CONT ENTS
2 Celebrating the Past 3 Parliament Visit
4-5 In Conversation with
David Tang
6-7 LSE HKPASS Forum
2010
8-15 Constitutional Reform
2010 An Introduction The Failures of Constitutional Reform 2010
回港，對政改討論的看法 與何俊仁的對話 What Next?
16-17 為市區重建局說一句
公道話 18-19 FIFA World Cup 2010:
The Side of It You Didn’t See 20 Embracing the Future
Great Expectations. As HKPASS enters another year with a new committee, new members, new events, together we enter a new chapter with nothing but great expectations. With a variety of events planned, we are sure to kick off action-packed months with inspiring lectures, social service and fun-filled trips. On a broader scope, similarly in Hong Kong, some also sees us taking a step closer to achieving democracy with the passage of a constitutional reform package. In light of recent disputes, a special report on Constitutional Reform 2010 hopes to bring inspiration to all, whether you already has your own take on it or not. Looking beyond Hong Kong and the UK, Bling aspires to bring its readers beyond their comfort zones to investigate events in other parts of the world. Featuring in this issue we explore the problem of prostitution behind the scenes of FIFA World Cup 2010. As students and citizens, we all have expectations for what lies ahead - our school year, our roots, and our world. May I present to you “Great Expectations”, and wishing you all the best of luck in finding your expectations fulfilled!
Florence Cheng Editor
Special thanks to Clarence Cheng for the design and typesetting
Celebrating the Past… A highlight of HKPASS’s events 2009-2010 3 Oct 7 Oct 11 Oct 13 Oct
2009
21 Oct
7 Nov 18 Nov 23 Nov 1 Dec 5 Dec 6 Dec 21 Dec 23 Dec
2010
10 Jan 16-18 Jan 12 Feb 22 Feb
22-26 Feb
8-12 Feb 3 Mar 10 Mar
IKEA Trip Annual General Meeting Helping in the Royal Parks Foundation Half Marathon HKPASS Legal Series Part 1: A talk by Chief Justice Andrew Li Kwok-nang HKPASS Legal Series Part 2: “One System, Two Countries” by Michael Thomas, former Attorney General of HK Local Trip to Alton Towers Meet the AO luncheon session “Run, Santa Run!” Fundraiser at LSE HKPASS Christmas Dinner Hope of the Night Show (in support of LSE Project of Hope) Santa Run at Greenwich Park In Conversation with Audrey Eu QC at Legislative Council Building LSE Christmas and Year-end Party (hosted by Friends of LSE in HK) Dim Sum with Mr Wei-on Chen JP HKPASS Annual Cultural Trip: Athens UK Parliament Visit The Legend behind Shanghai Tang: HKPASS in conversation with Sir David Tang KBE China Week (co-organised with Chinese Students and Scholars Association in LSE) Love Valentine, Love Haiti Fundraiser LSE Forum (with 6 other universities across the UK) Annual General Elections and Committee Elections
BLING Summer Edition 2010
PARLIAMENT VISIT Representing the United Kingdom, from
park bench to front bench Karen Lee Year One, Law Student
F
or a law student like me, the Parliament seems to be a sacred place where thousands of bills are drafted and enacted. Thus when I came across the opportunity for this “pilgrimage”, I was as excited as a devoted “disciple” to explore this mysterious institution which is not only covered significantly in the Public Law syllabus, but virtually affects the daily lives of you and me. On 12th February, around 30 members of the HKPASS proceeded light-heartedly down to the Parliament. At first sight, although part of the building was under construction, it was evident from its magnificent design that the Parliament has once been home to many kings and queens. As Parliament evolved and grew in importance, the Palace increasingly became the usual place for the politicians to meet and officially granted to their permanent home in 1550.
After stepping into the Westminster Hall, I was even more intrigued by the spectacular architectural design with the largest surviving single span medieval timber roof in Northern Europe. As historically significant as the Parliament itself, this hall has witnessed many pivotal events in British history. In addition to acting as the law courts for some of the most famous trials including Guy Fawkes and King Charles I, it is also the venue for customary lying-in-state after the death of a monarch. After being greeted by our tour guide, we were led to the Central Lobby, the centre of the Parliament with routes leading to the Houses and chambers. It is often referred to as “the heart of democracy in action” where people can exercise their right to lobby- the journey from one king one vote, to one person one vote.
We finally entered the House of Commons and the House of Lords. Even though a precaution measure after Mr Blair was attacked by a protestor with purple powder during a speech puts us further away from the floor of the Commons, it was still interesting from a bird-eye’s view to imagine a full house of democratically-elected MPs standing up and down, signalling with the common practice of “catching the Speaker’s eye”. We were indeed privileged to enter the House of Lords and to stand by the benches where Ministers sit on and discuss hotly-contested issues raised in debates. Unlike MPs, Members of the Lords are unelected and unpaid. Nonetheless, the second chamber of Parliament plays an important role in revising and initiating legislation, in scrutinising the activities of government and providing a forum for independent expertise. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the PA panel with the help from the HKETO to hold this interesting and informative trip.
