkok.
expected that some 70% of the world’s
Africa and Asia, and will continue to
population will be residing in urban
accelerate in these regions.
3
areas by 2050; many of them in mega
1. UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures. World Cities Report. Nairobi, Africa, 2016.
Uncontrolled growth of population contributes greatly to the urban growth
2. World Cities Report 2016. World
In global South itself, there is a
of the cities. Many small cities in Asia
Cities Report, 2016.
than ten million. Asian and African
general distinction amongst these
and Africa are already facing extreme
3. 2010 Revision of the World
cities (also referred to as ‘the global
mega cities. There are two types of
rapid speed of population growth,
Population Prospects, Population
South’) are facing the fastest growth.1
mega cities here4; those that have the
creating many problems in the cities
Division of the United Nations
resources and capacity to develop, like
such as pollution, traffic, impoverised
Of the world’s 31 mega cities in 2016,
China. China alone was home to six mega
and chaotic city centers. These problems
24 are located in the less developed
cities in 2016.
are almost impossible to tackle, looking
cities;
cities with a population more
regions or the global South. African
Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat. 4. Bingham-Hall, Patrick. Garden city
at the scale of population growth at
mega city: rethinking cities for the age of global warming. Singapore:
and Asian mega cities are the fastest
The other type is those cities that
current state and future. Niamey, the
growing metropolises: Delhi, Dhaka
are not yet ready to grow at such
barely known capital of Niger – a west
and Lagos will grow by 10 million
an unprecedented rate. These cities
African country with the highest birth
5. Vidal, John. “The 100 Million
inhabitants each. These cities are
are usually facing dire problems of
rate in the world – could explode from
City: Is 21st Century Urbanisation
growing at such a rapid speed that it
uncotrolled population growth, lack of
a city of fewer than one million people
is estimated that there will be 41 mega
infrastructure and resources, and growth
today to be the world’s eighth-largest
cities in 2030.
of slum districts due to its inability
city, with 46 million people, in 2100.
to catch up with the rapidly expanding
It is astonishing to see how a small
2
5
Pesaro Publishing, 2016.
out of Control?” The Guardian. March 19, 2018. Accessed March 27, 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/ cities/2018/mar/19/urban-explosionkinshasa-el-alto-growth-mexico-citybangalore-lagos
CURRENT CITY PLANNING IN ASIAN CITIES
Figure 1.1. Selected current and future mega cities in 2015 and 2030
city can expand uncontrollably to an equivalent of four mega cities in less than 100 years.
The rapid change in urban context calls for a new way in planning the city. Until now, most cities in the global South are still planned based on the
One way to challenge and find solution to this problem
conventional planning method, which is done in a
is to look at the current city conditions. How cities
perspective to create new cities. Westernised theories
are being planned may not accommodate and foresee
from the satellite town of Ebenezer Howard’s Garden
the extreme changes that are happening today, such as
City (1890s–1900s), to the influential city of Le
the swelling of growth and urbanisation impacts. This
Corbusier’s Ville Radieuse (1924) are still being
realisation of the flaw of current city planning in
used as guidelines of the planning of many developing
emerging cities calls for more realistic and grounded
cities.1
approach on analysing and planning the cities based on their own current conditions.
In highly urbanised parts of the world, as municipal planners cope with the cumulative effects of centuries of urbanisation2, the theories behind these grandiose planning schemes that enjoyed blank-canvas settings are now largely redundant. Cities as they are today are complex and made of multiple interwoven layers
1. Denison, Edward, and Guangyu Ren.
of interactions and systems; they are almost fully
“Transgression and Progress in China:
developed with little space left for development. To
Wang Shu and the Literati Mindset.”
design the cities with the mindset of building them as what they were centuries ago will be a mistake. Today, architects and planners should be more concerned with responding to the city rather than creating it.
Architectural Design. November 14, 2013. Accessed March 11, 2018. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/ doi/10.1002/ad.1672/abstract. 2. Ibid. 2013.
Figure 1.2. Desakota spatial structure that happens predominantly in Asian region
Further on, the rapid movement and growth of people
original plan. The latter cannot ensure the formal
in urbanised cities today have resulted in the high
growth of the city as planned, with the changes in
increase in demands of city resources and amenities,
today’s situations, such as rapid and continuous
such as lands, power, and materials. These resources
growth of population. This has forced the city to
cannot follow the rapid and exponential expansion rate
expand outwards in an irregular and unplanned (or lack
of the cities as they are limited; they are either
of it) manner. In many Asian cities, the phenomenon
non-renewable or renewable in a restricted rate. In the
of urban-rural (desakota) spatial structure emerged
way, this shows the limitations
around 1990s. Unlike the distinct rural–urban dichotomy
of the state to ensure
security in provision of resources to meet the needs
applied in traditional Western urban models3, such as
of the people. This problem can be found in almost all
in concentric-zone model in Garden City model, more
developing cities in the world.
ambiguous rural–urban spatial structure exists in the desakota model. Desakota is triggered by economic
On the other hand, this rapid growth of cities
shifts from traditional cultivation to industrial
also brings about highly-dynamic conditions in the
activities, together with the expansion of urban areas
developing cities. Developing cities are becoming more
towards the rural areas. Ginsburg and McGee4 argued
interconnected, thanks to advancement in technology,
that the classical urban models are not directly
movement, and communication that contribute to the way
transferrable to Asian urbanization patterns and
cities are evolving today. This complex interconnection
processes; thus resulting in different effects of
3. Wu, Bing Sheng, and Daniel Sui.
calls for a new way of planning that focuses more
urbanisation specific to Asia condition.
“Modeling Impacts of Globalization
on the dynamic of the city today. As cities are
on Desakota Regions: A Case Study of Taipei Metropolitan Area.”
progressing towards higher economic development and
Hence, it will require a paradigm shift from the
Environment and Planning B: Planning
growth, city planning should adapt in the way that
established notions of spatial ordering using land uses
and Design 43, no. 2 (2015): 320-40.
can address these issues. Merely following establised
and zoning embedded in “high modernism”5 models to a
method of city planning will not efficiently address
more integrated model that also addresses the dynamic
the strengths and weaknesses of the developing cities.
of the existing urban conditions; these include not
doi:10.1177/0265813515605216. 4. Ibid. page 322.
only the planned aspects of the city, but also the
5. Scott, James C. 1998. Seeing like a State : How Certain Schemes to
Moreover, the fact that most cities are growing in
informal aspects that are almost inherently present in
Improve the Human Condition
uncontained manner today as the result of the current
any city today and have formed strong inter-connection
city planning also shows the inefficacy of the
with the formal aspects.
Have Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press.
INFORMAL URBANISM IN ASIA
The phenomenon of informal urbanism occurs in many cities, including mega cities as a result of urbanisation of migrants from less urban to urban areas, coupled with the inability of cities and governments to absorb the growth and increase in needs of resources in cities. These needs may include proper infrastructure, housing, employment, welfare, and land. According to UN Habitat, informal urbanism is defined as the production of urbanisation independent from formal frameworks and assistance (if they exist) that do not comply with official rules and regulations. Urban informality can be classified into two parts: informal practices and informal urban morphology.1 Informal practices may include activities such as hawking, provision of certain services without government’s approval, trading. Informal urban morphology may refer to the informal settlements or construction of some sort in urban areas. Informal urbanism ranges from poor rural migrants who build their homes in an emerging community through gradual processes of informal land occupation and consolidation to the developer who subdivides land without complying with all regulations.2 The ‘informal’ cannot be simply equated to ‘illegal’, since the ‘informal’ may be the only possible way of urbanization in cities where no other options exist; the ‘informal’ cannot be equated to ‘inferior’ or ‘marginal’, since there are many examples where informally developed communities become better place to live than dysfunctional public housing projects and housing estates produced by commercial developers. The ‘informal’ cannot be equated to ‘poor’, since
1.
UN-Habitat, 2016
2. Ibid. 3. Dovey, Kim. “Informal urbanism and complex adaptive assemblage.” International Development Planning Review 34, no. 4 (2012): 349-68.
increasingly middle class families (even millionaires)
“illegality” (as they were originally when people
find their housing and place to live in non-formal
invaded open land on hillsides, marshes, watersheds,
neighborhoods.3
and roadsides), as most now have de facto tenure. They can no longer be defined by lack of urban services,
Since social and economic practices occur by means of
since over time almost all have obtained access to
exchange of two parties, it is apparent that formal
water, sewage, and electricity. They can no longer
and informal are intermeshed as part of urban fabric.
be defined according to the precarious construction
In 2017, 60% of Indonesia’s economies rely on informal
materials of stucco, wood, or scrap materials, as
sector4 that involves the majority of informal urban
most are now brick and mortar and two stories high or
dwellers. Such high percentage also applies to other
more. They cannot even be defined as “free” places to
emerging cities such as Mumbai, Bangkok, and Manila.
live as there is now a thriving internal real estate market for rental and purchase, with prices in the most
In fact, the boundary between formal and informal
desirable favelas, such as the famous Rocinha, rivaling
are blurring today. According to Perlman5, informal
those of regular neighborhoods. Finally, they cannot be
settlements can no longer be defined by their
defined as communities of misery as not all the people in favelas are poor and not all the urban poor live in favelas. Thus, as cities grow, so is the informal; they are becoming more interconnected to the formal. Unfortunately, informality is seen as a problem in many cities. Informality is often the means by which poverty is managed by the poor6, as they are usually marginalised from the formal practices in the city. Urban informality is not a problem, poverty is. Urban informality is too often either demonised as the virus that must be removed or romanticised as the plight of the poor. There is nothing essentially good or bad about urban informality; the crucial research questions lie in the myriad ways in which the formal and informal intersect.7 4. Waskito, Alfi Syahrin Ario.
While there are many highly insightful studies of both informal settlements and urban informality in general, the complexities of informality remain under-researched and under-theorised at micro-spatial scales.8 A range
“Indonesia’s Future Lies in Its Informal Sector | Alfi Syahrin Ario Waskito.” FEE. September 09, 2017. Accessed March 05, 2018. https://fee. org/articles/indonesia-s-future-liesin-its-informal-sector/.
of writers from Turner (1976) to Brugman (2009) and Brand (2009) onwards have embraced the productivity of informal urbanism, yet we do not have any welldeveloped theories of how such urbanism works.
5. Portes, Alejandro, and Janice E. Perlman. “The Myth of Marginality: Urban Poverty and Politics in Rio De Janeiro.” Contemporary Sociology 6, no. 6 (1977): 745.
Looking at how urban informality is a vital part in supporting the formal part of city, it is then Figure 1.3. Urban informality as a
important that more studies should be carried out to
way of survival. Thanks to the rapid
discover the impact of informality in urban area. The
growth of online ride-hailing service
morphologies and spatialities of informality-the ways
network in Indonesia that has low
doi:10.2307/2066409. 6. Dovey, 349-68. 7. Ibid. 8. Soliman, A. (2010), ‘Rethinking urban informality and the planning
barrier to entry and considerably
in which informal urbanism flourishes in the spatial
cheap and efficient practices, many
interstices of the city and produces urban phenomena
Development Planning Review, 32,
informal inhabitants have become
with a potent impact on the streetscape and urban image9
119-4
more integrated in supporting formal sector.
should be pursued further.
process in Egypt’, International
9. Dovey, 349-68.
INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS World population (billion)
global urban
INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS HAVE BEEN THE MOST PERVASIVE FORM OF NEW URBAN DEVELOPMENT GLOBALLY OVER THE PAST 50 YEARS
slums
2010
2030
2050
world
>7
>8
>9
urban total
<3
>5
>7
in slums
>1
>2
>4
rural
<3
<3
<2
1 in 3
1 in 2
2 in 1
people living in slums
Figure 1.4. Statistics on slums © UNCHS-Habitat, 2014
The existence of informal
unsanitary buildings,
live in slums.2 Southern
the urbanites to get
services and is denying
settlements can be seen
poverty, and social
cities are projected to
integrated into the
the city from developing
as a breeding ground of
disorganization. Squatters
accommodate the bulk of
urbanised formal area
highly-valuable lands in
urban informality. It is
settle on land, especially
the world’s population
after a certain period of
city centres.
in this place, where the
public or unoccupied land,
growth over coming
time. They are sites of
informal habitants live,
without right or title.
decades, and slums are
remarkable aspiration,
Neither of these notions
that all sorts of informal
Squatters include those
expected to absorb most
resourcefulness and
recognises the ability
practices are born as
who settles on public land
of them.
self-sacrifice in the
of the slum dwellers to
a means of survival.
under regulation by the
face of adversity.5 Their
be part of the integrated
Informal settlements have
government, in order to
Considering the magnitude
resillience, social
labour market in the city,
been the most pervasive
get title to it. Simply
of the issues at
dynamic, and energy should
while some studies have
form of new urban
put, slums refer to the
stake, the causes and
be investigated further
implied how significant
development globally over
environmental aspects of
consequences of urban
to mold the current urban
they are supporting the
the past 50 years and most
the area where a community
slums are surprisingly
policy.
economy of the city. This
Civil Engineering and Architecture,
rural to urban migration
resides, while squatters
under- researched,
idea of acknowledging
vol. 2, no. 2 (2014): 70-76. doi:
has been housed in this
refer to the legality
sensationalised and
On another hand, urban
the contribution of the
way.1
of the land ownership
subject to preconceived
informal settlements are
informal community in
and other infrastructure
opinions.4
regarded as a permanent
the urban context and
There are two types
3
provision.2
of urban informal
1. Dovey, Kim. “Informal urbanism and complex adaptive assemblage.” International Development Planning Review 34, no. 4 (2012): 349-68. 2. Mania Tahsina Taher, and Arefeen Ibrahim, “Transformation of Slum and Squatter Settlements: A Way of Sustainable Living in Context of 21st Century Cities.” American Journal of
10.12691/ajcea-2-2-3. 3. UN-Habitat, 2012; UNDESA, 2015; World Bank, 2013
problem in the urban
the need to maximise its
4. Bolay et al., 2016; Fox, 2014;
There are two polars
area. They are often
capacity is one that is
Marx et al., 2013; Parnell et al., 2009
settlements: slum and
About one in three urban
in looking at informal
branded as a place abound
still lacking (badly) in
squatter. Slums are highly
residents (over 900
settlements. One that
with crimes, is lacking
today’s city planning and
5. De Soto, 2000; Perlman, 2014;
congested urban areas
million people) in the
regards these settlements
proper infrastructure,
policies; and this needs
Saunders, 2012
marked by deteriorated,
global South currently
as a stepping stone for
sanitation, and welfare
to change.
