CIV_14

Catalan International View

Special Issue 14 • Winter 2012-13 • € 5

A European Review of the World

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future A new Catalonia in a new Europe

by Martí Anglada

The reasons behind Catalonia’s disenchantment

by Guillem López-Casasnovas

In search of the lost state

by Vicent Sanchis

A global club that is proud of its identity

by Sandro Rosell

The key to Catalonia’s commitment to the life sciences

by Montserrat Vendrell

Contributors: Marc Sanjaume, Aurora Madaula, Enric Canela, Víctor Terradellas, Francesc de Dalmases, Marc Gafarot, Ricard Planas, Vicenç Villatoro, Arnau Puig, Joaquim Llimona and Joaquim Albareda Cover Artist: Torres Monsó

Contents

Editor

Víctor Terradellas

vterradellas@catmon.cat Director Francesc de Dalmases

director@international-view.cat Art Director

Quim Milla

designer@international-view.cat Head of International Relations

Positive & Negative

4.........

Catalonia’s declaration of sovereignty / Corruption strikes Spain

Marc Gafarot

To Our Readers

Editorial Board

marcgafarot@catmon.cat

Martí Anglada Enric Canela Salvador Cardús August Gil-Matamala Montserrat Guibernau Guillem López-Casasnovas Manuel Manonelles Fèlix Martí Eva Piquer Ricard Planas Vicent Sanchis Pere Torres Montserrat Vendrell Carles Vilarrubí Vicenç Villatoro

5.........

Catalonia’s National Transition

by Francesc de Dalmases

Dossier:

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future 10........

14........

A new Catalonia in a new Europe

by Martí Anglada

The reasons behind Catalonia’s disenchantment with Spain

by Guillem López-Casasnovas

20........ In search of the lost state

by Vicent Sanchis

24........ A global club that is proud of its identity

by Sandro Rosell

28........ Interview Víctor Terradellas Chief Editor

Judit Aixalà Jordi Fexas

Language Advisory Service

by Francesc de Dalmases

32........

Towards a Catalan fourth wave

by Marc Sanjaume

Nigel Balfour Júlia López

36........ Catalan nationalism: a step towards independence

Coordinator

42........ Universities, science and knowledge:

Ariadna Canela

coordinator@international-view.cat Webmaster

Gemma Lapedriza Cover Art

Torres Monsó

The reproduction of the artwork on the front cover is thanks to an agreement between Fundació Vila Casas and Fundació CATmón Executive Production Headquarters, Administration and Subscriptions

Fonollar, 14 08003 Barcelona Catalonia (Europe) Tel.: + 34 93 533 42 38 Fax: + 34 93 319 22 24 www. international-view.cat Legal deposit

B-26639-2008 ISSN

2013-0716

© Edicions de la Fundació CATmón. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, protocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Edicions de la Fundació CATmón.

by Aurora Madaula

.......... the foundations of Catalan prosperity

by Enric Canela

48........ The key to Catalonia’s commitment to the life sciences

by Montserrat Vendrell

54........ New diplomatic credentials for Catalonia

by Marc Gafarot

60....... Raising awareness of Catalan culture, raising awareness .......... of Catalonia: Catalan cultural projection strategies

by Vicenç Villatoro

66........ The landscapes of culture and art:

.......... from a Catalan ethos to a European

by Ricard Planas

73........ Subtle dependencies and declared outbursts

by Arnau Puig

74........ Barcelona and Catalonia:

.......... working together towards shared goals

by Joaquim Llimona

80........ The Treaty of Utrecht and the ‘Case of the Catalans’

by Joaquim Albareda

The Artist

86........ Torres Monsó A Poem

88........ If I were a fisherman

by Joan Salvat-Papasseit

Printed in Catalonia by

Vanguard gràfic Published quarterly

Catalan International View

Positive & Negative

The parliament of Catalonia’s peaceful, democratic declaration of sovereignty

On 22nd of January 2013, the Parliament of Catalonia took another step in the peaceful, democratic and determined history that defines our country. 85 out of 135 members of parliament voted in favour of Catalonia’s declaration of sovereignty and right to decide. In accordance with the democratically expressed will of the majority, the Parliament of Catalonia agreed to initiate the process in order to make the right to decide a reality so that the citizens of Catalonia can collectively decide their own political future. This is in accordance with the principles of sovereignty, which means the people of Catalonia have, by reason of democratic legitimacy, the right to political and legal sovereignty. Naturally, the process will be managed in a rigorously democratic manner, with special attention being paid to a plurality of choices and respect for all, through debate and dialogue within Catalan society. The overriding objective is to ensure that the outcome is an expression of the majority will, which is the guarantor of the fundamental right to decide.

Corruption strikes at the heart of the Spanish government

The ruling Partido Popular (PP) has been in the spotlight following the corruption scandal exposed by El País. This major Spanish newspaper published documents which point to an alleged slush fund, with evidence of cash payments to the party’s top members, including the president himself, Mariano Rajoy. The scandal has had a major impact in the international media, leading the Financial Times to publish an editorial piece which was highly critical of Rajoy. It called on the Spanish government to resolve the issue if they wish to remain in power. The FT claimed that Rajoy ‘faces the fight of his life’ following the discovery of papers belonging to the former treasurer of the PP, Luis Bárcenas, suggesting that he received envelopes containing undeclared earnings in excess of 300,000 euros. The devastating editorial, entitled ‘Rajoy in crisis’ claims that the scandal surrounding the PP’s secret accounts broke at the worst time: while the Spanish public are facing ‘record unemployment’, the highest since the crisis began, and are also having to put up with ‘unprecedented austerity measures’, new instances of corruption are emerging on an almost daily basis. The Financial Times was referring to a ‘string of corruption scandals’ that are angering Spaniards. For the FT, the explanations given so far have been insufficient ‘for the party to award itself a clean bill of health’ and went on to dismiss the proposed internal investigations as ‘cursory’.

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To Our Readers

Catalonia’s National Transition

by Francesc de Dalmases The recent parliamentary elections in Catalonia which took place on the 25th of November 2012, demonstrate the majority political will and grassroots support for a referendum on self-determination. 65% of members of parliament back the initiative, representing support from a wide ideological spectrum and four of the seven political formations with parliamentary representation. This is the start of a political process that President Mas refers to as ‘Catalonia’s National Transition’.

It is worth emphasising that the current political situation we are facing and our political objective is not the result of the current economic situation or transitory political circumstances. The consolidation of an unjust, imbalanced

tax system which results in a fiscal deficit of 16,000 million euros a year, the politicisation of organisations charged with financial supervision, combined with an inability to operate decentralised management policies based on a common sense approach to the strategic structures and infrastructures are all symptomatic of an incomplete state.

One which is hampered by a cloistered and centralist vision of reality. In short, it is an inefficient and ineffective state even for those who see it as their own.

The fact that Spanish democracy is rudderless has encouraged Catalan society to evolve from support for an autonomy with wide-ranging powers towards a new majority that supports the foundation of a state for Cata-

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To Our Readers

El Pati dels Tarongers in the Generalitat’s palace, home of the Government of Catalonia

lonia. A major cause of this reasoned evolution are the shortcomings in the architecture of a state apparatus which is intended to protect and develop the four basic foundations of the welfare state in Catalan society: health, education, social services and transport and communication infrastructures. These four fundamental pillars are currently at risk, compromising Catalonia’s progress and its future.

Our decision was fully confirmed in the Declaration of Sovereignty passed by the Parliament of Catalonia on 23rd January 2013, with 85 votes in favour out of a total of 135 elected members Nevertheless, there is a reason of a more political nature which better explains the current situation. Catalonia is a nation with its own language, culture and traditions and the Spanish state has shown itself to be highly intolerant when it comes to recognising and incorporating said values into an inclusive, federal project. On the contrary, never before have there been such numerous and diverse legislative 6

Catalan International View

and judicial attacks on the Catalan language and the education and justice system. These take the form of interference in Catalonia’s responsibilities as an autonomous region, which are somewhat restrictive and subordinated to begin with.

As a reaction to this situation, with the Spanish government’s refusal to reconsider any changes in the asymmetric unfair and inefficient economic relationship between Catalonia and the Spanish state, the president of the Catalan government, Artur Mas, dissolved parliament and called for new elections. He proposed the development of a process of national transition for Catalonia which is to culminate in Catalonia achieving statehood. We have the determination and the necessary legitimacy to confront this political challenge with sufficient guarantees.

It is a political challenge of the first order which we are facing with the best weapons available to us, ones which define our political tradition: dialogue and reason. In short, the essential democratic values which support a whole nation’s right to decide.

We are also convinced that this will be a new step forward for Europe in order that it continues to be a beacon in the promotion of knowledge and the recognition of individual and collective human rights. It will be a confirmation that the Old Continent continues to be a privileged environment in which to observe and analyse democracy as an essential tool for confronting all manner of political challenges.

Our decision was fully confirmed in the Declaration of Sovereignty passed by the Parliament of Catalonia on 23rd January 2013, with 85 votes in favour out of a total of 135 elected members.

On that occasion, the president of Catalonia solemnly declared, ‘the time has come for the Catalan people to exercise their right to self-determination’.

Tel. +34 977 757 473 · +34 977 756 265 • Fax +34 977 771 129 Camí Pedra Estela, 34 • 43205 Reus (Baix Camp) www.demuller.es

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

When we launched Catalan International View some six years ago we made a firm commitment to enriching international debate with the best of Catalan knowledge, research and way of thinking. We did not wish to merely focus on what happens in our country, but rather to examine the global issues and challenges facing Europe and the world as a whole. Nevertheless, the current issue is largely devoted to Catalonia. This is not a contradiction, however, since Catalonia, and the future of Catalonia, unquestionably occupy a prominent position on the European political agenda. This special edition therefore contains a political analysis which allows us to better understand current events. We also aim to provide a historical perspective as well as contributions from the field of economics, sport, culture, the arts and the academic world, among others.

These will allow readers to appreciate present-day Catalonia, while also expanding their knowledge of a country that has taken on the challenge of self-determination as something which is radically democratic, geographically European, politically legitimate, fundamentally peaceful and originating from a desire for social progress.

Dossier

A new Catalonia in a new Europe

by Martí Anglada*

Imagining the European Union without Catalonia is like looking at the current map of Europe and seeing how Switzerland breaks up the homogeneity. Everyone knows that Switzerland is at the heart of Europe and the fact that it does not form part of the European Union is because it does not wish to, that it is the democratic will of the Swiss. It would be inconceivable for any European state to oppose Switzerland’s desire to join the EU. Catalonia, which also formed part of the Roman Empire and the Carolingian Empire, nowadays finds itself in this very situation. What is more, Catalonia has been a member of the EU since 1986 (some 27 years) and has been a net contributor to the EU’s coffers from the outset. The Catalans are therefore entitled to the fundamental rights common to all EU citizens. It is hard to believe that the European Union could ever make the fundamental mistake of expelling seven and a half million citizens, net contributors and European to the core, thanks to an inability to overcome Spain’s veto of Catalonia’s membership of the EU.

To overcome a veto, indeed to avoid one in the first place, the EU has at its disposal a considerable ability to influence its member states. This is particularly true at present when certain member states in the Eurozone are suffering from a public debt crisis, most notably Spain. Therefore, the first solution we can imagine to Catalonia’s call for an independent state within the European Union is indeed the creation of a new state within the EU (a mechanism known as internal enlargement): such a move would increase the number of member countries from 28 following Croatia’s entry next July, to 29 (or 30 if Scotland also wins the referendum agreed upon by Edinburgh and London in autumn 2014). This option does not require changing EU treaties, but it does mean further increasing the number of European Commissioners (one per state) from the existing 27.

However, from a historical perspective the main problem with increas10

Catalan International View

ing the number of EU members states without simultaneously extending the EU’s geographical area and total population is that it risks making the European Union an increasingly complex and difficult entity to control, particularly if it holds onto the original notion of an association of states which only share some of their powers. A federal perspective, on the other hand, which is already being promoted in the economic (budgetary and banking) sphere, may well be able to guide the European Union towards innovative, more integrated membership formulas which are different from those that currently exist. A federal perspective should not only lead European states towards a single banking supervisor and collective budgetary control, but also towards the creation of an embryonic, more federal means of belonging to the EU. If the new states which emerge as the result of internal expansion, Catalonia in particular, were to have a direct link of a fed-

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

eral nature with European institutions in Brussels (sharing foreign policy and defence, for example), we would find the beginnings of a more integrated Europe which would coexist with the traditional Europe, a direct descendant of the Treaty of Rome. The implementation of new legal formulas which lead towards a transition to a federal Europe would also make it easier to accommodate some of the EU’s current states, especially the smaller ones, which might feel more at ease than at present (and have lower budgetary costs).

It is true that some European states are running out of steam, with the exception of Germany and France, along with other medium-sized and smaller states which are managing to weather the storm. Nevertheless, the economic situation has been a blow to nationstates and has coincided with a resurgence in the national aspirations of Catalonia, Scotland and Flanders.

From the perspective of the birth of

federalism, a transition towards the sovereignty of these old European nations appears not so much to be an example of European fragmentation. Instead, it is a step towards the integration of the continent and the shaping of a European Union that would have the same global influence on foreign policy and economics that it currently possesses in the commercial field. In Catalonia this ambition not only has its origins in the Tarraconensis province of the Roman Empire and the Carolingian Hispanic March, it also arises in Germany, which is currently the EU’s leading nation.

Burkhardt Müller recently summed up the situation in the Süddeutsche Zeitung as such, ‘The aspirations of separatist regions are part of the progress of European integration’. In other words, from a federal perspective of European integration, if Scotland or Catalonia were to have their own states, it would not mean European disintegration, but rather integration.

Catalan International View

The moveable bridge in the Port of Barcelona.

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Dossier

What legal framework would encompass Catalonia and Scotland? They would clearly exist in the context of reformed European treaties which take advantage of the current reform process, initiated by Germany, in order to proceed with banking union, tighter budgetary control and possibly a gradual approach to the sharing of debt. An attempt would be made to take advantage of the opening of the ‘reform chest’ in order to include, alongside economic integration, mechanisms which facilitate greater integration in Brussels of the territories such as Catalonia that are ‘left hanging’ from their current states.

Although it makes no direct reference to this matter, the document issued in Warsaw by the so-called ‘Berlin Club’ on 17th September this year includes certain provisions which, while presumably not being the intention of some of the participating countries (which included Spain), leave the door open to welcoming territories which have been ‘released’ into the European Union.

For any democratically-minded European it is obvious that the EU will eventually find a formula which allows it to welcome both Catalonia and Scotland

The Berlin Club, at Germany’s bidding, was ultimately formed by eleven European countries (Germany, France, Italy and the three Benelux states, the original founders of the EU, alongside Spain, Portugal, Austria, Poland and Denmark). The bond that unites them is a federal vision of the future of the European Union, a vision of a United States of Europe. This would serve to explain certain absences: the two states which inhabit the British Isles (UK and Ireland) are not members, nor are Scandinavian Finland and Sweden or 12

Catalan International View

Balkan Greece. It is easy to see that all 11 signatories to the declaration of the Berlin Club have a close and somewhat compact territorial continuity. All but two are also members of the Eurozone (with the exception of Poland and Denmark). In fact the only member of the club which belongs to the latest EU expansion towards the East is Poland. It is understood that other, mostly smaller Eastern European countries are absent since one of the decisions that led the Berlin Club’s key document is a progression towards a greater future role for federal government thereby replacing the current model which allocates a European Commissioner to each member state. The ‘Club of Eleven’ wants the European Commission to progressively act as the government of a federation of states and, consequently, the number of ministers or commissioners would be subject to requirements. The Club also see an urgent need to inject democratic legitimacy into the Commission or federal government, electing the president via universal suffrage, and providing the European Parliament with more legislative powers and control.

The most interesting aspect, from the viewpoint of future released regions like Catalonia, is the Berlin Club’s proposal to take a significant step towards a common foreign and defence policy for the European states concerned. This step would be a major one if the Club’s proposal that decisions in foreign policy and defence are to be taken by a qualified majority rather than unanimously (as has hitherto been the general rule) was to be introduced to the Treaties. The eleven want to prevent a single state from vetoing or blocking decisions, since it would require at least a minority of several countries, rather than just one, in order to block a qualified majority. For years now, those working in the field of European institutions have known that the removal of

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

the rule of unanimity is the first step on the path towards a common foreign and defence policy. The possibility that the EU territories released from their states could share their foreign and defence policy directly with Brussels, as part of a United States of Europe, would therefore, become a reality.

Some German commentators, toying with similar ideas to those outlined above, lengthen the list of European territories in search of sovereignty (which they refer to as regions), to include Flanders and South Tyrol (the German-speaking Alpine region which passed from Austrian to Italian hands at the end of World War I. Known as Alto Adige in Italian). This would include post-WWI borders (including the Hungarian minorities of Romania and

Slovakia), as long as proposals for possible released territories are not limited to the eleven member-states of the Berlin Club. It is clear that these ideas are still very much in their infancy and could ultimately result in varying degrees of sovereignty and federal integration between Brussels and each territory.

For any democratically-minded European it is obvious that the EU will eventually find a formula which allows it to welcome Catalonia and Scotland, two democratic, peaceful nations with a long history as old European nations.

Europe will not eject its citizens and is even less likely to in the case of Catalonia, home to one of the first parliaments on the continent. Such a move would represent a self-mutilation of Europe’s own democratic DNA.

The emblematic clocktower in the Old Port of Barcelona

*MartĂ­ Anglada Former foreign news editor at TV3 (Catalonia television). He has been foreign correspondent in the Middle East, Italy and Great Britain (1977-1984) for the Barcelona newspaper La Vanguardia and correspondent for TV3 in the United States (1987-1990), Brussels and Berlin (2009-2011). He has also been an international political commentator. His latest book is Afers no tan estrangers (Not So Foreign Affairs) published by Editorial Mina (part of Grup 62).

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Dossier

The reasons behind Catalonia’s disenchantment with Spain

by Guillem López-Casasnovas*

I would like to think that what I write is pure common sense. It is the result of the day-to-day experience of many of the badly resolved issues that have led to disruption in the economic and financial relations between Catalonia and Spain. At the very least I intend to provide some reasons and outline some possible solutions and their caveats. I shall highlight fourteen points that in my view have become so far removed from common sense that now more than ever deserve consideration. These observations come from the study of international comparative systems regarding the fiscal allocation of tax and spending powers and allow us to conclude that Spain has reduced some of the basic contents of fiscal federalism by creating a ‘made in Spain’ decentralisation process leading to a dead end. It fails to address the Catalan nation’s objective of selfgovernance and poisons some of the structures of the state. This is a short summary.

1. The ignorance, political manipulation and denigration surrounding the idea of solidarity which ought to exist between the ‘men and lands of Spain’ have ended up spoiling everything. The beneficiaries of the redistribution on behalf of that false solidarity are today a self-interested lobby. They have never wished to acknowledge that a fair allocation of resources entails equal spending power (to deal with the basic needs of the welfare state, for example) and 14

Catalan International View

when the fiscal contributions made by the inhabitants of different regions are quite different, the mechanism already incorporates significant elements of solidarity. They want more by penalizing allocations to those who provide the most. This is unjustified under the tenets of fiscal federalism, and in any case it is a difficult requirement to fulfil.

2. Redistributive policies which prevent similar capabilities of macro, ag-

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

gregate social spending in a region, at the service of its citizens is incompatible with subsequently guaranteeing the rights of the same service levels at the micro level of individual specific provision. As for the universal right which is protected under state law: the fact that an administrator of public spending ends up having to ask a taxpayer to further contribute via tolls, additional taxes and co-payments due to an excess redistributive

levelling of public resources is sheer nonsense.

