CJB306127

PROMOTIVE AND RISK FACTORS RELATED TO DEVIANT BEHAVIOR IN JAPANESE YOUTH JULIE ANNE LASER University of Denver

TOM LUSTER TOKO OSHIO Michigan State University

Although deviant behavior is on the rise in Japanese youth, the promotive (or protective) factors that deter this behavior and the risk factors that exacerbate it have not been studied. This study examined promotive and risk factors related to deviant behavior among 555 male and female Japanese youth attending postsecondary schools in the Sapporo area. Individual characteristics, family characteristics and processes, and extrafamilial factors were investigated. Results showed that many factors that had been linked to deviant behavior in Western samples (e.g., lack of parental monitoring) were also predictive of deviant behavior in Japanese youth. In addition, some factors that were of particular concern in Japan (e.g., father’s involvement in fuzuko) were also predictive of deviant behavior.

Keywords:

deviance; deviant behavior; promotive factors; risk factors; Japanese youth; youth

A

lthough most Japanese live in densely populated urban centers, civility and calm are maintained by the observance of rules and cultural mores. This sense of serenity is preserved by valuing the importance of the common good over the personal desires of the individual. To underscore this point, there is an old Japanese adage that states, “The nail that sticks out gets pounded down.” This maxim reflects many Japanese social rules and mores. Japanese corporations, businesses, universities, and public schools all promote the idea of interdependence whereby harmony and common good are valued over personal gain (Crocker, Loutanen, Blaine, & Broadnax, 1994; Kitayama & Markus, 1994; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Morling, Kitayama, & Miyamoto, 2002; Reid & Deaux, 1996; Sugimura, 2001).

However, the nation has been gripped by a recent concern that Japanese youth are becoming increasingly more aggressive and unruly. In fact, the rate of youth arrests has risen from 12.5 per 1,000 youth in 1994 to 17.5 per 1,000 youth in 2003 (Ministry of Justice, 2005).

Although there is a substantial increase in youth crime, it is impossible to separate the increase in actual numbers from other factors or from an increase in focus on youth crime.

For example, Nakanishi (2003) found that rates of juvenile deviance were tied to increased police spending. Perhaps more important, the popular media often highlight stories that describe a growing group of Japanese youth that dress outside of cultural norms, vandalize, AUTHORS’ NOTE: The authors would like to thank the Yasuda Foundation of Tokyo, Japan, for funding this research. Furthermore, the authors would like to acknowledge the important contributions of the Japanese team, including Dr. Yasuo Tanaka, Shinichi Ninomiya, Hidemi Shinbo, Narumi Tsukui, Dr. Murohashi Harumitsu, Dr. Satoshi Miura, Dr. Norihiro Ito, Teruko Ikehata, Reiko Morimura, Dr. Akio Ishimoto, Yoshimi Akino, Dr. Kazuo Suzuki, and Aoi Tamura. Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to Julie Anne Laser, MSW, PhD, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Denver, 2148 High St., Denver, CO 80208; e-mail: julie.laser@du.edu.

CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, Vol. 34 No. 11, November 2007 1463-1480 DOI: 10.1177/0093854807306127 © 2007 American Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology

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steal from their parents or shoplift, are involved with street gangs, and are in school to have fun, not to better themselves. Mainstream Japanese society is perplexed about how to control this unruly group of youth. In the tradition of “pounding down the unruly nail,” Japanese educational administrators have tried to combat deviant behavior by creating and enforcing more rules governing student conduct and dress. In fact, it has been stated that the number of school rules and regulations today is even greater than when Japan was at the pinnacle of military fascism in the 1930s and 1940s (Kerr, 2001). As Japanese students’ behaviors do not conform to proper conduct, they are continually held to an ever more stringent set of rules.

Any embellishments on school uniforms have been forbidden, and hairstyles, cuts, and colors have all been controlled to follow specific standards. It was recently reported that as Japanese schools try to combat more defiant teenage behavior, they have become even more punitive (Kerr, 2001). In the extreme, it has been suggested that incarceration or labor camps should be used as a means of dealing with deviant youth (Shukan, 2002; Van Wolfren, 1990).

These deviant youth are also viewed as being at risk for becoming hardened criminals.

The recruitment of deviant youth by organized crime (Yakuza) has been documented in Japan for some time (Saga, 1991; Van Wolfren, 1990). Therefore, it would seem that it would be in society’s best interest to redirect these youth when the opportunity to do so is still there.

Interestingly, in cross-cultural studies of Japanese and American children and youth, the respondents had similar concepts of deviance (Crystal, 2000). However, Crystal and Stevenson (1995)—interviewing families in Japan, China, and the United States—found a significant difference between parent and adolescent concepts of deviance in Japan, with Japanese mothers expressing a stronger predilection for interpersonal harmony than their offspring. This underscores that there may be a generational shift in concepts of deviance, with a more relaxed attitude of what constitutes deviant behaviors by the youth of Japan than their parents. It is also interesting to note in Crystal’s 2000 study that Japanese youth attributed deviant behavior to internal characteristic failings, whereas American youth believed that deviant behavior was caused by external factors in the youth’s environment.