6. Dovey, 349-68
HYPOTHESIS
ALTERNATIVE MODE OF URBANISM: CAPITALISING ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS TO REDEVELOP THE EMERGING CITY Informal settlements can be considered as the after-
Can we then see informal settlements as a community
effect of the top-down city planning in today’s urban
that contributes to the city instead of city having to
context. They exist as impromptu solutions by and for
support them all the time; thus, reversing the roles?
the marginalised community as a result of the intensive
Is there a way to capitalise on the full potential of
urbanisation in the cities, of which cities are unable
the informal settlements and use it to the advantage
to provide for the increase in needs of resources.
of the city and the settlements itself?
Can informal
settlements finally be integrated into the city in a With the scarcity of resources, the standard of living
more symbiotic nature to create a more sustainable
of this community is more often than not compromised.
growth of city today?
To date, there are only a few upgrading projects that have been successful in improving the standard of
The objective of this thesis is thus, to create a
living in this community. Most of these projects are
parametric, adaptive system that has the possibility
in the form of provision of vital amenities into the
to connect the informal to the city and to integrate
community, which may put extra strain on the already-
them in a sustainable and more symbiotic manner.
limited government’s budget.1
Parametric methodology will look into the utilisation of quantitative data that affect how informal and
This thesis is interested to find an alternative way
formal react to each other in the designing of the
to improve the conditions of these settlements by
solution to the problem statement. Adaptive methodology
looking beyond mere provisioning of infrastructure.
will involve a design system and strategy that change
Early research2 on informal settlements in Bandung has
along with the variations of the parameters used. In
discovered that the spatial distribution of informal
doing so, the use of line and node geometries to aid
settlements follows the economic distribution in
simplification and abstraction of complex information
the region. More interestingly, the city also takes
is utilised from the start for both analysis and
advantage of the presence of these settlements in
design strategies.
various ways despite seeing them in negative light. 1. “Upgrading of Slums and Informal Settlements.” Country Report Indonesia . doi:10.1163/1872-5309_ ewic_ewiccom_0213b. 2. Kusumawardhani, Veronica, Surjono Hadi Sutjahjo, and Indarti Komala Dewi. “Penyediaan Perumahan Dan Infrastruktur Dasar Di Lingkungan Permukiman Kumuh Perkotaan (Studi Kasus Di Kota Bandung).” NALARs 15, no. 1 (2016): 13. doi:10.24853/ nalars.15.1.13-24
02 LITERATURE STUDY
20TH CENTURY CITY PLANNING: ITS CONSEQUENCES TODAY
OVER-SIMPLIFIED PLANS AND INTERVENTIONS CAN CUT INTO THE LIVING TISSUE OF COMPLEX CITY SYSTEMS, KILLING VITAL SOCIAL PROCESSES.
Figure 2.1. Superblocks near Hong Kong airport (a new Radiant city?)
Two major manifestos emerged to dominate
of people in the cities, their culture,
Unfortunately, these models of modernist
twentieth century neighborhood planning:
their habits; the complexity and dynamic
city development are the very model
Howard’s garden cities and modernism’s
that make real cities. They overlooked
that are being replicated across Asian
Charter of Athens.1 While the garden
the bottom-up, organically built, messy
cities. They are seen as the model of
city movement largely respected the
everyday urbanisms that are dependent on
growth and modernisation, and being
neighborhood, its legacy – suburban
local knowledge and exchanges. In fact,
copied in at least one big city in
sprawl – did not. Nor did Le Corbusier
informality itself may be a defining
every country in Asia, without much
and the modernist planners, setting
sine qua non of cities and urbanism.5
thought and analysis on the local
the stage for twentieth century auto-
This is supported by Jane Jacobs’
context. The impacts of such planning
dependency and single-use functional
argument of how these simplified,
will be discussed further in subsequent
zoning. This effectively became the age
single-use urban design has removed
chapters, mainly in Indonesia. It
4. Crowley, Julia C. “Book Review:
of sterile anti-complexity in urban
vibrancy and community life from cities.
is important to note the extent of
Messy Urbanism: Understanding the
design and land use. Its principles
It is essential to inject the bottom-up
consequences of such planning in Asian
were embodied in utopian plans of urban
community practices that are grown and
cities today. Coupled with other factors
dispersal, such as Frank Lloyd Wright’s
evolving naturally over time to urban
such as bureaucracy in the countries,
Broadacre City, the functionalist
city planning. Over-simplified plans and
natural resources, and rapid growth,
automobile-dominated urban designs of
interventions can cut into the living
it makes it almost a feat to solve the
Corbusier, and Robert Moses’s “meat ax”
tissue of complex city systems, killing
challenges the urbanised cities are
carving its way through the disorderly
vital social processes. While healthy
facing today.
urban fabric of mid-century New York.2
complex adaptive systems are resilient
4
to perturbation, their resilience and
1. Boeing, Geoff. "Methods and Measures for Analyzing Complex Street Networks and Urban Form." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. doi:10.2139/ ssrn.3012684. 2. Ibid. 3. Scott, J. C. (1998). Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
“Other” Cities 5. Ibid. 6. Marshall, S. (2012a). Planning, Design and the Complexity of Cities. In J. Portugali, H. Meyer, E. Stolk, & E. Tan (Eds.), Complexity Theories of Cities Have Come of Age (pp. 191–205). Berlin, Germany: Springer-Verlag. of AsiaChalanaManishHouJeffrey, Eds. 2016. Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of Asia. Hong
The limitation of these simplified,
adaptability may be destroyed through
Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
top-down city planning is that they do
too many simplifying interventions.6
ISBN 978-988-8208-33-3.” Journal of
not take into account the way of lives
Planning Education and Research, 2017. doi:10.1177/0739456x17725581.
CITY PLANNING IN INDONESIAN CITIES
Figure 2.2. North Bandung early town planning by Karsten
The urban conditions of cities are
the government, namely the Agrarian
relatively large, the houses luxurious and the gardens
pretty much the result of the urban
Act and Decentralisation Act. Both
lush. The overall atmosphere was European. Middle
planning of the cities over the years,
acts aimed to enable the government
class Asians, Indonesians and Indo-Europeans lived in
both in desired and unexpected ways.
to decentralise the archipelago’s
considerably denser populated areas where the streets
In many Asian cities, town planning
administration to local administrative
were narrower, sometimes unpaved, and the houses
originated back to the time of
entities. In reality, however,
smaller and often combined with shops. The atmosphere
colonisation (since most Asian cities
decentralisation was anything but easy
in neighbourhoods was either indigenous, Chinese,
were colonised before their independence
– as the municipalities soon discovered.
British-Indian or Arab.
during World War II). This early period
The biggest obstacle was that the
town planning placed a great emphasis on
government had left the municipalities
The predominantly indigenous areas at the lower
the urban condition at that time, even
severely under-resourced. Consequently,
end of the socio-economic scale were the kampungs:
with some impacts on today’s situation.
they lacked almost everything:
densely populated and often unplanned, semi-permanent,
sufficient administrative authority,
predominantly indigenous settlements where facilities
Taking example of the Indonesian cities,
annual budget, experience, knowledge,
such as running water, baths, and toilets were often
town planning was normally categorised
labour and materials.1
public. Architects and planners of that time were
into two different periods, from 1905-
not at liberty to design the kampungs, leaving them
1950 (during Dutch colonisation) and
Within this decentralisation system,
completely autonomous in terms of spatial planning.
after 1950 (after independence).
neighbourhoods for Europeans, Indo-
This level of segregation played a big role in the
Europeans, well-to-do Chinese and
development of the cities over the time, and possibly
1. Roosmalen, Pauline K.m. Van.
During Dutch colonisation, there was a
indigenous dignitaries were designed
the very first indication of the birth of informality
“Netherlands Indies Town Planning: An
rapid socio-economic and demographic
to be vast and moderately to sparsely
in the region, where areas that were left behind by
change due to policies implemented by
populated. The parcels of land were
the administration had to rely on their own informal,
Agent of Modernization (1905–1957).” Cars, Conduits, and Kampongs: 87-119. doi:10.1163/9789004280724_005.
administrative systems for survival. During 1910 to 1950, realising the need to plan for sufficient housing
and expansion of neighbourhoods,
the government demonstrated plans to no longer focus on a single, isolated neighbourhood but encompass various new neighbourhoods instead, such as Thomas Karsten’s plan for Bandung North. In Bandung, the early city planning had been inspired by Ebenezer Howard’s radial city configuration. The spatial plan during this period was strongly influenced by the rise of new industrial enclaves in Bandung’s suburbs in 1950s. The concentric zone principle was adopted in the master plan by applying a series of rings to the urban form (called ‘Karsten plan’ after the architect). The Alun-alun area, an open public plaza, was set as the centre of the rings. The residential areas and businesses were then placed at the second ring, while residential neighbourhoods for workers (as well as agricultural areas) are localised in the next rings.2 This layout is highly influenced by Howard’s plan, where there is a growth of concentric rings outside. The inside core houses city center and business area, residential and industrial areas intersperse the next ring,
and green belts on the periphery ring.
Interestingly, the implementation of such layout has shown its limitations today in the most precise manner. The original Howard’s plan promised the existence of “slumless, smokeless city”, and ironically, when the same method of city planning had been implemented in Bandung, the city has faced the worrying growth of slums and congestion, as a result of rapid economic and population growth that were unforeseen by the government. These problems are one of the main problems the government has tried to tackle to date, with few instances of success. After 1950s, there was a disjunction in the city planning due to the gradual change in design approach 2. Tarigan, Ari K.m., Saut Sagala, D.
in the region. The end of Dutch colonisation
Ary A. Samsura, Dika F. Fiisabiil-
sperheadeded the growth of professionals and scholars
illah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and
from US, Austria, and Germany in Indonesia. This in
Mangapul Nababan. “Bandung City, Indonesia.” Cities 50 (2016): 100-10.
turn led to a more American design approach in the
doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.09.005.
designing of town planning. As such, contrary to
Figure
2.3. Ebenezer Howard’s Garden city plan (top) and early 1950’s Bandung city plan (bottom)
the relatively small-scale neighbourhoods and towns designed by Dutch town planners, American town planners designed vast towns with dense business centres linked to vast, quiet and green residential suburbs by long, wide traffic routes. The new approach fostered town plans and architecture in which transportation by car instead of on foot or by bicycle was the norm, as were high-rises and air-conditioning, that were so fundamentally different from the earlier Dutch approach. There are two major conditions from the past that exacerbate the urban condition in Indonesian cities today. Firstly, the seggregation of the native settlements from the urban area (more developed at that point of time) had influenced the development of urban areas today, where these native settlements (kampungs) suffer major lack of infrastructure and sanitation from the start
Figure 2.5. Aerial view of early Bandung town, showing city hall away from other buildings
Figure 2.4. Early Bandung town with informal transportation like horse rickshaws
of the urban development. The lack of focus in the development of the native areas as compared to the urban areas, results in the further inequality in the standard of living, which amounts to the worsening condition of the informal settlements in the urban area. Early informal settlements (kampungs) became neglected and unable to catch up with the city development, while at the same time, rapid urbanisation also resulted in the growth of more new informal settlements that are specifically located in the urban centers of cities (commonly regarded as slums and squatters). Secondly, the shift to the American approach of town planning has changed the urban fabric into big-scale neighbourhood. This resulted in the mobility issue in all cities, as cities are forced to adapt its connectivity network from small to big scale with rather minimum concern on the development of infrastructure. The lack of such connectivity will eventually affect mostly the informal community, as they do not have proper access to the city and hence, becoming more marginalised. On a separate note, this problem of connectivity within the new cities interesetingly, has resulted in the growth of informal transportation systems that have become so integral in the city today. without which, the city will not function.