3
4
BLING Summer Edition 2010
IN CONVERSATION WITH
DAVID TANG
Carmen Luk
Year One, International History Student
“
Hong Kong is very accent, Sir David, who was compartmentalised,” sent to England as a thirteenremarked Sir David year-old not speaking a word Tang (KBE) with a hint of of English, gave a fresh spin disapproval in his voice. “We to the age-old debate of the have to get out of question of the Confucian state Kong’s We have to Hong identity of mind.” get out of the within the When Sir David context of Confucian state speaks, people – China. from fashion heavyInterweaving of mind weight Tommy family stories Hilfiger to the West with Chinese Kowloon Cultural District history, and contentious Authority – listen. And so did political commentary with a the classroom-full of students wry sense of humour, the who showed up for the talk at audience was given laughs the end of one long, grey and provoking thought in Monday. With a crisp British equal measure.
The breadth and depth of Sir David’s speech reflected his extensive résumé. As an entrepreneur he founded the iconic fashion line Shanghai Tang in 1994 which has now branches in 34 countries worldwide. In recent years, he launched the exclusive China Clubs in Hong Kong, Beijing and Singapore, and the upmarket China Tang restaurant in Mayfair, London. He is involved in a number of charitable organisations, as founder and chair of the Hong Kong Cancer Fund and the Hong Kong Down Syndrome Association, just to name a couple. He writes a weekly
BLING Summer Edition 2010
column for the Apple Daily, virtually no natural resources and is a trustee for the or major industries, we London Royal College of Art. cannot sustain ourselves. We With his experience in the are dependent on China, and entrepreneurial, are thus at risk We are of losing our cultural and political fields, he identity in our excellent at cuts an ideal figure reliance on our in discussing the examinations, vast motherland. multi-disciplinary Our identity is question of Hong but we are not put at further Kong’s identity. peril by the free-thinking deeply Sir David’s argument entrenched Confucian frame centres on the sinews of of mind. “We are excellent at control China wields over examinations, but we are not Hong Kong. He proposes that free-thinking,” he critiqued. Hong Kong’s prosperity is With that, Sir David reaches underpinned by China due to the rather melancholy the fact that the renminbi conclusion that Hong Kong’s remains only partially identity will be lost. convertible. The rich channel their renminbi into Hong Kong in billions, both to protect and spend it, thereby propping up our property and luxury markets. He asserts that this phenomenon will continue as long as the renminbi remains inconvertible, as Hong Kong is an “absolute haven for all the mainlanders” – familiar in food and language, yet much freer in many respects. China, therefore, has a strong hold over Hong Kong in economic terms. He goes on to lament the stagnant state of Hong Kong politics, correctly pointing out that neither the Chief Executive nor the Legislative Council have a mandate (and allegedly, “no guts” either), and are essentially “puppets” of the Chinese government. The core of the problem is that as a tiny city with
The soundness of Sir David’s account is debatable, as the outspoken entrepreneur most likely intends it to be. But the success he has enjoyed is undeniable and internationally recognised. When asked by the audience for a few pointers to the road of success, Sir David promptly replied in all his idiosyncratically briskness, “Don’t think! Just get on with it!” Then, almost as an afterthought, he mused with a smile, “I believe in being in the right place at the right time.” Well, he certainly is a very lucky man then.
5
6
BLING Summer Edition 2010
参賽學院：
LSE HKPASS Forum 2010
劍橋大學 University of Cambridge 帝國理工學院 Imperial College 倫敦國王學院 King’s College London 倫敦政治經濟學院 London School of Economics and Political Science 牛津大學 University of Oxford 倫敦大學學院 University College London
法律系一年级生
吳夢瑜
由
倫 敦 政 治 經 濟 學 院 H K PA S S 舉 辦 的 L S E Forum 於 2010 年 3 月 6 日在倫敦政治經濟 學院順利舉行。當日，辯論會場座無虛席， 智者如雲。大會還特別邀請到香港駐倫敦經濟貿易辦 事處副處長林兆康先生為辯論會決賽作評委。 此次比賽的辯題十分貼近現在全球人關心的時事，涉 及的領域包括 地 球 氣 溫 暖 化 、全 球 一 體 化 及 文 化 知 識 產 權。 而決賽的題目更是別出心裁，是時下香港人相當關注 的問題
「港府興建高鐵連接內地 網絡利多於弊」
華威大學 University of Warwick
是次比賽賽制 比賽採用的是英國國會制辯論模式。 辯論賽共有两輪，評委會根據總分排 名從八組中淘汰四組，成功晉級的四 組將進入決賽。正反雙方分別為政府 和反對黨。正方一辯為首相，二辯為 副首相，三四辯為政府方成員。反方 一辯為反對黨領袖，二辯為副反對黨 領袖，三四辯為反對黨成員。辯論由 首相發言，然後正方反方交替發言， 每人限時三分鐘，直至反方四辯發言 完畢。
BLING Summer Edition 2010
7
一眾評委的工作實不容易!