In studies conducted in the United States, Europe, Australia, and New Zealand, risk factors for deviancy are found at the individual level as well as in the key contexts where adolescents and young adults spend much of their time, including the family, peer group, school, and neighborhood (Fergusson & Horwood, 2003; Luster & Small, 1997; Ungar, 2004; Werner & Smith, 1998). Youth exposed to several risk factors are at particularly high risk for developing problems (Sameroff, Gutman, & Peck, 2003). Nevertheless, some youth who are exposed to multiple risk factors are judged to be resilient at the time they are assessed (Luthar, 2003). Resilience has been defined as “patterns of positive adaptation in the context of significant risk or adversity” (Masten & Powell, 2003, p. 4), and protective or promotive factors often contribute to better-than-expected adjustment (Luthar & Zelazo, 2003).

Promotive factors associated with resilient outcomes in previous studies tend to fall into three categories: (a) characteristics of the individual, (b) family characteristics and processes, and (c) extrafamilial factors and community resources such as positive peers, good schools, safe neighborhoods, and relationships with caring adults outside the family (Garmezy, 1985, 1993; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Masten & Powell, 2003). Specific risk and promotive factors associated with deviancy in earlier studies are noted below.

Moral development may be an important individual characteristic in whether or not youth engage in deviant behavior. Many researchers have suggested that an internalized set of moral Downloaded from http://cjb.sagepub.com by Juan Pardo on November 14, 2007 © 2007 American Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.

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standards is an important protective factor (Jessor, Van Den Bos, Vanderryn, Costa, & Turbin, 1995; Kumpfer, 1999). Painful events in the individual’s past may also contribute to involvement in deviant behavior. For example, a history of sexual abuse has been related to aggressive behavior and deviant behavior (Parker & Herrera, 1996). Corporal punishment has been linked to aggressive behavior (Lansford et al., 2005). In a six-nation study, researchers found that children who had been physically disciplined had greater aggression and anxiety, even in countries where corporal punishment was the cultural norm (Lansford et al., 2005).

Within the family microsystem, a positive relationship between the youth and her or his parent(s) has been predictive of better adjustment (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). In Western studies, greater vulnerability in youth is often found when there is a dysfunctional family environment. Fantuzzo and Mohr (1999) found that children who witnessed or heard domestic violence were more likely to have low self-esteem, aggression problems at school, depression, anxiety, phobias, bed-wetting, and insomnia. The frequency of moving has also been found to be a risk factor. Cicchetti, Toth, and Rogosch (2000) found that children who were changing schools several times a year were more likely to be maltreated by their parents and more likely to be isolated from peers. Youth who move frequently are likely to lose contact with old peer groups and thus have to gain acceptance into new peer groups; the peers that may be most welcoming in the new setting include relatively unpopular youth who are rejected by more popular youth because they lack social skills and are aggressive or deviant (Harris, 1995).

Extrafamilial factors, such as a sense of belonging at school, play a pivotal role in a youth’s functioning. A sense of belonging reduces feelings of disengagement and alienation (Bogenschneider, 1998; Garcia-Coll et al., 1996; Maughan, 1992; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Wang, Haertel, & Walberg, 1994). Students who feel that they are connected to their teachers, classmates, school and instructional program, and school functions are better equipped to handle adverse circumstances (McMillan & Reed, 1994; et al., 1994).

Living in a neighborhood that is not safe has been found to be a risk factor. Hawkins, Catalano, and Miller (1992) found that population density, high mobility, physical deterioration of the neighborhood, and high levels of crime put the adolescents and young adults who live in those neighborhoods at risk for deviant behavior. Osofsky (1999) has posited that high levels of neighborhood violence can affect children with symptoms ranging from temporary upset to posttraumatic stress disorder. Moreover, exposure to certain media influences has been associated with deviant behavior. Jenson and Howard (1999) reported that viewing violence in the media is related to deviant behavior.

METHOD PARTICIPANTS

Participants for this study were selected from the Sapporo area, on the northern island of Hokkaido, Japan. Sapporo is the fifth-largest city in Japan with a population of approximately 1.79 million. It is an urban industrialized center but is also surrounded by rural communities. Sapporo represents a good cross-section of the Japanese population. To obtain a diverse and fairly representative sample of postsecondary students in the Sapporo area, a range of vocational schools, colleges, and universities that differed in terms of size and

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prestige were targeted for inclusion in the study. Postsecondary institutions were the selected venue because of the high level of participation (74.1%) of Japanese youth at this level (see the Japan Information Network Web site: http://www.jinjapan.org/government/).

