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OPIONON: Sochi 2014 Olympic Games 8 OPINION: The Conflict between Greece and FYROM ALUMNI: Cape Town / Maastricht 20 DEBATE: The Future of the European Union 28
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SAY YES! TO SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE 12
COLOPHON NEXUS MAGAZINE WINTER 2013 / 2014 Date of Publication 13 February 2014 Nexus Nexus Student Association nexus@rug.nl Nexus Magazine Committee 2013-2014 Christian Skrivervik (Editor in Chief) Jill van de Walle (Secreatry) Ana Arnaoutoglou-Amza Ina Boncheva nexusmagazine.law@gmail.com Founder Nexus Magazine Gemma Torras Vives Graphic Design Christian Skrivervik Jill van de Walle Cover Photo Nicola Mulinaris Logo RE_Oslo Authors The Nexus Board / Nexus Dutch Support Group / Jessica Möttö / Alexandra Crisan / Bart van der Geest / Cameron White / Ana Arnaoutoglou-Amza / Ina Boncheva / Jill van de Walle / Johannes Löfstrand / Queenie Becker / Barbera Hermann / Ebru Akgun / Julia Echanove / Waltter Suominen / Caitlin Bones / Vincent Beyer / Board of Elsa Groningen Special Thanks To Nicola Mulinaris / Waltter Suominen
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TABLE OF CONTENT 3 4 5 6 8 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 25 26 28 32 34 36
Letter of the Magazine Committee Editor’s Note
Letter from the Board / DSG Nexus / SOG
Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics : Human Rights Say Yes! To an Independent Scotland The Conflict Between Greece and FYROM An Independent Catalonia
Forgotten Independence Issues Life After Groningen : Cape Town Life After Groningen : Maastricht Human Libary TED : Recommended Ted-talks Turkey : Political & Social Struggles Debate : the Future of the European Union Peace Village : Friedensdorf International Arctic Sunrise ELSA NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 2
LETTER from the Magazine Committee Dear readers. As of this adademic year, Nexus established the Nexus Magazine Committee as it’s own seperate committee, and this will be our second edition coming from an actual seperate committee. We are happy to have re-established the Nexus Magazine, and would like to give a sincere ‘thank you’ to all the readers and contributors for the success of our last edition. The Committee strives to make this magazine a place to acquire knowledge, and be a place for open discussion on subjects that you are interested in. Our mission is to produce articles that matters to you, and our goal is to improve and practice communication skills, creative thinking, career development, organizational skills, and leadership. Take initiative and join our legal community! What makes Nexus Student Association most interesting is the diversity of people and ideas. Therefore, we encourage your contribution, opinion and ideas to the development of this magazine. This project is from and for all students! We hope that you will enjoy this second issue of the academic year 2013 - 2014, and we look forward to receive your input! - Nexus Magazine Committee 2013 - 2014
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The Nexus Magazine Committee independently obtained and organized the content of this magazine and is responsible for the publication of the Nexus Magazine. The opinions and ideas expressed by authors of articles in this magazine are solely the opinions and ideas of those authors and ( do not necessarily represent the opinions and ideas of this magazine or its editors or publishers.
INDEPENDENCE TEXT: CHRISTIAN SKRIVERVIK PHOTO: NICOLA MULINARIS
EDITOR’S NOTE
We have learned that certain criterions must be fulfilled in
order for a State to be a State. The formal criterions include the obvious: a territory, a population, an effective government, and the capacity to enter into international relations with other States. Arguably, international law prescribes a fifth criterion, namely the matter of State recognition. Can a State be a State when it has fulfilled the four formal criterions, but has failed to be recognized by any ‘other’ State? How about situations in which only a few ‘other’ States have chosen to recognize it? Is the State in question then only a State to some? In the world today, there is no land which is not claimed by, or in possession of, a State. This means that there is no new land to claim, unless nature decides to create new pieces of land, which arguably, due to (amongst others) global warming and rising sea levels, is unlikely to happen. So how then, in a world littered by sovereign States, do new States still come into being? Immediately we are touching upon the complex and unclear matter of collective self-determination, namely the process by which a country determines its own statehood and forms its own government. Where by definition the right sounds simple enough, there exists no uniform international application as to when self-determination is granted, even though the right holds peremptory status under international law, and is found stipulated in multiple, important, international treaties. This, unfortunately, becomes evident by combining history with case-law from the International Court of Justice. My intention with this introduction is not to repeat a lecture or write a long academic paper, for now, on the topic of statehood. However, my intention is to give a short reminder on the complexities of the matter, and also introduce the theme of this ‘Winter Edition’ of the Nexus Magazine: INDEPENDECE. In the designated independence section we find an article by Cameron White, advocating Scottish independence from Britain, followed by Ana Arnaoutoglou-Amza shedding some light on the multifaceted conflict between Greece and FYROM (Macedonia). In addition, we find Ina Boncheva debating the possibility of Catalonia seceding from Spain, while finally Jill van de Walle introduces us to ‘forgotten’ independence battles, which includes paragraphs on Western Sahara, Somaliland, and the unknown West Papua. This edition of the Nexus Magazine is by far the most extensive edition published to date, which also indicates that we have had more contributors to this edition, than any other. As a result, this edition touches upon several current issues, including Bart van der Geest’s article on human rights violations in relation to the on going Olympic Games in Sochi, Russia; and Ebru Akgün’s article on recent political and social struggles in Turkey. Moving closer to Groningen, Barbara Hermann provides us with an opportunity to combat our prejudices locally, while Julia Echanove shows us that you need not go far to help children in need.
CHRISTIAN SKRIVERVIK / EDITOR-IN-CHIEF / LLB 2
In our last edition we introduced a continuous segment named ‘Life After Groningen’ where we let former LLB and LLM students (alumni) share their stories on what they have been doing after leaving Groningen. For this ‘Winter Edition’ we guarantee inspiration, by sharing the stories of Johannes Löfstand, the first President of Nexus, and Queenie Becker, doing her LLM in Maastricht. The Nexus Magazine is made for the students, and we rely on your feedback, your collaboration, and your comments, in order to keep producing magazines YOU want to read. So please, be in touch! In addition, we invite each and every one of you to contact us, the Magazine Committee, with ideas or articles for the upcoming edition to be published in late April. Lastly, I would like to give a big thanks to all the contributors to this edition, and also the readers for the success of the last edition, in part, re-establishing the Nexus Magazine!
NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 4
LETTER from the Board
Dear Members,
With the coming of the new year, Nexus has decided to increase activities that take place, where we aim at having weekly events. Starting off, Nexus held its annual welcome back borrel for our third year students. This will be followed with a pub quiz on Monday the 17th of February. Be prepared to test your knowledge! Also the Debate Committee will be holding workshops on debating skills, which will subsequently lead to a mock trail. Also, Professor Toebes and Kevin Olivier will be holding a guest lecture on ‘Mercy Killing in the Battlefield.’ More information to follow. Furthermore, other events will include soccer, movie night, go-karting, laser tag, scavenger hunt, and many more. The Dutch Support Group, is now up and running, which will be providing weekly instruction on everyday communication in Dutch. Also, they will be helping with the translation of all documents from Dutch to English. If anyone has any questions feel free to contact them at nexusdsg@gmail.com (more information below). This year Nexus, along with Honours College Social Foundation and Professor Toebes, will be hosting the Avril Mcdonald lecture on April 22nd at 19:00 (07:00pm) hours. The guest lecture will be Associate Professor de Brouwer, who is coming to us from Tilburg University. This years topic will be ‘Rape under International Law.’ In addition, Professor Toebes and Kevin Olivier will be holding a guest lecture on Mercy Killing in the Battle field. More information to follow. Nexus will be holding a Lustrum Symposium this year which will be taking place over the course of two days. The event will take place over different working groups which will cover different areas including how to write a proper curriculum vitae (resume), interview prep, motivational letters, how to set up a linkedin account, and more. If there are any ideas please contact the Board. The General Board
LETTER from the Dutch Support Group Dear Nexus-members, It is an honour to present to you our new Nexus committee: the Dutch Support Group. The DSG is a small group of Dutch natives who want to help all non-native students which are struggling with the Dutch language. Surviving in the Netherlands can be tough and challenging, and we hope to help you get through the Dutch system and Dutch traditions as much as we can. When I started the LLB program, I had never thought that there would be so many non-native students. I, myself, come from a small town near Amsterdam. Moving to the North of the country, all the way to Groningen, was already a big step for me. Therefore, it took me by surprise that there were so many students willing to move here, even all the way from Indonesia! As a foreign student you can take a Dutch language course at the University. However, this a very formal course, and it is quite impossible to learn to speak fluent Dutch with only few hours a week. We want to help you understand the most basic rules and basic words in Dutch, so you can go home and brag about your skills. Of course, the more professional Dutch speakers are also welcome for any help they may require! Every week we will organize a flexible and interactive workgroup in a university building (academy or harmony). Every workgroup will be an hour long. The purpose is to teach Dutch (reading, speaking and understanding), answer any questions, and translate important documents or contracts. The committee consists of three people at the moment. I, Josefien, am the chair of the committee and will be attending every working group. Valerie is in charge of internal relationships and the course material. Thom is the one you can turn to if you have any problems regarding Dutch contracts. Furthermore, he will also be managing our email account. You can find our monthly schedule on our Dutch Supporting Group Facebook page. You are free to join any time you like. We will alter our working groups to your requests. You are always welcome to contact us, with any problems you encounter regarding the Dutch language! For example with getting a GP, health insurance or money disposed. We are looking forward to the first meeting! Groetjes, Josefien (chair), Valerie (secretary), Thom (Treasurer) 5
LECTURE:
NEIGHBOURS FROM HELL
NEXUS
LECTURE BY: PROF. VOLS / PHOTOS: NICOLA MULINARIS
UPCOMING NEXUS EVENTS February
16 : Go-Karting 17: Pub-Quiz (Jazz CafĂŠ) 24 : Bowling
March
Beer-pong Movie night
April
Scavenger hunt Visit Bremen
May
Summer picnic Tour to the sea Further information and exact Dates will be provided through Facebook.
The Educational Committee will be providing as much notes as possible for the upcoming exams. (If you have any notes to share contact them through: educational.nexus@gmail. com)
NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 6
10 QUICK QUESTIONS FOR: THE FIRST YEAR REPRESENTATIVE 1.
SOG
JESSICA MÖTTÖ / LLB 1
What makes you happy? There are many things that make me happy. I have a big family and I am always happy to be with them.
2.
Who was your childhood hero? I really looked up to my older brother when I was young. I would follow him everywhere and play with him and his friends.
3.
What is you hidden talent? I have played the flute since I was 6 years old.
4.
What are you most proud of having achieved? I am proud that I am studying law and that I am doing what I really like. It is important to go after what you want in life.
5.
If you got a spread in a newspaper, what would you fill it with? There are many things I would like to fill it with. I might write about living conditions at refugee camps or child labor.
6.
What cause would you go to the streets and demonstrate for? I would go to the streets and demonstrate for the rights of children as they are too young to defend themselves.
7.
Who would you want to be stuck in an elevator with? I would want to be stuck in an elevator with my best friend. There is nothing we could do but wait so might as well wait with someone I can have a good laugh with.
8.
What is your life motto? “It never gets easier you just get better” applies to many things in life.
9.
> SOG is the student organization which repre-
sents the voice of the students in the University Council, and the only party that endorses inter- national students. Moreover, we are an organizaion with a board and several committees which work towards realizing the common interests of all students. This year we have been busy trying to improve our facilities, and have a position in the process of rebuilding the University Library. Towards this goal we made a survey, where were more than 1500 students participated, in order to find out what the students really need from the University Library. We found out - and we passed the results on to those responsible for making the changes.
> We are now working hard to put in to practice a common framework for the language policy of the University staff. We do believe that our professors should posses a mastery of English in order for us, who study in English, to benefit from the courses at their maximum intensity. Our policies were very welcomed by those who implement this language project. Furthermore, as you might have noticed, our food offer has improved. This is because we fought for it! SOG has a food committee which meets regularly in order to make our canteens better and more international!