能夠有幸進入決賽的隊伍 分別有劍橋大學，倫敦國 王學院、倫敦大學學院以 及我們倫敦政治經濟學 院。
在於這些投資到底甚麼時 候才能收回，政府也沒有 考慮過「載客量」這個問 題，未來的經濟效益誰也 無法準確界定。
準備時間完畢後，萬眾期 待的決賽在掌聲中開始 了。由倫敦國王學院代表 的正方一二辯認為，從宏 觀的角度看，經濟發展對 香港來是至關緊要。考慮 到高鐵對香港帶來的潛在 經濟效益，興建高鐵對香 港有百利而無一害。由劍 橋大學代表的反方一二辯 則認為，如果為了以經濟 為大前提而放棄少數人的 利益，這絕對反映香港民 主的可悲。接著，由倫敦 大學學院代表的正方三四 辯指出，如果香港不興建 高鐵，會錯失一個融入內 地發展的機會，最終被邊 緣化。最後，由我隊倫敦 政治經濟學院代表的反方 三四辯提出，問題的核心
四隊的同學都能言善辯， 發揮出超水準的表演。經 過評委們的一番商議後， 最終由倫敦政治經濟學院 贏得季軍，倫敦國王學院 則獲亞軍。是次比賽冠軍 由倫敦大學學院奪得，最 佳辯論員也是由倫敦大學 學院的 Sandy 獲得，實為 實至名 歸。 一場激 烈的辯 論會結 束了。 在辯論 會中， 相信參 與的人 都啓迪
了思想，增加了知識，提 高了修 養，磨礪了口才。 正如前本會前任主席 Michael Lok 所說， ‘Forum’ 原意為古羅馬城鎮的廣場， 是人們公開討論的場所， 而這次 LSE HKPASS Forum 完全能體現出‘Forum’的精 粹，在促進各校學生在文 化、知識等方面交流的同 時，同時也加強和展現了 各位辯手的思辨才華，達 到增進知識，相互學習的 目的。
冠軍隊伍 UCL
BLING Summer Edition 2010
Constitutional Reform 2010
8
The Handover
Rally for democracy on 1st July 2 Government proposal for 2007-8 elections vetoed by LegCo Alan Leong of Civic Party ran for the office of Chief Executive, on a platform for universal suffrage by 2012 NPCSC agreed that the universal suffrage can be employed in the Chief Executive election 2017 by the earliest, followed by that of LegCo in 2020 The League of Social Democrats (社民連) proposed the “Five Constituencies Resignation” (五區總辭)
Controversy on HK Basic Law Article 23 1 Pan-democratic camp proposed universal suffrage for 2008 (and later 2012) National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) rules out universal suffrage before 2012
April Government issued a revised version of the reform package. Democratic Party indicated support after its “one person, two votes” model was accepted 3
May The five democrats who resigned all regained their seats in by-election, though only with a turnout of 17% Pan democrats engaged in direct talks with Beijing 4 Government initiated “Act Now” (起 錨) campaign to call for support for its reform package
June Elsie Leung, now NPCSC Basic Law Committee deputy director, asserted that the proposals do not contravene earlier NPCSC decisions Televised debate between Donald Tsang and Audrey Eu 5 “Amendment to method for selecting the Chief Executive” and “Amendment to method for forming the Hong Kong Legislative Council” passed
1
Where the proposed enactment of laws sparked fear on the infringement of liberty on the grounds of “treason”, “theft of state secrets” etc. 2 Approximately 500,000 in protest of Article 23 3 i.e. granting all members of the electorate without the right to vote in the original functional constituencies the right to vote for the five newly-established District Council functional constituency seats 4 Led by the Democrats, it is the first time in decades where the Chinese government was willing to engage in direct talks with the democrats. The meeting was later donned as “ice-breaking” 5 Most polls pronounced Eu as the winner of the debate
BLING Summer Edition 2010
Constitutional Reform 2010 – A step towards democracy in Hong Kong? There is no doubt that recent constitutional developments have called for different opinions. And here, Bling would like to put forward the two cases presented by Kirsty Chow and Edmond Lee with regards to the above.