Nine different postsecondary institutions agreed to have their students surveyed. Many of these institutions were not accustomed to research being done at their campuses, necessitating lengthy discussions with school administrators prior to meeting with faculty and students.

Eventually all the institutions consented. They included three vocational colleges (23.9% of the total respondents), two 2-year colleges (41.8%), and four 4-year universities (34.3%). Although there were high levels of completed surveys from vocational students, their institutions were often very small. Therefore, parity between the different types of institutions was not obtained.

In all, 555 students participated in the study. Surveys were completed during class sessions, and with few exceptions, all students in the classrooms filled out the surveys. Physical education classes were selected because of the fact that all Japanese college students are required to take these classes.

Of the respondents, 38% (n = 211) were female and 62% (n = 344) were male. There were more male respondents because fewer females were enrolled in the schools that had the largest numbers of respondents. The age of those surveyed was from 18 to 19 years old.

In Japan, the age of majority or legal responsibility of an adult is 20 years old.

Slightly more than half (54.3%; n = 301) of the respondents lived with their families.

Fewer than 10% (9.6%; n = 53) lived in dormitories, with the remainder living in apartments (35.7%; n = 198) or with another family member (0.4%; n = 22). Nearly half (49.3%; n = 274) of the respondents saw their mothers daily; however, only 1.5% (n = 8) saw their fathers daily. The educational attainment of more than half of the mothers of the respondents (52.3%; n = 290) was a high school diploma, and the other mothers had some level of postsecondary training. Among the fathers of the respondents, 41.5% (n = 230) had a high school diploma, and the rest had some postsecondary education. Most respondents (92.4%; n = 513) had at least one sibling.

MEASURES

Three instruments were used in the investigation: (a) The Laser Ecological Protective Factors for Young Adults (LEPFYA), (b) The Life Events Survey for Japanese Youth (LESJY), and (c) the Demographic Information Questionnaire. The instruments were designed to assess a range of outcomes and contextual factors. For the purposes of this study, the items selected for analysis measure deviancy and the risk and promotive factors identified in previous studies or in discussions with Japanese scholars. A description of each instrument is provided below. Copies of the instruments are available from the first author.

The LEPFYA. The LEPFYA was designed to assess potential promotive factors and has 151 items with responses provided on a 5-point, Likert-type scale. Questions were asked regarding individual, family, and extrafamilial promotive factors that college students may possess or have in their environment. The questions are based on a careful review of the literature on promotive factors that have been linked to positive individual outcomes for at-risk youth in North America, Europe, New Zealand, and Australia. The LEPFYA instrument was developed for this study in collaboration with Japanese researchers who reviewed and

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modified the wording of each item to ensure that it was culturally appropriate and that the meaning of the terms would be understood by Japanese youth. All measures were translated into Japanese by a native speaker and then translated by another individual back into English to ensure proper translation. Both translators were bilingual, had studied in both Japanese and American universities, and were familiar with the nuances of psychological language in both cultures.

The LESJY. The LESJY measures potential risk factors, it has 114 items, and responses are given on a 5-point, Likert-type scale. The LESJY combines items from Stephen Small’s Teen Assessment Project (TAP) Survey (Small & Luster, 1994) with items found in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97; Center for Human Resource Research, 2002) and items created by the investigator based on the risk literature in North America, Europe, New Zealand, and Australia. Also included in the LESJY are items that are of particular concern in Japan. Investigators from both Japan and the United States compiled the LESJY instrument.

Demographic Information Questionnaire. Basic demographic information was collected regarding the age, sex, and family composition of the respondents and the academic background of the respondents’ parents. Both Japanese and American investigators developed the Demographic Information Questionnaire.

SUBSCALES

All items were scored on a 5-point, Likert-type scale. A total score for each subscale was constructed by averaging the item scores for each subscale. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated for each subscale that was based on multiple items. A description of each subscale is provided below beginning with the risk factors assessed in this study.

Developmental Risk Factors Subscales

History of Sexual Abuse. There were three items in this subscale. They included the following: “I was touched inappropriately by a stranger (chikan) on a train or a bus,” “I was pressured to have sex when I did not want to,” and “I was sexually abused by an adult.”

Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times). High scores indicated a greater frequency of sexual abuse. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated at .72.

History of Corporal Punishment by Parents. This subscale had three items: “Growing up, I was hit when I did poorly in school,” “Growing up, I was hit when I did not give my parents respect,” and “Growing up, I was hit when I embarrassed my family.” Responses ranged from never 0 (never) to 4 (always). Cronbach’s alpha was .82.

Family Microsystem Risk Factors Subscales

Mother Involvement in Telekura. In the Japanese popular press, there have been colorful discussions of the frequency of housewives’ involvement in telekura (telephone sex) and

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the impact of that behavior on their children. Although participation in this activity cannot be verified by the respondent’s mother, more than 20% of the respondents believed that their mother had some involvement with telekura. There were two items in this subscale: “I believe that my mom was involved with telekura to meet people,” and “I believe that my mom was involved with telekura to make money.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times). Pearson’s correlation for the two items was calculated at .79.