NODES, LINES, AND NETWORK
Cities are complex systems shaped
avenue as a source of income for the
through decentralized, bottom-up,
inhabitants. Mobile hawkers and peddlers
self-organizing processes and top-
congregate around public places in
down planning interventions. Urban
cities to sell their goods, ruled by the
complexity is manifested through the
logic of the proximity of location of
self-organization of these components.
these places in cities as well as the
In particular, these components interact
number of people in the cities. Beneath
through networks – both virtual (Internet
its somewhat messy appearance (called
and telecommunication, flows of capital,
‘messy urbanism’ in some studies2),
etc.) and physical (street networks, rail
there is still a system that governs
networks, etc.)1
the appearance and organisations of informality.
Acknowledging the presence of bottomup organisations in the cities as
The challenge in tackling this issue
informality, informal urbanism
is to discover the network of system
is defined as the production of
that takes place behind the presence of
urbanisation independent from formal
informal urbanism. This network can be
frameworks and assistance (if they
invisible and not very apparent at the
exist) that do not comply with official
start. This network can also be complex,
rules and regulations. Despite the
as more widely-known through the phrase
lack of formal planning, informal
‘the whole is greater than the sum of
urbanism still comprises logic behind
its parts’. There has not been (or
its existence, for instance, the
minimal, at the very least) any study
accumulation of informal settlement
that tries to represent relationships
such as squatters along the river does
between informal and formal, informal
not happen by chance, but rather ruled
and informal, or informal and other
by certain logic. In this case, the
systems in today’s urban situation.
river acts as an attractor owing to its ability to support the settlement, in terms of providing free water supply,
In this thesis, lines and nodes are
and to some extent providing the
used as a strategy to quantify these
Figure 2.5. Basic methodology used to analyse relationship between nodes and lines
relationships. They can be seen as a
settle toward over time.4 They can
In Figure 2.6, the diagrams show how
methodology to simplify the complex
also act as the resultant nodes of
the methodology of space simulation is
relationship, as well as a way to create
the urban conditions. Lines can act
used to analyse the impact of having
abstraction to a certain extent, which
as the connecting element of nodes,
attractor nodes in the urban area near
may provide some ways or possibilities
which creates network of nodes that
the road network. The simulation is done
not to only generate information or
can be read as a system. The lines can
with the use of combined parameters
analysis but also for subsequent design
represent physical element such as
of population density in the area,
process.
roads, or virtual element such as routes
hierarchy of roads and road junctions,
taken by people. This method is used
and the size of attractor nodes. The
The use of lines and nodes to represent
to define what complexity means within
gradient lines that represent the roads
parameters in analysing informal
informal urbanism and is an attempt to
are also used as an attempt to represent
urbanism is useful as values can be
measure the degree of complexity in the
the likelihood of the intensity of
assigned on these lines and nodes and
context.
the road use near the attractors. On
2. Crowley, Julia C. “Book Review:
the next part of the analysis, adding
Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of AsiaChalanaMan-
more quantitative analysis can be done to display the relationship of the
Spatial simulation is then done to
more street will also show how spatial
nodes and lines. From a qualitative
create visualisation of the impact
intensity will adapt and change with
perspective, Castells3 argues that
of nodes and lines in the urban
complexity of the network. This is
understanding flows and networks, rather
environment. This method is particularly
synonymous to the way developing cities
than locations themselves, is critical
useful in analysing the impact that the
are always evolving and informality
for understanding cities.
attractor nodes will likely have on the
densifies with rapid growth. Throughout
1. Boeing, Geoff. "Methods and Measures for Analyzing Complex Street Networks and Urban Form." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. doi:10.2139/ ssrn.3012684. 1
ishHouJeffrey, Eds. 2016. Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of Asia. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. ISBN 978-9888208-33-3.” Journal of Planning Education and Research, 2017. doi:10.1177/0739456x17725581.
existence of informality (such us number
the chapters, this method will be used
3. Castells, M. (2009). The Rise of
In this study, nodes can act as
of informal business in the area, or
to represent and analyse different
the Network Society (2nd ed.). Malden,
attractors, in that they possess values,
even density of informal settlement near
systems and relations between nodes and
MA: Wiley- Blackwell.
or sets of values that a system can
the attractor nodes).
lines.
4. Boeing, Geoff. 21
03 INFORMAL URBANISM IN BANDUNG
RAPID URBANISATION AND GROWTH
Bandung
Figure 3.1. Map of Indonesia’s population density
Indonesia is a sovereign archipelago in Southeast Asia
registered residents in 2015, Bandung Metropolitan Area
and the fourth most populous country on Earth after
(consists of Bandung city and other cities within close
China, India, and the United States. It is made up of
proximity) is the third most populous metropolis in
more than 17,000 islands with over 1.9 million square
Indonesia after Jakarta and Surabaya.4
miles of land, which makes it the 15th largest country. It has a population estimated at 266.79 million in 2018,
During recent decades, Bandung City has been successful
up from the 2015 estimate of 257 million. By 2050 About
in attracting both large domestic and foreign
56.7% of Indonesia’s population lives on Java, the most
investments to develop various public infrastructures
populous island.1
as well as generate local businesses such as tourism, manufacturing, textiles and apparel, pharmaceutical,
Bandung is located not far from Jakarta, the capital
financial, food, entertainment, and services.5 The
city of Indonesia, and it has a total population
economic boost and urban expansion has become the main
of 2.5 million. To date, it is the densest city in
drive on rapid increase of the population in the urban
1. “Indonesia Population 2018.”
Indonesia, with population density of 14,800 people/km2.
area.
Indonesia Population 2018
Both cities are expanding at a fast rate and becoming
(Demographics, Maps, Graphs). Accessed March 05, 2018. http://
more connected, and known lately as Jakarta-Bandung
However, despite the rapid economic boom and
worldpopulationreview.com/countries/
Mega-Urban Regions. With spatial, infrastructure, and
development, the city has been facing a problem of
indonesia-population/.
economic expansion, Bandung is expected to become a
congestion and lack of adequate resources to meet the
2. Tarigan, Ari K.m., Saut
megalopolis in no time. Bandung has become a large-scale
needs of all the city dwellers. Transport network
Sagala, D. Ary A. Samsura, Dika
city with an area of 168 km and is one of the most
systems are not fully developed in the city, public
important centres for political, economic, and social
housing is almost non-existent due to the competitive
"Bandung City, Indonesia." Cities
activity in Indonesia.3 With a total of 9.4 million
land market by private developers; which leads to the
50 (2016): 100-10. doi:10.1016/j.
2
F. Fiisabiilillah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and Mangapul Nababan.
cities.2015.09.005.
1987-2017
Figure 3.2. Map of Jakarta-Bandung Mega-Urban Regions
1986
emergence of slums and squatters in the city for those who cannot afford housing, and environmental degradation and resources depletion are becoming more severe due to rapid growth and consumption that happen in the city.
1951
3. Firman, T. (2009a). The continuity and change in mega-urbanization in
1906
Indonesia: A survey of Jakarta–Bandung Region (JBR) development. Habitat International, 33(4), 327–339. 4. Indonesia Population 2018 . Accessed March 05, 2018 Figure 3.3. Expansion of Bandung’s street network and area over 110 years
The growth of the street network is analysed with street syntax. In this analysis of space syntax, topology and the analysis of natural movement is determined by the configuration of space itself, rather than by 1987-2017
the presence of specific attractors or magnets. One of the main findings of space syntax has been that in modern cities the location of economic space correlates strongly with those spaces with high natural movement, or in space syntax terms, high integration levels.1 Thus, some locations in city will have more potential than others because of their structure of the grid and how they relate to it. A more integrated road is more likely to be selected as part of a route between other pairs of road, that is, it will produce a multiplier effect and attract more retail and other uses through movement since accessibility plays a vital role for decision makers in deciding where to locate public facilities or amenities so as to
1986
maximize their usability. This dynamic process is called the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;movement economyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Connectivity relates to the number of intersections along a lineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s length. Together with connectivity, integration calculates the level of accessibility of street segments from all other street segments within a spatial system. On the other hand, space syntax defines the intelligibility of layouts in terms of the relationship between the local and global properties. Intelligibility is an important measure that is predictive of way finding and environmental cognition within environments.2
1951
Fig. 3.4. shows that roughly the most integrated lines are located in the city centre or extend from it, mainly to the east and west with a few segments to the north and south. Both east west and north south arterial roads were the first connecting road that established
1906
during the Dutch period. The results also show that
1. Soesanti, Siska. Norihiro Nakai
the dominant axis of the old Bandung city survived and
"Street Network in Bandung City,
is still present today. Based on these results, space
Indonesia: Comparison between City
syntax of Bandung can be used as a tool in predicting not only the future economic growth, but also the growth of other aspects of cities that rely on connectivity and infrastructure. 0
Figure 3.4. Space syntax of road network
3
Center and New Commercial Area." International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Vol:4, No:6, 2010. Page 1252. 2. Ibid. Page 1255.
ECONOMIC GROWTH 9.4
10 9 8
Java Province, and it is even higher than the national
7
growth rate with a percentage of almost 10%. Commerce and
6 Percent
Bandung’s economic growth has been the highest in the West
industry are the main contributors to Bandung’s total GDP per year. Since 2013, Bandung has launched new industrial centres in different districts1, such as the Binongjati
6.2 6.0
5
6.16.0 4.3
8.6
8.5
8.3
8.2
6.56.5
6.26.2
4.0
4 3 2
Knitting Industry, Cigondewah Textile Industry, Suci
1
T-shirt and Clothes Industry, Cihampelas Jeans Industry,
0
Cibaduyut Shoes Industry, Cibuntu Tofu and Tempeh Industry,
2008
and Sukamulya/Sukajadi Doll Industry.
2009 West Java Province
2010 National
2011
2012
Bandung
Figure 3.6. Economic growth in Bandung, West Java, Indonesia © RTRW Kota Bandung 2011-2031
As the city expands outward with the addition of roads and highways, so are the economic sectors. Figure 3.5. shows how the commercial area in the city has expanded northward with the new construction of roads and highways northward. key map
The city is dynamic as it is growing and its growth has affected the growth of other economic sectors. And it may not very well be just limited to economic sectors, as it also affects the growth of other networks, such as transport, infrastructure, logistics, informal, and housing, as shown in Figure 3.7. As much as it is commendable to have significant growth in the city, it is also worrying when there is a limit to how
1|city center
1. Tarigan, Ari K.m., Saut Sagala, D. Ary A. Samsura, Dika
much resources and funds the state can utilise for
F. Fiisabiilillah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and Mangapul Nababan.
2a|Lebak Gede village
the growth. Coupled with rapid population expansion
2b|Citarum village
and bureaucratic, corrupt governance in the region,
2|new commercial area
3|former commercial area 3a|Juanda street
expansion does not sound as easy. In Bandung, the city’s
3b|flyover
roads and infrastructure have almost reached their
3c|Pasirkaliki street
saturation point,2 meaning that they are being heavily
3d|highway to Jakarta
used by the urban population and have reached their limit to support the city. This will affect the standard
Figure 3.5. Location of city center and new commercial area
of living in the city.
"Bandung City, Indonesia." Cities 50 (2016): 100-10. doi:10.1016/j. cities.2015.09.005. 2. “Organizational Structure of Institutional Investment in Bandung City, West Java Province, Indonesia.” International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 5, no. 2 (2016): 1205209. doi:10.21275/v5i2.nov161317.
DYNAMIC OF INFORMALITY
Informal practices are seen as survival mechanism for the poor. More often than not, they are seen as nuisance and eye sore in the city. Yet, the novelty of such structure or system has always been refreshing to observe. Their unique approach to solve challenges displays efficiency and creativity in making use of limited resources in the city. This chapter comprises a catalogue of a compilation of informal practices found within the urban fabric of Bandung city. They are usually simple small structures or systems that are utilised by the inhabitants, without involving any advanced techonology or notable design. They are informal and do not conform to any standard regulation; they exist as immediate bottom-up solutions to urban conditons and challenges. This informal experience can be equated as coming across oversized, bulky structure such as bus shelter. It takes up so much space with the sole function to provide temporary shelter. This informal structure can be seen as the complete opposite. It is flexible most of the time, with the capacity to transform to accommodate other functions. Such structures and systems are common practices in developing cities, where informal practices have been part of everyday life. However, it can be considered new and strange to outsiders, to observe such versatility done informally, much like a criticism to the formal urban conditions in the city. The catalogue is a compilation of field work that involves various observation and interview in Bandung city. Aside from informing the qualities of such practices in the city, it also forms a study of the distribution of these practices in the city, specifically, the atractors that result in the existence of such informal practices, and its connection to city network.