The Failures of Constitutional Reform 2010 Kirsty Chow Year One, Law Student
I
t would seem to many, that the passage of the constitutional reform package in June symbolised a significant milestone of Hong Kong’s democratic development. After passing the reform, Tsang claimed it as “...a triumph of reason for the entire Hong Kong Community” and what happened was “heroic”. While it may be tempting to agree with the CE, who painted an image of a fairy tale beginning, these words fail miserably to smother what went on behind the scenes and the contradictory nature of this reform package. This ‘reform’ failed
not only because of the ‘negotiation’ between the Democratic Party (DP) and Beijing exacerbated the rift between democratic camps, but even more disappointingly, is that this package failed to abolish functional constituencies – a step essential to achieving universal suffrage in Hong Kong. To put it simply, this ‘triumph’ that Tsang described, is far from having achieved. On the surface, it may perhaps be seen as a technical reform; yet with the objectives of achieving true universal suffrage as a goal, this reform is merely evidence of the government reneging on its promises. The constitutional reform package proposed an extension of the committee which appoints the chief executive, with an expansion up to 70 seats at the Legislative Council in
2012. While 40 of the 70 seats will be democratically elected by popular vote, it was originally proposed that half of the 10 extra seats will be chosen by functional constituencies. However, at the 11th hour, Beijing caved into an amendment proposed by the Democratic Party that the ‘new’ functional constituencies will be voted by Hong Kong’s entire electorate of 3.2 million people but selected by district councils. To many commentators, the focus of this constitutional reform package was on the DP assisting the government pass the reforms, creating a crack within Hong Kong’s democratic parties’ solidarity. Radicals and activists have likened the negotiation of DP with Beijing with treachery, or accusing the DP of selling out the prodemocracy camp, ‘kowtowing’ to Beijing. Yet, what
9
政 改 二 零 一 零
Constitutional Reform 2010
10
BLING Summer Edition 2010
If the lack of democracy in Hong Kong would be a disease, then the passing of the constitutional reform package would be a band aid. truly is worrying is not simply so. The real problematic issue here is that the continuing existence and an addition of more functional constituencies in the Legislative Council is driving Hong Kong further away from universal suffrage. Clearly, the entrenchment of functional constituencies would be inefficient, troublesome and contradictory to the direction of fazing them out; hence
steps are taken backwards, instead of forward. As well as such, the introduction of new, ‘super’ functional constituencies would further complicate the system already in LegCo, consisting of directly elected LegCo members and functional constituencies. Now, if I were to paint a picture for Donald Tsang, it would look more like this: if the lack of democracy in
回港，對政改討論的看法
Hong Kong would be a disease, then the passing of the constitutional reform package would be a band aid; the deviation of the path towards universal suffrage would continue to exist as the main symptom, with the rifts between democratic parties emerging as side effects in which the band-aid cannot cover. But we all know, a band aid can cover only so much – it is not a cure.
經濟系一年级生
李肇培