Father Visiting Fuzuko (brothels). Although frequenting brothels cannot be verified by the respondent’s father, nearly one quarter of respondents believed that their father had visited a fuzuko at least once. This was a single item: “I believe that my father has gone to fuzuko.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times).

Domestic Violence Witnessed. This subscale included four items: “I heard my father be verbally abusive to my mother,” “I saw my father hit my mother,” “I heard my mother be verbally abusive to my father,” and “I saw my mother hit my father.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times). High scores indicated greater domestic violence witnessed. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated at .82.

Frequency of Moving. This was a single item. The question was: Growing up my family moved _ times.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times).

Extrafamilial Risk Factors Subscale

Neighborhood Not Safe. This subscale had five items: “Growing up, my neighborhood was not safe after dark”; “Growing up, street gangs operated in my neighborhood”; “Growing up, I knew people who were involved in street gangs”; “Growing up, Yakuza (mafia) operated in my neighborhood”; and “Growing up, I knew people who were involved in Yakuza.”

Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times). High scores indicated living in a less safe neighborhood. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated at .80.

Media Influence Risk Factors

Hip-Hop Culture. Three items were included in this subscale: “Growing up, I listened to hip-hop music or watched hip-hop videos”; “Growing up, I wore hip-hop clothes”; and “I consider myself to be a part of hip-hop culture.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (always). High scores indicated greater involvement in hip-hop culture. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated at .77.

View Sex and Violence on TV. There were two items included in this subscale: “Growing up, I watched sexually explicit television shows or movies” and “Growing up, I watched violent television shows or movies.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (always). High scores indicated greater viewing of sex and violence. Pearson’s correlation for the two items was .64.

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Individual Characteristics: Promotive Factors

Moral Development. Moral development involves moral feeling, moral thought, and moral action (Lickona, 1991). Four items constituted the Moral Development subscale: “I have a strong sense of shame if I do something wrong,” “I think I should do what is right even if it will make me unpopular,” “I consider others’ feelings when I make decisions,” and “I feel guilty if I do not do what I know is right.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (always).

High scores indicated higher levels of moral development. Cronbach’s alpha was .66.

Family Microsystem Promotive Factors

Paternal Relationship. Paternal relationship measures the strength of the relationship between the respondent and her or his father. Three items were included in this subscale: “I think highly of my father, “My father is a person I would like to be like,” and “I really enjoy spending time with my father.” Responses ranged from 0 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). High scores indicated a more positive paternal relationship. Cronbach’s alpha was .83.

Maternal Relationship. Maternal relationship assesses the strength of the relationship between the respondent and her or his mother. Items on this subscale were as follows: “I think highly of my mother,” “My mother is a person I would like to be like,” and “I really enjoy spending time with my mother.” Responses ranged from 0 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). High scores indicated a more positive maternal relationship. Cronbach’s alpha was .77.

Extrafamilial Promotive Factors

School Belonging. This variable was a single item: “I feel like I fit in at my school.”

Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (always). High scores indicated a greater sense of school belonging.

Deviancy. The Deviancy subscale included six items: “I was involved with street gangs,” “I shoplifted,” “I took money from my parents without asking them,” “I vandalized public or private property,” “I had problems with the police,” and “I stole from others.” Responses ranged from 0 (never) to 4 (four or more times). High scores indicated greater deviant behavior. Cronbach’s alpha was .78.

RESULTS

The results are divided into four parts. First, descriptive statistics are presented for the items in the outcome measure—deviancy. Second, the correlations among the risk and promotive factors are examined. Next, the bivariate relations between the predictor variables and outcome variables are presented. Finally, the results of the multiple regression analyses are shown to determine how much of the variance in the outcome measure is explained

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TABLE 1:

Descriptive Statistics

Full Sample

Risk Factors Individual Risk Factors History of Corporal Punishment History of Sexual Abuse Family Risk Factors Domestic Violence Witnessed Parent Not Aware of Respondent’s Activities Believe Mother Involved in Telekura Believe Father Visits Fuzuko Frequency of Moving Extrafamilial Risk Factors Hip-Hop Culture Involvement View Sex and Violence on TV Neighborhood Not Safe Promotive Factors Individual Promotive Factors Moral Development Family Promotive Factors Maternal Relationship Paternal Relationship Extrafamilial Promotive Factors School Belonging Deviant Behavior