The W Hotel on the Barcelona beachfront

3. Decentralization and uniformity are contradictory concepts. By its very nature the federal solution means no uniform preference is imposed. Taxes and spending levels are not the same in compound states. Neither envy nor a disruption of cohesion are plausible arguments after basic levelling for public services and under full fiscal responsibility.

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Dossier

4. Levels of initially allocated central resources and final expenditure in a decentralized system represent different realities. If a community or an individual dedicates more resources than those assigned externally at the outset, thanks to a greater financial strength or a differential prioritization of spending, this cannot be seen as an inequality that needs ‘correcting’.

It is unacceptable to punish those who make the greatest effort.

revenues and not the central administration should be prioritised.

5. It is well known that one euro does not have the same purchasing power throughout a country. Allocating resources while ignoring this fact condemns some people to lower real benefits than the rest, even when they may have made greater contributions.

10. In order to assess the reasons why a particular jurisdiction has at any one time additional deficit, one must consider in the first instance both the allocation of the resources at its disposal and spending by other jurisdictions (central administration, for example) in said territory. Financing the population’s needs at a level which is below the average forces a jurisdiction into the red in order to preserve the rights and obligations it merits, both in times of an economic crisis as well as during prosperity.

6. Under a system based on ‘good will’, the taxes paid by citizens of a particular territory also belong, totally or partially, to the territorial jurisdictions they represent. They are not a more or less discretionary gift, given more or less arbitrarily politically speaking by one of the parties involved.

7. If the various jurisdictions have sufficiently clear rights to receive resources and agreements are faithfully respected, then it ought not to matter who holds the key to the treasury. Indeed they could even put a third party in charge of revenue collection! Likewise, in a context of mistrust, this would not be such a bad idea.

8. Those who should have more freedom to borrow are primarily those who have greater commitments to spending on the welfare of citizens, arising from laws that generate obligations that are otherwise not financeable during a low point in the economic cycle, which is precisely when they are most important. Local and regional jurisdiction 16

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9. Preserving the language, culture and identity of a community ought to be the collective concern of all the communities which coexist. If the dominant partner fails to take action, asymmetry in dealing with the financial responsibility of the other party is more than justified even though it may lead to a public deficit.

11. To assess the effects of debt on a particular jurisdiction we need to consider how long the previous insufficiency was present and how unevenly the distribution of powers has been historically. In this sense, Madrid’s fiscal accounts can never be counterfactual for Catalonia: Madrid received its transfers late, operates through administrative concessions which conceal part of their debt, and their deficits are inextricably confused with those of Madrid City Council, which demographically almost coincides with the Autonomous Community, and of the State of which it is the capital. In this context, therefore, it is not worth bothering with its deficit, debt or supposed fiscal imbalance.

12. If a community such as Catalonia were to ask for credit today on the ba-

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

sis that its ability to return the funds is dependent on the money it may or not receive from a third party, then it can come as no surprise that its estimated rating is zero. Otherwise a well-developed community which is self-financed through the resources it generates thanks to its higher ability to produce income and wealth would inevitably improve its financial situation.

13. The institutions of the state belong to all parties which go to make up the state. A multinational state never confuses the state with central government.

14. One must practice what one preaches. It is immoral to label as unsupportive one’s own benefits from the Basque economic agreement which grants a leasehold which is refused to others. To criticize something as a privilege when one is in opposition only to defend and benefit from it later when one is in government is sheer hypocrisy.

Since you have read this far, would you like to know how many of these principles have been respected in the fiscal and financial relations between the central government and the Catalan government? Virtually none. In whose court is the ball in future moves (if any), in favour of jogo bonito and entente cordiale?

Demagoguery does not help in the search for solutions, even though it is often a common currency. These days it is once more present in the issue of the fiscal deficit. Indeed, the debate surrounding fiscal balances has become fertile ground for highly politicised, leading scholars. Confusion on results arise from the use of different and controversial methodologies in fiscal calculations, producing ambiguous conclusions. The problem is that with their calculations of the fiscal balance those scholars often seek to answer dif-

ferent questions. The Catalan one is simply ‘What would happen if Catalonia, as the sum of its citizens, could be financed from its own resources to meet its spending needs (rather than those imposed by others)? How would it compare with the current situation?’

This is a different matter to estimating the fiscal residual as the balance of individual tax burden and the potential benefits the individuals receive in return. The second question, unlike the first, can be answered without taking into account the territory involved and its representative institutions. It is as if there were no Catalans, but rather ‘Spaniards who happen to live in Catalonia’, an oft-repeated phrase of President Rajoy. It ignores the Catalan sense of belonging that tips the balance towards democracy, through their parliament, for the country as a whole and which is not questioned by its parts or families. Several different questions thereby lead to different methods. What happens is that in Catalonia, with the almost unanimous backing of the Catalan parliament (and of the Spanish parliament when the Catalan minority posed this question and demanded a response from the Institute of Fiscal Studies), it is the first and not the second question which asks Catalan International View

The Porta Fira Hotel in l’Hospitalet de Llobregat

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Twelve prudent criteria that should govern inter-jurisdictional fiscal relations, but which are absent in the Spanish case: • 1 In the differential between primary income and disposable income per capita as a proxy of the contribution to collective consumption, all parties must participate with a fixed minimum balance.

• 2 As a result of the flow of taxes and subsidies implicit in the fiscal balances, a change cannot be made in the range of per capita income of a jurisdiction that is a net contributor. In such a situation a ‘stop loss’ clause should act as a safeguard. A net beneficiary of the redistributive flows should not be allowed to fiscally compete against a net contributor by lowering taxes.

• 3 Redistribution should attempt to apply equal fiscal pressure on the various jurisdictions in order to level the expenditure on a capitation basis. Having defined the ‘minima’ levels of funding, we must finally uncover the ‘maxima’ of higher fiscal effort in contexts of greater regulatory capacity, taking as a reference the average growth of the remaining parts and not the state as a whole. The focus of redistribution is a commitment to reducing differences by levelling public services, not by fully eliminating private per capita incomes. This has to do with development policies with a more decisive role for income generating private sector activities than public redistribution policies.

• 4 The quantification of the relative tax burden through the raising of taxes, should consider the level of public and private charges (tolls), copays and relative costs for a basket of similar services.

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• 5 Limits need to be established on the redistribution of funds to specific areas of expenditure, not today included in unregulated global transfers.

• 6 The establishment of deadlines and appraisals of the above-mentioned redistribution funds needs to be imposed and monitored.

• 7 A revision clause of the fiscal deficit of a jurisdiction is required in case of the discovery that a particular community declines in per capita income with respect to the leading European regions as a whole.

• 8 No jurisdiction should have a positive flow (favourable tax balance) if its primary income is above average from the start.

• 9 The relative variation in a community’s income should be reflected in the positive growth in its fiscal balance.

• 10 Continuity in the tax benefit balance must be accompanied by improvements in measures of personal income distribution inequality in that jurisdiction.

• 11 Under no circumstances should the fiscal balance exceed the difference between the relative income contribution and the population’s relative contribution.

• 12 For redistributive purposes estimates of funding requirements must be related to the difference between observed and predicted values for each of the parts and not simply through a comparison of mean levels.

Catalan International View

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

to be answered. What one cannot do is to answer the first question with the methodology of the second. Analysts who dislike the question mix methodologies and create scenarios in order to weaken the answer with disparate figures. Since they have no legitimacy to deny the question to be answered in the first place, they respond with a barrage of numbers to dilute it. Similarly we find economic analyses on the feasibility of independence based on unlikely conjectures that are far removed from the axioms which provide definitive effects. Rather, these are assumptions which political economists make based on their ideological leanings, obviously without identifying which party they belong to.

The situation in which we find ourselves can come as no surprise. In Catalonia in this situation, people are themselves less and less seen as ‘Spaniards living in Catalonia’ (as one side likes to call them), and more as Catalans, who do not wish to forcibly continue being Spaniards in this Spain.

When required to choose nationalism, they begin to view it with more sympathy than something alien which is imposed and which from time to time reveals its historical imperialism. This

feeling also begins to take hold in the economic realm. Many people believe they ‘should be able to find their own way out of the economic crisis.’ Not because we’re smarter, necessarily, but because Spain is a very diverse country, from a south that has some ‘Greek’ traits to a Basque north that does ‘its own thing’. As a result, it is very difficult to create uniform economic policies, leading to the prevalence of the lowest common denominator, which is usually the smallest.

As a well-known Cuban said, ‘the problem can’t be the money, because there isn’t any’ In any case, the economy may not be the most important issue at stake. As a well-known Cuban said, ‘the problem can’t be the money, because there isn’t any’. A lack of common sense, imposition rather than agreement, creating a state of fear rather than seeking empathy and so on, all end up affecting what people hold to be most precious, which they see to be an attempt on their dignity. This is perhaps the main problem facing us at present.

*Guillem López-Casasnovas (Minorca, 1955). Holds a degree in Economics (distinction, 1978) and Law (1979) from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB). He obtained his PhD in Public Economics from the University of York (UK, 1984). He has lectured at the UB, visiting scholar at the Institute of Social and Economic Research (UK), University of Sussex and at the Graduate School of Business at the University of Stanford (USA). Since June 1992 is full professor of Economics at Universitat Pompeu Fabra (UPF), where he has been vice-rector of Economics and International Relations and dean of the School of Economics and Business. In 1998 he created the Economics and Health Research Centre (CRES-UPF), which he directed until recently. Co-director of the Master in Public Management (UPF-UAB-UB-EAPC). In 2000 he received the Catalan Economics Society Award, in 2001 the Joan Sardà Dexeus Award and in 2005 the Ramon Llull Award. He is also a member of the Catalan Royal Academy of Medicine and a distinguished member of the Economists’ College of Catalonia.

President of the International Health Economics Association (2005-13), senior Advisor of the World Health Organisation, of the Economic Council of Catalonia (CAREC), the Council for the Reform of the Catalan Public Administration, the Spanish Department of Health and Social Policy, and member of the Governing Council of the Spanish Central Bank.

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In search of the lost state

by Vicent Sanchis*

For decades, historians and sociologists have been trying to define a part of the collective aspect of the Catalan people through their avoidance or explicit rejection of public affairs: i.e., the state. Catalonia emerged battered and defeated from the War of the Spanish Succession (1705-1715) between Philip of Bourbon and Archduke Charles of Austria. The new, absolutist Spanish monarchy of French extraction abolished self-rule structures that had existed for centuries. Obviously, these were not modern structures, in the post-French Revolution sense, nevertheless, Catalonia was able to count on its own structures that specifically hindered the arbitrariness of successive monarchs. Laws and legal traditions existed which governed the participation of the various civil groups in government decisions. There were also institutions that defined and regulated said participation. These were all abolished following the publication of the Nueva Planta Decrees, which subjugated all the territories of the former Crown of Aragon to the practices and customs of Castile.

Following this historical episode Catalonia progressed and modernised economically. It underwent industrialisation during the nineteenth century when the rest of the Spanish state retained feudal structures. From this position of economic strength, some Catalans tried, either individually or through organized political participation, to modernise Spain on the one hand, and on the other, to make it less hostile to the uniqueness, to the differences of the Catalan reality.

They were unsuccessful. From General Prim (1814-1871) to Francesc CambĂł (1876-1947), with widely different intentions and degrees, this two-pronged approach was to characterise a long history in which political Catalanism, 20

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which was dominant in the first decades of the twentieth century, consistently acted with the aim of modernising and ‘Catalanising’ Spain. It was unsuccessful. The outcome of another war, the Spanish Civil War of 1936, ending in victory for the pro-Franco side, once again reduced Catalonia to a total of four provinces and the eradication of autonomous government institutions that had taken shape under the Second Republic. The most blatant repression of Catalan language and culture lasted for forty years.

With the restoration of democracy and the Generalitat, the new Catalanism, once more dominant for over two decades, renewed its regenerational path. Once again, the most rep-

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

resentative and powerful force of political Catalanism, Convergència i Unió (CiU) tried to modernise the Spanish state and make it partly theirs. In other words, it proposed that Catalan nationalists (and Catalans in general) should feel represented by Spanish structures and institutions. This was the explicit intention of Jordi Pujol, CiU’s leader and president of the Generalitat for twenty-three years. Perhaps the most significant moment was the formation of the Partido Reformista (Reform Party), a political force operating on a national scale, led by Miquel Roca, a Convergència leader who wanted to mobilise a Spanish centre-right which understood and accepted a Catalan nationalist revival. Nevertheless, the at-

tempt failed dramatically in the Spanish elections of 1986. The Reform Party failed to obtain even 1 percent of the vote outside of Catalonia.

Close-up of the exterior of the Agbar Tower, Barcelona

For many years the independence alternative was in the minority or simply marginal, in spite of the fact that independence maintained a strong presence in many areas of society Nonetheless, the failure did not discourage Convergència i Unió’s leaders, who left their strategy in relation to Spain unchanged. Meanwhile, the other mainstream political party, the Catalan International View

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Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSC), which is federated to the PSOE (the Socialist Party of Spain) and represents a more ‘diluted’ form of Catalanism, has throughout its history called for a federal state. Such a model goes beyond the autonomous regions established by the Spanish Constitution of 1978, but falls for short of secessionist aspirations.

Finally, three centuries after losing their laws, an apparent majority of Catalans once again believe in having a state. But this lost and longed-for state is not Spanish. It is their own These two approaches, represented

by CiU and PSC have between them had the majority support of Catalan society for decades. For many years the independence alternative was in the minority or simply marginal, in spite of the fact that independence maintained a strong presence in many areas of society. The situation remained largely unchanged until 1987, when the historic Esquerra Republicana (Republican Left) party under the stewardship of Àngel Colom and JosepLluís Carod-Rovira, declared itself pro-independence. The new Esquerra Republicana started growing in terms of social involvement and improved their election results. Moreover, its leaders also expressed views that went beyond language, culture and identity (the traditional foundations of Catalan separatism), to call for sovereignty as a result of the fiscal abuse which Catalonia is subjected to. Such abuse can be seen in an incontrovertible statistic: every year, Catalonia’s fiscal deficit with respect to the Spanish state stands at between 8 and 9 percent of its GDP. The change in the type of language used, the growing realisation by 22

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Catalan taxpayers that their coffers are ‘plundered’ by the Spanish state, only partially justifies the rise of this new independence movement. There are other factors which play a role. One was to be of decisive importance. After 2003, the majority of Catalan political parties began to call for a reform of the Statute of Autonomy in order to ‘shield’ their authority, increase self-rule, try to find ways to reduce the fiscal deficit and ensure central state investment in Catalonia. The road proved to be a long one. While internal and external agreements were made (with PSOE and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero’s government reluctantly agreeing to the reform), a part of public opinion, led politically by the other major political force in Spain, the Partido Popular (People’s Party), reacted with great hostility. Unbridled aggressiveness spread throughout Spain, as evidenced by actions such as the campaign calling for a boycott of Catalan goods. The new Statute was finally passed by the Spanish parliament in June 2006, but it was immediately challenged in the Constitutional Court by other autonomous governments, the Ombudsman (a politician linked to the PSOE) and the PP itself.

The Constitutional Court’s ruling marks a before and an after, since it mutilated the text approved by the Spanish parliament and a referendum backed by the majority of the Catalan population. On July 10th 2010, more than one million people took to the streets of Barcelona to protest the decision. The majority of the banners carried by the demonstrators made no reference to the Constitutional Court, however. Instead they explicitly called for independence for Catalonia. The massive event became a wake-up call.

From then on the most active and civically and politically engaged sectors of Catalan society came out in favour of independence. In one year almost a million Catalans voted in lo-

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

cal referendums in favour of separation, backed by all manner of organisations and associations. These votes not only had the grassroots support of Esquerra Republicana, but also of Convergència i Unió. The traditional moderation of majority Catalanism began to crumble.

Simultaneously, the PSC’s federalist intentions were in crisis. The socialist president of the Spanish government, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, had publicly declared himself to be in favour of the Statute’s reforms. The reforms had failed, however, and the end of the chapter also revealed the limits of PSOE’s federalism.

From that moment on Catalonia began to move towards a new political doctrine. One which states that the Catalans, unlike any other group in the civilized world, lack a state; that the Spanish state neither represents nor defends them; and that the only viable alternative is to form their own. These considerations, these demands, coincided with the arrival of the dreadful effects of the economic crisis. The belief that Catalonia will only be able to overcome the crisis if it is able to separate itself from Spain and equip itself with its own state structures is increasingly gaining popularity. Opinion polls show that support for independence is becoming more widespread. Moreover, many of Spain’s basic state institutions have seen their credibility challenged: the administration of justice; the government, led by Mariano Rajoy, who looks on helplessly as the credibility of Spanish public debt falls further and further; the King himself, Juan Carlos I; the two major political parties,

plagued by a string of corruption scandals that seems to never end and so on.

Late last year, Convergència i Unió employed a last-ditch attempt at regeneration, by attempting to find solutions with central government and the state institutions. In September 2012, the President of the Catalan government and leader of Convergència i Unió, Artur Mas, met with President Mariano Rajoy to agree to a new fiscal relationship between Catalonia and Spain. The meeting was another failure. The ruling Partido Popular refused to accept a proposal that distinguishes Catalonia from the other regional governments. Several days after the meeting, Artur Mas called an early election, unequivocally taking a pro-independence stance. His intention and commitment is to hold a referendum during his next term in office in order to decide whether Catalonia should be separate from Spain.

The elections last 25th November did not give Artur Mas and CiU the majority they wanted. On the contrary, they lost seats in the Catalan parliament. Nevertheless, those in favour of the Catalans being able to decide their own future represent a huge majority in the chamber. Furthermore, supporters of outright independence outnumber those who are in favour of autonomy, federalism or confederalism. The new government of the Generalitat is committed to building state structures. Finally, three centuries after losing their laws, an apparent majority of Catalans once again believe in having a state.

But this lost and longed-for state is not Spanish. It is their own. *Vicent Sanchis

(Valencia, 1961). Holds a degree in Information Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. In his career as a journalist it is worth highlighting that he has worked and collaborated on many publications and with numerous publishers; he has been editor and director of El Temps magazine, director of Setze magazine, the Catalan supplement of Cambio 16, and director of the newspapers El Observador and Avui. He has also excelled as a scriptwriter and director on different TV programmes. At present he is president of the editorial board of Avui, and vicepresident of Òmnium Cultural. Vicent is also a lecturer in the Faculty of Communication Sciences at Universitat Ramon Llull in Barcelona.

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A global club that is proud of its identity

by Sandro Rosell*

Barcelona FC has just celebrated its 113th anniversary. According to its oldest fans, the club is enjoying one of the best moments in its history. Barcelona FC [Barça] is one of the top clubs in the world, while simultaneously being one of the great icons of the twenty-first century. It is a truly global club with 350 million followers worldwide. Barça’s emblem, the team’s strip, its colours, pictures of the players, can all be found in any city round the world, a part of everyday life. ‘Barça’ is a universal word. Everyone knows what it means.

It is used by people of all ages, races and creeds. When people say ‘Barça’, they do so with pride and respect.

Clearly, the club’s members and fans feel proud to belong to Barça, not least because the team has won more trophies than anyone else in the last decade. This pride goes beyond sport alone. It is linked to the club’s identity, to its values, its roots and its history, all of which form a part of the traditions, culture and language of a country: Catalonia.