週
一回到香港，彷 彿看見停頓的時
民選區議員參選，再由全港直 選產生。換言之，由直選產生
無期？2005 年泛民否決當日類 似的方案，可沒有換來甚麼承
間。書櫃上還是 去年的高考 書，衣櫥內最上 面的是去年各迎新營的 T 恤。 可惜九個月確實過去，已無可 挽回。
的 立 會 議 員 比 例 ， 由 30/60(50%)，增至 40/70(58%)。 目前由議員提出的議案，要地 區直選和功能組別兩邊同時過 半數通過，方算通過。若分組
諾。況且即使中央或港府不反 對，現時的立 法會也不會通過 直接廢除功能組別，議席全面 普選。目前非民主派的功能組 別議員有二十五人，足以否決
如果可以一步到位，取消功能議席實現普選的話，不是不好，但不可能。 先別談這個。面書上不少舊友 反對政改方案，不敢苟同。倫 敦政經這邊的朋友們，卻是相 當政治中立，不動聲色。既然 如此，我就拋磚引玉好了。 現方案建議在立法會增設十 席：五席由地區直選產生，五 席由某數量的民選區議員提名
點票不變，新直選 「區議員」 代表計入「功能組別」之中， 作用比加十個地區直選議員更 大。
方案。逐漸增加直選立法會議 員的比例，削弱特權階級的勢 力，並給他們適應的時間，才 有可能最終廢除功能組別。
有友人認為方案沒有保證 2017 和 2020 年實現普選，支持之等 同 放棄爭取普選。可是若方案 不能通過，普選是否不再遙遙
更重要的是，通過方案將讓中 央正式表態，為民主進程訂下 底線。先前不是有不少建制派 的「專家」指民主黨的改良方
BLING Summer Edition 2010
案違反常委會決定甚麼的，這 幾天又忽然轉軑的麼？這種現 象，或許說明中央內部有不同 看法，建制派消息混亂，最近 才統一口徑。立法會通過方
對方案的余若薇指新增議席 「『選區太大』[即全港]，將 會製造一個『超級議員』…… 最終只會是少數政黨的囊中物， 選出來的議員亦只會聽從政黨
次大量流失議席，連三個立會 候選人也推不出來的話，也怨 不得人家了。同樣地，我不擔 心建制派晚些提出不合理的參 選門欖。要不然，選民像 2003
案，即是把方案送到人大常委 會面前。若中央否決曾蔭權支 持提出的方案，無異公開不信 任特首，大幅削弱其管治能 力；管治危機恐非中央所樂 見。若一如港人預期，人大常 委會通過方案，即是正式承認 每四年加十席直選符合基本法 「循序漸進」的規定，親建制
指揮」1，倒是正中要害。只是 「政黨」不單指民建聯，也指 植根地區，同屬 泛民的民主黨和 民協(2008 年自 由黨地區直選 全輸，及後 多名要員退 黨，一蹶
年一樣，在 2011 區會選舉大批 倒向民主派，過高的參選門欖 只會害了建制派。
鄭家富擔心新的區議員由全港選民選出，動輒取得二三十萬票進入 立法會，會令日後取消功能組別更困難。過慮了。 派也不能再就此大做文章。 2014 年政改討論再啟的時候， 政府提出的方案再差，也不能 比今天中央裁定合法合憲的 差，變相劃下最低進度。長此 下去，泛民支持度不變的話， 終有一天可以取得過半議席， 有更多籌碼與 港府談判。
不振， 大概可 以不計)。回歸後 泛民得票一直是六成左右，其 中民主黨民協該得三席，不多 不少；公民黨、社民連無從分 一杯羹，可能是反對的理由之 一吧，不過也無謂揣測。
鄭家富擔心新的區議員由全港 選民選出，動輒取得二三十萬 票進入立法會，會令日後取消
的確，區議會一般都較親政 府。不少市民會在區議會選舉 投民建聯，取其地區服務(畢竟 人家的錢不是白花的)；到立會
功能組別更困難。
過慮了。
要循新區議會界別 進入立會， 要有十位仍至二十位區議員提 名，沒有政黨支持甚難。香港 諸 政 黨 中 ， 只 有 民 建 聯 (117 席)、民主黨(62 席)、民協(17 席 )、自由黨(14 席)或有此能 力。既需政黨支持才能參選， 新「區議員」界別議員為下屆 選舉著想，大多不會貿貿然遠 離其綱領。文匯報引述同樣反
選舉則投民主派，取其敢言。 但若選民了解區議會選舉會影 響立會的席次，投票時應會再 慎加思索。當然，不論市民多 麼支持民主派，區議會選舉時 還是在小選區裡投票，是選人 多於選黨。若過去三年民主派 荒 廢地區工作的話，2011 年再
1
香港文匯報，2010-06-24：「新 增區會五席 葉國謙倡比例制」
如果可 以一步到位，取消功能議席實 現普選的話，不是不好，但不 可能。既然正面攻擊不可能， 那就打持久戰，逐漸消耗某些 階級在政治上的特權。民主進 程或者緩慢，但發生了，就不 可逆轉。 我們可以長期
抗戰，因為時間在我 們這邊。
11
政 改 二 零 一 零
Constitutional Reform 2010
12
BLING Summer Edition 2010
與
何俊仁的對話
論政改、泛民與香港政治前景與未來路向 法律系一年级生
李家欣 然政改方案得以順 利通過，但方案引 起社會公眾極大的 迴響，背後所帶出香港市民 對全民普選的渴求，以及追 求民主的意願，很值得我們 一眾八十後，尤其是一羣長 期身處外地的留學生關心和 反思。
雖
在今年八月初旬，我們有幸 能邀請致力提出及支持改良 政改方案的民主黨主席何俊 仁議員在百忙之中抽空與我 們學會幾位幹事及會員進行 了簡短而又充實的訪問。 在 短 短 兩 個 多 小時的訪問 中，我們與何議員的訪問大 致可分為三大主題：－
第一話：
談政改 被問到是次二零 一零政改方案與 零五年的普選方 案有何不同，何 議員向我們逐一 引用李剛、喬曉 陽及中聯辦不同 的回應，並詳細 加以解 釋。他認為是次政 改方案的重要性在於擴闊了 立法會議席的光譜，以及中 央政府聽取港府及香港市民 渴望全民普選之訴求的真誠 與決心。此外，二零一零政 改方案是極具象徵意義的， 除了獲得中央政府表明此舉
並不違反人大決定 的「定心丸」外， 最重要的是這方案 反映了政治現實。 談到政治現實，何 議員承認現實往往 不是完 美的，政 客亦需要在理想和 現實中取得合適的 平衡，而是次改良 方案，何議員亦認 為是在進退兩難時 的一個務實理性的方向。 以政治現實為基礎，同學提 出有關民意的議題。無可否 認，很多事情都有利有弊， 尤其如政治民主，必然有支 持亦有反對聲音。何議員就 着是次引起社會各大輿論的
BLING Summer Edition 2010
第三話：
香港 政治前景 與未來路向
政改運動為例，導出 民意的目的和意義。 無可厚非，有不少 學者和市民強烈指責 民主黨推動及支持改良 政 改 方 案 是 有 違民意。對 此，何議員指出立法會議員 或區議員被市民投與神聖的 一 票 ， 理 當 作 市民的代表 － 而身居選民大使和信託 人之位，就應履行責任提出 市民的訴求和聲音。儘管他 強 調 民 意 的 重 要性不容置 疑，但理解民意也是受制於 實際的情況，不是達致決定 的唯一最終因素。 從何議員多年自身的觀察， 他認為香港普羅大眾是明智 的，輿論的目的是尋找可持 續和可行的方案，以及與中 央談判的可能性。反對派的 角 色 ， 長 久 以 來都不是執 政，而是支持市民對民主的 訴求。從不同的數據統計資 料顯示，支持政改方案的市 民升至六成，而坊間不同媒 體 及 學 者 亦 慢 慢採用較溫 和、甚至開放的態度支持民 主黨的決定，何議員相信時 間可以證明一切努力沒有白 費。
第二話：
談泛民 被問到民主黨有黨員在方案 通過後提出退黨的意向，何 議員表示這也是務實中的一 項表示，他引用前英國外相 及國會議員 Robin Cook 在 美伊開戰前決意辭職時的一 句名言 “This is the point of Departure”。何議員對於好 友離黨感到婉惜，但他亦表 示其實在政改方案通過後， 入黨的人比退黨的還要多。 我們再談到泛民的形勢，何 議員認為泛民陣營有著共同 的目標，從議會制度，會員 中反映 民主擁抱及保護人 權，泛民派是否分化，在決 於各黨派的胸襟和遠見﹔能 完成鞏固民主力量責任，以 及和而不同的理想(unite in diversity) 便是泛民派的大 同之道。