Convenience kiosk + street-side cafe Location: Along the road, sidewalks
0 10 20
Attractor points: Commercial areas
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
This is a typical makeshift kiosk on the street that functions like a convenience store or mini-mart. Up to two people can stay inside, with mini kitchen to prepare drinks and instant food for buyers. It usually has width less than 1m so as to not be too visible, as such structure is illegal in the city. Due to its compact size, they populate the city in unutilised spaces, such as along drainage or edge of sidewalks, in close distance to serve people around the area. They also tend to use the host building structure as support illegally.
Fruit market Location: Entrance of informal settlement
0 10 20
Attractor points: Informal settlements
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
The narrow street leading to informal settlement is usually occupied by the inhabitants as trading space. They can occupy up to half of the width of the street. As most inhabitants walk or riding motorbikes, the street is still wide enough for circulation. This entrance point becomes a meeting, trading, and social point for inhabitants. The consumers of such market is usually the inhabitants of the settlement itself. The location of the space is very accessible and strategic for fast trading as it is at main circulation point.
Garbage collectors Location: Formal neighbourhood Attractor points: Formal settlements
0 10 20
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
Garbage collection is the most obvious social phenomenon that indicates the reliance of the formal and informal. In the formal neighbourhood, their mobile presence is almost highly desired, as they pay residents for selling their unwanted objects, from old TVs to newspapers. In turn, they will recycle these objects and produce some profits for their livelihood. The fact that they are mobile and do not take permanent space in the neighbourhood, while still rendering service is highly appreciated.
Small-scale home production Location: Entrance of informal settlements
0 10 20
Attractor points: Street connection to main roads
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
This textile waste holding shed is located right next to the small street that leads into the back of the informal settlement. Even though it congests the side of the street, it is a system set by the inhabitants to allow easy distribution and discharge of these bags. As the streets become narrower inside the settlement, most production process venues are located near the main streets.
Food push carts Location: Around the neighbourhood
0 10 20
Attractor points: Public spaces and settlements
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
This push carts are common to be found everywhere, from formal to informal neighbourhoods, to the streets near public spaces. They are mobile and can be parked at any location, and again, are considered desirable by the people because they sell local food dear to the community.
Becak/three-wheeled motor taxi Location: Around the neighbourhood Attractor points: Public spaces
0 10 20
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
Becaks are still found in the public/commercial places in the cities. It is considered a simple mode of transport that relies on manpower, cheap, and usually used for short-distance transport. Becaks are preferred mode of transportation in the region that are not accessible by public transport such as buses or taxis. They usually transport passengers from public places to residential areas.
Kaki lima/five-foot peddler Location: Around the crowded road Attractor points: Public spaces, markets
0 10 20
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
Kaki lima can be found everywhere in the city. They possess a very low barrier to entry. The name kaki lima means ‘five feet’ which originates from the size of the mat used by the peddlers that is about five feet, but it also refers to the agility (‘many legs’) of the peddlers to pack their goods and run when being chased away by the authority in the city, as their presence is considered illegal.
Informal traffic police Location: Junction of primary roads, U-turn Attractor points: High vehicular traffic
0 10 20
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
This informal figure stations themselves at the junctions of roads with heavy traffic. They try to regulate and ease the traffic, like what traffic officers do to compensate the lack of traffic regulations and personnel in the area. Road users will usually pay their service with small change.
Semi-permanent push cart/side-road cafe Location: Main road side
0 10 20
Attractor points: Commercial area
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
Normally operating under the tent, this type is the combination of mobile push carts and more permanent structure of tent, tables, and chairs. At one zone, there will be a congregation of at least 3-4 push carts. At the end of the day, they all will be dismantled and packed with the push carts. A very popular hang out, meeting, and eating point in almost all cities in Indonesia. They can be found along the main road, near on-street parking space where cars can easily park.
Car Location: Road side
0 10 20
Attractor points: Crowded public spaces
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
This mobile car is the latest trend in the informal practice. It shows the increase in level of affluence where peddlers do not only sell their goods with push carts or in kaki lima, but they travel with cars; this is also showing the growth of informal practice in the middle-class community. These cars usually station themselves at crowded place to sell their goods but also to evade the officers for illegally selling goods on the roads. It is a much faster escape means to kaki lima.
Warung/Convenience store Location: Extension of house/house garage Attractor points: Neighbourhood
0
10
20
50
Attractor agent Informal practice
Warung is Indonesian local version of mini-mart in the neighbourhood. They exist as part of inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; living place, usually occupying the extension from or garage of the house. Their mode of survival depends on the sale of goods in small quantity, as many buyers cannot afford buying in large quantity.
Dawn market Location: Parking lot
0 10 20
Attractor points: Near permanent market
50
100
Attractor agent Informal practice
Dawn market operates only from 5-8am, when activities in the city have not started yet and many spaces like parking lots are still available for use. Their temporal presence is almost invisible within city fabric and can only be experienced at certain period of the day.
CONCLUSION
Type
Location map
Example
Consumer group
Remarks
Informal practices have become the urban solution to urban habitants from almost all walk of lives, regardless of the status of income. Their existence complements what is not
Permanent
Warung, kiosk
High, middle,
Remains in
and low-
permanent location
income,
yet appropriately provided by the formal regulation and urban planning. The main reason why they remain resilient and resistant to change and prohibition until today is because there is always demand for their services and goods
depending on
in real life. They usually provide goods and services at
quality of
much lower price, making their existence suitable to meet
goods
the needs of the poor,
Hence, restricting or eradicating
such practices will only put the city in a more dire state, Semi-
Temporary
High, middle,
Selling container
permanent
market along
and low-
or tent are located
the road,
income,
along the street,
morning or
depending on
they are packed
evening market
quality of
at end of the
goods
day. Also occupy
where the poor will find it even more impossible to meet their daily expenses. The better solution will be to develop a management system that is able to regulate and include these practices into the formal framework. This inclusion should also aim at
permanent building
not only formalising, but also improving the capacity
that only operates
and producitvity of such practices. Simple, effective
half a day
measures such as regulation in time and position layout, communication and collaboration with government, and licensing will be sufficient to integrate such practices in
Mobile
Semi-mobile
Push carts,
High, middle,
Change location to
becak, other
and low-
serve and go to
informal
income,
consumers
transport,
depending on
garbage
quality of
collector
goods
Push carts,
High and
car-turned-
middle-income,
They are seen as practice with
push carts
depending on
higher capital,
quality of
even conducted by
goods
middle-income group
urban planning
CURRENT SOLUTIONS ON INFORMAL PRACTICES
Informal urbanism has not yet found its place in the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s agenda. It is regarded as practices and systems of survival that have not created significant benefits to the growth of many Indonesian cities. In fact, many of the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s initiatives are focused on eradicating and stabilising the issue to a certaint extent. A lot of informal practices such as hawkers are being banned to take place in the city center areas, or being displaced to a more formal framework, such as a designated place for hawkers that may not be as strategic as the open city centers. The construction of pedestrian bridge in popular Ciwalk area in Bandung is an example of how the government tries to solve the investation of informal
Figure 3.8. Unexpected use of bench as kidsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; playground in Cicendo Park
practices in busy city area that has caused congestion and disrupted traffic. It is a good start, creating a platform that includes informal practices, mostly food peddlers, into a more permanent and designated part of the city. This act can be seen as creating a second layer of attractor lines (the bridge) that attract the hawkers to congregate along and free up the congested road below. However, it has a certain barrier to entry that prevents anyone to participate as hawkers in this area are required to pay quite a high fee. Such venue has also become too commercialised and catered to mostly tourists, not so much on city dwellers. A more inclusive implementation with lower barrier to entry that reaches and affects the entire community can be developed from this model. Another effort done by the government to inject better social life to the poor community (who is mostly living in informal settlement) is the allocation of underutilised space in the city and its conversion to Figure 3.7. Ciwalk skywalk that move hawkers up on the bridge to alleviate congestion and traffic below
parks of different uses. Such transformation creates
new attractor nodes in an otherwise unused space, and adds sense of belongings for the community who has very limited number of social spaces in their densely populated living quarters. Public spaces are considered privilege in the city; they are overused and considered as new concept of urban space in Bandung1. Owing to this, the way they are used and perceived by the community is often different from the design intent. According to the architects, there is a need to design public spaces that are locally specific, governed by specific local conditions and
public needs in
Indonesia. Enforcing law on informal practices has been proven to be unsuccessful in Bandung, and the government has been trying to cooperate with the informal community by relocating and including them in the urban design. Located under the Pasupati Flyover near the Tamansari informal settlement, the government is on the right direction for including more informality as part of city planning in recent years. The unused areas below the the flyover have been converted into parks with different programs such as meeting point, film park, and skate park for youth. These spaces are overused most of the time, reflecting the unbalanced supply and demand of such social spaces in the city. More wholesome programs that include most informal players, combining both top-down measures with bottomup approach should be pursued further.
Figure 3.9. Taman Jomblo, Taman Film, and Taman Skate below Pasupati Flyover in Bandung
1. SHAU Architects in public lecture in FCL, Singapore. 16 May 2018
04 INFORMAL SETTLEMENT
PATTERN OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENT
THE EXISTENCE OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENT CAN BE TRACED BACK TO CERTAIN PARAMETERS, SUCH AS ECONOMIC, TOPOGRAPHY, AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN THE AREA.
There is a logic to the
can be found at different
up to four floors. Narrow
sanitation, welfare, and infrastructure. In some case,
existence of informal
locations in the city and
alleys usually connect
this has resulted in efficient, creative localised
settlement, in line with
possess specific DNAs
houses before they meet
system within the settlements, while in other cases,
the idea that they
related to what kind of
bigger streets, which
this lack of provision of resources has resulted in low
cannot survive alone and
the neighborhoods they
will connect
quality of life of inhabitants.
require dependency on
are in.
fabric. Due to the dense
their surroundings. The
to the city
condition, the environment
Understanding the different typology of slums in
existence of slum can be
Their networks are
in informal settlements is
urban context will result in differentiated, specific
traced back to certain
entirely human in scale
usually darker with less
approach to slums.
parameters, such as
with paths that allow
sunlight penetrating
economic, topography, and
for access of people and
through the ground.
social conditions in the
affordable vehicles such
area. For instance, many
as bikes and carts. Due
Informal settlements are
informing current urban policies. In many cases of informal
slums can be found near
to land scarcity and high
also well-known for its
settlements, they are very organic in structure and morphology.
the developing areas as
number of inhabitants,
lack of sanitation and
They had web-networks of small roads; which might not be
inhabitants try to ride on
informal settlements are
infrastructure systems,
considered well designed for modern urban planning but still
economic expansion on the
usually irregular,
since they are not
ensuring the provision of multi-purpose social space or
areas. They are dynamic1
unplanned, and highly-
part of the national
communal facilities.2 The social and communal space and close
as their growth and
densed horizontally.
infrastructure system.
neighborhood relation create the vibrant life. The fact that
Development:The case of Kampung
distribution are dependent
Lack of technical and
Owing to this, informal
these self-built neighbourhoods are able to sustain themselves
Menteng Atas and Rasuna Epincentrum
on the multi-functional
construction skills limit
inhabitants ought to
under many constraints and limitations in the city proves that
nature of the city.
the height of houses to
manage their own system of
there is a certain level of efficiency in their informal system
They
1. Taher, Mania Tahsina, and Arefeen
As mentioned above, the informal settlements possess certain
Ibrahim. “Transformation of Slum
resilience that should be studied further and applied in
and Squatter Settlements: A Way of Sustainable Living in Context of 21st Century Cities.” American Journal of Civil Engineering and Architecture 2, no. 2 (2014): 70-76. doi:10.12691/ ajcea-2-2-3. 2.
Simatupang, Wita, Miya Irawati,
and Rully Mardona. “Symbiosis of Kampong and Large Scale
Development.” Proceedings of 8th Conference of the International Forum on Urbanism (IFoU), 2015. doi:10.3390/ifou-a009.
that can be studied and perhaps, implemented in the city. In terms of resilient character, many studies have shown a longlasting observation: informal inhabitants always manage to penetrate the workings of district life and ply a range of contacts and networks while having so few resources to work with. What might happen if these individuals and households had more resources and opportunities at their disposal3?
Furthermore, informal settlements have arguably the lowest carbon footprints of any form of urbanism on the planet - they often utilise recycled materials at high densities with low-rise morphologies, close to employment with very low car dependence.4 While it does not mean that this can be the solution to the sustainability problem in the city, as the context of informal buildings in informal settlements is very different from that of the city, this offers a glimpse of inspiration as to how current urban policies can adopt the efficient systems and practices found here. As cities become more urban, they have to accept the fact that they are becoming more â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;informalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Rather than denying the informal, it is important to acknowledge this change and adopt a pragmatic approach that include this organic mode of development as part of the urban planning.