Female Subsample

Male Subsample

Gender Difference in Scores

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

t Test

0.78 0.41

1.0 0.75

0.52 0.46

0.82 0.66

0.94 0.37

1.08 0.79

17.99** 28.69**

0.65 1.70

1.01 1.05

0.60 1.69

0.94 1.07

0.68 1.71

1.05 1.04

19.08** –1.65

0.18

0.65

0.07

0.45

0.24

0.74

40.82**

0.57 1.47

1.21 1.39

0.39 1.54

1.02 1.39

0.68 1.44

1.29 1.39

18.31** 2.15*

1.20 2.02 0.97

1.07 1.04 0.93

1.11 1.63 0.79

0.95 0.92 0.73

1.26 2.27 1.09

1.13 1.03 1.02

7.96** –8.82** 14.41**

2.46

0.63

2.60

0.57

2.37

0.66

–23.04**

2.62 2.44

0.88 0.97

2.86 2.38

0.88 1.05

2.45 2.49

0.82 0.91

–21.78** –18.38**

2.64 1.07

1.32 1.0

2.87 0.77

1.25 0.89

2.48 1.26

1.36 1.01

–16.59** 13.74**

*t test scores that have gender differences significant at the .05 level, two-tailed. **t test scores that have gender differences significant at the .01 level, two-tailed.

by the risk and promotive factors and to determine which of the risk and promotive factors are predictive of the outcome variable when other predictor variables are controlled.

DEVIANCY

As an initial step in the analysis, descriptive statistics were computed for each of the items in the deviancy measure and for the total score. This step was taken to gauge how prevalent deviancy was among Japanese youth enrolled in postsecondary institutions in the Sapporo area. In the full sample of 18- and 19-year-olds, it was found that 57.6% (n = 320) admitted to vandalizing public property at least once (44.4% of females, n = 102; 66.5% of males, n = 216), 46.0% (n = 255) admitted to shoplifting at least once (35.9% of females, n = 83; 52.9% of males, n = 171), 45.3% (n = 251) admitted to taking money from their parent without permission (41.4% of females and 48.2% of males), 23.5% (n = 130) acknowledged at least limited involvement with street gangs (12.4% of females, n = 29; 31.2% of males, n = 101), and 24.2% (n = 134) acknowledged having problems with the police sometime in their life (11.2% of females, n = 26; and 33.1% of males, and n = 108). Although these numbers cannot be legitimated by another source, the 2007 Japan Statistical Yearbook (Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, 2007) reported 83,000 arrests for larceny offenses. For a sample that was drawn from the mainstream of Japanese youth, these Downloaded from http://cjb.sagepub.com by Juan Pardo on November 14, 2007 © 2007 American Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.

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.41** .23** .56** .35** .16** .22** .15** .37**

.09 –.02 –.02 –.07

.30** .27** .33**

–.11* –.16** –.01 –.19**

1.0

History of Sexual Abuse

.30** .33** .36** .20** .05

1.0 .29**

History of Corporal Punishment

–.12*

–.13** –.15**

.04

.08 .08 .18**

1.0 .16** .45** .37** .13**

Domestic Violence Witnessed

Pearson Correlation Matrix of Risk Factor and Promotive Variables

Risk Factors Individual Risk Factors History of Corporal Punishment History of Sexual Abuse Family Risk Factors Domestic Violence Witnessed Parent Not Aware of Respondent’s Activities Believe Mother Involved in Telekura Believe Father Visits Fuzuko Frequency of Moving Extrafamilial Risk Factors Hip-Hop Culture Involvement View Sex and Violence on TV Neighborhood Not Safe Promotive Factors Individual Promotive Factors Moral Development Family Promotive Factors Maternal Relationship Paternal Relationship Extrafamilial Promotive Factors School Belonging

TABLE 2:

–.19**

–.12** –.13**

–.04

.22** .20** .25**

1.0 .16** .18** .05

Parent Not Aware of Respondent’s Activities

–.08

–.09* –.05

–.03

.19** .15** .32**

1.0 .42** .13**

Believe Mother Involved in Telekura

–.09*

–.11* –.09*

.03

.16** .16** .28**

1.0 .14**

Believe Father Visits Fuzuko

.01

–.07 –.04

.02

–.04 .01 .06

1.0

Frequency of Moving

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1.0 .30**

.05 –.08 .09* –.21**

–.02 –.02 .06 –.08

View Sex and Violence on TV

1.0 .23** .50**

Hip-hop Culture Involvement

–.17**

–.07 .02

–.02

1.0

Neighborhood Not Safe Not Safe

.08

.35** .19**

1.0

Moral Development

*Correlation is significant at the .05 level, two-tailed. **Correlation is significant at the .01 level, two-tailed.

Risk Factors Individual Risk Factors History of Corporal Punishment History of Sexual Abuse Family Risk Factors Domestic Violence Witnessed Parent Not Aware of Respondent’s Activities Believe Mother Involved in Telekura Believe Father Visits Fuzuko Frequency of moving Extrafamilial Risk Factors Hip-hop Culture Involvement View Sex and Violence on TV Neighborhood Not Safe Promotive Factors Individual Promotive Factors Moral Development Family Promotive Factors Maternal Relationship Paternal Relationship Extrafamilial Promotive Factors School Belonging

TABLE 2 (Cont.)