> We believe in e-learning and promote this
concept as we believe it to be highly beneficial for students, and we are highly involved in the development of more summer schools around our marvelous city!
Who needs to get their finger out of their ass and get things done? I do, before it´s exam period again. I am sure we all have that feeling every once in a while, that we need to be more productive.
> You can always keep yourself updated with what
10. Who deserves extra praise for their work?
Alexandra Crisan University Council Member
There are many people who deserve extra praise for their work. I believe those who help others out of kindness and because they genuinely care without making a big deal about it deserve extra praise for their work.
and how we do it both by visiting our site studentenorganisatie.nl or by liking my official page: https://www.facebook.com/ForumAlexandra?ref=hl
Sochi 2014 W A celebration of human body BART VAN DER GEEST / LLB 1
Another 45 days, 00 hours, 59 minutes and 14 seconds reads
the Omega countdown clock for the Sochi Winter Olympic Games, and then Russia will launch what is expected to be the most expensive Games in history. The event, running from 7 to 23 February, will receive thousands of athletes from 83 different nations, Olympic fans and spectators worldwide. The Olympics will once again be a grand celebration of human body and spirit encumbering fascinating human performances. And yet, an ambiguous chill hangs in the air, a chill which is not only felt in Sochi. The run-up to the games has been marred by a string of serious human rights issues reported in Russia, going from abuses against Sochi residents and migrant workers toiling on Olympic construction according to Human Rights Watch, to the adoption of discriminatory antigay law to the unjust imprisonment of Pussy Riot and Greenpeace Artic 30 activists. Major disputes are also with Circassian nationalists, who demand the cancellation of the events unless Russia apologizes for the 19th century “Circassian Genocide”. All these cases have cast a long shadow over the upcoming festivities in Sochi, and Russia is racing to silence critics. It is a bad time for Russia to be receiving negative publicity, especially when the international spotlights are focused on Sochi. A number of politicians, including EU- politician Viviane Reding and German President Joachim Gauck have announced that they intend to boycott the Olympics in protest of Russia’s human rights violations record. American and Russian Gay rights group RUSA LGBT have begun to petition sponsors Coca-Cola, Visa Inc., Panasonic, Samsung and Procter & Gamble to boycott the games. While the Olympic torch is going around Russia, aiming to display the country’s diversity and history, Human Rights Watch has launched its own interactive “alternative torch relay map”, meaning to spotlight human rights concerns in the cities and towns along the relay route. “People should be aware of the discrimination, silencing of activists, and other human rights abuses that Russia isn’t show casing” says Jane Buchanan, associate director for Europe and Central Asia at HRW. Since the start of the Olympic Constructions in 2009, Human Rights Watch has documented in Sochi itself the exploitation of tens of thousands of migrant workers from within
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Russia and from abroad. These workers have been subjected to a range of abuses such as: employers failing to pay promised wages, delaying wages, withholding and confiscating identity documents and employment contracts, demanding 12-hour shifts with few days off and police officers allegedly detaining workers and holding them in often inhumane conditions. On some working sites it was apparently a common practice for employers to withhold a worker’s first month’s wage as a guarantee that the worker would not leave the job until the employer determined he was no longer needed. This, together with inadequate employer-provided housing and insufficient food left the workers feeling trapped and exhausted. An Uzbek worker at the Main Media Center said he was not payed for his work between December 2011 and February 2012. “I worked for almost three months, others for five months, for nothing.” The Russian government has an obligation under national and international law to protect its workers, ensure that human rights are not violated and provide that wages are payed accordingly. The State Corporation Olympstroy, responsible for realizing the program of Olympic venues and infrastructure must respect Russia’s labor law and provide all workers with appropriate working shifts, wages, accommo
NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 8
Winter Olympics : and spirit, or of human rights abuses? OPINION
TEXT: BART VAN DER GEEST
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dation, food and health care. This is what Olympstroy swore to safeguard when it was first established, but it has failed to keep its promises. Responsibility also lay in the hands of businesses engaged in Sochi constructions and the International Olympic Committee (IOC), who after all, is responsible for promoting the philosophy of Olympism throughout the world. This philosophy puts “sport at the service of the harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity.” I fail to see how this ideal is anywhere near enshrined in Sochi’s Winter Games, not to mention the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing. To make way for the construction of large-scale sports venues, luxurious hotels, roads and countless ski resorts, around 1,500 homes have been demolished, with some families forcibly evicted and deprived from their property rights. Although most were given monetary compensation and resettled into new homes and apartments, there were cases in which compensation did not reflect the full value of the owners’ property. Some were denied compensation altogether, after their homes were swiftly deemed illegal in court. Unfortunately, these abuses are nothing new to the
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Olympic Games; they go much further than Sochi. Most notoriously, the Summer Olympics in Beijing led to the eviction and displacement of about 1.25 million residents, a much larger population by comparison. A report written by UN-funded Centre for Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) suggests the blame cannot only be pinned on oppressive governments, as the Games have displaced over 2 million people in the last 20 years, ironically making it one of the top causes of displacement in the world. Russia is hosting the Games in a coastal cluster and a mountain cluster of venues, the two linked by a new 48-kilometer high speed railway and road. The World Wildlife Fund has expressed its concerns about large-scale construction in protected natural habitats, suggesting that “Whatever is done, these will not be ‘green games’”. Dump sites along the railway have disturbed local ecosystems and have caused landslides, negatively impacting Sochi’s residents’ lives. It is crucial that the Russian authorities realize that the splendor and the prestige of the Winter Olympics will not transform nor distract the international community’s negative perception on the government and its poor record of human rights abuses. Russia’s attempts at covering up human rights violations in preparation for next year, such as with the adoption of Russia’s prison amnesty on December 18, are ridiculous and do nothing to help improve Russia’s twisted justice system. President Vladimir Putin will have to do a lot more if he hopes to score gold medals at Sochi’s Games. He would have to start by repealing the country’s discriminatory anti-gay laws and lifting the pressure off freedom of speech and freedom of press. Hot topics which will no doubt arise again at next year’s Games. Putin sees the Winter Olympics as the perfect opportunity to show off Russia’s grandeur to the world. Maybe he should look further and see the Olympics as an opportunity to set things right. Only then can the Olympian spirit truly come to life in sunny Sochi. Written: 23 December 2013
1. PHOTO: MONICA ROBERTS 2. PHOTO: SOCHI.RU 3. PHOTO: REN-TV 4. PHOTO: ADAM GROFFMAN
INDEPENDE
ENCE
SAY YES! TO AN INDEPENDENT SCOTLAND /12 “Without independence, none of this is possible for Scotland; we cannot rid ourselves of the imperialist and greedy Westminster government, and work towards a more peaceful world, without a ‘yes’ vote in September. “
THE CONFLICT BETWEEN GREECE & FYROM : A NEVERENDING STORY/14 “...my aim is not to give an unbiased opinion on the matter seeing as that would prove quite difficult- having regard to my own heritage. That is why I have decided to look at this issue not through a historical lens, but more through a political and law-centered one.“
AN INDEPENDANT CATALONIA : A NEW POLITCAL ACTOR OR AN ISOLATED STATE? /16 “Will Catalonia be a new political actor or an isolated state? Economically strong, but politically weak? The results of its big ambition are still unknown, and might stay as only an ambition. Independence could have a severe negative impact on Catalonia’s economic state, as well as its reputation locally and internationally.“
FORGOTTEN INDEPENDENCE ISSUES /18 “...the issues I would like to focus on now are the ones which have not received the same media attention, and have turned into lingering, ongoing battles; of which the end does not seem near due to both internal struggles and lack of international attention.”