剛才談到泛民派的責 任與理想，其中一項 任務便是擴闊支持者 的光譜。在目前民主 黨的集思大會中，公 民黨有意吸納更多女 性、中產及專業人 士，尤其年輕一族。 何議員本人十分欣賞 「八十後」，認為他們 極具創意，亦願意積極樂意 提出自己的反對聲音，作為 平反社會上不平等及反映社 會良知的輿論者﹔可是，另 一方面，「八十後」亦只反 映了過於理想化的良知而缺 乏了務實可行的解決方法。 何議員指出在現今政治邊緣 化趨勢之下，雖然社會提供 不同的平台與渠道去談論政 治，只有提升論政、議政的 水平才能令香港的政制發展 雙得益彰，有更佳的發展。 香港現時的限制在於圍城之 中的偏安之局，要突 破 重 圍，便需要一個隨時代改變 的新時代。鄧小平先生在開 放改革時所採用的「 點 線 面」策略，在今時今日二十 一世紀的香港也能適用。唯 有採用循序漸進，不徐不疾 的節奏，香港民主之路才能 開拓出新的一頁。共勉之。
13
政 改 二 零 一 零
Constitutional Reform 2010
14
BLING Summer Edition 2010
What Next? Is our “ultimate aim” really just about universal suffrage?
Florence Cheng Year One, Government and Economics Student
I
n
was
insufficient answer to Hong
perceived to be filled by
Kong’s problem of democratic
the politically-apathetic,
reform. To name a few, the
heated discussions on “Five
problems on the election of
Constituencies
Chief Executive are noted by
and
a
city
that
Referendum”
constitutional
reform
relatively few. Stipulated in
package lead many to ponder
the Basic Law is a provision
about the future of democracy
that obliges a nomination
in Hong Kong.
process
initiated
by
a
committee that is “broadly Acknowledging
that
a
representative”
aim”
is
carefully chosen to remain
fulfilled with universal suffrage,
open to interpretation. Even
it remains difficult to say that
with
the final chapter of Hong
made
Kong’s long-fought battle for
package,
democracy is clearly in sight. A
committee only consists of
discretionary interpretation of
around
“the actual situation…gradual
population. Assuming
and
universal
certain
“ultimate
orderly
progress”
–
institutional under
0.017%
significant in casting a shadow
allowed for by
on whether the 2017/2020
the
plans is warranted. Even when
People’s
this doubt is hypothetically cast
Congress
aside, the big picture is less
Standing
complete than it appears to
Committee
many.
(NPCSC), a biased
most,
a
necessary
but
reform
the
suffrage
Universal suffrage is, at
changes
the
prescribed in Basic Law remains
Chief
words
relevant of
is
National
Executive
Election Committee that does not fully
our
“The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in light of the actual situation in the HKSAR, and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress.The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.” (HKSAR Basic Law Article 45)
BLING Summer Edition 2010
reflect concerns of the general public is likely to be in sight. It
The significance of liberal democracy
is unsurprising to see only
result. Notwithstanding many assumptions
made
and
intentions supposed – there is clearly room for a fairer and more open nominating process. Without
free
and
fair
election procedures, it will be extremely
difficult
for
public
impend
effective
to
the
checks and balances on those in power. This may give rise to a government
that
is
not
representative of the needs of citizens, resulting in greater public discontent. Yes, we have the
media
prominent
as
the critic
most of
governmental actions, but that is certainly not enough.
and security concerns. The importance of other political
For
“Beijing-approved” candidates nominated thus elected as a
voter turnout, electoral fraud
almost
a
century,
democracy has stayed astray from
its
Greek
including
origin
“the
of
circumstances and protection of civil liberties, should not be overlooked.
people”
(“demos”) in policy-making. It
As early as 2003, fears of
has instead been understood to
the infringement of liberties
mean liberal democracy – a
and threats to existing lifestyle
system marked by the rule of
prompted strong resistance to
law
in
the government’s attempt to
and
fair
enact Article 23 of the Basic
in
the
Law.
and
addition elections.