3. Simone, AbdouMaliq. Jakarta, Drawing the City Near. Minnesota: UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRESS, 2014. Source: "04 Slum Typology." LinkedIn SlideShare. August 23, 2010. Accessed March 31, 2018. https://www.slideshare.net/ thepottyproject/04-slum-typolgy
4. Ibid.
THE FAILURE OF CITY PLANNING
‘MASTER PLAN 2005 HAS FAILED TO REALISE THE CARRYING CAPACITY OF BANDUNG’ Due to rapid urbanization, the Master Plan 2013 had to increase
Many critical urban issues relating to urbanisation such
the population capacity of Bandung from 750,000 persons (‘Karsten
as urban infrastructure and basic service provision,
Plan’) to 3,000,000 persons. Further, the integrated land use and
decent housing and settlements, land for housing are
transportation planning approach in Master Plan 2013 were failed to
the few things that urban planning in the city needs to
be implemented due to land and development speculation by private
tackle.1 In 1990s, Bandung government decided to focus
sectors. The current commercials are mostly designated in the city
on the inner development of the city center, as a way
centres, while affordable housings are located in the suburban area. The separation will decrease accessibility, city vibrant life and
to improve urban environment through densification and centralised urban activity.
livelihood issues. And this would worsen the city traffic jams. “ (Tanuwidjaya, 2016)
The plan was considered a miss as it was unable to meet the growing demands of the densifying city center. At the same time, the suburban areas did not receive sufficient resources to grow equally. This decision has caused substantial environmental degradation in the city. Rapid land use changes and unmanageable traffic condition in the city centre have been some of the externalities that urban planning and management in Bandung have not been able to make adequate response to.2 In 2003, the focus in the planning was steered in the complete opposite direction.
Local government
introduced a new master plan that adopted the compact development approach.
The plan was to develop growth
1. S.D. Arifwidodo / City, Culture and Society 3 (2012) 303–311 2. Ibid.
in other part of the city and control the growth in city center. To channel urban activities and leverage environmental burden in the city centre, this master
4
plan divided Bandung into six areas of growth and
3
establishes six secondary urban centres and one new primary urban centre on the east side of the city.3 8
1
In 2007, local government claimed that the city has undergone structural changes in terms of the urban form;
9 6
that Bandung has evolved from a concentric city into
5
a multiple nuclei model of a city, with total eight urban centres. In Bandung, urban densification is the
7
important feature in urban planning policies. Master
10
Plan 2013 has put emphasis on the urban densification
2
and controlling a new development in the city centre.
Figure 4.2. Urban centers in Bandung
Starting from 2011, there has been an effort by government to upgrade infrastructure in city center. This also includes the acknowledgement of the growth of slums and squatters as the result of the city planning that led to intensification of land and resources in city center. Hence, there has been an effort to upgrade the slums in the urban areas to improve the quality of life of the inhabitants as well as to ramp up the development outlook in the city center. Out of 150 slums to be upgraded within five years, only 10 were done completely. This was ineffective as the growth of slum continues to escalate at a rate of 24% a year in the city.4 The choppy master planning that contradict each other do not ensure smooth transformation of the city. Focusing on the issue of informal settlement itself, the government faces the resilience of the sector, and has been slow in taking action on tackling this issue. There Figure 4.1. Densification of urban
is little improvement in the informal settlement area
area has resulted in the incrase in
in the city. It can also be seen that the government
adminstrative areas throughout the
of Bandung has yet to consider the potential that the
city, which put extra need for budget allocation from the government
informal community can offer to the city.
3. Ibid. 4. Manalu, A. Sanjaya. "Efektivitas Dinas Ruang dan Cipta Karya Kota Bandung."
CURRENT SOLUTIONS ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENT
Informal settlements are usually treated
being constructed. This apartment will
with insignificant upgrading projects, or
consist of 1000 units with an ownership
relocation of the whole settlements to
of 60 years. Following this, another 12
non-strategic areas further away from the
community apartments in 12 different
city centers.
locations will be constructed and the
Figure 4.3. Rusun Rancacili in Bandung remains empty as inhabitants refuse to dwell in this place, far remove from the city
works will be procured to private sector. Indonesian government implemented the
The construction of community apartments
‘Cities without Slums’ initiative in 2010
is considered as an innovation in
to eradicate slums in the country,
overcoming the problem of slums, with
Such programs are the Mid-Term
the ownership right lasts up to 60 years
Development Investment Plan (RPIJM),
(this is significantly longer than other
Regional Housing and Settlements
general apartment which last only 5-6
as part of tourism in the city. Kampung Dago Pojok,
Development Plan (RP4D), the Spatial Plan
years), this scheme was believed to be
one of the informal settlements located next to the
of Bandung City (RTRW, 2011–2031), the
able to provide the poor with an asset.
center of urban renewal area in Bandung’s main tourist destination in Cihampelas, has transformed the houses
Plans for the Prevention and Improvement of the Quality of Urban Slums (RP2KPKP),
Unfortunately, such initiatives have not
walls into art murals showing the creativity and
and the Environment and Building Block
seen the light. One of the apartments
contribution of the settlement to the city’s art and
Plan (RTBL). Some of the strategies
that had been built currently was still
culture. Pionereed by external organisations like Taboo
include upgrading and restructuring the
empty (as shown in Figure 4.3. of Rusun
Community
spatial organisation of the informal
Rancacili). The non-strategic location
prevent eviction and demolition of the settlement by
settlements, installation of basic
has become a hindrance for the informal
the government, by proving its worth and contribution
infrastructure such as water access and
inhabitants to stay in the apartment.
as part of urban fabric, as well as to infuse sense of
drainage, and the construction of new
There has to be a better solution than
community and pride to the inhabitants. The movement has
apartments to reallocate the informal
just relocating the inhabitants to less
been rather successful, as such bottom-up initiatives to
inhabitants (widely known as ‘rusun’ in
strategic location and less valuable land
upgrade the appearance of the settlement have gained the
Indonesia).
in the city.
support from the government.
Up to date, there is little improvement
Another form of resistance to eviction
Another improvement can be seen in the construction
in the condition of informal settlements
that is specific to Bandung’s identity
of microlibrary in the poor settlement in Bima Street
nationwide. Bandung City Government is
as a tourism and creative city is
in Bandung, done through the collaboration of Bandung
to build 15 apartments by the end of
the creative kampung movement. The
mayor and SHAU. The microlibrary is built in the effort
2018. However, during this research was
inhabitants of the informal settlement
to promote literacy and reading habit within the poor
conducted, there is only one apartment
aimed to integrate their living community
community to reduce rate of dropout and illiteracy. The
and BCCF, the aim of the movement is to
DYNAMIC DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENT Dynamic distribution of informal settlement in Bandung is tied in closely to growth of industries. Generally, informal settlements are mostly located behind markets and trading places, as well as by the river. The distribution pattern of these informal settlements follows the primary and secondary centers of different economies in the Bandung cities, including trading industries and services, manufacturing industries, as well as offices and civic centers.1 The following studies are based on the physical quantitave data of the distance of the informal settlements to various economic centers in the city. The addition of the microlibrary in the existing small square is also intended to add identity and pride into the community. In nutshell, solutions to the growth of informal settlement in cities today involve upgrading amenities within the settlement, development of public housing, and participatory design projects. The limitations of such
analysis of the closest distance of clusters are done quantitatively through measurement of distance and then indexed on the Bandung development region. There are generally three different patterns in the analysis: 1. Cluster pattern, R value =< 0.9 2. Random pattern, R value = 0.9-1.1 3. Scatter pattern, R value > 1.1 Services and trading industries are found to have higher correlation with the informal settlements nearby, while offices have lower correlation.
urban upgrading are the limitations of the ideology of space. In such policy approach, what is redeveloped is the space, the built environment and physical amenities rather than peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacities or livelihoods.1 Addition of more social spaces and infrastructure to current informal Figure 4.4. Wall mural in Kampung Dago Pojok Figure 4.5. Microlibrary in Bima, Bandung 1. Roy, Ananya. "Urban Informality:
settlements is a good first move to include these settlements as part of urban fabric. However, the next step to further integrate them should be to capitalise the resources in the
Toward an Epistemology of Planning."
settlements fully and integrate these
Journal of the American Planning
resources as the functioning part of
Association 71, no. 2 (2005): 147-58. doi:10.1080/01944360508976689.
the city.
1. Dywangga Auliannis. "Permukiman Kumuh di Kota Bandung." July 2009, FMIPA UI. Page 82
DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND TRADING AND SERVICES Distance
Percentage (%)
Near (<1.3km)
74.4
Medium (1.3-2.6km)
21.1
Far (>2.6km)
4.4
Trading and services Informal settlement
DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND OFFICES Distance
Percentage (%)
Near (<1.3km)
72.8
Medium (1.3-2.6km)
6.7
Far (>2.6km)
20.5
Offices Informal settlement
DISTRIBUTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES Distance
Percentage (%)
Near (<1.3km)
50.9
Medium (1.3-2.6km)
41.5
Far (>2.6km)
7.6
Manufacturing industries Informal settlement
CASE STUDY - DHARAVI SLUM MUMBAI
DHARAVI’S INFORMAL ECOSYSTEM Dharavi, which sprawls over 240 hectares (590 acres) is one of the largest and densest slums in the world. It is located in Mumbai, next to the urban development of the city. Real estate in Mumbai, India’s financial hub, is among the most expensive in the world. The contrast between rich and poor is stark, and about 60 percent of the city’s population of more than 18 million lives in slums. Despite the lack of infrastructure on the slum, where study has shown that there is only approximately one working toilet for every 1000 inhabitants, Dharavi is a place with massive economic potential. The recycling industry in Dharavi creates an informal economy with an annual turnover of $1 billion. It is dynamic and growing; the people have created a community of schools, temples, mosques, restaurants, tailors and mobile phone shops since they are denied any infrastructure by the city state. This informal economy is under threat of government’s development plan to transform the slum area into a commercial and business area, where slum dwellers will be forced to move out. The case of eviction of slum dwellers is common in the cities, coupled with less invasive approach, such as more in-situ projects in recent years to develop and upgrade the informal settlement. What is missing in these efforts is the idea that informal practices are not considered as potential at all. In the case of Dharavi, despite its contribution to recycling industry in the city, the inhabitants are still not given incentives to grow the industry and to integrate it to the city’s infrastructure system. Development is planned without any consideration of the informal practices in the Figure 4.6. Dharavi settlement amidst garbage pile
city.
E
SITE
B A
A|Chambda Bazaar Dharavi grew outward from the neighborhoods of Koliwada and Chambda Bazaar. This is one of the most densely
D
populated areas in Dharavi, more than six times of Manhattan B|13th Compound It is at the heart of Dharavi’s recycling industry. An
C
estimated 80% of Mumbai’s plastic waste is recycled in the slum, in some 15,000 single-room factories C|Kumbharwada Most dwellings are used as home and production space D|New Transit Camp This is a temporary relocation site for dwellers as new developments were built around the slum. The site later became permanent E|Koliwada Dharavi’s original neighborhood. Unlike most of the slum, the area is less dense
Site plan of Dharavi
0 50 100
250
500
INFORMAL NETWORKS Recycling in Mumbai can be considered an exhaustive system, it recycles any sort of material, from newsprint to rubber, even dung gets gathered, sorted, sold, resold, and recovered for use. It is discovered that no manufactured object in Mumbai that does not spend at least one phase of its production chains in Dharavi.1 Having said that, as materials get repurposed and revalued up to 700% in this recycling chains, the city itself does not have adequate recycling and waste management system. It relies on the existence of Dharavi, the densest slum on Earth to do the job. Despite its lack of sanitation, water, sewage, and proper infrastructure, Dharavi forms a closed ecosystem that functions efficiently to support the inadequate infrastructure in the city. Ironically, it acts like a purifier in the urban context, where it cleans, removes, reprocesses, and adds values to the waste of areas beyond its territory.