The club’s followers are able to relate to a Catalan, and indeed Catalanist club, with solid values and principles that are a reflection of Catalan society. This has been the case throughout the club’s history, from its very infancy. The club was founded by Hans Gamper, Swiss by birth, who changed his name to Joan and became a Catalan out of eternal gratitude to the country that had welcomed him with open arms. In addition to founding the club, Gamper was a player, 24

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manager and its president, but more importantly he laid the foundations on which the Club is built. These have marked its evolution, making it what it is to this day. He envisioned a democratic sports club, freely governed by its members, who in turn would be the owners, and he established a spirit that was to mark the Club forever: a commitment to Barcelona and Catalonia.

These foundations are Catalanism, democracy, multi-sports and universality.

113 years later, these pillars remain as firm and relevant as the first day.

Our organisation has always been ahead of its time and a tool for social change. From the very beginning, the club stood out thanks to its democratic spirit. One example can be found in 1913, when the club registered its first female member, Edelmira Calvetó, twenty years before universal suffrage was introduced in our country.

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

Welcome Home Mr President!

On 30th October 1977, just one week after his return to Catalonia, the President of the Generalitat Josep Tarradellas i Joan attended a match played at Camp Nou between U.D. Las Palmas and Barça ‘We will remain forever faithful to the service of our people’ S. Espriu

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Barça has maintained its commitment to democratic freedom and Catalonia’s institutions, while ensuring its unshakeable Catalan nature is never co-opted by a particular political party: the club is also a pluralistic, grassroots organisation, open to all.

This plurality is also one of the reasons why Barcelona FC has been instrumental in the integration of newcomers to Catalan society. During the 50s and 60s the club was something which economic migrants to Catalonia from other parts of the Iberian Peninsula had in common. Later, they were followed by those from Latin America, North Africa and Asia, who chose our country to begin a new life.

We have a responsibility to our country, in defence of democratic rights and freedoms and our own identity There are many reasons why Barça is ‘Més que un club’ (more than a club).

The club’s slogan expresses its commitment to Catalan society, which for decades lived under a dictatorship, unable to freely express its personality. Barça has been a vehicle for the expression of Catalan identity, and for this reason it is ‘more than a (football) club’. Over time the slogan has come to mean ‘more than a club throughout the whole world’, having spread to other signs of the club’s identity, such as being owned by its members, being a multi-sports entity that has five professional sports teams (football, basketball, handball, roller hockey and futsal) and eight amateur sections, and defends values that permeate all their activities, including the education of their athletes. These values include a commitment to the underprivileged and to charitable projects, work which is carried out by the FC Barcelona Foundation.

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‘No other sports organisation in the world shows as much interest in social issues as Barça does’, announced Bill Gates at the launch of the alliance between the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and the FCB Foundation in the fight to rid the world of polio. For Barça’s supporters, such a statement gives us as much satisfaction as winning a match. Such global leadership in terms of values is also a big responsibility. We have to be worthy of it, both on and off the field. There is no point in being considered an example of solidarity and social responsibility if our players fail to put on a modest, sportsman-like, committed performance when they are on the pitch.

These values and principles all form part of the training we provide for our players from an early age. We currently have over 300 children in our training teams and 87 children at La Masia (Barça’s training academy). They all receive a sporting education based on the humanistic values that form part of the essence of both Barça and the sport itself. Respect, hard work, ambition, teamwork, humility and commitment are some of the values that guide us, that show us the way ahead. It is therefore extremely important that we educate our children properly, since everything they experience during childhood and adolescence is reflected later on when they are professional players. It is impossible to appreciate Messi without his humility, likewise Guardiola and Tito cannot be understood without their hard work and Iniesta and Xavi without their teamwork.

We believe that this training model and its results make Barça unique. We also have a firm commitment to ‘homegrown’ talent, raised in a playing style that has made our team the epitome of offensive football. It is a spectacle based on ball-control, possession and genuine teamwork, with solidarity on the field

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

of play. Skill and creativity is valued above physicality. The ‘Barça method,’ which began some 30 years ago with the opening of La Masia, which has become a symbol of the Club’s spirit, is now truly bearing fruit. At the time of writing, 16 of the 24 players in Barça’s first team were trained in La Masia and are therefore homegrown talent. This is how we have managed to have nine world champions plus Leo Messi in the same team.

FC Barcelona is experiencing a Golden Age which needs to be defended and it is everyone’s responsibility to convert the excellence we achieve on the pitch to other areas of the organisation. We need a club that is socially, economically and institutionally strong in order to ensure its solvency for future generations.

We are aware of what FC Barcelona represents for Catalonia, the ties that bind us to Catalan society and the fact that we are considered the unofficial ambassadors of our great country beyond its borders. We project our image, our sporting successes, our way of being and doing and we are recognised internationally as ‘more than a club’.

We therefore have a responsibility to our country, in defence of democratic rights and freedoms and our own identity. Barca’s commitment to Catalonia is unquestionable.

This calls to mind a line by the poet Salvador Espriu on this, the centenary of his birth. It is to be found on a poster designed by Avel·lí Artís-Gener (also known as ‘Tísner’), to commemorate a historic event: the visit by Josep Tarradellas, president of the Generalitat, to Camp Nou [Barca’s stadium] on 30th October 1977, on his return to Catalonia following his exile in France.

‘We will remain forever faithful to the service of our people’.

Camp Nou, Barcelona FC’s stadium

*Sandro Rosell (Barcelona, 1964). Holds a degree in Business Administration and an MBA from ESADE. In 1990 he started working for COOB’92 in the International Marketing Department in charge of the International Sponsors. In 1993 he joined the Swiss sports marketing company, ISL as their manager for Spain and became the commercial agent of CIO, FIFA, FIBA, UEFA and IAAF, as well as of the LFP. In 1996 Rosell joined Nike, as director of Sports Marketing for Spain and Portugal, a position he held for three years. He was the architect of the Futbol Club Barcelona contract, which exists to this day. In 1999 he went to Rio de Janeiro and worked as Nike’s Sports Marketing Manager in Latin America. He managed the contract between Nike and the Brazilian Football Confederation among many others.

On his return to Spain in 2002 he founded Bonus Sports Marketing, S.L (BSM), which specialises in sports marketing. Among other projects the company has developed Football Dreams, which takes place in Africa, Asia and Latin America. The project’s main goal is to use football to help the social development of the African continent.

Rosell was Vice-President of FC Barcelona between 2003 and 2005. In June 2010 he was elected the new President of the club.

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Interview

Víctor Terradellas ‘The whole world, and Europe in particular, has to learn to accept the dynamics of transformation and evolution as a natural part of human society’ Interviewed by Francesc de Dalmases Photos by Quim Milla

For its review of 2012 The Economist featured on its front cover the million and a half-strong demonstration that took place in Barcelona on 11th September, calling for a new Catalan state. The ‘Catalan question’, clearly remains high on the international agenda. Whatever one’s political leanings, it is a fact that following last November’s elections the new Parliament of Catalonia emerged with a renewed cross-party commitment to holding a referendum on self-determination, thanks to the support of 65% of the seats in favour and an ideological spectrum that includes four of the seven political groups. The process is led by Convergència i Unió, a federation holding 50 seats (making it the leading political force, with twice as many seats as the number two party). In order to analyse the new political map and the future prospects for Catalan national and international policies, we decided to talk to Víctor Terradellas, Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya’s Secretary for International Relations.

Europe is closely following the political process underway in Catalonia. Do you think the new parliament of Catalonia is any closer to calling for a referendum on independence for Catalonia?

As President Mas made clear when he was re-elected to the position of president of Catalonia on 24th of December, the elections weren’t strictly about political parties, to some extent they

were a vote in favour of a referendum on a new political status for Catalonia.

The forces in favour of this consultation hold 87 of the 135 seats, some two thirds. As a result, they will go ahead with the process announced and led by president Mas. Furthermore, the results also give an idea of how mainstream and diverse are the political options in favour of the Catalan International View

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right to decide in Catalonia. As can be seen from the recent election results and the political makeup of the new parliament, the democratic consultation proposed by President Mas is not only a given in the party itself and for its supporters, it’s also shared by an overwhelming majority of Catalan society. It is also worth remembering that there was a very high voter-turnout of 69.56% of the electorate.

We must understand that this is the first time in a Catalan election that the voters have been directly offered a referendum on independence The two most-voted political forces in Catalonia in the last elections, Esquerra and Convergència, are committed to a referendum on independence by the end of 2014 at the latest. Do you think the 71 seats held by the two parties are sufficient?

We must understand that this is the first time in a Catalan election that the voters have been directly offered a referendum on independence. One could make all kinds of guesses as to the possible outcome of the referendum, but it’s clear that as it stands a majority of the Catalan parliament are in favour of the consultation taking place. And we also know that the forces that defend it, mostly Convergència and Esquerra (the first and second biggest political parties in Catalonia) won’t let the voters down and they will continue on this peaceful and profoundly democratic path.

These and other political forces stood at the elections with a common election pledge: the holding of a referendum. Is it possible for parties with such different foundations to be in agreement?

As you suggest, it’s a matter of finding common ground among the different 30

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political parties that defend the right of Catalan men and women to decide their own future. Obviously, there are differences in terms of social models and the economic reforms which need to be undertaken, but we need to focus on the fact that only through having control over our own policies and resources can we enter into debate and offer society the chance to decide between one side or another. Clearly there’s a long way to go to make the freedom and independence of Catalonia a reality. Once we have completed the process, as a free and independent state, we can reposition ourselves on the traditional political map just like any sovereign European nation.

Does this mean it’s the end of the road for a Catalonia that forms a part of Spain?

We need to understand that Catalonia has to manage its own political tools, its own financial resources and establish its own social policies. For many years Catalonia has led Spain politically and economically, but the state’s centralized nature, the reluctance to introduce a new agricultural, industrial culture and its corresponding failure to create a productive economy through an over-reliance on the promotion of a subsidy-culture has not only made the modernisation of Spain impossible, it has ended up impoverishing and weakening Catalonia itself.

The current situation is, therefore, the realisation that Catalonia’s survival as a nation and as a society is only possible through political independence.

An independence that I am quite sure will generate wonderful relationships with our Spanish, French and Andorran neighbours.

It seems that Spanish politicians and institutions are closing ranks and are not only opposing a referendum, they are threatening to stop it taking place. They even go as far as mentioning the Spanish

Interview

army or suggesting the dissolution of the Catalan parliament.

From a historical perspective, Catalonia became the southern border of the Carolingian Empire, while much of the rest of the Iberian Peninsula became occupied by the Muslim empire. This fact had an impact on the future. Catalonia also has one of the oldest democratic traditions in Europe. It even had a parliament before England did. Currently, Catalonia is a European nation which is taking part in a peaceful, democratic process to equip itself with its own state. It’s a commitment to improving Europe with the majority backing of society and the desire to rebuild and regenerate politically. With such a foundation it’s hard to believe that any European state, including Spain in spite of the views you mention, could oppose such a fundamentally democratic process.

How important will European reactions to the independence process be?

The whole world, and Europe in particular, has to learn to accept the dynamics of transformation and evolution as a natural part of human society. Twentyfour new states have joined the United Nations in the last twenty years. As for Europe, and the European Union in particular, there’s a growing understanding that the cores of political, economic and social stability correspond to medium-sized states with a long, peaceful, democratic history: Catalonia will undoubtedly become one of them.

That said, our personality and political project is hardly comparable to any other on our continent and we need to persevere and ensure our uniqueness is known and recognized.

Is Europe capable of understanding and integrating a new state into the community, given the current political and economic climate?

As I was saying, we need a dynamic, unrestricted view of history. Catalonia is an ancient nation that was forcibly subjugated three hundred years ago, but which has nevertheless held onto its language, culture and the other signs of identity that shape the contemporary Catalan nation. We obviously have deep bonds of friendship and good relations with our European neighbours and understand that the new political status we wish to obtain will mean the consolidation of these ties and relations on a more level, more frank and more egalitarian basis.

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Towards a Catalan fourth wave

by Marc Sanjaume*

When we talk about the prospects of secession in Western Europe we face a striking contradiction. On the one hand, the number of states has steadily increased over the last two centuries; in fact, it almost quadrupled during the last century worldwide. On the other hand, secession is extremely rare in liberal democracies that have existed for over ten years.

We know that the most frequent mechanism of state creation has primarily been secession, followed by state dissolution, and it has occurred in three chronological waves. Firstly, the application of the Wilsonian principle of self-determination during the First World War period saw the emergence of new national entities out of ancient Empires (the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, German and Russian). Later, the struggle for decolonisation liberated several peoples from colonial rule imposed by European powers (such as Algeria from France or India from the UK). Finally, the fall of the Berlin Wall presaged the last wave, with several republics becoming emancipated from the former USSR. However, the emergence of new states has not stopped, we constantly see territorial claims across the globe and the list of states has recently been enlarged by Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Montenegro. Will we see a fourth wave of state creation? One can never know. Nonetheless, a cursory glance at the waves described above is enough to tell us that secession and state dissolution often go hand in hand with violent conflict, ghastly war, and 32

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harsh territorial disputes as well as ethnic cleansing, persecution and mass destruction. Against such a backdrop, if a fourth wave of state creation is to occur it would be desirable, for it to take place through liberal-democratic means and procedures. I would argue that the Catalan case for self-determination can shed some light on this path.

The unofficial Catalan referendum campaign as a democratic movement

The unofficial referendums on independence from Spain that were organised at a local level by civil society in Catalonia between September 2009 and April 2011 were a clear democratic mobilisation tactic. They had a powerful effect on mainstreaming the issue of secession and changing the discourse on self-determination. More than 800,000 people took part in these unofficial polls, organising and voting on the question: Should the Catalan nation become an independent, democratic and social state within the European Union? This mobilisation was entirely organised by a voluntary network of civil society activists in each

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

municipality. Unofficial referendums on the same question were held in 552 municipalities of Catalonia (out of a total of 947) representing 77.5% of the total population; the overall turnout was 18.1%, 32.5% counting the mean of municipalities turnout (Guinjoan & MuĂąoz, 2012).

In analysing this phenomenon we have to bear in mind that at present secession is forbidden in Spain and it is not the responsibility of regional Governments to hold a referendum on this issue. According to art.1.2 of the Spanish Constitution, sovereignty belongs to the entire Spanish people; and according to art.2, the Constitution itself is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation which is considered the indivisible homeland of all Spaniards. The mobilisation for organizing unofficial referendums was a clear attempt by civil society to push forward the long-standing claim for an official vote on secession in Catalonia. It took place in a context of nationalist mobilisation and heated political debate following the reform of the Catalan Statute of Autonomy in 2006 and its severe amendments in the Constitutional

Court. The restrictive interpretation of the Statute adopted by the Court infuriated Catalan pro-autonomy parties since the Statute had already been passed both by national and regional parliaments and approved by the Catalan population in an official referendum in 2006. Moreover, political unrest increased following the publication of regional fiscal balances by the Spanish government in 2008, which confirmed the idea that Catalonia had a tax deficit of 8% of its GDP due to an unjust redistribution of wealth among its regions. In a context of a severe economic crisis, secessionist political actions succeeded in mobilising civil society and changing its traditional pro-autonomist position. Two important effects can be observed, thanks to the holding of 552 local, unofficial referendums. Although we cannot attribute them entirely to this phenomenon, I would argue that they helped to produce these outcomes.

The first impact was a clear transformation of Catalan political demands.

Since the recovery of democracy in Spain (1978), following forty years of Franco’s fascist dictatorship, Catalan nationalism was considered a moderCatalan International View

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The reluctance of the Spanish government to recognize Catalonia’s national character has led to the current political situation

ate, pro-autonomy movement. Its main political party (CiU) led by President Jordi Pujol never considered the possibility of seceding from Spain and instead played an active role in Spanish politics. However the mobilisation of unofficial referendums produced, among other factors, a deep transformation of Catalan nationalism passing from autonomist claims to a pro-secessionist approach. At present, following the November 25th 2012 elections of the Catalan parliament, there is an absolute majority in the chamber that backs secession with almost two thirds in favour of a referendum on the issue.

A second important impact has been legitimising the discourse of Catalan secessionism. The mobilisation behind the unofficial referendum was organised as a vote on the ‘right to decide’ rather than as a nationalist exaltation or a direct call for independence. Until this period, the discourse on secession was dominated by a nationalistic approach attached to the principle of self-determination. However, the right to decide approach has meant a ‘democratic turn’ which bases the legitimacy of secession on civil rights and universalistic principles rather than relying on a discourse related to cultural or national survival. A symbolic proof of this democratic turn was the consensus among civil society on extending the ‘right to vote’ in these unofficial referendums to the resident population in each municipality rather than using the official criteria of nationality required in ordinary official elections.

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A Catalan fourth wave

The reluctance of the Spanish government to recognize Catalonia’s national character and its refusal to accept bilateral democratic procedures for settling pro-autonomy demands has led to the current political situation. The recently elected Catalan parliament will probably claim responsibility for organizing a referendum on the constitutional future of the Catalan Autonomous Community. However, the Spanish Government has already pointed out that such a process would be entirely unconstitutional. While we are waiting for the development of the political situation it is possible to identify certain elements raised by the Catalan case which could inform a fourth wave of emergent states in Western European countries.

A ‘Catalan fourth wave’ of the creation of states could well be guided by the ‘democratic turn’ shown in the unofficial referendums described above. The growing claim for a democratic resolution of territorial disputes in Europe (Scotland, the Basque Country, Flanders or Wales; the so called NEEWS, New Emerging European Western States) points out that this would not be a chimerical scenario. A fourth wave of state creation processes could take into account the following principles that not only emerge from the Catalan case but also from other experiences across Europe. First, the importance of recognition seems to be crucial when dealing with a secessionist claim. Cases in which the parent state has recognized the existence of a differentiated demos such as in Scotland or Quebec, have developed a democratic procedure for its resolution. Second, a proreferendum procedural approach seems to be the most appropriate means of resolution, democratic participation accompanied by multilateralism rather than unilateralism would allow democratic deliberation, as the unofficial referendums in Catalonia intended;

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

but this time in an official, institutional sense. Third, remembering the importance of achieving a balance between the principles of unity and liberty, Gagnon (2012) has suggested that relationships between majority and minority nations should be guided by values of dignity and hospitality (to their respective minorities); meaning by dignity an absolute value to self-determination without the possibility of interchanging it; and by hospitality, meaning an ethic requirement for both majority and minority nations of the acceptance of otherness. Finally, given the supranational integration context, secession

should not be synonymous with isolation but of integration to supranational structures and of interdependence with neighbouring peoples (as the question in the unofficial referendum suggested concerning integration to the EU).

To sum up, mainstream Catalan secessionism characteristics allow us to envisage a fourth wave of the creation of states along liberal-democratic lines by exercising the collective right to decide based on a requirement of the ethics of dignity and hospitality. The Spanish government should also be able to follow these ethical and democratic requirements. *Marc Sanjaume

is a part-time professor and researcher at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. He is currently working on his doctoral dissertation ‘Moral and political legitimacy in theories of secession. A theoretical and comparative analysis’, supervised by professor Ferran Requejo. He has been visiting researcher at Université Laval (Quebec) and the University of Edinburgh (Scotland).

References GAGNON, A. (2012), Temps d’incertituds. Assajos sobre federalisme i diversitat nacional, Editorial Afers.

GUINJOAN, M.; MUÑOZ, J. (2012), ‘Accounting for Internal Variation in Nationalist Mobilization: Unofficial Referendums for Independence in Catalonia (2009-11)’, Nations and Nationalism, (forthcoming) LÓPEZ, J. (2011), ‘From the right to self-determination to the right to decide. A possible paradigm shift in the struggle for the rights of stateless nations’, Quaderns de recerca, n. 4, UNESCOCAT.