OPINION
SAY YES! CAMERON WHITE / LLB 1
TEXT: CAMERON WHITE PHOT
TO AN INDEPENDENT SCOTLA
2014. A year marked in Scotland’s history before it had even
begun. Scotland is to host many events in the following months including the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow, the Ryder Cup in Gleneagles, and we must not forget the celebration of the 700th anniversary of one of the most famous and decisive battles of the Wars of Scottish Independence. But all are partially overshadowed by the plans that are laid for September. On the 18th of September 2014, the people of Scotland will make the most important decision in regards to Scotland’s constitutional arrangement since the Treaty of Union in 1707. For over 300 years, Scotland’s affairs have been managed by a distant and occasionally hostile government in London. Finally, we have taken control and allowed ourselves the opportunity to end this three century long marriage of convenience. There are many benefits (and many downfalls) for Scotland regaining her natural position as an independent nation, however, the list is endless and tiring and so I feel it most appropriate to express my personal reasons for supporting the independence movement in my home nation. As a former member of the
Scottish National Party (SNP), independence is an issue that has been incredibly important to me for several years now. Although there is an element of romantic nationalism involved in my support, I base my political beliefs in a true and genuine concern for the wellbeing of my nation. I have no doubt that the people of Scotland are being served a great injustice by the Westminster government. Since the re-establishment of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh and more significantly, since the election of the SNP to the Scottish Government, Scotland has seen massive improvements in many areas. The small, but significant, collection of powers held in Edinburgh by the Scottish Government, and their proper exercise by the SNP, have been used to display exactly the kind of good governance that can be done when the people of Scotland are able to make decisions about our own country. For example, since some power was returned to Edinburgh in 1999, Scotland has developed in a way that is favoured by a large majority of the people. We now have free university tuition fees, free medical prescriptions, a largely independent NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 12
TO: TREVEX
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healthcare system shielded from Westminster cuts and privatisation, not to mention the relatively experimental laws adopted by Holyrood in an attempt to tackle Scotland’s problems with tobacco and alcohol. All of these incredible achievements have been made with very limited powers and a strict budget. With the additional and unlimited powers that would be available upon gaining independence, it would be reasonable to assume that the people of Scotland could continue to develop in even more creative and innovative ways. Independence would give Scotland the tools required to build a fairer and more just nation. Whilst it cannot be argued that Scotland and England do not share a common culture; it most certainly can be argued that in regards to political culture we have very quickly grown very far apart. In general, Scotland has been continuing to lean towards more social democratic policies whilst our southern neighbours continue to swing to the right and the cruel policies of the Conservative Party, and the borderline racist policies of the United Kingdom Independence Party. Whilst this shift to the right and far-right is by no means a majority of the English population, it is part of a frightening trend in Western Europe. Scotland is not prepared to accept the very real possibility of a Tory-UKIP coalition at a future UK general election. This situation is very much the worst case scenario for our nation; not only continuing to be bound to Westminster, but to have Westminster run by Conservatives and far-right lunatics. UKIP has a total of zero elected representatives in Scotland and our rejection of their policies has been highlighted through several public demonstrations. The euro-sceptic and anti-immigration stance is one that is particularly unpopular in Scotland and UKIP’s election record is evidence of this. Our continued membership in the United Kingdom threatens to thrust Scotland, unwillingly, out of Europe and onto an isolated, hostile and unfriendly island, with only the home nations as friends. For a small, outward-looking nation, this is a political nightmare. Setting aside the benefits of independence in regards to our domestic affairs, the potential (and almost certain) change in foreign policy is a massive driving force behind the support for the nationalist movement. Regardless of the party elected to government in an independent Scotland, it is almost certain that we, as a small northern European nation, will take a very different approach to foreign affairs compared to the destructive and often disastrous policies of Westminster. For me, this is the most important issue as it not only involves how we conduct ourselves on the international stage, but also how we defend ourselves
1 BRITISH PARLIAMENT / PHOTO: ADRIAN PINGSTONE
at home. All of the parties involved in the ‘yes’ campaign support the removal of the Trident nuclear weapon system from the River Clyde in Scotland. Currently, the United Kingdom is in possession of four nuclear powered submarines equipped with 16 ballistic missiles each. All four of these submarines as well as the additional nuclear weapons stock are based at Faslane Naval Base in Scotland, a mere 40km west of Scotland’s largest city and population centre, Glasgow. In my opinion, and the opinion of many others in Scotland, this is completely unacceptable; especially when it is considered that a majority of the Scottish population opposes the presence of weapons of mass destruction on our soil. In addition to the promised removal of nuclear weapons, it is possible and likely that an independent Scotland will not be as happy to send our men and women to die in foreign warzones. The United Kingdom continues to involve itself in foreign wars; ‘coincidentally’ the same wars that the United States is involved in. It is extremely unlikely that Scotland will blindly follow America around the world in the same manner as the UK does. In regards to the proposed policies for an independent Scotland, the SNP and the Scottish Green Party both reject Scotland’s involvement in illegal foreign wars. However, as of October 2012, the SNP now have a policy of an independent Scotland joining the NATO war-machine. For me, this was one of the main reasons I decided not to rejoin the SNP last year. Although it is clear that the SNP, with their majority in Parliament and excellent record of government, are the best people to deliver independence for Scotland, I am not entirely convinced that their plans post-independence are the best for our nation. However, those are issues that can be discussed once independence is achieved. The important message to be taken from the above possibilities is the mere fact that they are that: possibilities. Without independence, none of this is possible for Scotland; we cannot rid ourselves of the imperialist and greedy Westminster government and work towards a more peaceful world without a ‘yes’ vote in September. We are an ancient and proud nation and we once again have our future in our hands, we must not waste this opportunity. We have the drive and creativity to become the responsible, socially just and prosperous nation that we have always known we can be. At present, we appear to lack the courage of the lion on our banner, but it’s hiding somewhere. I am confident that the people of Scotland will find that courage and make the right decision for our future in September this year. This is an exciting time to be Scottish; the possibilities for our people are endless and our future is bright.