0 50 100
250
500
Waste collection points outside Dharavi
1. Mostafavi, Mohsen, and Gareth Doherty. Ecological Urbanism. ZĂźrich, Switzerland: Lars MĂźller Publishers, 2016.
INVISIBILITY NETWORK OF INFORMALITY IN THE CITY In this analysis, the secondary roads become the main paths of garbage distribution, on the contrary to the significance of the main roads. This is so, as informal garbage collectors usuallly operate in smaller roads that allow them to roam around. With different weightage on the road, space syntax of the area around Dharavi shows that great interconnection between the city and the 13th Compound. It forms almost an invisible network of recycling connection in the city 0 50 100 0
Space syntax on intensity of road use with relation to recycling system
250
500 3
Mumbai cities generate 11,200 tonnes of waste a day
RECYCLING NETWORK As the web of Dharavi’s recycling and other social market chains function at the congested ground level, this explains why vertical residential tower strategy
13th Compound
to upgrade the slum failed. It simply cannot sustain
district in
the richness and density of social and economic
Dharavi
interactions and synergies between different roles.2 For Without adequate waste management system, it relies on Dharavi’s salvaging services
instance, shops and production workshops are located below family units and are connected, where each unit will be connected directly to street and within close proximity to other informal amenities set up by the slum dwellers. Sometimes they occupy even the same space. Dharavi is an ecosystem of its own where there is almost no distinction in space in terms of work, residential, social space, streets and alleys, and
Rag pickers gather
public or private infrastructure. In this kind of
plastics for
dwellings, people have managed and taken matter at
processing
their own hands to ensure their survival. With almost
Waste buyers purchase recyclable
Plastic pellets are
100% employment, Dharavi becomes a place deemed as the
washed and dried
stepping stone for migrants to gradually be initiated
before repurposing
into the formal urban fabric.
goods from rag
The systems that exist and set up by the dwellers are
pickers
building up on each other. To support the recycling chain, there is also ‘tiffin’ system, a midday meal delivery in the community. It is a highly efficient system where tens or hundreds of thousands of meals are accurately prepared in main kitchen, gathered and delivered to remote locations of work within hours, with a precision unmatched by any formal distribution system in the world.3 The network of agents, brokers, relays, main kitchen and administration, up to color coding to differentiate the location of each lunch box is an informal network set up across the urban web.
Sorters categorise
Grinders pulverise
This efficient system has worked out how to deliver
and separate
the sorted plastic
on time with only approximately twenty meals delivered
1. Mostafavi, Mohsen, and Gareth
waste
late a year and also across highly-complex multi-
Doherty. Ecological Urbanism. Zürich,
plastics
segmented routes of the dense slum. Recycling network of Dharavi and the city
Switzerland: Lars Müller Publishers, 2016. 2. Ibid, 102-104. 3. Mohsen, 102-104.
THE HIGHLY-INTEGRATED WORK LIFE SPACE Dharavi’s dense condition has resulted in the unique housing typology, where the separation between work, Workers’ dorm
life, and leisure is blurred. In a small building unit, there is usually a high program mix that shows a certain hierarchy in the informal settlement. Housing units are placed higher up in the building for
Owner’s house
Praying hall/community space
privacy while production factories, workshop, informal amenities such grocery shop, bakery, postal collection point are below. Due to dense habitation and limitation of space, the ground floor can be seen as almost one
Workers’ dorm
Library
long continuous stretch from the external streets, as
Workshop
people utilise every inch of the space to suit their needs. Internal street that separates two units are usually used to store goods or connect two workshops at Recycling workshop
different buildings.
Recycling workshop
Looking closely, the conditions that happen in Dharavi interestingly show all the aspects needed for good External street with shopfront
Grocery shop
Internal street
Recycling workshop
Recycling workshop
for storage
and storage
and storage
urbanism: life in the streets, urban density, community spirit, mixed functions, active ground floors with activity spilling out on the street3, and highly complex and interlinked systems of performance.
Typical housing/workshop units in Dharavi
3.”Slums to Connect Cities.” Gehl. March 28, 2017. Accessed March 31, 2018. http://gehlpeople.com/blog/ slums-to-connect-cities
The astounding efficiency and resilience set up in the name of survival in the informal settlement in Dharavi has proven how informal settlement can exist on its own way and it is a cue for the urban planners to start capitalising on its efficiency instead of eradicating its physical presence as well as its systems of performance. In the case of Dharavi, integrating the significant recycling system into the waste management of the formal city can be the first immediate response to improve the livelihood in the informal settlement.
Figure 4.8. Tiffin delivery
STRENGTH Vibrant urban life Highly
efficient
informal
systems
that
have
been
established in the community Highly integrated work-life balance Complement the limited recycling system in Mumbai Low rental
WEAKNESS Lack of proper infrastructure Lack of hygiene
OPPORTUNITIES Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s recycling center MIgrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; stepping stone to get employment in the city Expansion of highly-integrated system within the formal urban area too
THREAT Outbreak of disease due to
poor living condition
Higher crime rate due to poverty Figure 4.7. Workshops and houses existing together
TO IMPROVE THE POOR COULD BE SEEN AS PATRONIZING, BUT TO LEARN FROM FAVELA SELF-BUILDERS IS ALSO TO RISK ROMANTICIZING POVERTY
CHRISTIAN KEREZ
CONVERGING ATTRACTION In this case, what attracts informality to grow in Dharavi is the interdependency of the city and the slum. Mumbai city will face chronic issue of waste management without
the
existence
of
Dharavi,
and
Dharavi’s
recycling sector will not survive without the supply and demand from the city. Both informal and formal sectors act as attractors to each other and ensure the survival of both. This shows the potential of Dharavi to be fully integrated in the city’s recycling system to support the city.
INFORMAL SETTLEMENT IN BANDUNG
THESE INFORMAL PRACTICES, SYSTEMS, AND SETTLEMENTS EVENTUALLY GIVE BIRTH TO INFORMAL URBANISM AS AN ALTERNATIVE MODE OF URBANISM IN THE CITY.
Figure 4.9. Tamansari slum taken from the balcony of Ciwalk mall
In 2015, there are 453 informal
to railway stations or rivers. This may
government is also facing the problem
settlement areas covering 1,457.45
account to the unclear administrative
of allocating resources in the cities,
hectares according to Settlements
logistics in Indonesia, where these
for instance, to build infrastructure
and Spatial Planning of Bandung City
places are operated and owned by more
like roads for expansion or to build
Government. These informal settlements
than one institution, and actions taken
affordable housing for the new migrants.
are characterized by the lack of clean
against illegal use of land have to go
This condition spurs the growth of
water provision (less than 30%), low
through a long period of time as they
informal settlements in the cities
quality of drainage system, low quality
have to be discussed by all parties.
where frustrated migrants start to take
of road (more than 70% of road is in bad
matter at their own hands and create
condition), and highly populated (high
In terms of economic growth in the cities
their own systems of survival in terms
level of population density with more
in Indonesia, these cities are usually
of fulfilment of basic needs, such as
than 100 houses in one hectare).
growing faster than the pace of which
clean water, sanitation, transport, and
infrastructure can be built. As a result,
economic sector as well. These informal
In Indonesia cities, there are generally
many migrants are moving into the cities,
practices, systems, and settlements
two main factors that affect the growth
with minimum skills and knowledge to
eventually give birth to informal
of the informal settlements. Firstly, it
contribute. As they find themselves at
urbanism as an alternative mode of
is the lack of land control by the state
the bottom of the economy, their living
urbanism in the city.
and secondly, it is the economic sectors
condition is jeopardised and they are
that act as attractors of the growth of
forced to live in minimum condition.
the informal settlements.2 The growth of
1. Handayani, Sri, et al. "Transformation Model for Slum Upgrading." Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia. 2007. 2. Ibid. 3. Afifah Huwaida Khairunisa, et al.
informal settlements can be easily found
With the increasing number of new
around the illegal land plot such as next
inhabitants in the urban areas, the
â&#x20AC;&#x153;Spatial Pattern of Slum Areas in North Jakartaâ&#x20AC;? Departemen Geografi, Fakultas Matematika dan Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam, Universitas Indonesia, 2016
SLUM INDICATORS IN INDONESIA3
SANITATION Decent: Individual toilet, septic tank availability Average: Public toilet, parallel sewage Bad: No toilet, no sewage
WASTE DISPOSAL MANAGEMENT Decent: Managed by village Average: Managed by neighborhood Bad: No management
DRAINAGE Decent: No blockage Average: Temporal blockage Bad: Blockage is present
ACCESSIBILITY Decent: >50% of road is 2m wide Average: >50% of road is 1.5m wide Bad: >50% of road is <1.5m wide
POPULATION DENSITY Decent: <400people/ha Average: 400-500people/ha Bad: >500people/ha
HIGH DENSITY SLUM AREA IN BANDUNG Areas with high density of slum in Bandung city
SLUM AREA IN BANDUNG (LATEST CENSUS) Name
Area (Ha)
%
Andir
12.9
1.8
Cicendo
29.9
4.0
Sukajadi
45.6
6.2
Bandung Wetan
10.8
1.5
Cibeunying Kaler
32.8
4.5
Cibeunying Kidul
17.5
2.4
Cidadap
21.0
2.9
Coblong
26.8
3.7
Sumur Bandung
2.7
0.4
Bandung Kidul
13.6
1.9
Margacinta
102.3
14.0
Rancasari
45.0
6.1
Batununggal
27.7
3.8
Kiara Condong
33.6
4.6
Lengkong
3.9
0.5
Regol
33.7
4.6
Astana Anyar
2.0
0.3
Babakan Ciparay
78.3
10.7
Bandung Kulon
42.1
5.8
Bojongloa Kaler
37.5
5.1
Bojongloa Kidul
39.8
5.4
Arcamanik
14.0
1.9
Cibeunying Kidul
0.9
0.1
Cibiru
8.4
1.2
Cicadas
35.7
4.9
Ujung Berung
14.7
2.0
732.9
100
TAMANSARI: AREA OF FOCUS
TIMELINE
During colonialisation era (before 1920s) It was a green, recreational area 1920-1945 Developed into botany garden for education purpose together with the construction of THS institution 1960-1980 More universities and schools were built, densification of buildings. In 1975, the area had 404 residents and 79 houses per hectare. The settlementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s infrastructure was in bad shape or non-existent. There were social problems too. The population had become increasingly heterogeneous, and as a result of circular migration the percentage of temporal residents increased. Crime was rife within the kampongs. 1945-1959 Developed into educational region to support the construction of ITB (first university in Bandung)
1980-2000 Rapid increase in informal settlement. Reduction on green area to informal settlement, mainly to cater to student housing needs and migrants. 2001-now Construction of Pasupati Flyover to Figure 4.9. Areal view of Tamansari informal settlement
ease traffic jam around the area. More attention put into the dense and unregulated settlement by the government.
The Tamansari area grew spontaneously as a slum due to the rapid physical development of Bandung, which has resulted in an urban fabric of shanties in the surrounding environment. The current population of
RW 04
Tamansari is 28,703 inhabitants with an average density of 281 inhabitants/ha over 102ha1. Tamansari is located near commercial areas (Dago and Cihampelas streets) and the 14 universities in the immediate areas, which
RW 07
attract renting employees, temporarily living students,
RW 10
and new residents. The strategic location is responsible for continuous increments in its density, driven by
RW 11
a rapid increase in its population and population
RW 15
mobility.1 RW 12
Area of focus consists of the darker shade, which RW 09
constitue area with mostly informal settlement and
RW 10
higher poverty level in Tamansari urban community. This
RW 16
includes 14 sub-communities, which are RW 04, 05, 06, 07, 09, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 dan 20.
RW 14 RW 17
The building patterns within these blocks are small
RW 20
building footprints, 100 percent plot coverage, and little or no allocation for public open space or social facilities. Another pattern also concerns the mode of growth in the informal area, whereby due to limitation of land, it involves very little land conversion but more of infilling or addition to existing settlement horizontally and vertically, contributing to the reason of the much finer grain of the urban fabric of such settlement when seen from the plan, Interestingly, building typology is also based on proximity to and types of attractor points. There are four different categories that can be considered as typology of informal settlement with respect to their location.
1. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Statistic Daerah Kecamatan Bandung Wetan.â&#x20AC;? Statistic Daerah Kecamatan Bandung Wetan, 2015.
In category 1, houses are located near the main street. 0 50 100
250
500
Tamansari community Sub-communities (focus area)
Tamansari informal settlement in Bandung
They are more permanent, almost double the size (48m2) of houses from other categories, built up to 3-storey high with bricks and reinforced concrete, and many are
2. The Inclusive Cities Observatory. "Bandung, Indonesia: An Inclusive Approach to Developing the Future Bandung Community." 2000. Accessed April 20, 2018.
0
50 100
250
500
0
University Green open space
250
500
Public transport terminal
Creative industries
Attractor nodes around Tamansari area
50 100
Public transport terminal nodes around Tamansari area
01
02
03
04
05
06
07
08
09
10
11
12
Category 1 Category 2 Category 3 Category 4
converted to commercial use, such as warung, food stall, and student rental houses along the road. In category 2, houses are located along the river and semi-permanent in nature. The first two floors are usually reinforced with concrete, while the remaining floors are built with lighter materials such as timber and asbestos panels. In category 3, houses are located along the main alley. As the alley gives additional space and functions as their front yard, the circulation to the houses are generally wider. The structure is more permanent, with bricks as load-bearing wall, and simpler material like timber on upper floors. In category 4, houses become less permanent and also denser as it goes deeper into the settlement. There is no vehicular access in this area and circulation becomes as narrow as 0.8-1m.
Figure 4.10. 01. Category 1. 02. Category 2.