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Catalan nationalism: a step towards independence

by Aurora Madaula*

The enormous demonstration on September 11th 2012 in Barcelona that filled the streets with thousands of people, turning the yearly National Day celebrations into a pro-independence rally, once and for all put Catalonia on the map of states calling for independence. However, the Catalan issue, a thorn in Spain’s side, has not come out of nowhere. Catalanism has undergone a long journey to arrive at where it is today. And the journey has not been an easy one.

But, what is Catalanism exactly? And what are the Catalanists demands?

Catalanism is the name of a movement that advocates the political-cultural recognition of Catalonia. Catalonia has all the features needed for what historians consider a nation: a common language, culture and historical background. But it does not have a state.

Catalonia is nowadays a nation without a state, instead it is a state-demanding nation. But this has not been the case throughout the history of Catalanism.

Although relations between Catalonia and the state of Spain have always been tense (uprisings in the 17th century such as the War of Catalan Secession and the War of Spanish Succession in the 18th century), Catalanism as a movement began as a cultural vindication which sought Spanish recognition of Catalonia’s uniqueness. Although Catalonia lost its apparatus and 36

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laws of self-government to the Spanish state, this did not involve the loss of the will of the Catalan people to protect their language and culture.

The most important social and cultural movement of cultural protection was the Renaixença, a scholarly movement aimed at reviving Catalan selfesteem and cultural identity through the promotion of literary contests such as the Jocs Florals1. Nevertheless the archaic Catalan used by the Renaixença scholars was far from the language spoken on the street and writers such as Frederic Soler ‘Pitarra’ started defending the use of spoken Catalan through their contributions to Catalan theatre or by publishing popular magazines in Catalan like L’esquella de la Torratxa or La campana de Gràcia. However, Catalonia was not only different because of the past which it recalled or for having its own language and culture but

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also because of its economic development. The industrialisation of Catalonia (during the 18th and 19th centuries) following the English model of textile and other craft industries and the making of the Catalan industrial bourgeoisie, exacerbated the differences with the still-rural Spain.

This new Catalan bourgeoisie saw Catalanism as an example of political modernism, which is why they tried to modernise Catalonia and the Spanish regime along modern, democratic, economic lines. In other words, they were interested in promoting Catalan industrialisation as a part of Spanish modernisation. In the political arena, Valentí Almirall of the Spanish Partido Republicano Democrático Federal party, initiated numerous inter-class conferences to create a Catalanist front defending Catalan civil law and specifically in opposition to Spanish central-

isation. This was ultimately expressed in the document Memorial de Greuges (Memorial of Grievances, 1885) which was handed directly to the King, Alfonso XII. During the 19th century the objective of Catalan nationalism was not to own a state but to reach some kind of political autonomy within Spain. It was more a resistance movement against the centralisation and homogenisation imposed by the Spanish state, a resistance that was present in all classes of Catalan society and throughout different ideological currents (Liberal, Catholic, working class, etc.). Catalanism was federalist and liberal during the 19th century, strongly defending the interests of both economic and Catalan identity as well as self-government.

Catalan nationalism was clearly an ‘inclusionary nationalism’ as defined by the policies of the nationalist major Catalan International View

Gas Natural’s headquarters, Barcelona

[1] The Jocs Florals (Floral Games) were Medieval contests to promote the language. They were revived during the Renaixença in 1859 in Barcelona.

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[2] The Centre excursionista de Catalunya (The Ramblers Club of Catalonia), Cors Clavé (Clavé Chorals), Ateneu Enciclopèdic popular (The People’s Encyclopaedic Atheneum) or Joventut Nacionalista La Falç (National Youth ‘The Sickle’ ) are some of the countless examples of cultural and social Catalanist movements.

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party, the Lliga Regionalista (Regionalist League), a bourgeois right-wing party founded in 1901 which led political Catalanism during the first quarter of the 20th century. Pro-independence was a minority trend until well into the twentieth century but the identity movement was a majority trend and this was the basis of Catalanism. The preservation of Catalan identity was what clashed with the Spanish state.

Nevertheless, it would be unfair to focus all the importance of Catalanism on politics. Political Catalanism would not have been possible without the civic and cultural movements conducted by choral societies, ramblers associations, cultural Athenaeums or nationalist associations2. These social organizations helped in the creation of several Catalanist parties, although some of them had always been pro-independence societies. The recognition of their active participation in the defence of Catalan identity and the promotion and protection of both Catalan language and culture makes it necessary to include them in the Catalanism movement.

The existence of these groups and their significance to Catalanism resulted in a historiographical discussion on the origins of Catalanism. Some Marxist historians saw Catalanism as a Bourgeoisie movement interested in having its own state, while other historians, led by Josep Termes, believed that the social movements were the original promoters of Catalanism, with the bourgeoisie deciding to join them later.

The history of Catalanism in the first half of the 20th century can be summed up by its struggle to achieve self-government within Spain, something which it achieved on only two occasions: 1914-1923 (with the monarchy of Alfonso XIII) and 1931-1939 (during the Second Republic).

In the 30s the Catalanist left-wing party Esquerra Republicana (ERC, Republican Left of Catalonia) won the Catalan International View

elections in Catalonia, calling for a Catalan Republic federated to Spain and the signing of a Statute of Autonomy with Spain’s government. Unfortunately, this brief period of democracy was cut short by the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). During the authoritarian style dictatorship of Francisco Franco, following the civil war, and lasting until 1975, all the autonomous governments were abolished and cultural differences were persecuted.

Nevertheless, despite facing the obstacles of operating clandestinely, several political and cultural Catalan movements operated underground to preserve Catalan identity. Again, civil society and the social and cultural movements were the key to keeping Catalanism alive and positively thriving during the hard times of Franco’s dictatorship.

The restoration of democracy led to the restoration of the Catalan government, the Generalitat, and the adoption of a new autonomous status in 1979.

Catalonia was organised as an Autonomous Community and in 1980, Jordi Pujol, of Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia) nationalist party was elected president and headed the government for 23 consecutive years.

Throughout this new democratic process, Catalonia has experienced the development of different forms of Catalanism and the rise and fall of different parties and movements, on the left and the right and also society-wide, while always remaining a peaceful and democratic social and political movement.

The Catalanism of the last 30 years has been notable for its inclusive means of respecting Spain, through trying to help build and develop democratic Spain. Nevertheless, the development of Catalanism was simultaneously accompanied by a rise in the pro-independence movements and parties. The feeling of dissatisfaction due to the lack

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of empathy and respect from Spanish institutions, among other reasons, has led to an exponential growth in supporters of secession from Spain and Catalan nationalism.

As mentioned above, Catalanism has not always been a pro-independence movement, nor has it been seen by most people as a movement which is able to change Spain’s political situation.

However, things seem to have changed, primarily seeing how the situation is nowadays in Catalonia and how calls for independence have overwhelmed various trends and Catalanist parties, till they have reached the major political organisations in the Catalan parliament.

Since the first non-binding referendum for Catalonia’s independence held in Arenys de Munt in September 2009, more than 500 towns and cities have joined this civic initiative and thousands of citizens have taken part in others started to promote the secession process such as the Marxa cap a la Independència (March Towards Independence) which concluded with the multitudinous demonstration last September 11th. Once more, civic and social Catalanism have led the movement, making true the essence of popular sovereignty.

The current situation, some months after a regional election in Catalonia that has been seen as a plebiscite for independence, needs to be put in context.

Why have the people of Catalonia and their politics come to this? Why now and not 37 years ago when the dictatorship ended and democratic rule arose?

Obviously, a significant change in society such as this is not only the result of a single cause but a sum of several social, economic and political causes.

First of all, the political avenue has run its course. Catalanism has been using political agreement with the central state in Madrid throughout its existence, trying to fit in with the Spanish state at the same time as the state recognizes the uniqueness of Catalonia.

The Statute of Autonomy (the basic law in the Spanish Constitution that regulates the rights and obligations of the citizens of Catalonia, the political institutions of the Catalan nationality, their obligations and relations with the Spanish state and the financing of the government of Catalonia) was modified and renewed by the Catalan Parliament and approved in a referendum by the people of Catalonia in 2006.

Nevertheless, it was amended and considerably reworked by the Spanish government and the Constitutional Court since they considered it (or a part of it) to be unconstitutional. The ‘Statute issue’ is one of the countless disagreements of late between the Catalan and the Spanish government that has led to a political impasse.

The history of Catalanism in the first half of the 20th century can be summed up by its struggle to achieve self-government within Spain Secondly, the backdrop of a global economic crisis has encouraged the idea that a better fiscal pact is needed for Catalonia. All political forces in the Catalan Parliament agree (even the Spanish constitutional parties) that the current fiscal agreement between Catalonia and the Spanish government is harmful to Catalonia and needs to be changed. The President of Catalonia, Artur Mas, asked for a better fiscal pact with the Spanish government last September. On receiving a negative from the Spanish government, the government of the Generalitat, decided to call new elections. One must not underestimate the significance of the shift of the nationalist majority party (CiU) towards the sovereignty thesis. It is clear that the current political situation would not have been Catalan International View

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possible without a change in attitude of the most important nationalist party.

As we have already seen, CiU did not use to be a pro-independence party, but rather a nationalist party which tried to reconcile Catalan rights within Spain.

Its move towards sovereignty has presented a real possibility of secessionist politics. Meanwhile, it should be said that the Catalan process also has an external element: the rebirth of Spanish nationalism and attempts to make Spain politically and culturally uniform.

The Spanish government introduced policies based on constant attacks on the Catalan difference, especially aimed at Catalan education and language protection laws in an effort to ‘hispanicise’ Catalan students, in the words of the Spanish Ministry of Education. Things got especially tougher after the Partido Popular (People’s Party) obtained an absolute majority in 2011.

Civic and social Catalanism have led the movement, making true the essence of popular sovereignty Finally, it is noticeable that one of the most important factors must be attributed to generational change. Despite political and economic factors, the social factor is one of the most important in terms of the size and popularity of the movement. The massive demonstration on September 11th (some estimates suggest there were more than 1 million people) was the culmination of a civic process that over a period of 5 years had been campaigning for peo-

ple to call for a change. There is a new generation in Catalonia who have lived almost all their lives in a democracy and who are not afraid to use democratic mechanisms to demand their rights.

And one of the rights they are demanding is the ‘right to decide’. Catalans took to the streets to demand a new European state, but noticeably calling for it via a democratic referendum guaranteeing the right to decide. Catalonia has recently begun the 10th term of the Parliament of Catalonia with a pact to form a government between the two biggest parties (both of which are proindependence) (CiU and ERC) and the prospect of an institutional referendum on independence in 2014.

The Spanish government is facing one of its most important problems (besides the economic situation, of course), adopting the measures that Catalanism has always fought: recentralizing and belittling the Catalan difference. Spanish nationalism is stuck in the past, brandishing the 1978 Spanish Constitution (which, incidentally, the Partido Popular did not support) as an obstacle to the Catalan people’s aspirations, insisting that a referendum would violate the Constitution. They do not wish to see the evolution of Catalan society and of the situation as a whole.

Surely the referendum will have to wait, day-to-day governance is now the priority and that involves solving the economic situation. But the people of Catalonia have spoken and they want to be asked. Will an institution like the Spanish Constitution overrule the right to decide and people’s sovereignty? Only time will tell.

*Aurora Madaula Holds a degree in History and a Masters in Historical Studies from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB), where she is currently conducting research for her PhD on the historical background to the Basque national conflict and its international influences. She is a member of GRENPoC (national studies and cultural policies research group) which in turn is part of the Josep Termes Chair for Leadership, Citizenship and Identities. Both bodies are linked to the UB. She taught history in a secondary school for over 6 years, including a year in the US.

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Universities, science and knowledge: the foundations of Catalan prosperity

by Enric Canela*

Catalonia is a European region which has been divided between the Spanish and French states since the seventeenth century, following a military treaty. In this article I shall refer to the part of Catalonia which is inside Spain and that is currently democratically struggling to become a new, fully-fledged state within the European Union.

Catalonia has an area of 31,895 km2 (making it slightly larger than Belgium), which represents 6.3% of the total area of Spain. It has a population of over 7.5 million people, 16% of Spain’s total. Its GDP represents some 19% of the Spanish state’s. Catalonia has 8 public and 4 private universities, 10 public hospitals and around twenty research centres in diverse fields. It is also home to internationally renowned business schools.

The Catalan university system has almost 180,000 undergraduate and graduate students and about 44,000 students enrolled in tertiary vocational education. Approximately a third of the working population holds a university degree.

Catalan scientific output represents approximately a quarter of the Span42

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ish total. Research is mostly carried out by universities, hospitals and public research centres, which together comprise 99% of the total.

Internationally, Catalonia comes 23rd in terms of scientific output and 12th in terms of per capita output, exceeded only by Switzerland, Sweden, Singapore, Finland, Denmark, the Netherlands, Canada, Australia, Israel, the UK and Hong Kong. If Catalonia were an independent state within the European Union it would be 5th in terms of the number of research papers indexed.

Internationally, Catalonia is one of the top five countries in terms of European Research Council (ERC) grants per million inhabitants, behind Switzerland, Israel, the Netherlands and Sweden. This makes it third in the EU.

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

Catalonia attracts twice the European average of grants for first-rate researchers, while without Catalonia, Spain as a whole would be in 23rd place for countries receiving aid, far below the European Union average. The greater Barcelona area is particularly active in research and receives the majority of grants, whether from the Spanish state or the European Commission. One reason for this success is the relative stability of Catalonia’s research policies. These were initiated at the beginning of the last decade by the renowned economist Andreu Mas-Colell. He was a professor at the University of California, Berkeley from 1972 to 1981 and at Harvard until 1995, when he returned to Barcelona to collaborate with the Catalan government in improving the Catalan university system. Subsequent

changes in government did not substantially change the research policies he established and on his return to a government post, Mas-Colell has continued to attract international talent in

The Universitat de Barcelona’s main building

Internationally, Catalonia is 23rd in terms of scientific output and 12th in terms of per capita output spite of the economic crisis.

Having stable policies for over a decade has meant researchers with diverse backgrounds have enriched the Catalan research system. The results have not simply been first-rate because the newcomers are the best, but because they have put an end to a debilitating isolationism. Our home-grown researchers are by no means lacking in Catalan International View

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quality and talent, but in order to have a successful, creative and innovative research infrastructure, we need the right mix, with plenty of diversity to ensure it is strong. To cite one example among many, when Catalan researchers work in the US they enhance American research groups. As a result Josep Baselga, whose posts include being Chief of the Division of Hematology / Oncology at Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH), Associate Director of the MGH Cancer Center and Professor of the Department of Medicine at the Harvard Medical School, was appointed a few months ago the Physician-in-Chief of Memorial SloanKettering Cancer Center in New York.

Moreover, Joan Massagué, Chair of the Cancer Biology and Genetics Program at the same hospital, is one of the most cited scientists in cancer research. Both scientists continue to work on successful research projects in Catalonia. There are numerous examples of Catalan and Catalan-trained researchers who are internationally renowned.

Having stable policies for over a decade has meant researchers with diverse backgrounds have enriched Catalan research One of the many conclusions one can draw from these results is that an intelligent combination of different ways of thinking, different cultures and different religions can promote success in many diverse fields, so long as an inquiring mind and an innovative spirit are allowed a free rein. However, these factors alone are not enough; success requires resources and flexible organisation, two things which are lacking in Europe, particularly in Spain. This means that, in spite of good intentions, ideas never really take off and we fall behind with respect to the US. There are some 3,300 foreign multinationals operating in Catalonia.

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Catalan International View

In Europe, Barcelona is ranked 3rd in terms of the number of foreign investment projects and came 6th in a poll of the best European cities in which to conduct business. Catalonia accounts for 27% of Spanish exports. If Catalonia were an independent state, exports would account for 59% of its GDP (taking the rest of Spain to be a different state and sales to Spain as exports) and it would be placed 3rd in a world ranking of exporting countries.

The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games are generally considered to be the most successful ever held. The Games led to the creation of the ‘Barcelona brand’ and allowed the city to export its expertise in managing a large event. It means that for many years a large number of professionals have been applying their skills elsewhere and exporting Barcelona’s way of doing things. This has continued to this very day.

Undoubtedly, Barcelona ‘92 meant innovation and wealth generation.

Aside from the infrastructure created by the event, Barcelona and Catalonia have taken the right steps these past twenty years to ensure they have increased their appeal. It is a process which involves continual positive feedback. This had already happened in the Great Exhibitions of 1888 and 1929.

Barcelona is also ranked very highly in a list of Smart Cities. It will be home to the Mobile World Congress until 2018 and the Smart City Expo World Congress. Leaders from the world of technology travel to Barcelona in search of talent. Catalonia, and Barcelona in particular, has an international reputation as a good place to invest and live and attracts highly-qualified researchers and foreign investors, aside from exporting talent.

In spite of these positive developments, home-grown investment and entrepreneurship is disappointingly low, unemployment figures are high

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

and we are unable to hold on to talent.

One of the weaknesses which affects the economy is a failure to transfer research results to the productive sector.

There is a manifest inability to convert research results into economic activity. Although Catalonia has 25 science and technology parks, 17 of which are linked to universities, the desired results are not as one would expect.

Why is this happening? Undoubtedly we need to search for the reasons in government policies and our value systems. Some causes are easily identifiable. One that has the greatest impact is Spanish legislation, which is bureaucratic and regimented, which clearly does little to help encourage entrepreneurship. Spanish law, which applies in Catalonia, is overly complex and unwieldy, a fact which is highlighted each

year in The Global Competitiveness Report. The market is overly-rigid and the creation and closure of businesses is not as easy as it should be. In addition, the average size of companies is rather small.

Why don’t Catalan entrepreneurs want their businesses to grow, or prefer to sell them when they get to a certain size? The fiscal, accounting and employment frameworks are all designed such that entrepreneurs are penalized when a business exceeds a certain size.

In Spain, when a company reaches a trading volume of over six million euros and has more than 50 employees it is considered large, while in the rest of Europe it needs a turnover of 50 million and to employ over 250 employees.

The Spanish system ‘complicates’ the life of a great entrepreneur. Business Catalan International View

The Columnes de l’Autònoma at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, by the sculptor Andreu Alfaro

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owners tend not to exceed the magic number, if they can avoid it. When a company is small, it is less able to invest in R&D&I. In addition, a desire not to grow encourages unemployment and decreases competitiveness. It is worth noting that when a Catalan company has over 200 employees it is relatively competitive, on average more competitive than the typical German company.

However, small Catalan companies are not sufficiently competitive for the global market.

If Catalonia were an independent state, exports would account for 59% of its GDP and it would hold 3rd place in a world ranking of exporting countries The complexity of the Spanish system means young graduates are discouraged from creating their own businesses and instead prefer to work as civil servants, a career which they see as offering more job security. The education system also fails to instil a sense of entrepreneurship. Mobility has not been sufficiently encouraged, although this is changing among university students thanks to the creation of the Erasmus programme in 1987, which has

led many university students to spend some time studying abroad. Hopefully, the European Commission will ensure the programme remains fully operational, in spite of the cutbacks which have been announced.

A second factor with a negative impact is culture. It is an idiosyncrasy of Latin countries that failure is seen as a negative, whereas in other cultures, failure is seen as a part of the learning process.