2 SCOTISH PARLIAMENT / PHOTO: MATTHEW ROSS
OPINION
TEXT: ANA ARNAOUTOGLOU-AMZA
THE CONFLICT BETWEEN GREECE & F As an international student living abroad, leaving home for the
first time, it didn’t take me long to come to a somewhat shocking realization about myself: I am a patriot. Being away from a country whose faults I was so eager to criticize not so long ago, made me realize just how much I miss my home, my language and how proud I am of our history. Nowadays, we rely on history to define who we are as peoples; it gives us a cultural identity and molds us into what we are. But what happens to those who have lost their identity among the pages of a long and troubled history? How do you then define yourself when the very name of your country, and the symbol you claim represents you, is debated, doubted and denied? This issue is quite controversial, and a perfect illustration of that is the recent conflict which emerged between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia, otherwise known as FYROM. To attempt to clarify the problem and give a straight answer would be futile, since the conflict has its origins in ancient history dating back to the time of Alexander the Great, and even further back to 168 BC when Greece was under Roman occupation. Also, my aim is not to give an unbiased opinion on the matter seeing as that would prove quite difficult- having regard to my own heritage. That is why I have decided to look at this issue not through a historical lens, but more through a political and law-centered one. When researching the topic one of the many challenges I faced was sifting through tens of pages of propaganda coming from both sides involved in the conflict. There are many ‘real’ versions of the truth, each one promising to clarify the issue. Most of them do, until you click on and reach another page, where the facts are depicted in a quite different manner from the previous one. There was, however, a thread connecting all of the articles, and that thread lead directly to the causes which triggered an uprising on behalf of the Greek population: the use of Greek cultural symbols such as the Vergina Sun (symbol of the old Macedonian royal family and legacy of Philippos II) and Alexander the Great by FYROM, but also the mocking of
a symbol of great historic importance to the Greeks: the White Tower of Thessaloniki. The Greek culture has been, and continues to be, a fascinating and complex one raging from its people, customs and to ALEXANDRA CRISAN its history. It is one of the things they mostly take pride in, the richness and greatness of their past. Which is why, from my perspective, it is completely understandable that a claim to one of the most prominent figures in Greek history belonging to another culture would cause a great deal of tumult amongst Greeks. The problem then seems to be that there are a great number of Greeks associating themselves with the ancient Macedonians, with have no relation to the contemporary Macedonians occupying FYROM, which are of Slavic origins and not Hellenic. After the conquering of Greece by the Romans in 168 BC a new district was created, which added the Kingdom of Peonia (present-day FYROM) to the original Greek Macedonia. This new province was named Macedonia and split into two: Macedonia Prima and Macedonia Salutaris. The first territory encompassed most of ancient Macedonia, whereas the second was roughly equivalent to the territory occupied by FYROM today. Disregarding my love for history, I have to admit that strolling back through time to the very roots of the problem proved to be rather tedious and confusing, which is why I have chosen to focus on events starting from the 20th century. After the end of the First Balkan War the victorious countries (Montenegro, Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia) convened in Bucharest where the Prime Ministers of the two latter countries (Eleftherios Venizelos and Nikola Pasic) signed a document establishing the borders between the two countries. It is this date, the 3rd of August 1913, which marked the moment when “the politics to assimilate the Macedonians of Aegean Macedonia had already begun.” Many years later, in 1991 to be precise, the Republic of Macedonia seceded from Yugoslavia and gained independence. In 1992, they applied for membership of the UN, but no decision was taken in any direction for nearly a year. It is
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OPINION
FYROM: A Never Ending Story also this year when several international organizations started referring to the republic as “the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”, an idea which was perpetuated by members of the Security Council. Both parties involved in the dispute opposed this vehemently until 1993, when the Republic was accepted / LLB 2 into the UN under the same name they had formerly refused to take, FYROM. This was, however, viewed as a merely temporary solution until the issue would finally be resolved. In 1995, on the 13th of September, for the purposes of maintaining peace, and desiring to reach an agreement which would serve as a basis for a more permanent Accord, the two countries (Greece and FYROM) agreed to sing an interim accord establishing certain rules, regulations and boundaries between the two countries. Although the dispute remained unsolved, the next couple of years were relatively ‘quiet’ on the political front. A problem arose, however, in 2008, when Greece objected to the admission of FYROM in NATO. According to the latter, that was a violation of Article 11 paragraph 1 of the interim accord mentioned above. FYROM took the case before the International Court of Justice, and based its claim on the Hellenic Republic having created obstacles which resulted in it being denied admission in NATO. “Upon entry into force of this Interim Accord, The Party of the First Part agrees not to object to the application by or the membership of the Party of the Second Part in international, multilateral and regional organizations and institutions of which the Party of the First Part is a member; however, the Party of the First Part reserves the right to object to any membership referred to above if and to the extent of the Party of the Second Part is to be referred to in such organization or institution differently than in paragraph 2 of the United Nations Security Council resolution 817 (1993).” It is vital to mention that the decision to invite a new member to join NATO has to be unanimous. Greece could not, normally, be blamed for the fact that the invitation to FYROM was not
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extended following the Bucharest Summit. However, this was not the case, since Greece “made sure to advertise left, right, and center” that it had ‘vetoed’ fYR Macedonia’s accession to NATO.” The case was taken before of the ICJ by FYROM where both letters and public statements from Greek officials were submitted to the Court as evidence. Thus, it was made clear that the question of who was at fault for FYROM not receiving the invitation was irrelevant. The conflict was eventually settled in the judgment of 5th of December 2011, stating that Greece had indeed taken actions that went against the obligations agreed upon in the interim accord. However, the judgment was merely declaratory in nature so no sanctions were imposed upon the Hellenic Republic. Just like a pebble thrown in a lake, this conflict has agitated the already troubled waters of international relations, its ripples reaching countries and people all over the world. As time passed, the uproar that had taken over the news seems to have greatly diminished; yet, the issue is far from being resolved. Understandable, a decision in either direction would mean a great political blow to either one of the countries, taking into consideration recent circumstances. Negotiations between the two countries represented by Ambassadors Zoran Jolevski, on behalf of FYROM, and Adamantios Vassilakis, on behalf of Greece, are still continuing under the mediation of Matthew Nimetz.