Based on the usage of land, majority of land is fully utilised for housing, shops, and home-industry production plants. Most of the inhabitants are students,
03-05. Category 3. 06. Fish farm. 07-10. Conditions in category 4 area. 11. Circulation space utilised as backyard. 12. Tamansari area.
Job Agriculture Student Private employee Seller Civil servant Army
Total -
Land use Housing
Area (Ha)
%
36.73
25.77 5.26
4059
Office
7.5
375
School
2.25
1.58
15.75
11.05
1320 275 73
Trade and industry Market
1
0.70
10.02
7.03
Religious space
6.75
4.74
Cemetery
0.02
0.01
30.5
21.40
32
22.45
142.52
100
Terminal
Labour
1877
Tailor
6
Artist
12
Road
Carpenter
72
Others
Doctor
3
Driver
23
Entrepeneur
77
sellers, and labours, whose activities take place in the formal neighbourhood of the city. In terms of infrastructure, there is lack of green open space due to the high density of built structure in the area. Clean water is available from water wells dug by inhabitants. Some sub-communities in the area have dried up the well water and must rely on buying water from clean water supplier. In the areas without proper drainage and septic tank, waste water is channeled straight to the main river, resulting in the pollution of river. Aside from disposal, the main river is also utilised by the inhabitants as fish farm as additional source of income. Garbage is not properly managed, as management and collection of household garbage is done privately by the community without government aid. The system put in place is that each household will pay a monthly fee to get their garbage collected by the community, the garbage will then be sent to the nearest public collection point by their own means. The narrow
0
condition of the alleys often hinders collection of
250
500
Communal septic tank
garbage and results in garbage being thrown in the river.
50 100
Primary drainage
Water system around Tamansari area
Secondary drainage Tertiary drainage
75+ 70-75 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4 0
1000
2000
Figure 4.11. Age group of Tamansari inhabitants in 2014
In recent years, the government has been trying to build high-rise apartment to solve the issue of density, poor access, and sanitation in Tamansari. This proposal has been rejected by most of the inhabitants as it does not consider their current way of life. The resistance of the inhabitants resulted in regular protest events as shown in posters in Figure 4.12, where inhabitants and activists organised talks, festival, and stage performance right in front of their settlement as a way to protest the planned move to demolish the area. In conclusion, despite various limitations that exist in the settlement, there is a potential to capitalise on what the settlement already has. Based on the interview by Rezza Munawir1, most of the respondents living in the area is well-educated, with 60% graduated from high school. 60% are at productive age, with more than 60% are currently employed in informal sector. Looking at the conditions of buildings in the area, the area can be considered a mature area with 91% houses or parts of 1. Rezza, Munawir. "Slums Improvement Program Through Cultural And Tourism
houses already constructed permanently. The fact that
Planning, Supported by Public-Pri-
the lives of the inhabitants have been strongly rooted
vate Partnership: The Case Study of
in the area asks for a different kind of treatment to
Greater Pulosari Area, Bandung, West
mere demolition, re-building high-dense apartment,
Java â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Indonesia." Slums Improvement Program Through Cultural And Tourism
and commercialising the entire area to integrate them
Planning, Supported by Public-Private
to the rest of formal urban area. Looking inward into
Partnership: The Case Study of Greater Pulosari Area, Bandung, West Java â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Indonesia, March 2015.
the community to capitalise the potential of human and natural resources will be the main agenda of the thesis.
Figure 4.12. Posters done by activists to protest and resist the plan to demolish and commercialise Tamansari area
05 STRATEGIES ON INFORMAL SETTLEMENT
METRO CABLE SYSTEM CARACAS, URBAN THINK TANK
MOBILITY PROBLEM IN CARACAS One urban problem that could be found in Caracas is the presence of informal settlements in the valley surrounded by hills of uneven topography. It formed a restricted access that limited horizontal connectivity between different low income areas. As such, the inhabitants faced the problem of assessibility from their houses to their workplace, which caused inefficiency and isolation from the rest of the city. The land use is very diversified and mixed, middle class neighborhoods and low-income zones, commercial zones, factories, educational, services. With such high population level, only one road connected the Caracas Valley to Petare. Extreme long travel times due to road congestion and poor state of maintenance was the main problem in the informal settlement. The project involves the construction of five cable car stations at the heart of the informal settlement in Caracas. It has a length of 2.1 km and acts as a transportation system to transport 1,200 people per hour in each direction. The act of building expensive infrastructure in the informal settlements to ease connection and improve accessibility of the inhabitants to other parts of the city reflects the readiness of the government to invest in informal settlement and to Figure 5.1. Cable car station at Caracas hill Š Iwan Baan
integrate them into part of urban fabric.
ATTRACTOR: CONNECT-THE-DOTS SYSTEM The analysis shows that there is virtually no supply of jobs in the areas, requiring people to travel to the traditional city center or to Boa Viagem Beach (a newer central area in recent years), where is the largest number of jobs. These main centers are far from 10 km to 17 km from the communities. Significant proportion of jobs is located in sub-centers on the outskirts of the city. The sub-centers acquires a central role for the improvement of mobility and accessibility conditions, helping to reduce travel times for work, study or shopping reasons. Yet, before the construction of the stations, the informal settlements still had a problem accessing the sub-centers owing to their difficult geographical location on the hill. The vast majority of people seek recreation in the community, making intensive use of urban facilities, within 100m
such as courts and playgrounds, which are scarce most
within 250m
of the time. The construction of the cable car system
within 500m
thus, acts as the connecting line that connects these attractors in the city to the informal settlements on
Analytical relationship of economic programs to informal settlements
the hill.
Streetscape connection Streetscape connection Informal slums street connectivity integrated with modern structure of the station
FORMAL/INFORMAL CIRCULATION The project is the answer to governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s initial proposal to construct roads on the hills, which would have destroyed many houses and displaced the slum inhabitants in the process. The insertion of the stations is done as an alternative strategy, through minimum invasion on the densely populated hill. By only converting the land on top of the hill, the project has saved costs to build road networks throughout the hill, which is more invasive and will disrupt the established social and urban fabric of the informal settlement. There are addition of streets to connect station straight to the settlement downhill. Thus, what started with insertion of five stations can catalyse the expansion of 0 50 100 Site plan of Caracas informal settlement
250
500
streetscapes that cover the entire community. It is not just connecting the settlement to the city, but also connecting the settlement from within.
Figure 5.2. Vertical gym at La Ceiba Station, a top-down container built to contain bottom-up activities of the local
FORMAL/INFORMAL DYNAMIC The insertion of the cable car stations informs the growth of dynamic between informal and formal. Different programs are inserted to complement different stations, such as social, cultural, and system administrative functions. At La Ceiba Station, Vertical Gym is built to allow community gatherings, playing field and sports venues. The building is designed as flexible as possible for any informal activities. At Los Mangitos Station, 40 units of housing are built to replace the demolished house. The station structure also includes public spaces for out-patient health care facilities and other amenities that can be part of governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s move to improve the welfare of the people. But importantly, they also house Formal intervention Informal settlement Extent of station within walking distance of the slum
other informal initiatives set up by the community themselves, such as solar panels to power the informal community in the future. In nutshell, the addition of initial formal amenity spurs the growth of both formal and informal more easily.
Cable car can accommodate up to 2000 people/hour City Illegal taxis and motorcycles as means to reach city, informal transport network
City center
to close the gap in connectivity before cable car construction
City Increase access of employment and human
0
Space syntax showing the connectivity before and after cable car
3
flow
Connectivity integration with cable car implementation
ADDITION/CONNECTING The that
city
acts
attract
as the
a
collection
growth
of
the
of
attractor
informal.
points
With
the
construction of the cable car, the informal region is connected more to the urban fabric through the network of infrastructure. Integration of the informal settlements are done through connecting them to economic and social opportunities in the city.
HALF-A-HOUSE QUINTA MONROY, ELEMENTAL
INCREASING LAND VALUE IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENT The problem with informal settlement in Quinta Monroy is that they are illegally occupying stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s land. Coupled with poor maintanance and living condition, the land value will only drop over time. On top of that, the state has to also provide subsidy for the poor families. They are suffering loss from such situation. Located in the city center of Iquique, Quinta Monroy is a slum upgrading program that keeps the original 93 illegal squatter families in the central city location, ensuring their access to employment, welfare, and infrastructure networks. The upgrading of the slum is done through the provision of half-built row houses, which can be expanded and built further by the residents themselves.
Figure 5.3. Completed houses in Quinta Monroy Š Estudio Palma
SOCIAL HOUSING AS STABILISING POWER AND ASSET As intended, self-construction made expansion possible for the families at a pace set by their own. Within two years, many additions had been made at an average cost of USD 750 per family, providing evidence of the community's growing wealth. Not only did this provide families with more space, it also increased the size and value of their now-legal asset to an estimated 60 m2 and USD 20,000 respectively. $7,500 (subsidy)+$750 (value of self-build additions or improvements) = $20,000 (home value) In other words, the housing unit built with a one time housing subsidy and expanded with personal funds or, in some cases, small additional subsidies had appreciated to an estimated value of USD 20,000. The formal scheme has given legal properties to the inhabitants, legalising their social and economy status in the city. Moreover, the formal scheme also considers the informal practices and leaves it to the inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; discretion to fill in the framework provided for them. The social Formal intervention Informal settlement Site plan of Quinta Monroy
housing upgrading is not a mere upgrading to beautify the site, but it can be seen as a potential shortcut for the inhabitants to equity and wealth.
INFORMAL-FORMAL DYNAMIC
The built half-part of the Circulation network
house provides structural
There is an increase in porosity with regards
support for subsequent
to the surrounding city blocks with proper layout of houses, which suggests better
addition of the other
opportunity for seamless integration and access
half by residents when
to city.
they have the means. Shaded parts are parts that are adaptable and flexible, while the unshaded part of each house forms the essential 35m2 which contains proper access to sanitation and electricity. This incremental strategy suits the characteristic of informal settlements where inhabitants usually do not have sufficient/ stable incomes and can only improve their life Unbuilt space
incrementally.
Provide opportunities for
Improvised programs
ordered informal
have been introduced
expansion to inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;
by residents to support
preference
their welfare, such as converting the other half of the house as small kiosks, cafes, bars. This creates the growth of informality within the mini-city, which has the
U-shape layout
possibility the extend its
Central open space
reach beyond the Quinta
surrounded by houses to keep community
Monroy site itself.
spirit
Informal adaptation to formal approach
ECONOMY NETWORK Economic network is within close proximity around the site, and Quinta Monroy is located
at the center of
the economic center, where the inhabitans can integrate themselves as part of the economy network. Given the strategic location and high land value, the inhabitants are part of the formal access to transport, education, work, and health facilities. In this project, 70% of the budget was spent on the land and 30% on infrastructure and building, where it is usually the other way around in isolated public
within 100m
housing out of the city center. Such approach done by
within 250m
the architects is so that the inhabitants will be able
within 500m
to integrate as quickly as possible into the city. Analytical relationship of economic programs to informal settlements
INFORMAL CONNECTION TO URBAN AREAS The success of this project can be attributed to the decision to keep the informal settlement in the city center. It is located within 1km proximity to amenities and transport. Since the project allows the informal inhabitants to stay put in their original location, it allows them to keep their jobs and settle down; allowing them to grow as the city grows, without being marginalised.
ALTERATION/STABILISING The
city
acts
as
a
collection
of
attractor
points
that attract the existence of the informal. With the upgrading of the Quinta Monroy informal settlement, it improves the standard of living of the people,
by
firstly stabilising the informal neighbourhood. It is a sustainable and incremental investment to integrate them into the formal neighborhood over a period of time.
0
Space syntax of road network around the informal settlement
3
GROTÃO FÁBRICA DE MÚSICA SAO PÃOLO, URBAN THINK TANK
LACK OF PUBLIC SPACE AND DIFFICULT TERRAIN Paraisópolis is located in southwest São Paulo. Despite challenging topography and recurrent, dangerous mudslides in periods of heavy rainfall, approximately 80,000 people now live on the territory in a dense, informal settlement covering less than one square kilometer. This project is more than just an insertion of functioning public space in the middle of the informal settlement, but it is a colllection of public infrastructure that is needed to ensure better quality of living in the settlement, such as a community space for local music and youth groups, education, gym, housing, agricultural terraces to prevent further soil erosion, circulation access along terraces and across buildings to connect the upper and lower parts of settlement. The insertion of the building acts like an urban catalyst as it gives empowerment to the community; it is highly visible as an object of change and pinpoints the progress to better future for the community.
Figure 5.4. Vertical gym at the heart of
Sao Paolo slum
BUILDING AS CATALYST OF INTEGRATION AND PRODUCTIVITY The design centers on a music and dance school in the lower zone, which stacks diverse programs to maximize site potential. These include an open theater, performance hall, practice and rehearsal spaces, studios, and classrooms. The other key component is a new terraced landscape, which in addition to stabilizing the sloped terrain and preventing further erosion, will transform GrotĂŁo into a natural arena, encouraging diverse community participation, and reestablishing connections through the site to the wider neighborhood. In this way, the project will expand cultural programs into the community, while forming a new network that serves youth from all levels of society. Another goal that is important in this project is the creation of a productive zone in the informal settlement through the building and landscape. The project aims to bring self-sufficiency and entrepeneurship in the community through urban agriculture.