The combination of these elements suggest that if the appropriate changes were made to legislation, Catalonia is the type of country where a cultural revival of its university, innovative, creative and entrepreneurial systems, combined with people who are educated in other systems and with different values, would produce an outpouring of wealth in a very short time. It is no accident that Barcelona is the capital of a megaregion, to use Richard Florida’s term, which covers much of the Mediterranean.

It is patently obvious that once Catalonia is able to manage itself and is opened up to Europe, it would very quickly become one of the most competitive and attractive countries in the European Union.

* Enric Canela (Barcelona, 1949). Holds a degree in Chemistry from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB) (1972) and a PhD in Chemistry, specialising in Biochemistry. He has taught at the UB since 1974, where he is currently Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology and collaborates on research into intracellular communication. He also conducts research on theoretical Biochemistry.

Regularly publishes in scientific journals of international repute. He is a member of numerous scientific societies. Between 1991 and 1995 he was vice president of the Catalan Society of Biology. Between 2007 and 2009 he was president of the Circle for Knowledge. Between 2007 and 2011 he was a patron of the National Agency for Evaluation, Certification and Accreditation (ANECA) in Spain. He is currently vice-rector of Science Policy at the UB.

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The key to Catalonia’s commitment to the life sciences

by Montserrat Vendrell*

When Biocat was created in 2006 it was with the aim of responding to the need to coordinate the research, technology transfer and innovation system that had begun to rapidly grow in previous years as a result of a political, social and intellectual commitment to this sector.

Complex processes, such as the creation of a new bioregion, always have multiple triggers, but there are some key elements that set trends and lead to widereaching developments. Nevertheless, the decision taken by the Government of Catalonia in the 2000-2003 period (spearheaded by then Minister of Universities Andreu Mas-Colell) to promote a new model for research centres was decisive in laying the foundations of scientific excellence that has been essential to creating a biocluster that can compete at an international level.

As Mas-Colell himself noted in a recent article published for the centennial of the Catalan Society of Biology, of the 39 bodies that make up the insti48

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tution of Research Centers of Catalonia (CERCA), 9 were created between 2000 and 2003 and 16 from 2004 to 2010. At least 29 of these centres carry out research in fields of applied biotechnology or biomedicine, ranging from genetic sequencing and the identification of biomarkers to applications for imaging and light in medical research and the design of new medical technology on a nanoscale, to name just a few examples.

The groundwork for this research system (centres with independent legal status and management autonomy; with a critical mass of researchers and work and hiring conditions that have allowed them to attract international

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talent; with prestigious scientific directors who also have proven management experience; with strong links to universities; that are subject to independent external evaluation and have the ability to work as part of a network both inside and outside of Catalonia) has helped bring about very rapid development and allowed these centres to achieve high levels of excellence in a few short years.

In the aforementioned article, Miguel Beato, the first director of the Center for Genomic Regulation (CRG) created in 2000 and currently at the forefront of international genome sequencing research, lays out the evidence which illustrates the note-

worthy evolution of Catalan scientific infrastructure. In December 2009, just 9 years after its creation, the CRG had a team of 362 employees (321 in research), with 71% of its researchers of foreign origin, and that same year generated 193 publications, with an average impact of 8.6. Nonetheless, the CRG, which participates in international initiatives such as the ENCODE project (http://www.nature. com/encode/#/threads), is only one of approximately forty such centres which provide support for the bioscience sector in Catalonia. These include worldclass centres involved in agrigenomics (CRAG), photonics (ICFO), global health (CRESIB), nanotechnology Catalan International View

Close-up of The Barcelona Biomedical Research Park

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(IBEC and ICN), oncology (IRB and VHIO, among others) and numerous hospital research institutes (IDIBAPS, IDIBELL, VHIR, IGTP, IR-Sant Pau) that have been recognized as centres of excellence by the Spanish government.

While these research centres were being created and were growing, the life sciences research arena in universities and hospitals has also been strengthened over the past ten years.

Naturally the educational programs on offer have also increased. Currently, 10 out of the 12 Catalan universities offer studies related to the biosciences and health, with more than 150 degrees programmes on offer and approximately 20,000 students.

Catalan biotech companies have more than 200 therapeutic and diagnostic products currently under development Innovative ecosystems

The first science park to receive the backing of a Spanish university was created in 1997. The Barcelona Science Park, with links to the UB, led to the creation of the first innovative ecosystem to combine higher education, research and entrepreneurialism in the life sciences. Fifteen years later, the PCB, with nearly 87,000 m2 of floor space (half of which is devoted to laboratories) is home to one of the largest research facilities in the country (the National Genome Analysis Center, CNAG), three research centres (the Institute for Research in Biomedicine of Barcelona, IRB, the Institute for Bioengineering of Catalonia, IBEC and the Molecular Biology Institute of Barcelona, IBMB-CSIC), numerous foundations, organizations and university research groups, as well as 57 companies of varying sizes, from small 50

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start-ups located in the Science Park through to laboratories for top Catalan pharmaceutical companies like Esteve and Ferrer Internacional.

The PCB was the first, but soon not the only, and today Catalonia has some twenty science and technology parks, 15 of which carry out significant activity in the biotechnology and biomedicine arena. As the Director of the Girona Science and Technology Park Pere Condom points out in the latest edition of the Biocat Report (2011), these parks have been key to the development of a sector that clearly benefits from the cluster process since it requires companies to collaborate both amongst themselves and with other stakeholders in the system. According to Condom, this is due, ‘to the dynamic of knowledge creation inherent in this sector of biotechnology, the proximity of basic and applied research, the fast pace of technological change and the multidisciplinary nature of R&D projects’.

Such initiatives aimed at boosting research centres and technology parks have emerged in a favourable environment that since the mid-20th century has had a strong industrial fabric linked to the biomedical sector. On one hand, Catalonia accounts for 45% of the pharmaceutical industry in Spain (with large local companies like Almirall, Esteve, Ferrer, GrĂ­fols, Lacer and Uriach, as well as the national headquarters of multinational companies such as Novartis, Sanofi and Amgen) and, on the other, the region is home to 50% of all Spanish medical technology companies, with large, family-run corporations like Matachana and the Werfen Group.

Over the last ten years the sum of this growing scientific capacity and industrial and entrepreneurial tradition has also led to the creation of a group of biotechnology companies that are active in a wide range of fields including the production of new vaccines

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The Barcelona Biomedical Research Park

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and drugs, the discovery and creation of new diagnostic systems, food, health and animal production, cosmetics, energy, industrial processes and applications, and bioremediation. Of the nearly two hundred biotechnology companies currently active in Catalonia, 80% were created after the year 2000. Approximately 40 of these companies work on researching and manufacturing therapeutic and diagnostic products for human medicine and nearly 70 apply biotechnology to food production, animal health, cosmetics, biofuel and bioprocesses. The BioReCatalan International View

gion of Catalonia is home to nearly one hundred biotechnology companies that provide R&D services.

According to data collected for the 2011 Biocat Report, Catalan biotech companies have more than 200 therapeutic and diagnostic products currently under development, while innovative medical technology companies have some 300 products in various stages of development prior to clinical trials and over 150 products in the industrialization and manufacturing phase.

Nevertheless, the positive developments made over this period have not

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been without difficulties. Some of these are still present as challenges that must be tackled in the immediate future in order to ensure the progress we have made so far is consolidated. Although many companies have successfully survived the early stages of development, they often face difficulties in accessing the funds necessary for later-stage growth. The lack of a local investment infrastructure that is knowledgeable about the sector and willing to commit to these projects, makes it difficult for companies to access international venture capital markets. Although specialized venture capital funds have been created here at home in recent years to address this situation, there is still much work to be done, which includes helping the most stable companies access the stock market as a source of funding.

Another large-scale challenge we are facing is internationalization, which is key in a market that is, by definition, global. Here at Biocat we have seen and have tried to encourage through our work positive steps forward in this regard. The international projection of

the scientific capabilities of our biocluster is now a given. Thanks to certain large companies like Grífols, Almirall and Werfen (Biokit) that do more than 50% of their business in international markets, the industrial potential of Catalonia in this sector is beginning to become more widely-known. The ongoing presence of our biotech firms at fairs and events around the world and in collaborative projects, especially under the framework of the European Union, is starting to yield positive results in the form of research and development agreements.

Another large-scale challenge we are facing is internationalization, which is key in a market that is, by definition, global.

We must be aware, however, that this commitment to a strategic sector must be maintained over time if we can hope to reap the rewards of what we have been sowing for some time now.

Catalonia must have the will, but also the means, to make this possible.

*Montserrat Vendrell (Barcelona, 1964) has been BIOCAT’s CEO since April 2007. BIOCAT is an organization that promotes biotechnology, biomedicine and medical technologies in Catalonia. It is supported by the government of Catalonia and the Barcelona city council and includes companies and research institutions. As a cluster organization, BIOCAT’s goals include promoting the development of biotechnology companies and research institutions through implementation of specific programs, facilitating access to financing and talent, and internationalization. Vendrell has been the Chairwoman of CEBR (the Council of European Bioregions) since 2012.

Dr. Vendrell holds a PhD in Biology (Universitat de Barcelona) and has more than ten years’ experience in biomedicine and biotechnology research in various international research institutions.

She holds a Masters in science communication (UPF, 1997) and a Degree in business administration (IESE, PDG-2007).

Before BIOCAT she was linked to the Barcelona Science Park, where she held several posts such as Scientific Director (1997-2005) and Deputy Director General (2005-2007). Among other tasks, Dr. Vendrell led the design and implementation of the Park’s Strategic Plan, as well as the organization and management of scientific activities and technological platforms. She was a member of the Steering Committee of the Park’s Biotech Incubator, and in charge of international relations.

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New diplomatic credentials for Catalonia

by Marc Gafarot*

The ability to conduct diplomacy is one of the defining features of a state. Diplomacy has been practiced for thousands of years since the formation of the first city-states in Greece. It is a tool that continues to dictate the future of political relations between different countries and territories and if it is used effectively it can tip the balance of political influence one way or another. Economic and technological globalisation represent a new stage in the foreign affairs of the constituent or sub-state entities of democracies and micro, small and medium-sized states.

Globalisation encourages territories endowed with self-government to seek out positions in defence and promotion of their interests, values and identities.

It also encourages them to support global objectives such as the creation of wealth and solidarity, the promotion of peace and development and the defence of cultural pluralism. We in Catalonia have to take advantage of the development of multilateralism as a characteristic of our times that provides new opportunities for diplomatic action whether it be of a formal (bilateral or multilateral) or an informal (paradiplomacy) kind.

The current economic crisis has shown how small states are better equipped to deal with these challenges by responding with proximity and flexibility, and are thereby more effective.

The art of diplomacy remains a vital tool for a small state (as it is for a me54

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dium-sized or large one) to bring about changes in political relations with their immediate neighbours or on the global stage. The expertise and competitive advantage of small states rests on the fact that they have always depended on the exercise of diplomacy, since due to their size they have suffered more from coercive power than they have been able to exercise it themselves. As mentioned earlier, the development of multilateralism is a characteristic of our times that opens new arenas for diplomatic action. Catalonia should follow this path because of its historical tradition of dialogue, consensus and respect for harmony, which should be viewed by the government as an asset rather than as a liability, and used to promote a genuine foreign policy. Meanwhile, first-class international relations require specialists and high-level officials.

This entails the creation of a Catalan

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school of diplomacy. This would be accompanied by think tanks as well as a journal of security and international affairs. An independent Catalonia will maintain and respect all of the international agreements in which it participated as part of the Kingdom of Spain, at least initially. Nevertheless, when the Catalan people come to make a carefully thought out decision as to their sovereignty, certain alliances could change. This would naturally occur in strict accordance with international law and only after carefully weighing the pros and cons of different options.

The current framework: limits on the external activities of the autonomous regions Article 149.1.3 of the Spanish Constitution categorizes ‘international relations’ as the exclusive responsibility of the state. Therefore subsection III gives

parliament the sole right to authorise the signing of treaties and international agreements. Nevertheless, these provisions, as ratified by the Constitutional Court in the mid-nineties (165/1994), do not deny the autonomous communities the right to conduct institutional activity beyond their borders. It therefore seems highly unlikely that an alleged increase in self-rule promotes a more genuine and effective presence in European and other institutions.

Spain has rejected federalism and in the Spain of autonomous communities the state maintains control of foreign policy. One should not forget the total lack of official recognition for Catalan at the European level, while thanks to the tiny state of Andorra, Catalan is an official language at the UN. Against such a backdrop, the Spanish government employs all manner of underhand tactics (advertising government tenders Catalan International View

Interior of Barcelona airport’s new terminal building

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late, delaying the issuing of documents, employing arbitrary rules as to the use of Catalan in committees, undermining coordination between different autonomous regions and so on) in order to hinder the external activities of the ‘first class’ autonomies, namely Catalonia and Euskadi.

An independent Catalonia will maintain and respect all of the international agreements in which it participated as part of the Kingdom of Spain, at least initially Until now, the range of activities the autonomous regions conduct that have an international dimension has been extremely broad, with actions of a wide variety, especially when one takes into account the limited extent of their devolved powers. These include everything from trips abroad by regional authorities, receiving visits by international representatives to our country, industrial, commercial or tourist initiatives, cultural and linguistic promotion, cross-border collaborations, participation in international forums and regional associations contacts between regional leaders and senior officials and so on.

Our (sole) consideration should be to ensure we do not put the interests of international bodies or other countries before the Spanish state or compromise it in any way. With this guiding principle we can go beyond what is merely allowed by our Statute of Autonomy.

Thanks to our persuasive abilities, we should be able to build truly international policies based on knowledge, efficiency and excellence. All our activities should serve to seek recognition for Catalonia as an independent state in an increasingly interconnected world. The work of Catalonia’s ‘embassies’ must be in line with the Catalan government’s 56

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increasing willingness to expand the scope and objectives of our diplomacy.

While appreciating that due to its size Catalonia is unable to be present in every country, it is clear that Catalonia cannot afford to be absent from certain contexts and certain nations of global significance, thanks to their political and/or economic strength.

The Government of Catalonia’s foreign affairs

The Government of Catalonia should participate in international affairs like any other nation, taking on full responsibility in all areas, such as the information society, aid, the environment, the economy and linguistic diversity.

It must unapologetically consider the global dimension of each and every policy, taking its share of responsibility for the world’s problems and participating more actively in international programs. As former President Jordi Pujol said, we must never forget that ‘our world is the world’. In this sense, President Artur Mas’ strategic decision to support the right to decide, which will lead to a referendum on independence during the current term, will have clear implications for the Government of Catalonia’s new foreign policy. Catalonia has to set its own agenda, which in many cases will no longer coincide with that of Spain. This holds for priorities, geographical areas, multilateral ties, changes in alliances, international associations and so on.

Simultaneously we should consider, in a thoughtful and measured way, the possibility of our entry into organisations such as Francophonie (OIF).

This political platform brings together 70 countries from around the world (many of them in Africa) in addition to Quebec and the French-speaking Community of Belgium. Catalonia could enjoy the status of a ‘participating government’, which would allow

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us to have a say in certain situations and international issues and develop common positions and alliances which strengthen our ability to act.

Our government’s foreign policies must be effective, relying on a high degree of consensus and cooperation among all of the country’s institutions Consequently the political construction of Catalonia has an external dimension as well as an internal one, which can be seen as increasingly important. Thus, we have to articulate and construct our own foreign policy, reflecting our uniqueness. In this respect, we need to develop a comprehensive, holistic Catalan foreign policy that can include all governmnet institutions and the different areas of responsibility with the aim of achieving a true international recognition for Catalonia. Without doubt our government’s foreign policies must be effective, relying on a high degree of consensus and cooperation among all of the institutions in the country. Right now, every department of the Government of Catalonia should be an active player in the international arena to some degree or another.

While it will be necessary to promote external actions, it will be equally necessary to achieve an internal consensus favouring a national transition.

This will need to generate external understanding and support which presages future strategic alliances for the free and sovereign Catalonia to which we aspire, largely in a European framework. As a consequence we need the commitment of everyone who can play an international role. We must ensure that they all act as virtual ambassadors of Catalonia in their respective fields.

We will thereby increasingly occupy more areas of influence (the pillars of the state) that ultimately must lead 58

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us to national liberation. We should be clear that it is highly unlikely that this will come from without. We cannot expect decisive external involvement. On the contrary, if independence comes, it will be thanks to an exclusive decision by the Catalans, which will be respected and supported by the international community, so long as we are able to offer the world an image of a prestigious, innovative society which is respectful of human rights, democracy and with a dynamic economy and commerce. Our job is to attempt to make our image a positive one and ‘sell’ it around the world, equipping ourselves with a coherent foreign policy based on competitive and strategic excellence and (as far as possible) ambitious in every area considered to be of interest.

Our job is to make information available and at the service of international actors with the ability to overrule those voices that are biased in favour of fear, falsehood and the supposedly insurmountable obstacle of our demands.

It is worth stressing that, in keeping with the Catalan tradition, our performance in foreign policy must always be based on established law and follow ethical principles such as peace, democratic values, social justice, solidarity between peoples, equality and respect for diversity and collective rights. We must also commit ourselves to sustainable development, linked to human progress and welfare. It is likewise important we integrate the new realities brought by foreign immigrants to our country. The reality of the ‘new Catalans’ and their associations and networks of contacts (both inside and outside our borders) could become a real asset when it comes to opening doors to the outside world and publicising our uniqueness where our budding diplomacy is unable to reach.

Last but not least, a key element of our foreign policy has much to do with the internationalisation of our econ-

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omy. We should be clear that we need to encourage Catalan businesses to look beyond Spain and Europe. The government should lead the way by having a presence and a vision in those areas where our entrepreneurs are unable to go. At this time of uncertainty and also of opportunity, there are many business challenges in new arenas for those with clear ideas, precise objectives and an open mind. Likewise, the world of development aid, which until now has been dominated by a singular, dogmatic,

anti-capitalist vision needs to be able to appreciate opportunities based on new paradigms of thought and activity. The world’s leading developed nations have two things clear: aid, based on ethical prerogatives, is a key element in foreign policy and it must generate sustainable wealth for those who give and receive it.

It is therefore imperative we implement a bidirectional rationality and an ethical framework in each and every one of our actions on foreign policy.

*Marc Gafarot Holds a degree in Humanities from the Universidad de Navarra, an MSc in European Studies from the London School of Economics and an MA in Latin American Studies from the University of Liverpool. As a journalist and political commentator he has worked from London for Bloomberg LP, in Latin America for Summit Communications and served as a Parliamentary Adviser at the European Parliament in Brussels and Strasbourg. Gafarot is currently Head of International Relations for Catalan International View. He has written a book on Flanders and Federalism in Belgium called ‘La mort de Bèlgica? La gradual i pacífica emancipació flamenca’ (The Death of Belgium? The Gradual and Peaceful Flemish Emancipation) and co-authored The Student’s Guide to European Integration.

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Raising awareness of Catalan culture, raising awareness of Catalonia: Catalan cultural projection strategies

by Vicenç Villatoro*

In the coming years, Catalonia’s institutional and political future will mainly be played out abroad. International public opinion may be able to protect a Catalan-led process towards a democratic decision as to the country’s own future as well as to what Catalonia really means, proudly, yet modestly, as one of the realities of which Europe is composed. In this international context, Catalonia’s calling card is its culture. Catalonia’s international strategy (whatever institutional support it may receive) is inevitably, and I would say all importantly, to give its culture and language a higher profile, associating it with certain positive values: creativity, diversity, participation and freedom. It is for this reason that policies aimed at cultural awareness ought to form a central part of Catalan foreign policy. And so too should the visibility of Catalonia’s culture, which is the best, most effective and most positive means of raising a country’s profile.