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AN INDEPENDANT CATALONIA :
OPINION
A NEW POLITCAL ACTOR OR AN ISOLATED STATE? TEXT: INA BONCHEVA INA BONCHEVA / EXCH.
Independence is the state in which the population of a nation
exercises self-government and sovereignty over its territory. Independence is power and freedom, however, also a responsibility. Historically, there are three major periods in which independence has been declared: the years from 1776 to the Revolutions of 1848 in Europe; the immediate aftermath of the First World War, with the breakup of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires; and the decades from to 1945 to 1979, when more than seventy newly independent states emerged from the European colonial empires. Today, each state on the European continent is independent. Each state is democratic, and only innocent rivalry exists from a historic comparison. Not only that, twenty-eight of the European states voluntary joined the European Union, which created limitations on the sovereignty of the nation state. Yet, if states are stable in their internal affairs and exercise the values of independence and sovereignty, then why does the matter of separation within a state still occur? Today, this is a desire for freedom shaped through political struggles with peaceful attitudes, which can not be compared to struggles on the battlefield. This is a new tendency that is arising in one of the largest European countries, namely Spain. The administrative division of Spain consists of seventeen autonomous communities, and two autonomous cities. The current Spanish constitution recognizes the right of self-government to the “nationalities and regions of Spain”. Autonomous communities are to be integrated by adjacent provinces with common historical, cultural, and economic traits. The “autono-
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mies” are integrated, but still have their history, traditions, and even different languages. The Constitution defined Catalonia as a different nationality and gave it autonomy, and considering this, it is not surprising that after the financial crisis in Europe, the largest “economic engine” of Spain wants its independence. However, this is not a particularly new development, as the Catalan have always had their minds set to independence. They do speak their native Catalan language, and despite Franco’s will and ambitions to abolish it, the language survived and is, today, even taught in school. This has been a relief for the Catalan, that throughout the years they managed to protect and save an important part of their heritage – their language. Furthermore, another key factor for Catalan independence is the economy. In 2008, the regional GDP of Catalonia was €216.9 billion - the highest in Spain. This means that the Catalan work the most, and subsequently, earn the most money in the Spanish state, whereas other autonomous communities spend more than they earn. Generally, a territory, a native population, a language, and a stable economy are some of the main features needed for an independent state. Alongside these features, the Catalan population has a common feeling of independence, a sense of belonging to their place, a common history and heritage. If this situation would have occurred sometime in the past, the result of it would have been obvious – a war for independence. What is different now, in the 21st century, is that people have grown into an increasing democratic atmosphere. Sharing these democratic values, people do not want to achieve their goals through violence, but through peaceful means. The Catalan declared their will by going on the streets and forming human chains. People were united. No rivals, no speculations.
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In a democratic state with a stable law system, the will of the people is sometimes surprisingly difficult to fulfill, as the law is binding and there are many strict procedures to be followed. Firstly, it should be assured that the whole population in a particular autonomous community wants to be independent. The only legitimate way to know this is by holding a referendum. A referendum is only valid when at least half of the population votes, and half of these votes are in favor. Only then can the result be binding and come into force, binding the whole population. Under the current Spanish constitution, referendums can only be called by the national government in Madrid, and not by the governments of Spain’s seventeen autonomous regions. The Constitution is a legally binding document on all, and its regulations cannot be sidestepped. Consequently, according to some officials, the Catalan referendum is therefore unconstitutional, as it was held without authorization from the central government. From a legal perspective, if an act is against the law of the constitution, it is not valid, and will subsequently have no legal power. A possible and legitimate referendum is Catalonia’s biggest obstacle on the road to independence. Apart from problems on a domestic level, problems on an international level can also occur, as Spain is a Member State of the European Union. What will happen if Catalonia became an independent state? Would it become a Member State of the Union automatically, because of it previously belonging to a Member State? Or would it go through the prescribed EU procedures to become a Member State once again? Relevant EU law is silent on this issue, and it could create an important precedent in the history of the Euro-
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pean Union. However, even though there is no written statement on this, the EU and NATO have warned that Catalonia could be excluded if it broke away from Spain. Therefore, a big problem could occur if Catalonia were to achieve its goal and become an independent state; it risks isolation. Not only from its former state, but from the Union as well. It should also be taken into account that if Catalonia were to apply for membership of the European Union, it could expect a Spanish veto. According to the Treaty of the European Union the candidate in question cannot obtain membership when its application is vetoed by a Member State. Will Catalonia be a new political actor or an isolated state? Economically strong, but politically weak? The results of its big ambition are still unknown, and might stay as only an ambition. Independence could have a severe negative impact on Catalonia’s economic state, as well as its reputation locally and internationally. However, it could also be used as a great example and an encouragement to other state formations that want to declare their will for independence. Despite what will happen in the future, and whether this hypothesis will be adequate to future circumstances, one thing should be admired: the degree of determination of the people. The government is not allowed to stop people from expressing their point of view; the people are the sovereign of a nation state. When people want to decide legally on a certain topic, the only way is to vote. Accepting the results, no matter if they are “in favor” or “against”, is what a democracy stands for. And Europe is known to be the model for democracy in the rest of the world.