0 Site plan
25
125
Terraces
Public ramp system
Urban agriculture
Wetlands
Field, performance area
Music school
INSERTION One
way
to
develop
the
informal
settlement
is
by
building a container of public activities that can act as a catalyst to improve the quality of living of the inhabitants. This strategy can succeed when the insertion of programs is facilitated with proper access to most parts of the informal settlement.
Connection
Public elevator
Multi-functional uses of the site
Site access
CONCLUSION
Informality can be seen as both opportunities and problems. We should not rashly connote it as a challenge Pattern diagram
faced by those living and working in the informal sectors. Neither should we dismiss its potential as it is often a source of dynamism and innovation in cities. It is thus, important to capitalise on the potential of informality while tackling its negative aspects.
Type
Addition/
Alteration/
connecting
stabilising
Insertion In doing so, various ways have been identified in the case studies on how to successfully empower and facilitate the growth and integration of informal
Example
Infrastructure,
Informal
Community
Transportation
settlement
building,
network
stand-alone infrastructure
settlement in the formal cities. One key point that is worth mentioning is how specific each solutions are in addressing the challenges in the informal settlement, in order to ensure successful implementation of solutions. Generally, there are three main ways identified on the types of intervention in informal settlements, namely
Result
Connecting informal
Upgrading current
Adding more
settlement to city
settlement
amenities in informal
addition, alteration, and insertion. They may have the same approach but different results depending on the program, scale, and condition of the settlement.
settlement Moving forward, the design intervention strategy in Impact to existing built settlement
Minimum
Maximum
Minimum
the thesis aims to be specific to site conditions of informal settlement chosen in Bandung. It will implement a certain abstraction and simplification to analyse urban complexity, and then, come up with a design intervention that is based on specific urban parameters in the Tamansari settlement. Few identified urban parameters to be important consideration are the existence of river and water channel in the area, high saturation level of circulation access and public spaces, informal and formal practices, and attractor nodes in the surrounding location.
The direction of
the design will be towards creating different layers of public infrastructure networks based on these parameters in the existing informal settlement. These networks are envisioned to be adaptive to evolving needs and projections in the settlement over time.
06 DESIGN INTERVENTION
AREA OF INTEREST THE AMBIGUITY OF OWNERSHIP
Shaded and paved corridor as part of informal institution like mosque Extra frontyard on different elevation
Opening part of house for informal business
Houses near formal road to open informal business along the main entrance
Narrow alley for circulation only
Clustered house for two or more families
Extended balcony space, pulled back first floor
Stacked up houses creating shading
THE AMBIGUITY OF OWNERSHIP IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENT Spaces
are
shared
or
claimed
as
if
they
belong
to
exclusive groups. Similarly, private spaces are shared
Sheltered and pulled back house facade for business, social space, or wider circulation
Narrow alleyway adjacent to boundary wall to city Shaded alleyway. Whose property?
as if they are public spaces in generic, yet unique spatial conditions in the settlement.
Upper floor playground for neighbourhood kids
Windows on second floor on narrow, quiet alley
Placing interior circulation in the exterior of the house
AREA OF INTEREST
Dynamic of informal practices
informal police
food cart
mobile warung kiosk
kaki lima
food hawker
warung
impermanent
food hawker
hawker textile becak
industry
STRATEGIES
1
SLUM RECYCLING ECOSYSTEM AS ECONOMIC POTENTIAL The recycling industry in Dharavi creates an informal economy with an annual turnover of $1 billion. It is dynamic and growing; the people have created a community of schools, temples, mosques, restaurants, tailors and mobile phone shops since they are denied any infrastructure by the city state.
2
INSERTION OF PUBLIC SPACES WITH PINPOINT ACCURACY The Caracas project involves the construction of five cable car stations at the heart of the informal settlement. These stations effectively provide the much-needed social spaces for the community.
3
AFFORDABLE HOUSING PROVISION Quinta Monroy is a slum upgrading program that keeps the original 93 illegal squatter families in the central city location, ensuring their access to employment, welfare, and infrastructure networks. The upgrading of the slum is done from the inside out, pretty much inspired on bottom-up that works in the neighbourhood. It is done through the provision of half-built row houses, which can be expanded and built further by the residents themselves.
Space syntax to show intensity of usage level of alleys within the settlement
172 72
18
98
136
Surface water analysed through the slope of the terrain
Estimate of number of run-down houses based on their location pattern to roads, rivers, and width of alleys
Agent no: 50
Agent-based simulation to simulate informal movement based on the change in attractor nodes created inside the settlement over a period of time
Agent no: 100
Agent no: 150
Agent no: 200
Agent no: 250
URBAN PLANNING STRATEGY
city
city
city
informal settlement
informal settlement
informal settlement
housing public space
recycling points
RECYCLING PLANTS
public space
recycling points
PUBLIC SPACES
recycling points
HOUSING
Clusters of occupiable space and houses to be
Recycling plants are established within periphery
demolished
of settlements
RECYCLING PLANTS
HOUSING
Less frequented alley connection and the nodes
Housing within settlement
PUBLIC SPACES
More frequented alley connection and the nodes
Public spaces within settlement and connected to the city
SITE PLAN SCALE 1:3000 0
15
30
75
INTERVENTION SYSTEM
PUBLIC AMENITIES PUBLIC HOUSING INFORMAL SETTLEMENT FORMAL RECYCLING
LANDFILL
TRADING POINT
SORTER
INFORMAL RECYCLING FACTORIES
CRAFT
STORAGE WASTE PICKERS WASTE MERCHANTS FORMAL COLLECTION SERVICE CITY
MANUFACTURING FACTORIES
$$$
Economic system in the informal settlements
Ground floor plan SCALE 1:1000 0
5
10
25
INTERVENTION SYSTEM
Spillover area around nodes
Underground water storage
Node
Current informal settlements
Insertion of a nodal program within
Carving in spillover area for informal
the settlement
activities with respect to current
Spillover area around connector alleys
settlement fabric morphology Roof
Spillover plan SCALE 1:1000 0
5
10
25
TYPICAL HOUSING PLANS WITH VARYING SPILLOVER AREAS FOR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES
TYPICAL RECYCLING PLANT PLANS WITH VARYING SPILLOVER AREAS FOR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES
TYPICAL PUBLIC SPACE PLANS WITH VARYING SPILLOVER AREAS FOR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES
Catalogue of three different typologies of intervention in the informal settlement
SCALE 1:400
0
5
10
ROOFSCAPE INFRASTRUCTURE
Roof
COLLECTED UNDERGROUND WATER
PVC Pipe
WASHING OF RECYCLED MATERIALS HOUSING
PUBLIC SPACES
RECYCLING
WASTE
PLANTS
WATER Accessible tap water
o
0
o
o
10
10
o
10
o
20
o
30 o
20
Water management system through nodes
Underground storage tank
Discharge to river
Typical DIY rainwater storage to support informal activities
Housing
PART PLAN
CABLE TIE
recycling centers
DIY PLASTIC POLE AS RIBS FROM
o
0
o
o
10
10
o
10
o
20
o
30 o
20
RECYCLED MATERIAL
TYPICAL UNDERGROUND RAINWATER STORAGE THROUGH ROOF TO SUPPORT FORMAL ACTIVITIES SUCH AS WASHING OF PROCESSED GOODS IN THE RECYCLING PLANT
Roof acts as a unifying element that is based on different angles of bending throughout its coverage. This is done in order to maximise water catchment rate, as well as to introduce formal variations on the roofscape
STORAGE TANK FOR WATER CHANNELED TO PLANTS
ROOF AS MEANS OF AMENITIES
AND PHYSICAL
MEANS OF TOP-DOWN AND BOTTOM-UP APPROACH
DRYING PANEL
WATER CATCHMENT PIPE TO CHANNEL WATER BACK TO GROUND FOR STORAGE/DIRECT REMOVAL TO RIVER
public spaces
ROOF STRUCTURE
FACADE
HANGING
PROPOSED MECHANISM
Bandung generates 7,500 m3 of waste a day with only 65% being processed Decentralised recycling plants in the slum Without adequate waste management system, its final landfill is running out of space
Rag pickers gather waste materials for processing Raw recycled materials are washed Waste buyers purchase recyclable
and dried before repurposing
goods from rag pickers
Sorters categorise
Grinders pulverise
and separate waste
the sorted waste
Roof as water-management infrastructure
RECYCLING PLANT PUBLIC SPACES
0
6
12
18
HOUSING 23
CITY CONSTANTLY GENERATING WASTE LANDFILLS EXCEEED CAPACITY
6AM: TRUCK FROM CITIES TRANSFER WASTE TO RECYCLING PLANTS
5PM: COMPACTING DRYING
RECYCLING PLANTS
3PM: WASHING PELLETS
PAPER PLASTIC METAL BROKEN GOODS KARUNG GONI ANYTHING YOU DONT WISH
6PM: GARBAGE PICKERS RETURN SELL RECYCLEABLE WASTE FROM HOMES AND STREETS TO RECYCLING PLANT
1PM: MELTING
7AM: SORTING
Illustration on how three systems of intervention interact with each other in
8PM: SELLING PELLETS BACK TO THE CITY
achieving an integrated system for the community. It involves the integration of the economy, housing, and social aspects in the neighbourhood. These planned interventions in the form of provision of space,
9PM: SELLING PELLETS TO CRAFT WORKSHOPS IN THE SLUM
infrastructure, and framework are envisioned to only be able to work well with the active participation of the neighbourhood, in other words, marrying informal, bottom-up practices with formal framework.
PUBLIC SPACES
PUBLIC HOUSING
MARKET HAWKER
MORE AFFORDABLE WATER STORAGE SITE HOUSEHOLD RECYCLING COLLECTION
CRAFT DIY WORKSHOP
CRAFT DIY MARKETPLACE
12PM: OFFICE WORKERS' LUNCH TIME
UNDERGROUND WATER COLLECTION WATER STORAGE TO SUPPLY WATER TO RECYCLING CENTER
6AM: RAG PICKERS TO START THE DAY
Creating urban catalyst within the informal settlement. Recycling hubs as economy driver for the community.
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LIST OF FIGURES
F. Fiisabiil- illah, Hendricus A. Simarmata, and Mangapul
Unless otherwise stated, all images are from private
Nababan. “Bandung City, Indonesia.” Cities 50 (2016): 100-
documentation from site visit.
10. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.09.005. Figure 1.1. Selected current and future mega cities in 2015 UN-Habitat, 2012; UNDESA, 2015; World Bank, 2013
and 2030 Figure 1.2. Desakota spatial structure that happens
UN-Habitat, 2016
predominantly in Asian region © McGee, 1991 Figure 1.4. Statistics on slums © UNCHS-Habitat, 2014
UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures.
Figure 2.1. Superblocks near Hong Kong airport (a new
World Cities Report. Nairobi, Africa, 2016.
Radiant city?) Figure 2.2. North Bandung early town planning by Karsten
Vidal, John. “The 100 Million City: Is 21st Century
Figure 2.3. Ebenezer Howard’s Garden city plan (top) and
Urbanisation out of Control?” The Guardian. March 19,
early 1950’s Bandung city plan (bottom)
2018. Accessed March 27, 2018. https://www.theguardian.
Figure 2.5. Aerial view of early Bandung town, showing city
com/ cities/2018/mar/19/urban-explosion- kinshasa-el-alto-
hall away from other buildings © Tropenmuseum
growth-mexico-city- bangalore-lagos
Figure 3.2. Map of Jakarta-Bandung Mega-Urban Regions Figure 3.8. Unexpected use of bench as kids’ playground in
Waskito, Alfi Syahrin Ario. “Indonesia’s Future Lies in
Cicendo Park © metrotv_jabar
Its Informal Sector | Alfi Syahrin Ario Waskito.” FEE.
Figure 3.9. Taman Jomblo, Taman Film, and Taman Skate below
September 09, 2017. Accessed March 05, 2018. https://fee.
Pasupati Flyover in Bandung © galihsedayu © nasional.tempo
org/articles/indonesia-s-future-lies- in-its-informal-
Figure 4.1. Densification of urban area has resulted in the
sector/.
incrase in adminstrative areas throughout the city, which put extra need for budget allocation from the government
World Cities Report 2016. World Cities Report, 2016.
Figure 4.2. Workshops and houses existing together © Youth Ki Awaaz Figure 4.3. Tiffin delivery © Karma India Figure 5.1. Cable car station at Caracas hill © Iwan Baan Figure 5.3. Completed houses in Quinta Monroy © Estudio Palma Figure 5.4. Vertical gym at the heart of Lafarge Holcim Foundation
Sao Paolo slum ©