.09*

1.0 .47**

Maternal Relationship

.07

1.0

Paternal Relationship

1.0

School Belonging

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numbers are quite substantial. Additional descriptive statistics for the male and female subsamples are provided in Table 1.

BIVARIATE ANALYSIS

As the next steps in the analysis, Pearson correlation matrices were created to determine the relationships among the promotive factors and risk factors (see Table 2) and then between the promotive and risk factors and the deviant behavior variable (see Table 3). Because of the large sample size, many of the variables were significantly correlated with each other. Using Cohen’s (1988) interpretation of the magnitude of correlations, a correlation greater than .5 is considered large, a correlation that ranges from .3 to .5 is considered moderate, and a correlation less than .3 is considered small. Most of the correlations among the variables were small to moderate in magnitude.

It was originally thought that collinearity might be a problem in the data set because of the fact that all information is from the same respondents and that some of the variables are conceptually related to each other. However, a collinearity diagnostic indicated that the variables had a high tolerance and that multicollinearity was not likely to be a significant problem in the analysis.

Correlations Among Promotive and Risk Variables

A review of the correlation matrix in Table 2 shows that many of the predictor variables were related to each other in expected ways. For example, the respondent’s belief that mother was involved in telekura was related to a history of sexual abuse (.56). The youth’s involvement in hip-hop culture was related to growing up in an unsafe neighborhood (.50).

Correlations Between Predictor Variables and Deviancy

The correlations between the predictor variables and deviancy are shown in Table 3. As expected, all of the risk factors were significantly related to deviancy for the total sample; all of the risk factors were also related to deviancy for males and females, with the exception of frequency of moving, which was unrelated to deviancy among females. All of the promotive factors were negatively related to deviance among the females, but they were uncorrelated with deviance in the male subsample. However, not all of the risk factors were significantly related to deviancy in both the male and female subsamples. Similarly, not all the promotive factors were important for both the male and female subsamples.

MULTIVARIATE ANALYSES

Having examined the bivariate relationships, multiple regression analyses to determine which risk and promotive factors were related to deviancy when other factors were controlled was prepared. Regression analyses were conducted for the full sample and separately for males and females. The risk and promotive factor variables were entered simultaneously in the regression equation, and the results are presented in Table 4.

The risk and promotive factors were useful for predicting deviancy in Japanese youth.

The amount of the variance in deviancy explained by the model (R2) was .40 for the full sample, .36 for the female subsample, and .41 for the male subsample. The F value to test Downloaded from http://cjb.sagepub.com by Juan Pardo on November 14, 2007 © 2007 American Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.

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TABLE 3:

Pearson Correlation Between Deviant Behavior and Risk and Promotive Factors

Risk Factors Individual Risk Factors History of Corporal Punishment History of Sexual Abuse Family Risk Factors Domestic Violence Witnessed Parent Not Aware of Respondent’s Activities Believe Mother Involved in Telekura Believe Father Visits Fuzuko Frequency of moving Extrafamilial Risk Factors Hip-Hop Culture Involvement View Sex and Violence on TV Neighborhood Not Safe Promotive Factors Individual Promotive Factors Moral Development Family Promotive Factors Maternal Relationship Paternal Relationship Extrafamilial Promotive Factors School Belonging

Deviant Behavior: Full Sample

Deviant Behavior: Females

Deviant Behavior: Males

.25** .33**

.18** .32**

.25** .34**

.28** .12* .33** .38** .16**

.23** .18** .26** .25** –.03

.30** .15** .30** .40** .21**

.27** .34** .49**

.21** .33** .48**

.33** .26** .49**

–.09*

–.17**

–.03

–.20** –.07

–.13* –.16*

–.08 –.01

–.14**

–.23**

–.05

*Correlation is significant at the .05 level, two-tailed. **Correlation is significant at the .01 level, two-tailed.

the null hypothesis for the overall model was 19.39 for the full sample, 5.92 for females, and 12.67 for males. All were significant at the .001 level.

The variables that were significantly related (beta value p ≤ .05) to deviancy in the full sample included parent not aware of respondent’s activities, father’s involvement in fuzuko, viewing sexual and/or violent TV, living in a neighborhood that was not safe, low moral development scores, and the lack of a strong maternal relationship.

The variables that were significantly related (beta value p ≤ .05) to deviancy for females included a history of sexual abuse, viewing sexual and/or violent TV, and living in a neighborhood that was not deemed safe.

The variables that were significantly related (beta value p ≤ .05) to deviancy for males included witnessing domestic violence, father’s involvement in fuzuko, frequency of moving, parent not aware of respondent’s activities, viewing sexual and/or violent TV, living in an unsafe neighborhood, and the lack of a strong maternal relationship.