1. PHOTO: MUTXAMEL 2. PHOTO: CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON 3. PHOTO: PAMELA MCCREIGHT 4. PHOTO: KA13 5. PHOTO: HECTOR BLANCO FRUTOS 6. PHOTO: TATO GRASSO 7. PHOTO: SBA73
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Forgotten Independence Issues TEXT: JILL VAN DE WALLE
Colonialism is a concept former western powers are trying to forget ever existed. After the
OPINION
Second World War, the concept of colonies became rapidly unacceptable, and the politics of an increasingly united world demanded their independence. Former western powers are nowadays trying to forget about the stubbornness with which they fought the decolonization process, and are now focusing on a more equalized political playing field. With the process being so hasty and messy, it has left things unsettled. Many independence issues are forgotten by most, but are a direct result of the decolonization process.
JILL VD WALLE / LLB 2
Some of the issues that we have discussed in this issue have received wide-spread media coverage, and are therefore, relatively known to most people. However, the issues I would like to focus on now are the ones which have not received the same media attention, and have turned into lingering, ongoing battles; of which the end does not seem near due to both internal struggles and lack of international attention.
Western Sahara The Western Sahara issue concerns a disputed territory in the north-west of Africa, bordering Morocco in the north, Algeria to the extreme north-east, and Mauritania to the east and south. Nowadays, the dispute is between Morocco, who claims and occupies the territory; and the Algerian-backed Polisario front, which established themselves as the representatives of the Saharan people. The area is mainly desert and one of the most sparsely populated territories in the world. This might not seem so appealing at first glance. However, the region offers more than meets the eye - namely, resources. The area is rich in phosphate and is believed to have oil deposits in their territorial waters. Western Sahara was formally colonized by Spain, and subsequently, during the decolonization process, issues concerning independence arose. The International Court of Justice intervened as early as 1975, where it recognized Western Sahara’s right to self-determination and rejected claims on the territory made by Morocco and Mauritania. Initially, Spain seemed to agree with the judgment, however, after Morocco strategically marched 300,000 Moroccans (‘the Green March’) onto the territory and established them there, Spain made a deal with Morocco and Mauritania to divide the territory between them. However, to avoid occupation, the Polisario front declared their independent state: the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. At this point, the surrounding states parted ways, as Mauritania renounced its claims, and Morocco occupied the whole territory. Algeria, on the other hand, backed the Polisario front by granting them a base, and allowing refugees to seek shelter. Most of the refugees have now been living in refugee camps for more than three decades. A guerilla war followed inside the territory until the UN tried to intervene in 1991. The plan was to hold a referendum which would decide if Western Sahara would become independent or be annexed by Morocco. However, no referendum was ever held and the UN mission was never formally completed. The main
concerns in this discussion regarded the wish of the Polisario front to exclude the Moroccans established in Western Sahara, from the referendum. The Morocco government did not believe this to be in their interests, as this requirement would minimize the chances of Western Sahara’s accession to Morocco. Between 1997 and 2004 several attempts were made by the UN to establish an agreement between Morocco and the Algerianbacked Polisario front. However, this UN process ended in deadlock. Even when talks resumed in 2008, no progress was made. There is increasing tension between Moroccan authorities and the Saharan people, and this has resulted in violent clashes. Without granting an independent Western Sahara, these tensions are unlikely to be resolved.
West Papua West Papua is the biggest province of Indonesia, located on the western half of the island of New Guinea, which is the second largest island in the world. West Papua borders to the independent state of Papua New Guinea, dividing the island neatly in half. West Papua was part of the Dutch East Indies, which was colonized by the Netherlands, and has since decolonization encountered many issues regarding their independence. It is an ongoing struggle, already lasting for half a decade, in which the rights of the indigenous people have been seriously infringed. The Dutch decolonized the East Indies after the Second World War and rapidly handed all territories, including West Papua, over to the emergent country of Indonesia. West Papua holds many different ethnicities and cultures, of which some tribes are still uncontacted because of its dense rainforest. During the decolonization process, conflict arose as indigenous West Papuans asked for their independence, and Indonesia claimed the territory as their own. World politics intervened in the form of the UN in 1962, making Indonesia the temporary administrator of West Papua, under the condition that a NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 18
referendum would be held in the near future. This “referendum” was held in 1969. The Indonesian military picked 1,026 leaders to vote on behalf of the entire population, threatening them, to ensure Indonesian victory. With this “referendum,” Indonesia officially annexed West Papua, which has ever since been an Indonesian province. It is not only due to this unfair referendum that West Papuans still, to this day, call for their independence and reject Indonesian rule. The region, and its indigenous people, have been subject to severe human rights abuse. However, these abuses are rarely reported since international journalists are not allowed into the region. The area is militarized by the Indonesian army and police, which are met by armed independence fighters, as well as non-armed independence groups, causing violent clashes. Calling for independence, or raising the West Papuan flag, are considered crimes and there are many examples brought by organizations, such as Amnesty International, that show mass atrocities occurring at a large scale in the region. Amnesty International estimates 100,000 West Papuans have been killed during the struggles. Even though the fight for independence has lasted half a century, Indonesia has not moved closer to granting West Papua independence. Arguably, this is due to the lack of international pressure. However, more importantly, West Papua has vast amounts of rich natural resources, such as copper and gold, which are some of Indonesia’s largest sources of income.