For Catalonia, there is a significant point to be made. Catalan culture can be legitimately defined geographically or in terms of language. The two do not entirely overlap, but they are complimentary. Catalan culture extends beyond the borders of Catalonia: Catalan is spoken and is culturally alive and well in other geographical areas. However, there are many more languages besides Catalan in Catalonia, with Spanish in particular displaying cultural vitality.

Nowadays, promoting Catalan culture abroad means two things. First: promoting all Catalan culture wherever it takes place in the world and therefore outside what can strictly be called Catalonia’s administrative limits. Second: promoting cultural content as a whole in Catalonia, whichever language it may be in, even if it is without linguis60

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tic support. From this we can infer a guiding principle: promote the cultural output made in Catalonia in Catalan more intensively, without ignoring the promotion of the remaining cultural output. We at the Institut Ramon Llull, which I have the honour to serve as director, are charged with the explicit task of carrying out said promotion and developing the most effective strategies for raising awareness of Catalan culture and, therefore, Catalonia as a whole.

Twelve years ago, while I was the Director of Cultural Promotion of the Catalan Government, I had the pleasure of inaugurating an art exhibition in Prague and Warsaw entitled ‘Catalan Masters of the Twentieth Century’. The exhibition featured works

by Picasso, Miró, Dalí, Tàpies, Gaudí, Barceló and Clavé among many oth-

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ers. When I spoke to an enthusiastic, well-informed visitor to the exhibition in Prague they asked me two key questions. The first was how come the exhibition featured works by Picasso, who was born outside of Catalonia. I replied that without wishing to lay exclusive claim to the artist, Picasso had a long relationship with Catalan culture thanks to his formative years, place of residence, acquaintances and interests, making it perfectly natural to include his work in the exhibition. In other words, the adoption of a Catalan identity is largely an act of will that occurs in the cultural field. It has more to do with cultural reference than one’s place of birth or where one’s parents were born. The second question was more of a declaration: my Czech interlocutor asked me if I was aware that for a country of six million people we had an almost disproportionate number of great artists, bordering on the excessive.

A lot of big names for a small, virtually unknown culture.

Catalan culture has an extraordinary calling card, it includes world famous, household names: Miró, Dalí and Gaudí, among others There is not much I could have said in reply to this second comment, aside from a polite ‘thank you’. Nevertheless, perhaps I was a little discourteous. I told my interlocutor that Picasso, Miró, Gaudí, Dalí, Tàpies, the big names which he knew and in many cases admired, belonged to broad cultural movements which also included poets, novelists and essayists. The names of these writers would probably mean nothing to him: Riba, Espriu, Maragall, Carner, Alcover, Foix, Pla, Rodoreda and so on. Nevertheless, it is highly unlikely that in a multidisciplinary cultur62

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al movement the painters alone would have universal appeal, while the writers did not. Therefore, it is more than likely that the writers, the friends of the great painters, were at least as significant and meaningful as the latter. So, how come some were well-known while others were not? The reason is because visual artists, musicians and architects do not need to be translated, whereas writers do. There is a physical barrier between the members of the same cultural generation, who in all probability are of equal worth. Some received global recognition, while others, especially at that time, were unknown, even among well-educated Europeans.

In a sense, the conversation I had some twelve years ago holds the key to how the Institut Ramon Llull should and indeed does project Catalan culture to the world. It even suggests some strategies to follow. A fact to begin with: Catalan culture has an extraordinary calling card, it includes world famous, household names: Miró, Dalí, Gaudí and so on. However, these big names are only known as individuals, their place within a particular culture that they help to construct and which to a large extent can explain them is often not very obvious (as was demonstrated by the recent Miró exhibition at the Tate Modern). In short, my brief conversation in Prague and the above thoughts suggest three strategic approaches for raising the profile of Catalan culture abroad.

First, we should begin with the big names, strengthening the image of Catalan culture as an organic whole, as diverse and pluralistic in the choices made by its aesthetic, ideological and cultural sectors, while having a shared tradition and participating in a dialogue with other cultures. Miró is a creator with universal appeal who needs no introduction, but it is indeed possible to explain him, and expand on the explanation, placing it in the context of

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a culture, of a time and a space. Miró is Miró, but he is also explicable in terms of his time and the universal movements related to the time in which he lived, which permeate different cultures. Miró is also the son of a history, of a landscape and a tradition, in other words, of a culture. Miró is Catalan culture in the same way that Catalan culture is Miró. Therefore, the visibility of Catalan culture as a generic label must stem from its visible connection with the big names and consolidate itself, without distorting reality, as a prestigious brand associated with concepts such as vitality, a rich heritage, internal diversity, contemporaneity and creative energy.

The second strategic approach is to use the big names and the image they create of ‘Catalan Culture’, to provide added value to Catalan creativity and its cultural industry as a whole, creating a kind of umbrella that attracts attention to them all and connects them

with international movements. When the Institut Ramon Llull strongly committed itself to the Miró exhibition in London and Washington, we were (rightly) asked why we had made such an effort, when it is clear that Miró does not need the Institut Ramon Llull to achieve international recognition.

Our reply was that while Miró does not need the Institut Llull, the Institut Llull needs Miró to internationalize Catalan culture. While Miró’s image opens the door to the world, we can let other, less visible artists pass through. These may be newer, often fiercely contemporary, who thanks to this idea (that if someone is interested in Miró and Miró belongs to Catalan culture, so they may also be interested in the culture he belongs to as a whole) can receive a burst of attention and receptivity. From this starting point, every creator and every creative action will have greater or lesser success in the international arena, depending on their particular merits, Catalan International View

The Fundació Miró museum, Barcelona

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The Dalí Museum, Figueres

their characteristics and depending on how they adapt to the central debates in world culture. Nevertheless, the door will be open.

In order for a culture to be globally visible it must be a culture especially deep, significant, rich and active. Catalan culture is all of these things The third approach can also be inferred from the conversation I once had in Prague: all those areas of culture which have language as an essential component (literature of course, but also lyrical music, film, drama and so on), need a specific, added impulse to achieve internationalization: translation. In other words, without leaving Miró behind, we can bring young, Catalan visual artists to the world by saying that they belong to Miró’s cultural tradition. If we wish to encourage 64

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new poets and novelists, however, they need to be translated. The promotion of translation is a key element to fully exploiting this culture internationally.

In other words, publishers all over the world need to be aware of Catalan cultural output. In order for this to happen they should have certain incentives to include Catalan writers in their catalogues, which would also mean having suitably trained translators able to undertake this work in every language.

The task of training translators (and also academics, cultural ambassadors and respected individuals who are knowledgeable of Catalan culture) forms the basis of another of the Institut Ramon Llull’s strategic objectives: helping universities around the world which are interested in organizing Catalan studies, which in most cases go far beyond mere language skills. The Institut coordinates a network of Catalan study programmes in foreign countries involving one hundred and fifty universities, mainly located in Europe and

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North America. The list includes some of the most prestigious academic institutions. It is an exceptional network when compared with other languages with a similar number of speakers. It also serves as a calling card for the Catalan language and the culture which it expresses: a language spoken by ten million people in four European countries, which publishes some seven thousand new titles each year, of which around one hundred twenty works are translated each year, and which is the fifteenth

most used language on the Internet.

The last and most relevant observation that can be made following my conversation in Prague: in order for a culture to be globally visible and appreciated it must have strategies and tools at its disposal such as the Institut Ramon Llull.

Nevertheless, for it to work one needs a culture which is especially deep, significant, rich and active. Catalan culture is all of these things. Any tools or strategies which can improve its position are more than welcome.

*Vicenç Villatoro (Terrassa, 1957). Writer and journalist. Holds a degree in Information Sciences. Former president of the Ramon Trias Fargas Foundation. As a journalist he has worked for numerous organisations. He was the editor of the Avui newspaper from 1993 to 1996 and head of the culture section of TV3. Between 2002 and 2004 was director general of the Catalan Radio and Television Corporation. He has contributed to a range of media companies, such as Avui, El Periódico, El País, El Temps, Catalunya Ràdio and COM ràdio. As a writer he has written a dozen novels. Currently he is the director of the Institut Ramon LLull.

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The landscapes of culture and art: from a Catalan ethos to a European

by Ricard Planas*

Ut ridentibus arrident, ita flentibus adflent humani vultus According to Horace, ‘human countenances, as they smile on those who smile, so they weep with those that weep’. It appears to be highly relevant to how the central government in Madrid approaches its (cultural) policies. In charge of an obsolete state which is rapidly falling apart while it is sheltered from the woes of the economic crisis. A government (rather than the public itself, who are generally more worthy than their leaders), which has systematically neglected the entirely understandable and rational tears of a centuries old Catalan culture, whether from a lack of understanding, neglect or a simple lack of clarity. Catalan culture is facing the twentieth century with a firm commitment to a Europe, which is reinvented with each new crisis.

Hopefully Europe will change itself for the better, in order to broaden the framework of understanding and diversity that has always led to more wealth and that has always been exemplified by Catalonia.

Nevertheless, the bitter tears stopped flowing some time ago, dried up like the cycle of drought that is ceaselessly plaguing the planet on a global scale.

Now is not the time to protest a lack of understanding, it is the time for decisive leadership, for action, for the desire to rewrite the rules. The economic crisis is an opportunity to wipe the slate clean and rethink certain overgrown, unsustainable societies, which are as often as not against their own people. Santi Vila, the former mayor of Figueres and the current Minister 66

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of Territory and Sustainability for the Generalitat of Catalonia said, ‘we don’t want our own state so that we can be against anyone, or out of a sense of idealism. We want our own state because we love our people and their welfare’ and reaffirmed ‘Catalonia is a welcoming country; it is our reason for being. Catalonia is European and proEuropean and needs a state of its own in order to grow as a society, with culture as one of its foundations’. Culture, within this ecosystem full of confusion that fleeting postmodernism has left as

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a legacy, becomes a key, substantial element of cohesion. A poultice of peace, reflection and critical analysis. Culture becomes widespread, to such an extent that some years ago a French Culture Minister stated that, in an ideal state, a Ministry or Department of Culture ought not to exist since ‘Culture is everything. Everything is Culture’. It is a way of thinking which is also corroborated and defended by one of the great creators of the twentieth century, the German conceptual artist Joseph Beuys.

Culture, cross-culturalism and identity: the ethos

L’Observatori del Paisatge de Catalunya (The Landscape Observatory of Catalonia) is a fundamental instrument which helps promote the cultural aspect, support the cross-cultural aspect as part of its arguments while emphasising that, ‘Contemporary Catalan nationalism, in contrast to the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, has been unable to incorporate the landscape in the process of nation building. Nevertheless, it continues to Catalan International View

Interior of the Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona

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form a part of the national identity. The great diversity and wealth of Catalonia’s landscape forms a part of our collective heritage and is an expression of our history and a reflection of our identity, while also continuing to generate a strong sense of belonging among the population’. The landscape, the territory, these words are both elusive and key. They are an essential frame of reference. Art and Culture adapt to these geographical paradigms in order to find their place. This is in spite of the fact that thanks to a form of modernity now known as ‘liquid’ (or ‘late’) artistic practices have involved the annihilation or exclusion of a local (which is not to say parochial) contribution, in favour of de-localised and globalised proposals which involve an inherent degree of depersonalisation. Now is the time to 68

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seek references from hyper-proximity while they still exist, as many of them have long since collapsed or have fallen out of fashion, alas! Fashion (and its instruments of diffusion) and its quirks that appeal to that humanity which is so homo and so little sapiens.

While we are sheltered by a Europe which hopefully wants to be more European (by adding such cultural landscapes as Catalonia), the economic crisis has exposed the weaknesses to such an extent that it has caused our points of agreement to be reborn, phoenix-like, from the ashes. Perhaps we should ask beforehand what cultural ethos should inform the new Catalonia we are building. In other words, what is the cultural ethos that we want for the new Europe we are building apace? Or, to put it another way, while peace reigned when

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Europe’s founding ethos was being established (and by extension that of Catalonia), how are we now to build an identity that ranges from the Mediterranean, the birthplace of all civilizations, to a quasi-Siberian northern Europe?

‘Believing in Europe requires a rational understanding of the joint project, as well as sharing a common destiny and desires. It is almost an act of faith on behalf of both believers and non-believers’, according to the former president of Spain and Europhile Felipe González. The former president of the Generalitat of Catalonia, Jordi Pujol constantly reminds us of this fact.

Such a view sees a Europe that is both a museum and a laboratory, perhaps still more the former than the latter. A Europe with a unique Catalonia ahead of its time asking if it can go it alone.

It is aware of the global mega-regions, with Barcelona-Lyon being one of the 12 most important, according to Richard Florida. Catalonia has a key role to play in the Mediterranean railway corridor, which also has a cultural dimension. To speak of mega-regions is also to speak of city-states, smart cities and cultural centres belonging to cities.

Barcelona, with public centres such as the Museu d’Art Contemporani de Barcelona (which is currently in a precarious economic situation thanks to the Spanish state defaulting on its debts), the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya and the Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona, the Fundació Miró, Fundació Tàpies and private organisations such as La Pedrera, Caixaf òrum, Fundació Vila Casas, Fundació Gòdia and Fundació Sunyol, Fundació Dalí in Figueres, Catalan International View

Museu Can Framis, property of the Fundació Vila Casas, Barcelona

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the soon to be inaugurated Bulli Foundation in Roses, and many other successful examples in Tarragona, Lleida, Girona and throughout Catalonia. In a free Catalonia, these centres would all be eligible for infinitely greater direct resources. In some instances, such as the Teatre-Museu Dalí, the shared management by numerous governing bodies cause obvious tensions regarding the work’s continued existence in Catalonia. Mega-regions also interact with concepts such as Eurasia and define first class, multifaceted cultural alphabets, weaving the new language we should embrace at the local level, rather than dislocating us.

The Spanish state employs intrusive mechanisms that generate useless, duplicated ministries Moving towards a degree of cohesion or coherence is difficult when we have nothing but monetary union. This is when Culture can play a major part.

Nevertheless, in the Europe of diversity, of a thousand faces, the cohesive elements often come from Anglo-Saxon culture on both sides of the Atlantic.

Sometimes these are so deeply embedded that European ties are made through the absorption of prevailing American paradigms. Likewise, it should be noted that America is simultaneously a mirror and an explosive jumble of European cultures. Appealing once again to the European ethos, we ought once more to reference territory, geography and linguistic diversity as cornerstones in the construction of this new reality we call Europe. These physical, material landscapes, full of references to the intimate and the personal have to live with the virtual landscapes which are universal yet increasingly individual, of a place, an origin.

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Free Catalonia, cultural Catalonia, economic Catalonia

a) Everyone is entitled to equal access to culture and the development of their creative skills, whether individual or collective. b) Everyone has the duty to respect and preserve cultural heritage. c) The authorities of Catalonia shall promote research and quality scientific investigation, artistic creativity and the preservation and promotion of Catalonia’s cultural heritage. d) The authorities of Catalonia shall take the necessary measures to enable all individuals to have access to culture, goods and cultural services and Catalonia’s cultural, archaeological, historical, industrial and artistic heritage.

These are the four fundamental principles relating to the world of culture which appear in the Statute passed by the parliament of Catalonia. What would have happened if the Statute, agreed upon by a sovereign, democratically elected parliament, hadn’t been castrated by a virtually unconstitutional court? What if they had been able to put it into practice with all the strength the government and the people of Catalonia desired? Aside from the fact that the Spanish state employs intrusive mechanisms that generate useless, duplicated ministries. In terms of culture, central government spending on Catalonia has fallen by 63.87% since 2010. Is this a coincidence or a deliberate attempt to put a stop to a European people’s desire for independence? Let me quote some figures: Spain’s average annual deficit with Catalonia is 16,000 million euros, the cost of recovering from a tsunami every year. If the Catalan Ministry of Culture’s budget is 1% of the Generalitat’s total, it would represent 160 million euros more for Catalan culture (approximately 60% more than its current budget). Another example is growing unrest surrounding the comparative cultural capital of Bar-

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celona and Madrid: though Barcelona received 9.5 million in 2011, so far this year it has received absolutely nothing.

In spite of these handicaps, the Catalan cultural cluster occupies 5th place in Europe. Obviously, things would change with an injection of new money into an independent state, thus restoring its fiscal balance. Nonethe-

less, the Generalitat’s current contribution to culture is not in line with the European average, which stands some two to three points higher than ours.

Nor is it understandable why Catalan culture and art contribute more towards GDP than investments made in it, yet art and culture almost always tend to be considered an expense rather Catalan International View

Close-up of the rooftop terrace of the Casa MilĂ , popularly known as La Pedrera, by the architect Antoni GaudĂ­

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than an investment. It is for these reasons that those involved in culture have repeatedly spoken out against the increase in VAT to 21%, thanks to its disastrous effects on culture. Meanwhile, successive Spanish finance ministers have been unable to create a ‘patronage law’ to compensate for the shortfall.

If we had a Catalan state I would like to think that these changes would be quickly implemented.

Catalonia has a key role to play in the Mediterranean railway corridor, which also has a cultural dimension Against such a backdrop, certain actions are taking place in Catalonia, with variable results, but which nevertheless indicate a way forward. The creation of the Council for Cultural Arts’ Strategic Plan for Culture 2021, for example, which organises meetings between people from the world of culture at the local and national level.

Then there is the National Cultural Agreement, which lists 100 agreements and commitments on different aspects such as language, identity, social cohesion, installations, finance, science and research and internationalisation.

Omnibus Laws: in the cultural milieu these have principally determined the creation of the OSIC (Office for the Support for Cultural Initiatives), to provide more flexibility in processing and resolving grant applications, and the creation of the Heritage Agency.

One of its priorities is contributing to Cultural Heritage and the PNL (Na-

tional Reading Plan) with the aim of unifying the efforts of different sectors and levels of society to encourage the public to read more, thereby increasing Catalonia’s knowledge and cultural capital. The PNL has created the ‘Active Bookstore Plan’ in order to promote said sector.

Creators and contexts

To conclude, how are Catalonia and its creators represented in this, our Europe, named after the Greek goddess who managed to seduce us all? The answer is: to different degrees. Names like Antoni Gaudí, Joan Miró, Salvador Dalí, Antoni Tàpies, Jaume Plensa and Miquel Barceló have all become internationally renowned. So too have greats such as Antoni Clavé, Joan Brossa, Joan Fontcuberta, Perejaume, Antoni Muntades, Arranz-Bravo, Xavier Corberó, Albert Serra, Isaki Lacuesta, Carles Pazos, Antoni Miralda and Cesc Gay among many others. Nevertheless, as the historian Xavier Barral noted, sometimes it is not easy to live like a Catalan, with a degree of independence when Spain wants to assimilate us. Spain does not want us to be either European or Catalan but exclusively Spanish. The lack of perspective which is present in such an attitude, among other variables, has fragmented Spanish cohesion.

Finally, as Winston Churchill said rather eloquently (although ‘British’ and ‘Europhilia’ are hardly synonymous concepts, especially of late), and which I should like to apply to the current situation in Catalonia, ‘A kite flies against the wind, not with it.’

*Ricard Planas Founder and director of Bonart Cultural and artistic director of Fundació Lluís Coromina

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The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

Subtle dependencies and declared outbursts

by Arnau Puig*

The official icons of dictatorships often appear brutal and unbending, but in the day to day existence they have at their disposal subtle ways of transmitting their will which make them appear normal, proper and appropriate to every circumstance (friendship, rigour, timeliness, understanding). This was the case in the university sector during the decades in which Franco made his ideological presence felt through simple obedience and acceptance of the transcendent meaning of life for the subjects under his guidance. This consisted of recognizing and respecting his powerful presence and wise decisions, as a reflection of his splendour and spiritual clarity. His cultural servants were thus assigned the role of disseminating this content.