civil to
liberties,
free Raised
With
rumours
of
plans
to
subheading, I questioned if our
government
“ultimate aim” can be satisfied
reintroduce Article 23 in the air,
by universal suffrage. Looking
the
beyond Hong Kong, countries
democratic camp to shift its
from United States, United
focus to the protection of civil
Kingdom to Zimbabwe and
liberties is pressing once again
Afghanistan all claim to practice
here in the city where free
universal suffrage. The latter
speech is highly-held.
two seem far from the standard perception of democracy with elections characterized by low
need
for
the
pan-
15
政 改 二 零 一 零
16
BLING Summer Edition 2010
為市區重建局說一句公道話 國際關係及歷史系二年级生
白雋彥
市
區重建局是政府
的福祉，其中又以灣仔利東
億，原業主卻分不到豐收後
根據《市區重建局
街/麥加力歌街和上環永利街
的成果。在缺乏其他補償選
條例》所成立的法
的項目最受公眾關注，獲傳
擇的情況下，市建局發放以
定公營機構，主要工作針對
媒廣泛報導。但是這些項目
同區七年樓齡作準則的現金
香港都市急速老化的問題，
亦備受批評，遇到激烈的反
賠償根本不足以讓受影響的
藉市區更新為舊區居民改善
對聲音。批評者指出，市建
居民於原區置業。
局採取由上而下的 方式選定重建項目，
可是，市民在批評當局政策
缺乏認受性和透明
的同時，亦應考慮現有的《市
度，忽略公眾參與的
區重建策略》和《市區重建
重要性。項目很多時
局條例》中都有重申市建局
候在開展後才被發
財務上自負盈虧、審慎理財
現與當區居民的遠
的原則。的確，在零九至一
生活環境。現時香港約有四
景相違，因而在招來居民批
零年度市建局在賬面上有六
千棟超過五十年樓齡的舊
評的同時，又破壞當區的特
十九億的盈餘。但這主要反
樓，而在未來十年數目將按
色和既有的社區網絡。最具
映了市建局在樓市蓬勃的利
年增加五百棟。今年一月二
爭議性的是市建局作為公營
好環境下，招標三塊相當大
十九日馬頭圍道發生的塌樓
機構自身的財務
悲劇便顯示出樓宇復修、市
安排和給予受重
區更新的逼切性。自二零零
建影響的居民的
一年成立以來，市建局平均
賠償及安置政策。
每年只重建了六十五座舊
被逼遷的業主、租
樓。由此可見，市區重建的
客和商戶指責市
步伐遠遠追不上香港市區老
建局動輒建議政
化的速度。
府引用《土地收回
上環永利街
條例》，強逼市民賤賣私產，
的土地後的現金流量。反之，
市建局的項目涉獵的地區範
並據為己有。市建局從重建
在零八至零九年度，市建局
圍廣亦關係到許多舊區居民
項目賣豪宅而獲盈餘六十九
虧蝕數十億。事實上，除了
BLING Summer Edition 2010
一百億元的前期資金，以及
低重建價值的地段就給予低
民意和加強市民參與方面有
政府豁免市建局需付的土地
賠償。所以市建局不會只做
改進的空間。當局在《市區
補價，作為納稅人對於市建
有價值的項目，亦不能夠協
重建策略》檢討期間有舉辦
局的工作的一種補貼支持
助受重建影響的業主進行投
過活動、進行研究、調查、
外，市建局需要自負盈虧。
機性的工作，分享所謂的重
開舖頭聆聽市民意見，而委
這是因為，政府堅持財政自
建地段的「潛在價值」 。在為
託七個區議會所進行的《市
給自足是公營機構良好管治
期兩年的《市區重建策略》
區更新地區遠景研究》為未
的基石。因
檢討
來的政策方向帶來啟示。另
此長遠而持
期間， 外，對被業主無理逼遷的租
續的社會性
當局
客、舊區樓梯底下經營的商
重建不會由
一直
戶、天台屋的業主等弱勢社
納 稅 人 承
鼓勵
群，市建局已盡力酌情發放
擔。
對投
特惠 金，並特別體恤經濟有
資性、 困難的長者，在可行的情況
重建工作可定性為社會性或 投資性，而市建局擔當社會 責任，執行的是社會性市區 重建。作為一個公營機構， 市建局不能單憑個別地段的 重建價值而選定為重建項 目。例如，雖然馬頭圍道由 於重建價值不高，屬於一個
有回
下協助安置，務求減低重建
報的重建有興趣小業主親身
為居民帶來的影響。最後，
著手參與重 建。市建局可擔
有見過去很多重建項目認受
當促進者的角色，但不會參
性不足，市建局在未來會緊
與該類項目，最多只收回它
隨建議成立的「市區更新諮
作為項目促成者提供專業顧
詢平台」所收集到的民意，
問意見的成 本。但是，對於
按個別地區的特色和居民的
某些投資回報較低但具重建
遠景進行市區更新工作，著
價值之項 目，都應由市建局
意保留原區網路，改善舊區
主導，並可能由納稅人作補
居住環境。
貼。 市建局正努力從過往的經驗
虧損的項目，但市建局在改
市區更新對於未來香港的整
中學習。當局「以人為本」、
善舊區居民生活質素的大前
體城市規劃影響深遠，需要
「由下而上」 、 「從地區出發」
提下，仍需肩負社會責任，
多方協作、各相關政府的政
的方針會流於政治把戲、宣
獨自包辦整個項目。因此，
策局及部門參與，在城市規
傳口號，還是踏實地得到實
市建局本著執行公務要公
劃、交通運輸、房屋安排各
踐？一切都會在不久的將來
平、有一致性的原則，不能
方面互相配合，所以不應只
得到印證。
夠因為某地段具重建價值就
由市建局承擔大部分責任。
讓持份者分享利益，相反，
誠然，市建局在聽取、接納
17
18
BLING Summer Edition 2010
FIFA World Cup 2010:
THE SIDE OF IT YOU DIDN’T SEE Eva Leung Year One, Philosophy and Economics Student [Extras by Carlo Mut, Year One Management Student]
T
he month-long tournament that took place at South Africa has undoubtedly been the subject of conversation amongst every- one – male or female, teen or adult – across the globe this summer. According to FIFA, over 715 million people alone had tuned in to watch the final match between Spain and Netherlands; and the number of viewers who had followed one or more matches was a staggering 2.2 billion worldwide. Besides, that is excluding
the half a million footballfanatics who flooded the hosting country in early July, with hopes to submerge themselves into the unique pleasure that was available only by being part of the live audience. It is no wonder why businesses – merchandisers, hotels, bars, restaurants and, inevitably, prostitutes – love the “World Cup frenzy”.