DISCUSSION

Two variables were predictive of deviance in the full sample and separately for both males and females. These variables included a perceived lack of safety in the neighborhood and viewing sex and violence on TV. Living in a neighborhood that is not safe often undermines the ability to create neighborhood networks and social support (Cicchetti et al.,

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Laser et al. / DEVIANCE IN JAPANESE YOUTH TABLE 4:

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Multiple Regression Analysis: Predictors of Deviant Behavior for the Full Sample and Female and Male Subsamples

Risk Factors Individual Risk Factors History of Corporal Punishment History of Sexual Abuse Family Risk Factors Domestic Violence Witnessed Parent Not Aware of Respondent’s Activities Believe Mother Involved in Telekura Believe Father Visits Fuzuko Frequency of Moving Extrafamilial Risk Factors Hip-Hop Culture Involvement View Sex and Violence on TV Neighborhood Not Safe Promotive Factors Individual Promotive Factors Moral Development Family Promotive Factors Maternal Relationship Paternal Relationship Extrafamilial Promotive Factors School Belonging

Deviant Behavior: Full Sample

Deviant Behavior: Females

Deviant Behavior: Males

.02 .08

.01 .22**

.01 .04

.09 .09* .04 .19** .09*

.01 .04 .12 .10 .03

.13* .11* .01 .23** .18**

.03 .20** .32**

.05 .19** .31**

.09 .14** .31**

–.09*

–.09

–.05

–.10* –.01

–.02 –.13

–.12* –.03

–.01

–.07

–.02

Note. Standardized coefficients are presented. Full sample R 2 = .40, F (df = 14) = 19.39, sig. < .001. Female subsample R 2 = .36, F (df = 14) = 5.92, sig. < .001. Male subsample R 2 = .41, F (df = 14) = 12.67, sig. < .001. *p < .05. **p < .01.

2000; Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostelny, & Pardo, 1992), thereby inhibiting the individual’s comfort in his or her surroundings. Living in an unsafe neighborhood also allows for models of negative behavior to be emulated (Garbarino, 1995).

Viewing sex and violence on TV was also found to be related to deviant behaviors for both males and females. This finding is similar to Viemero’s (1996) research, in that the best predictor for male and female criminal behavior was viewing violence on TV. In another study, Kolbeins (2003) further scrutinized the relationship between TV viewing and deviant behavior and found that even when he controlled for the family environment, deviant behavior was related to viewing violence on TV. However, Lowenstein (2004) concluded that deviant behavior was related to TV viewing if the individual already had a tendency to be violent. All these studies underscore the importance of responsible TV programming by broadcasters and co-viewing with parents when children are young.

For females, a history of sexual abuse was found to be related to deviant behavior. This supports research that, for girls, the experience of sexual abuse is related to increasing involvement with deviant peers (Chen, Tyler, Whitbeck, & Hoyt, 2004) and that the effects of sexual abuse may be more pervasive for females than males (Barbaree & Langton, 2006).

For young women, a history of sexual abuse may often include a great deal of self-blame (Gil, 1988). Hazzard (1995) found that females who had been sexually abused and had higher levels of self-blame exhibited greater behavioral difficulties.

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For the full sample and the males, the lack of a positive maternal relationship increased deviant behavior. Bronfenbrenner (1979) suggested that every developing person needs at least one individual who will love him or her unconditionally. The absence of this unconditional love seems to be particularly deleterious for young males (Taylor, Lerner, & von Eye, 2001). During adolescence, a strong relationship with the mother seems to ease feelings of distress (O’Koon, 1997). Likewise, it has been found that adolescents who report a strong relationship to their mothers report greater career aspirations and a greater sense of wellbeing (Field, Lang, & Yando, 1995). Furthermore, Taylor et al. (2001) reported that when they compared non-gang youth to gang youth, they found that non-gang youth rated their relationships with their parents higher and also believed that their parents would be more supportive of them. Collectively, these findings suggest that a positive relationship between mother and child is a formidable protective factor for youth in many cultures.

It is not surprising that the paternal relationship was not a significant protective factor in this study when amount of contact with fathers is considered. Nearly half (49.5%) of the postsecondary students reported still seeing their mothers daily, but only 1.5% visited their fathers daily. This could explain why the lack of a positive relationship with the mother was a significant predictor of deviance among males, whereas a lack of a positive relationship with the father was not a significant predictor in the regression analysis.

For the entire sample and for the males, parents not being aware of the respondent’s activities increased deviant behavior. Neglectful or laissez-faire parenting has been found to put children at risk (Farrington, 1995; Fergusson, Horwood, & Lynskey, 1994; Garmezy, 1993). In addition, Rutter (1987) discussed the importance of “efficient parental monitoring of children’s play and friendships” (p. 326). This need for parental monitoring extends throughout adolescence. Small and Luster (1994) reported that there was a relationship between the amount of parental monitoring of adolescents and the adolescents’ level of sexual activity.