One was not allowed to think for oneself or ask questions that couldn’t be induced from the answer. It was a parody of the rules of rhetoric, one might say that the questions were included in the answers and who was asking them: if you don’t know what to ask, you’d best just keep quiet.

This exercise in good rhetoric, if people are really interested in progressing in terms of thought, meant the questioner was really kept on their toes. It was only interrupted when the wary censor realised that the questions had gone off-topic, that they had escaped the established context.

During the Franco era, the university sector was a constant game of who is doing the indoctrinating and who is asking the questions.

Apart from this insidious dig, or other concerns that were unrelated to a strictly educational relationship, reality flowed relatively quietly for those who thought of nothing besides learning what was taught. After all, this was the best way to keep abreast of the established social order.

Remember the Franco regime lasted forty years and since things function coherently within the doctrine on which they are based, in spite of the impertinent (and some unrepentant) naysayers, the system, or at least the structure, could have lasted for an eternity. The so-called ‘good’ students continually adapted themselves in response to external circumstances, in order that the system worked smoothly. An observation which is

unrelated to the context but which is a consequence of it: we find ourselves in exactly the same position as forty years ago: no progress has been made towards what the classics called ethics: joie de vivre, though virtually all the mechanisms are in pace which should allow us to live comfortably.

Dominion requires the mental sterility of those who are dominated.

The fight, being reckless, to challenge the status quo from outside, is the only force that can change reality. I had such an experience when I was president of the Catalan Association of Art Critics (ACCA). Due to the lack of effectiveness of the Spanish association I suggested that we become entirely independent from it, with no structural affiliation. Initially the international body, the IACA, was reluctant to accept us, but eventually surrendered thanks to the effectiveness of our management, leaving behind the Spanish organisation’s ‘non-management’ and their verbose, and empty proposals and promises.

In short: the Franco period was a tragic episode, a harsh regime prolonged and enforced through words and absurd, useless and empty slogans. Those who did not accept this state of affairs were annihilated and rendered ineffective.

Universities were only able to defend themselves with a game of words, while on the street, the effectiveness of every individual depended on the extent of their personal commitment.

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Barcelona and Catalonia: working together towards shared goals

by Joaquim Llimona*

The process of national transformation headed by President Mas in response to the public outcry on the 11th of September (the National Day of Catalonia) foresees a future for Catalonia in line with the rest of Europe.

The recent events came about as a result of Catalonia’s frustration with the Spanish model. While it was initially forged from a broad consensus as one of the key agreements of the political transition following the Franco years, it has systematically come under attack in recent years, restricting Catalonia’s national rights and denying it a just system of taxation.

Catalonia is an ancient European nation, existing within the Carolingian Empire and the ‘Spanish brand’. It has been politically and culturally involved in Europe and throughout its history it has been rediscovering its place in Europe. Whereas in the twentieth century, Catalonia’s main political goal was to find its place in Spain, the challenge facing us today is to find Catalonia’s place in Europe.

Barcelona’s role in this process is crucial. The nation’s capital can also play an important part, leading and making an outstanding contribution to Catalan’s visibility and international recognition, while also finding its place in a thoroughly renovated Catalonia.

Barcelona has an extremely influential international image. The ‘Barcelona brand’ is known worldwide and is very highly thought of. In terms of population size it is a major European city and its economic attractiveness 74

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and influence make it one of the most important cities in southern Europe.

Numerous studies and international surveys place Barcelona among the top European cities in which to do business and it often comes first in a quality of life index. Barcelona’s potential is enhanced by a metropolitan area with a total population of over three and a half million people.

In spite of the economic crisis, the capital of Catalonia continues to show great dynamism. Internationally it is third in terms of the organisation of trade fairs and conferences, having secured the hosting of the ‘Mobile World Congress’ and becoming the home to the mobile industry until 2018. This has a huge direct economic impact and attracts hi-tech business to our city.

The number of tourists who visit Barcelona has increased to nearly eight million annually, and it has become one of the top five ports in the world with

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

regard to the number of cruise ship passengers. The economic crisis has failed to reverse this trend, with numbers continuing to grow.

The city’s commitment to logistics has also been a success. Barcelona’s El Prat Airport received 34.5 million passengers in 2011, compared to 29.3 in 2010, making it Europe’s ninth busiest airport. This year the numbers have continued to rise, against a background of falling passenger numbers. Barcelona is currently Europe’s third airport in terms of the number of passengers who choose it as their final destination.

The port is also undergoing dynamic growth. Hutchison’s investment of 500 million euros in the construction of a new terminal doubles its capacity to handle containers. Above all it is a clear commitment by the Hong Kong-based company, a world leader in port operations, to convert our city into southern Europe’s gateway to Asian

maritime traffic. The proposed railway connection linking the new terminal to the European freight network will lend a European dimension to the project. Indeed, for the Ministry of Public Works it is unfinished business, one of its unfulfilled commitments, while it continues to prioritise other infrastructure projects of dubious profitability or strategic interest.

The Venetian Towers, built for Barcelona’s Great Exhibition of 1929

Internationally, Barcelona is third in terms of the organisation of trade fairs and conferences, having secured the hosting of the Mobile World Congress until 2018 With regard to economic and productive activity, in recent years we have seen how Barcelona has managed to diversify what it has to offer, beginning with a network of companies, many Catalan International View

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of them dynamic, progressive SMEs in consolidated sectors, moving into emerging industries. In all instances, these sectors are all knowledge-intensive, innovative, and serve to drive development.

Nowadays the ‘Barcelona brand’ is one of our country’s most important assets at an international level Barcelona has also developed highly innovative projects that have generated international collaboration and leadership: 22@, a former industrial area transformed into a business hub focused on innovation and new technologies. Within 22@ can be found Barcelona Activa, a business incubator which is the origin of many successful start-ups.

Barcelona works in all of these sectors and has established clusters in areas such as information and communication technologies, biotechnology and the life sciences, design, media and the food industry, among others.

Barcelona’s development necessitates overturning the current political context. The focus on economic innovation and a commitment to logistics which our city is developing make perfect sense in a European and Mediterranean context as the capital of a country which is fully integrated into the European Union and which aspires to lead the Mediterranean. The growth of the port of Barcelona is not part of a strategy aimed at the Spanish market, instead it is establishing itself as the major port in southern Europe, of the Mediterranean, with an ability to compete with the Dutch and German ports.

In the case of the airport, El Prat needs to become a hub in order to achieve its full potential. It has the ability to do so, as evidenced by its growth in recent years, but central government 76

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policy clearly prioritizes Madrid in this role, thus preventing Barcelona’s airport from achieving its full potential.

Barcelona’s port and airport both demonstrate how our city needs a new political status for Catalonia. The Spanish government’s prioritization of Madrid has been evident under all political parties that have governed Spain.

The examples are endless, but without returning to the issue of infrastructure and the economy once more, we can also ask why the Thyssen collection went to Madrid or why Dalí’s legacy did not stay in Barcelona or Figueres.

Barcelona needs a state that is clearly committed to strengthening its economic, technological, logistical, cultural and academic potential, which defines it as a capital. It is therefore clear that Barcelona is fully prepared to play the role of the capital of Catalonia integrated into the European Union and that it shares a desire with Catalonia of becoming the capital of the Mediterranean. It will not be difficult for our city to participate in the process that our country will be undergoing in the coming years since it is part of a dynamic process from which Barcelona is sure to benefit.

The current mayor of Barcelona is clear that the city is the capital of Catalonia and under no circumstances should it compete with the rest of the country and neither should it isolate itself or opt out. This was not always the case in the past since at certain times Barcelona (via the City Council) has attempted to outdo Catalonia (via the Catalan Government). The current term is characterised by a spirit of collaboration to make the strengths and opportunities the city has to offer available to a joint project, which in no way implies giving up municipal autonomy, much less failing to defend and promote the city’s interests. It simply means integrating the fact that Bar-

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celona is the capital of the nation into the municipal government’s strategy.

Finally I would like to mention the contribution that actions outside of the city of Barcelona can do for Catalonia.

International relations are not part of any specific jurisdiction or obligation of the municipal government; therefore they need to generate opportunities and benefits for our city and its citizens at a time when globalization has stopped being a strategic option to become a key to survival.

The goal of establishing Catalonia as a member of the EU envisions our city as a fully-fledged European capital, with an open and strengthened international dimension

Barcelona’s international activity cannot be separated from its role as the capital of Catalonia. Nowadays, the ‘Barcelona brand’ is one of our country’s most important assets at an international level. This explains the city’s strategy and activities outside of Barcelona, both in the most functional areas, such as attracting investment, the development of the potential for tourism, infrastructure and logistics, as well as those aimed at promoting our identity, culture and the language. These cannot be separated from the interests and the reality of the country. They must all form part of a whole.

These considerations probably permeate all areas of external action, but need to be considered in some of them in particular. Becoming the capital of the Mediterranean is one of them. Our

city’s ambition to play a leading role in the economy, logistics and transport, cultural relations, in strengthening democratic governance in the Mediterranean, must be coordinated with a project aimed at making Catalonia a leading nation in the Euro-Mediterranean area. In fact many of the actions which need to be undertaken should be done jointly.

Another would be the building of a diplomatic hub in our city, which finds its physical expression in the restoration of the historic Hospital de Sant Pau. Global challenges, such as water or reforestation projects, leading technological challenges such as nuclear fusion, instruments for debate such as the United Nations University and the Mediterranean hub surrounding the Secretariat of the Union for the Mediterranean, provide an international dimension which raises our profile and provides a fresh perspective in all these areas.

Barcelona comes out the winner and also brings its influence and potential to bear on a far-reaching political and institutional project which is unprecedented in recent centuries in Catalonia. In the preceding paragraphs I have attempted to provide figures and examples of both realities. There is a dual ‘driver’ / ‘benefit’ aspect to the process, which I believe explains why our city is closely involved. Although apocalyptic analyses predicting an isolated country, closed in on itself and in free fall, leading to Barcelona’s ‘provincialisation’, the goal of establishing Catalonia as a member of the EU instead envisions our city as a fully-fledged European capital, with an open and strengthened international dimension.

*Joaquim Llimona Barcelona Council’s Director of International Relations and Cooperation.

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Dossier

The Treaty of Utrecht and the ‘Case of the Catalans’

by Joaquim Albareda*

The tricentennial of the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht, a major milestone in the field of international relations, is a good opportunity to recall the ‘case of the Catalans’, a people praised by Voltaire for their extreme love of liberty.

Charles II, the last Habsburg to rule in Spain, died on 1st November 1700 after naming Philip of Anjou as his successor to the throne. The choice of the grandson of the French King Louis XIV, troubled the maritime powers of England and the United Provinces [the present-day Netherlands], both in regard to keeping the European balance of power (to avoid the Bourbon ‘universal monarchy’) and trade with the Americas. In response, in September 1701 the Grand Alliance was born in The Hague, fruit of an agreement between the United Provinces, England, the Austrian Empire and most of the German states. The allies declared war in May 1702 in order to install Archduke Charles of Austria on the throne. It was the beginning of a long and bloody conflict that shook Europe.

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Aside from being an international conflict, the War of the Spanish Succession led to a civil war between the territories of the Crown of Aragon (Catalonia, Valencia, Aragon and the Balearic Islands, who supported Charles III, the Archduke) and Castile (supporters of Philip V), although there were exceptions on both sides.

From the start, the allies dominated the war in the European theatre, although the Bourbons controlled the Hispanic territory from 1707, with the exception of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands. Nevertheless, when France suffered major defeats at Oudenarde and Lille (1708) and Malplaquet (1709), at a particularly critical time for its economy and finances, to the extent that it was forced to sue for peace, Louis XIV was aided by two unforeseen events.

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

The first took place in October 1710 with the fall of the government of British Whigs who had started the war and encouraged it. The Tories were quick to secretly negotiate peace with France, behind the backs of the allies, amid an intense campaign to influence public opinion in favour of peace, in which famous writers such as Jonathan Swift (author of The Conduct of the Allies) and Daniel Defoe were actively involved. The second was the rise to the imperial throne of Charles III (with the title Charles VI) following the death of his brother, Emperor Joseph I, on 17th April 1711. The British decided they needed to avoid the formation of a large Austrian bloc on the continent.

A few days after the death of Joseph I, Minister Bolingbroke had reached an agreement with the French Secretary

of State Torcy. A short time later, the British stopped contributing financially to the Austrian cause. Since Charles III was dependent on English funding from the start, his chances of continuing the war were almost zero.

The Eternal Flame for the fallen of 1714, next to Santa Maria del Mar church

The military conflict subsequently gave way to diplomatic negotiations in Utrecht, in which the Catalans, in spite of commitments made by the British were left to their fate Thus, the suspension of arms from the British became effective in 1712.

The military conflict subsequently gave way to diplomatic negotiations in Utrecht, in which the Catalans, in spite Catalan International View

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Archeological remains, dating from The Fall of Barcelona, 1714

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of commitments made by the English under the Genoa agreement of June 1705 (in which they promised military assistance and financial aid, aside from respecting their constitutions, in exchange for rising up against Philip V), were left to their own fate. The talks resulted in 23 treaties and conventions signed between January 1713 and February 1715, agreed in Utrecht (13th April 1713), Rastatt (7th March 1714, signed by the emperor) and Baden (7th September 1714), as brilliantly explained by the historian Lucien Bely.

Nevertheless, Spain and the British Empire did not agree to peace until 1725.

Without doubt Britain was the main beneficiary. It received Gibraltar and Minorca, in addition to St. Kitts, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Hudson Bay, and gained significant trade concessions, such as the asiento de negros or ‘Negro Agreement’, under which they could transport 144,000 Catalan International View

slaves to the Hispanic colonies of the West Indies over a 30-year period, and an annual ship with a free passage which opened up great possibilities for direct trade with the West Indies. For its part, in addition to receiving the Netherlands, the Austrian monarchy became a Mediterranean power on receipt of Milan, Naples and Sardinia. In short, various ministers saw Utrecht as reprehensible, since Britain had managed to cynically abandon its allies.

On 14th March 1713 a treaty was signed, withdrawing imperial forces from Catalonia, thus delaying the thorny issue of respecting the Catalan constitutions until the signing of the comprehensive peace plan.

A few months earlier, the purely token attempts (which were abandoned having once achieved their goals) by British Ambassador Robert Lexington to get Philip V to respect the Catalan constitutions met with the latter’s intransigence. In the opinion of the

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

French envoy to Spain, the Marquis of Bonnac, it was a matter of pride for Philip V, in which he sought to prove to the King of France that he was able to keep the Hispanic throne without his help or advice laden with pragmatism. The truth is that Bolingbroke, the head of the British government, soon gave up defending them. Not only that, but he ensured that England was not interested in preserving the freedom of the Catalans and that they subsequently had to be duly subjugated to royal authority, according to the laws of Castile. Moreover, the instructions Philip V had sent his plenipotentiaries in Utrecht left no leeway for negotiators by telling them that it was vital they did not recognize the Catalan constitutions, given that the last two courts [1701 - 1702 and 1706] had left them more republics than the hostile English parliament and it was neither convenient nor correct that the general peace was a guarantor of such a shameful condition or that the Catalans were left with their usual propensity for rebellion.

On June 28th 1713, the Ambassador of the Catalan Commons, Pau Ignasi de Dalmases was received by Queen Anne of England. He requested her support with a reasoned argument that the Catalans had become involved in the war thanks to the English and that they were fighting for laws and a freedom similar to those enjoyed by the latter. To no avail. The outcome of the negotiations was article twelve of the peace treaty between England and Philip V, of 13th July, through which the king guaranteed the Catalans’ life and property and cynically granted them, ‘those privileges enjoyed by the inhabitants of the two Castiles’. This meant no more and no less than their liquidation.

Two publications which appeared in London in 1714, The Case of the Catalans Considered and The Deplora-

ble History of the Catalans, echoed the Whigs’ critical opinion of the government and the qualms of some British subjects towards the not particularly honourable attitude of ‘Perfidious Albion’ towards the Catalans. If the first wrote: ‘However rash this resolution may appear, yet it must be confessed to be great and heroic. Of what important is life, when liberty is no more; their fathers handed them their privileges entire for some ages, and shall they basely give them up, and leave a race of slaves behind them, no rather all perish, death or liberty is their determined choice [...] should this people be sacrificed to the rage of their now king; would not their blood be an everlasting monument of our cruelty, for its cruelty not to save when it is in our power’; when faced with the heroic resistance of the Catalans, the second publication proclaimed: ‘the world has a fresh instance of the influence of liberty upon generous minds. Examples of this kind are necessary to preserve amongst men the love of that precious jewel, and guard them against the wicked designs of a numerous set of men, who are perpetually busy to enslave mankind’.

The idea was mooted of creating a republic in Catalonia on several occasions throughout thirteen months of solitary resistance Once the Utrecht Treaties were signed, disillusionment and division severely affected the resistance. The departure of Empress Elizabeth on 19th March 1713 (governor of Catalonia since 1711 when Charles went to Vienna to be proclaimed emperor), was the worst omen. The Junta de Braços or General Estates of Catalonia were called on the 18th June 1713, against a backdrop of general uncertainty. Following heated discussions, the Junta Catalan International View

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chose resistance. On 12th July, parliamentary members of the Generalitat appealed to the population to continue fighting for the emperor and for the freedom of the Catalans.

The idea was mooted of creating a republic in Catalonia on several occasions throughout thirteen months of solitary resistance. A political formula was proposed by the Catalan ambassadors to Vienna and London which was met with suspicion by both courts. The insistence on this claim completed the transition of the Catalan constitutional discourse to a more radical position, following abandonment by the allies and the emperor’s departure for Vienna. It was the logical evolution of an underlying republicanism which edged the constitutionalism and patriotism towards a de facto republic. There was a need to organize Catalan political life and take responsibility for defence in the absence of the figure of the king: Philip V, because the Courts of 17051706 had rejected him; Charles III, because he had left Catalonia.

The victor, Philip V, brought an end to the Catalan state and secular mechanisms of political participation were replaced by absolutism and uniformity The Case of the Catalans

Once again, the conversations in Rastatt, between late 1713 and early 1714, gave birth to hope among those who were still holding out. The imperial negotiator, Prince Eugene of Savoy, once more put the case of the Catalans before Marshal Villars, who was in favour of considering it in exchange for recognition of a principality of Limburg (Netherlands) for princess Orsini, of Philip V’s ‘head waitress’. In the end, Louis XIV obliged them to remove the two demands from the negotiat84

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ing table and overrule an indignant Villars. Nevertheless, the Whigs led a debate in the House of Lords, on 3rd April 1714, on the case of the Catalans and appealed to the Queen to persist in defending their cause in the name of British honour. Lord Cowper presented a petition on behalf of 24 Lords, reflecting the guilt felt by the English towards the Catalans, in which he requested she intercede as a matter of urgency, in order that they could keep their ‘liberties, of such great value to them, and thus continue to enjoy their fair and former privileges’. The queen replied evasively, claiming that England had already defended them and the responsibility for their misfortune rested upon the emperor.