A temporary surge of excited people feeling collectively festive, gathered in one country, willing to pay for extra indulgence. These are the factors which attracted more than 40,000 sex workers to South Africa during the World Cup season. Arguably, this would be reasonable World Cup Extras #1 considering the Following ‘Lampard’s goal’ fans are overwhelming demanding for goal-line technology demand of to encourage the fairness and 450,000 preventing incorrect ruling. Whilst football fans – taking FIFA’s argument into account but there are as this technology will be expensive some alarming to uphold worldwide. How many problems with the South African more disgraceful, heartbreaking sex industry that incidents do players and fans have one cannot ignore. to endure due to this atrocity?
When World Cup collides with four-week national school holiday, the result is children being lured, recruited and kidnapped – one way or another – into prostitution. In fact, the sex trafficking problem in South Africa is so persistent that under-sixteen prostitutes on the streets is all but a rare sight. Furthermore, although most sex workers are aware of the importance of protected sex, almost all of them value money above safety. For as little as 50 South African Rand (equivalent to about £5), they will happily practise sex without condoms. This, when combined with the fact that one in five adults in South Africa is HIV positive, is undoubtedly troubling. This being said, the concerned country has fortunately begun to take measures against these problems in recent years. Children in schools are being educated about the dangers of STDs. Even President Zuma, who is infamous for his preference for unprotected sex, has sought help
BLING Summer Edition 2010
The STORY of
…from a little dream to reality "You mustn't be afraid to dream a little bigger, darling." – Eames, Inception (and pulls out a grenade launcher in the middle of a gunfight)
On the 28th of October 2008, James sent an email out to 14 friends. 'This is a little dream I have,' he wrote. It was a simple idea, building a school in Cambodia. But it was a complex dream too, with different meanings for different dreamers – for a Khmer child, a chance to learn; for a student fresh in university, a way to prove that one could make a difference, even at the age of 19. Drawing upon the strength of their friendship, and with the shared aim, the fifteen students from universities all over the world formed Project Little Dream. In December 09, over 27 days, 68 volunteers from 6 countries gathered to build a village school in a once deserted area, to refurbish an orphanage and build four toilet cubicles, an adventure playground, a shelter and a garden for the 52 children living there. Project Little Dream bridged several time zones and linked together the dreams – and the dreamers. Together, they were unafraid to dream a little bigger, and unafraid too, of unmasking their dreams and making them a reality. Project Little Dream will be looking for volunteers to help with our projects in Takeo the coming Christmas. Should you have any questions on the project, please visit http://littledream.org/ and http://projectlittledream.wordpress.com/ for further information, or contact Gabriel Pak at gabbypak@gmail.com.
19
2011
2010
…Embracing the Future 28-29 Sept Freshers’ Fair 4 Oct Asian Business and Finance Elite Series – The Changing Financial Landscape of Hong Kong (Speaker: Mr John Tsang, Financial Secretary of HKSAR) Oct IKEA Trip Nov Local Trip to Theme Park Dec Hope of the Night Show (In support of Project of Hope 2010) Jan Cultural Trip
This publication is for commercial use. The whole or any part of this publication may not be reproduced without written consent by the Editor or the independent authors. Disclaimer: The majority of content published on Bling is created by individual authors. The views expressed are theirs and unless specifically stated are not those of the HKPASS or the HKPASS committee members. Neither the HKPASS nor HKPASS committee members are liable to any opinion expressed by contributors.
Copyright Š 2010-11 LSESU HKPASS. All rights reserved.
Cc
9 02313 00528