For the full sample and the male sample, the frequency of moving increased deviant behavior, a finding consistent with prior research. Cicchetti et al. (2000) reported that children who were changing schools several times a year were more likely to be maltreated by their parents and more likely to be isolated from peers. This sense of isolation and lack of belonging has been found to be very deleterious for positive youth development.

Of the three risk factors that are frequently attributed to increases in deviant behavior in the Japanese popular press—mother’s involvement in telekura, father’s involvement in fuzuko, and involvement in hip-hop culture—only father’s involvement in fuzuko was significant when other factors were controlled and only for the full sample and the male sample. Perhaps the knowledge that one’s father is involved in extramarital sexual activities undermines a young man’s sense of right and wrong; many young men may look to their fathers as role models, and these young men may view their fathers’ behavior as a signal that they too do not have to live within societal norms.

Although moral development has been found to be a protective factor for adolescents (Jessor et al., 1995; Kumpfer, 1999), the lack of moral development seems to increase the risk of deviance among Japanese youth. In the full sample, low moral development scores were related to deviant behavior. Lickona (1991) noted that moral development is triadic, with the components of moral knowing, moral feeling, and moral action all being pertinent to the formation of good character. Thus, deviance could occur because of deficiencies in one or more of these three areas (e.g., lack of knowledge, low levels of empathy or guilt, or establishing patterns of behavior that show disdain for social mores).

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Eckenrode, Powers, and Garbarino (1997) theorized that deviant behavior in youth is related to witnessing domestic violence as a child and an adolescent, and our results were consistent with that hypothesis. In addition, our results were similar to McGee, Wolfe, and Wilson (1997), who found that male adolescents in particular who had witnessed domestic violence had greater externalizing behaviors. In a small qualitative study, Aymer (2005) found that adolescent males who had witnessed domestic violence used deviant behaviors as a means to cope with their circumstances. In reaction to the domestic behavior in the home, the adolescent was acting out outside of the home.

The high rate of participation in this study by Japanese youth can be interpreted as the desire to share their feelings, motivations, and personal history under the safety of anonymity. A certain amount of latitude seems to have been given to discuss issues with a stranger that they have not discussed with those to whom they are closest. Once the respondents had been assured that this information would not be able to be traced back to them, they seemed eager to participate. Many respondents seemed to be amazed that people wanted to know what they really thought. Others found the task difficult because they had never been asked many questions about their inner feelings. Many respondents have taken a battery of tests on a monthly basis since elementary school. But none had ever been asked to take a survey that asked them what they truly thought and were told that any answer would be correct. Given that many of the Japanese youth reported feelings and behaviors that do not conform to the traditional image of the ideal Japanese youth, we believe that most youth responded truthfully to the questions in the survey. However, there is no way to verify that this is the case.

A limitation of the study is that the data come from the 74.1% of the population that continues in school to obtain postsecondary education. This was because of the insurmountable complexities of data collection of youth who are no longer involved in any sort of postsecondary education. We realize that this may limit our results; youth who are most deviant are probably not attending school. The youth we have sampled come from the “mainstream” of Japanese youth and do not represent those completely living outside of society’s norms.

Another limitation of the study is that all of the information came from a single source.

Shared method variance may have contributed to the relations between predictor and outcome variables. Although it would have been desirable to obtain information from another source, limited resources precluded us from doing that. Furthermore, the youth is likely to be the only person who can answer some of the questions that were of interest to us, such as questions about their inner feelings and actions. The availability of only cross-sectional data is also a limitation. We cannot be certain of the temporal ordering of some events. For example, corporal punishment may be a reaction to deviant behavior rather than a cause of it. In general, no causal relations can be determined from correlational analyses with crosssectional data. Thus, the findings must be interpreted with appropriate caution. In addition, the measures used were developed for this study, and this study provides the first data on the reliability of the measures and the extent to which the measures are associated with each other in predictable ways. Clearly, further testing of these measures is necessary in future studies. Our Japanese collaborators viewed the items as appropriate for use in Japan, even though the selection of items was based largely on Western research. Nevertheless, it is possible that the interpretation of some of the items by the participants was slightly different in the Japanese context.

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Despite these limitations, this study adds significantly to the literature on deviant behavior, and the findings will be of particular interest to the people of Japan. The numbers of Japanese youth who acknowledge deviant behavior are high and warrant real concern for the wellbeing of Japanese youth.

This research will be shared with both Japanese scholars and officials in the hope of instituting programs that promote the heath of Japanese youth and that strengthen the support and understanding for youth in their home and at school. Furthermore, when creating programs aimed at reducing deviant behavior, to the extent possible, we believe that programs should be designed to address the specific concerns of each gender.

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