The last hope of assistance from the allies arose following the death of Queen Anne (1st August 1714) and George I of Hanover’s accession to the throne, along with the Whigs’ return to power. George I, who had links to the emperor, proved receptive to the ‘case of the Catalans’ and gave instructions to Matthew Prior, his representative in Paris, that Barcelona was not to be taken by force but instead via a treaty with the resistance movement. In his opinion such a solution would not contravene the Treaty of Utrecht. He also gave orders to the fleet in Maó [Minorca] to sail to Barcelona to protect it.

On 18th September, unaware that Barcelona had surrendered a week earlier, the Catalan ambassador, Felip Ferran suggested to the British regency that if Spain was unable to show obedience to Charles VI, the Crown of Aragon should come under imperial protection, or that Catalonia and the Balearic Islands should become a republic under the rule of the Empire and the Allies. It appears as if George I was against the Tory policy that had led to the signing of the treaty of Utrecht. However, in practice, though both Louis XIV and Philip V were anxious for the new king

The key to understanding the Catalonia of the future

to change his attitude towards the war, the regency delayed the king’s orders, leading to a fait accompli. In addition, the new parliament did not convene until 17th March, 1715.

The Eleventh of September, 1714

In early September 1714, after thirteen months of lone resistance, 90,000 soldiers of the Bourbon armies occupied Catalonia. Of these men, some 40,000 had participated in the siege of Barcelona under the command of the Duke of Berwick since early July. By contrast, the troops belonging to the resistance in Barcelona numbered just 5,500 men, most of whom belonged to the Coronela, urban militias raised by the unions, under the command of General Antoni de Villarroel and commander in chief Rafael Casanova. After a devastating bombardment, the final attack came on the morning of the 11th September with hand-to-hand fighting in the streets and houses close to the city wall.

On 13th September the Bourbon troops entered Barcelona.

The victor, Philip V, imposed a ruthless repression (between 25,000 and 30,000 people from all over Spain were forced into exile, with most going to Vienna, Rome and Genoa) and built a citadel to control Barcelona. In doing so he demolished a thousand houses in La Ribera, one of the city’s most dynamic neighbourhoods. It brought an end to the Catalan State and secular mechanisms of political participation, which were replaced by absolutism and uniformity, supported by a pyramidal

political structure controlled by the military throughout the eighteenth century, as part of the Nueva Planta decree of 1716.

To conclude, while Utrecht meant the establishment of a new balance of power in Europe and the decline of imperial Spain, it also represented the triumph of Philip V’s absolutist, unitary model over the political and territorial model fought for by the Crown of Aragon, founded on the concept of pacts and a federalised notion of Spain.

The Bourbon Nueva Planta led to Catalonia’s decline since it put an end to a system based on political agreements and representation, like those of countries with parliamentary regimes. The constitutions, updated in the Courts of 1701 and 1705 had shown they were an effective instrument to govern Catalan society and provide the mechanisms to limit the arbitrary power of the king and his ministers, while defending policies which guaranteed civil liberty and which promoted the country’s economy. As the jurist Francesc Solanes argues, until then the law was above the king, while from then on, by right of conquest, it was clear there was no other law than the will of the king.

Therefore, the defenders of Barcelona’s solemn call to fight for the country and its freedom was not in any sense a rhetorical exercise in evoking an ancient constitution, but rather a desperate call to defend the laws and a system which had proved useful in governing their own res publica. *Joaquim Albareda

(Manllleu, 1957). Director of the Jaume Vicens Vives University Institute of History and Professor of Modern History at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona). He is author of La Guerra de Sucesión de España (1700-1714) (Crítica, 2010). Albareda is currently director of the 3-volume collective work Catalunya, nació d´Europa, 1714-2014, to be published later this year by Enciclopèdia Catalana.

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The Artist

Torres Monsó We can see Torres Monsó is a sculptor who is engaged in a struggle with matter, while simultaneously appreciating his ability to transport us to the work of a poet. There is something of a writer in his vigorous sculpture. Just as the iconographer is seen as a writer of images, Torres could be said to be a calligrapher who intervenes in the substance of the earth in order to liberate suggestive, metaphysically decisive shapes. As a result, one could speak of a metaphysical breath, thanks to the fact the artist has been able to confront major questions surrounding the human condition. This capacity to move from the more intimate to the more universal, allows us to see the work of Torres Monsó as one of those most audacious and creative adventures in contemporary sculpture.

In my opinion, this makes him one of the decisive interlocutors in European art in the second half of the twentieth century.

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a means to capture concrete existence that is removed from its territorial and temporal frame. Paco Torres Monsó performs a similar operation. His capturing of existence, rich in shades, is always directed at the expression of the essence; his observation of everyday life is tied up in a transcendental spirit and a spirituality that goes beyond rigid religious reference points. In conclusion, Torres Monsó is a good example of Baudelaire’s definition of the modern artist: on one hand he must be a careful observer of the reality of his age, attentive to any metamorphoses which occur, while on the other he has to be a man capable of going beyond what is fragmentary and imminent in order to confront what is eternal.

(Extract from L’escultor com a poeta [The Sculptor as Poet] by Rafael Argullol, for the catalogue accompanying Torres Monsó’s exhibition Anar fent i prou [Carrying on and no More])

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The Artist

Picapedrer (Stonemason) 1956 Bronze 90x80x48 cm Private collection Cover Art: Escala (Stairway) 1984-85 Formica 185x60x60 cm

Maquetes vàries (Various models) Mixed media Various sizes

Torres Monsó Anar fent i prou 6th October 2012 - 27th May 2013 Museu Can Mario Plaça Can Mario, 7. 17200 Palafrugell (Girona) » Tel. +(34) 972 306 246 » Fax. +(34) 972 306 247 » canmario@fundaciovilacasas.com Catalan International View

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A Poem Curated by Enric Bou Chair in Hispanic Studies, Brown University (Providence)

If i were a fisherman If I were a fisherman I’d fish for the dawn, If I were a hunter I’d chase for the sun; If I were a love-thief they’d open the doors, If I were a bandit even better I’d go all alone: — The jailers of this world would not catch my shadow, If I were a thief and a bandit they would not know my flight.

If I had a boat I’d capture the girls, If they’d want to go home they’d leave their hearts: And I’d fan up their flames To steal even more.

Si jo fos pescador Si jo fos pescador pescaria l’aurora, si jo fos caçador atraparia el sol; si fos lladre d’amor m’obririen les portes, si fos bandit millor que vindria tot sol: —els carcellers del món no em sabrien mai l’ombra, si fos lladre i bandit no em sabrien el vol.

Si tingués un vaixell m’enduria les noies, si volien tornar deixarien llurs cors : I en faria fanals per a prendre’n de nous.

Translated by Dominic Keown and Tom Owen Joan Salvat-Papasseit (Barcelona, 1894-1924), a ‘tragic and triumphant poet’, introduced Futurist aesthetics to Catalan literature. Drawn to revolutionary ideas (socialism and anarchism), many of his articles were collected in Humo de fábrica (1918) with a prologue by the writer Àngel Samblancat. He is one of the most significant representatives of avant-garde literature in Catalan literature. He was a poet as well as a cultural activist, founding several magazines: Un Enemic del Poble (1917-1919); Arc-Voltaïc (1918), with contributions by Joan Miró, Rafael Barradas and Joaquim Torres-Garcia; and Proa (1921). He wrote six volumes of poetry: Poemes en ondes hertzianes (1919), illustrated by Rafael Barradas and Joaquim Torres-Garcia, deeply influenced by images from Futurism; L’irradiador del port i les gavines (1921); Les conspiracions (1922), a book of eight nationalist-inspired poems written during his stay in the La Fuenfría sanatorium (Cercedilla); La gesta dels estels (1922); El poema de la rosa als llavis (1923), a single amorous poem, and, finally, Óssa Menor: fi dels poemes d’avantguarda (1925), illustrated by Josep Obiols. Some of his most characteristic poems address everyday life through elegy and longing.

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Catalan International View

Editorial Board Martí Anglada Former foreign news editor at TV3 (Catalonia television). He has been foreign correspondent in the Middle East, Italy and Great Britain (1977-1984) for the Barcelona newspaper La Vanguardia and United States correspondent for TV3 (1987-1990). He has also been an international political commentator. His latest book is Afers no tan estrangers (Not So Foreign Affairs) published by Editorial Mina (part of Grup 62).

Enric Canela (Barcelona, 1949). Holds a degree in Chemistry from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB) (1972) and a PhD in Chemistry, specialising in Biochemistry. He has taught at the UB since 1974, where he is currently Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology and collaborates on research into intracellular communication. He also conducts research on theoretical Biochemistry. Regularly publishes in scientific journals of international repute. He is a member of numerous scientific societies. Between 1991 and 1995 he was vice president of the Catalan Society of Biology. Between 2007 and 2009 he was president of the Circle for Knowledge. Between 2007 and 2011 he was a patron of the National Agency for Evaluation, Certification and Accreditation (ANECA) in Spain. He is currently vice-rector of Science Policy at the UB.

Salvadur Cardús (Terrassa, 1954). PhD in Economics at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB). Visiting researcher at the University of Cambridge, Cornell University (USA) and Queen Mary College of the University of London. Currently he is professor of Sociology at the UAB and the former Dean of the Faculty of Political Sciences and Sociology. He has conducted research into the sociology of religion and culture, media, nationalism and identity. His published works include, Plegar de viure (Living Together) with Joan Estruch, Saber el temps (Understanding the Time), El desconcert de l’educació (The Uncertainty of Education), Ben educats (Well Educated) and El camí de la independència (The Road To Independence).

In the field of journalism he was the editor of the Crònica d’Ensenyament magazine (1987-1988) and was deputy editor of the Avui newspaper (1989-1991). He contributes to ARA, La Vanguardia, Diari de Terrassa and Deia newspapers. He is member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans.

August Gil-Matamala Has been a practising lawyer since 1960, specialising in the fields of criminal and labour law. He has taken part in numerous cases in defence of people on trial for their demands in favour of people’s rights, as well as hearings before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Gil-Matamala fought the first successful case against the Spanish state for the violation of basic rights. He is a founder member of the Commission for the Defence of Individual Rights of the Col·legi d’Advocats de Barcelona (the Barcelona Bar Association) and the Catalan Association for the Defence of Human Rights, which he presided over from its foundation in 1985 to 2001.

Gil-Matamala has also been president of both the Fundació Catalunya and the European Democratic Lawyers organisation. In 2007, coinciding with his retirement, he received the Creu de Sant Jordi (St. George’s Cross, the highest honour awarded by the Catalan government).

Montserrat Guibernau Professor of Politics at Queen Mary College, University of London. Holds a PhD and an MA in Social and Political Theory from the University of Cambridge and a degree in Philosophy from the Universitat de Barcelona. She has taught at the universities of Warwick, Cambridge, Barcelona, the London School of Economics and the Open University. Guibernau has held visiting professorhips at the universities of Edinburgh, Tampere, Pompeu Fabra, the UQAM (Quebec) and the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Currently she holds a visiting fellowship at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, London School of Economics. Montserrat Guibernau is the author of numerous books and articles on nationalism, the nation-state, national identity, and national and ethnic minorities in the West from the perspective of global governance.

Guillem López-Casasnovas (Minorca, 1955). Holds a degree in Economics (distinction, 1978) and Law (1979) from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB). He obtained his PhD in Public Economics from the University of York (UK, 1984). He has been a lecturer at the UB, visiting scholar at the Institute of Social and Economic Research (UK), University of Sussex and at the Graduate School of Business at the University of Stanford (USA). Since June 1992 has been full professor of economics at Barcelona’s Universitat Pompeu Fabra (UPF), where he has been vice-rector of Economics and International Relations and dean of the School of Economics and Business Science. In 1998 he created the Economics and Health Research Centre (CRES- UPF), which he directed until recently. Co-director of the Master’s in Public Management (UPF-UAB-EAPC). In 2000 he received the Catalan Economics Society Award and in 2001 the Joan Sardà Dexeus Award. He is also a member of the Minorcan Institute of Studies, The Catalan Royal Academy of Medicine and a distinguished member of the Economists’ Society of Catalonia. President of the International Health Economics Association and since 2005 one of the Spanish Central Bank’s six independent Council members.

Manuel Manonelles Political commentator specialising in international relations, human rights and democratisation processes. Currently director of the Foundation for a Culture of Peace, Barcelona. He has been special advisor to the Co-chair of the UN High Level Group for the Alliance of Civilizations, as well as advisor to the coordinator of the Secretariat of the World Forum of Civil Society Networks (Ubuntu Forum), which is a member of the International Council of the World Social Forum. He has been an international electoral observer and supervisor for the OSCE and the EU on many occasions, and has participated in several international intergovernmental and non-governmental processes.

Fèlix Martí Former president of the International Catholic Movement for Intellectual and Cultural Affairs (Pax Romana), from 1975 to 1984; director of Catalonia magazine (1987-2002), a publication printed in four different languages, aimed at disseminating Catalan culture; director of the UNESCO centre of Catalonia (1984 to 2002) and later its honorary president (from 2003). From 1994 to 2002 he was editor of the Catalan editions of the yearly reports of the Washington-based Worldwatch Institute, L’Estat del món (The State of the World) and Signes vitals (Vital Signs). He promotes the Declaration on Contributions by Religions to a Culture of Peace, signed by leaders of the great religious traditions in 1994. President of the Linguapax International Institute from 2001 to 2004 and honorary president thereafter. Wrote his memoirs Diplomàtic sense estat (Diplomat Without a State), published by Edicions Proa in 2006. Was awarded the UNESCO Human Rights Medal in 1995 and the Generalitat de Catalunya’s Creu de Sant Jordi (St. George’s Cross) in 2002.

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Eva Piquer (Barcelona, 1969).Writer and cultural journalist. Works for several newspapers and magazines. Has been a lecturer at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a New York news correspondent. Won the 2002 Josep Pla prize for her novel Una victòria diferent (A Different Victory). Also author of several books, including La noia del temps (The Weather Girl), Alícia al país de la televisió (Alice in Television Land) and No sóc obsessiva, no sóc obsessiva, no sóc obsessiva (I’m Not Obsessive, I’m Not Obsessive, I’m Not Obsessive). Her latest book is called La feina o la vida (Life or work).

Ricard Planas (Girona, 1976). Journalist, art critic and cultural promoter. Studied Philology and the History of Art at the Universitat de Girona. In 1999 he founded the magazine Bonart, dedicated to the contemporary art scene in the Catalan Countries. More recently he created and directed the Catalan art fair INART in 2005 and 2006. Has worked as the curator for exhibitions by important artists such as Arranz-Bravo, Lamazares, Formiguera, Cuixart, Ansesa and Grau-Garriga. Ricard has collaborated with Ona Catalana, Catalunya Ràdio, iCatfm and Onda Rambla radio stations. Has also worked for the Diari de Girona, El Punt and El Mundo newspapers, among others.

Vicent Sanchis (Valencia, 1961). Holds a degree in Information Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. In his career as a journalist it is worth highlighting that he has worked and collaborated on many publications and with numerous publishers; he has been editor and director of El Temps magazine, director of Setze magazine, the Catalan supplement of Cambio 16, and director of the newspapers El Observador and Avui. He has also excelled as a scriptwriter and director on different TV programmes. At present he is president of the editorial board of Avui, and vicepresident of Òmnium Cultural. Vicent is also a lecturer in the Faculty of Communication Sciences at Universitat Ramon Llull in Barcelona.

Pere Torres Biologist and environmental consultant. After some time spent on research (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona), he joined the Government of Catalonia in 1991. He was in turn secretary of the Catalan Inter-university Council (1991-1993), Head of the Environment Minister’s staff (1993-1995), general director of Environmental Planning (1995-2000) and secretary for Regional Planning (2000-2003). Since 2004 he has done consultancy work in public management, sustainability and land use planning and has been a regular contributor to the International Institute for Governability and the Institut Cerdà.

Montserrat Vendrell (Barcelona, 1964) has been BIOCAT’s CEO since April 2007. BIOCAT is an organization that promotes biotechnology, biomedicine and medical technologies in Catalonia. It is supported by the government of Catalonia and the Barcelona city council and includes companies and research institutions. As a cluster organization, BIOCAT’s goals include promoting the development of biotechnology companies and research institutions through implementation of specific programs, facilitating access to financing and talent, and internationalization. Vendrell has been the Chairwoman of CEBR (the Council of European Bioregions) since 2012.

Dr. Vendrell holds a PhD in Biology (Universitat de Barcelona) and has more than ten years’ experience in biomedicine and biotechnology research in various international research institutions. She holds a Masters in science communication (UPF, 1997) and a Degree in business administration (IESE, PDG-2007).

Before BIOCAT she was linked to the Barcelona Science Park, where she held several posts such as Scientific Director (1997-2005) and Deputy Director General (2005-2007). Among other tasks, Dr. Vendrell led the design and implementation of the Park’s Strategic Plan, as well as the organization and management of scientific activities and technological platforms. She was a member of the Steering Committee of the Park’s Biotech Incubator, and in charge of international relations.

Carles Vilarrubí (Barcelona, 1954). Businessman. He is currently Executive Vice-President of Rothschild Spain Investment Bank, specialising in key mergers and takeovers in the financial sector on an international scale. President of CVC Grupo Consejero, an equity and investment advisory firm, with a portfolio of shares in consulting and service companies from the world of communications, the media, marketing, technology and telecommunications. President of Doxa Consulting Group, independent consultants on technology, media and telecommunications, leaders in the sector and with a presence in Spain and Portugal. He is a member of the advisory board of the Catalan confederation Foment del Treball Nacional (National Employment Promotion) and patron of the Fundació Orfeó Català - Palau de la Música. He has also been a member of the governing council of ADENA WWF (World Wild Fund for Nature), and sat on the boards of the Fundación Arte y Tecnología, Fundesco and Fundación Entorno. He is also member of the F.C Barcelona.

Vicenç Villatoro (Terrassa, 1957). Writer and journalist. Holds a degree in Information Sciences. Former president of the Ramon Trias Fargas Foundation.

As a journalist he has worked for numerous organisations. He was the editor of the Avui newspaper from 1993 to 1996 and head of the culture section of TV3. Between 2002 and 2004 was director general of the Catalan Radio and Television Corporation. He has contributed to a range of media companies, such as Avui, El Periódico, El País, El Temps, Catalunya Ràdio and COM ràdio. As a writer he has written a dozen novels. Currently he is the director of the Institut Ramon Llull.

Francesc de Dalmases (Director) (Barcelona, 1970). Journalist and consultant in humanitarian aid and cooperation and development. Has been president (1999-2006) of the Association of Periodicals in Catalan (APPEC); coordinator for the delegation to the Spanish state of European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages (1995-1999); coordinator for the third conference of the CONSEU (Conference of European Stateless Nations) (1999); and coordinator for the publication Europa de les Nacions (1993-1999). Has acted as a foreign expert in aid projects in such diverse locations as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mongolia, Kosovo, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mexico, Guatemala and Morocco.

He is a member of the Cooperation Council of the Catalan government. He recently (2011) joined Barcelona’s Council’s Aid Commitee and is a board member of the Federation of Internationally Recognized Catalan Organisations.

Víctor Terradellas (Editor) (Reus, 1962). Entrepreneur and political and cultural activist. President and founder of Fundació CATmón. Editor of Catalan International View and ONGC, a magazine dedicated to political thought, solidarity, aid and international relations. Víctor has always been involved in political and social activism, both nationally and internationally. The driving force behind the Plataforma per la Sobirania (The Platform for Self-Determination) as well as being responsible for significant Catalan aid operations and international relations in such diverse locations as Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Pakistan and Kurdistan. Currently he is General Secretary of International Relations for the Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya party.

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