Battles have been won by following the doctrine of selfdetermination into becoming independent states. Important examples of this are the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which received its independence from Indonesia in 2002; as well as South Sudan, which formally broke away from Sudan in 2011. Being independent does not wondrously make all internal problems disappear, however, it can bring peace to conflict areas, and can provoke further development. Yet, international support is crucial, and therefore, these issues should not be forgotten by the international community.
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Somaliland Somaliland, officially still part of Somalia, is a region on the Gulf of Aden, bordering Djibouti to the north and Ethiopia to the south-east. Somaliland became independent from its colonizer, the British Empire, in 1960. However, even after receiving international recognition, it united with Italian Somaliland to the south, creating Somalia as we know it today. Somalia was a ruthless military dictatorship for many years, until the regime violently collapsed in 1991. Subsequently, Somaliland declared its independence, and henceforth, escaped much of the chaos and violence that is plaguing Somalia today. It succeeded to set up a functional political structure, a constitution, and a police force. The economy still has its flaws, as poverty and unemployment are ongoing problems, and being that Somaliland is still dependent on foreign aid. However, it has held successful referendums and elections, establishing it as a democratic province. However, despite of this, Somaliland is not recognized by any country in the world. The reasons for this are unclear, since its political structure has proven to be relatively successful. The United States and the African Union both strongly oppose recognizing Somaliland as an independent state, due to the vision of a united Somalia, and the fear of creating more chaos in an dysfunctional nation. Somalia is a region that receives a lot of international support to counter terrorism within its borders. However, it would be unjust to deny Somaliland independence based on keeping today’s territory Somalia. This will only keep Somaliland from further development, and subsequently deny its potentially promising future. 19
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LIFE AFTER
GRONINGEN
ALUMNI
Johannes Löfstrand is a former LLB student at the RUG. He is one of the
founders of Nexus and was the organisation’s first President. After graduation he completed his LLM at London School of Economics, worked in Singapore and now lives in Cape Town where he works for a hedge fund. JOHANNES LÖFSTRAND / ALUMNI
TEXT & PHOTOS: JOHANNES LÖFSTRAND
Admittedly, I wasn’t really sure of what I should include in this article. Initially I wanted to write about my experiences in the LLB programme and link them with ‘life after Groningen’. But in the end I decided to keep all those very vivid LLB memories of Nemanja, Rutger, Lucy and Hanna ‘twerking’ in a sleazy bar in downtown Brussels to myself. Instead I will––perhaps rather boringly––write what I have done since completing the LLB degree, how very lost I felt before and after graduation (a feeling probably shared by many current students) and how I used the skills that I learned in Grunn to land my dream job. I graduated from the LLB programme in the summer of 2011 with a mixed feeling of pride, excitement and uncertainty. My three wonderful years at the Rug had been characterised by mad parties, intense work with Nexus and periodically stressful exam-preparations, as well as an unforgettable exchange semester in Buenos Aires. But--throughout my degree---I was totally clueless as to what I wanted, should or could be doing with my life. I didn’t know if I should aspire to become a (real) lawyer, work for the Swedish government, start my own business or simply move to Tibet. Thankfully, that decision was postponed as London School of Economics admitted me to its LLM programme. This was surprising as my grades weren’t particularly good and I had no work
experience. However, the skills I learned from being the chairman of Nexus certainly helped: I knew how to write application letters and how to present myself. It was also via Nexus that I befriended a number of distinguished persons at the university who very kindly agreed to write my reference letters. The LLM proved to be a lot of fun and also useful from an academic perspective, but relatively pointless from a professional point of view. Almost all my classmates had worked for a number of years and they could apprehend and practically apply what was taught to us. Embarrassingly, I had never even done an internship and was still trying to figure out what I wanted to do. Although I received good grades, it was an obvious mistake to enrol at LSE without at least some working experience. Following the completion of my graduate degree, I was offered a position as a legal research assistant at the Codification Division at the UN in New York. But four years of legal studies and long conversations with UN employees had made me very cynical towards the entire organisation – it didn’t feel ‘right’, primarily because I loathe bureaucracy and internal politics. However, becoming a regular lawyer was neither an option as I would have to study for two additional years to qualify as a solicitor in England.
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In the end, I declined the UN offer and started from ‘square one’ by beginning an internship at a small financial services firm in London. Paradoxically, I discovered that it sometimes takes a leap of faith to find the perfect path. Although my new job didn’t suit me whatsoever, I finally understood––through the course of my responsibilities––what I truly wanted to work with – investments in emerging markets, ideally Africa. This combined my interests in the rise of developing countries, and the complex dynamics of economics, politics and financial markets. The difficulties with realising my professional dream were nearly insurmountable. First, I hadn’t studied economics, accountancy or finance in any depth. Secondly, I didn’t know anyone in the industry. Thirdly, the job market was totally dead ever since the financial crisis. Lastly, my friends and family thought that I was a complete nut-job. But my experiences from Groningen came in handy – I knew that anything is possible if you work hard and build up the right contact-base. So, I read many books on investments and utilised LSE’s vast alumni network (which was very useful). Three to five months passed and I couldn’t find anything. It was very depressing and I regretted rejecting the UN offer. But I continued applying for jobs. Luckily, my foolishness and hard-work paid off – I received two great job offers at the same time. I accepted the offer from one of the world’s largest emerging market funds (the workforce is tiny however, we are only 18 investment analysts spread across four funds). The company has a particular focus on the rise of the consumer class in emerging economies and makes socially responsible investments. 1. PILATE LESSON IN CAPE TOWN 2. AYASOFYA (ISTANBUL) 3. TAJ MAHAL 4. MACHU PICCHU 5. TOKYO 6. SKYLINE OF LAGOS
I have now worked for the Africa fund for nearly 11 months. Initially, I spent 10 months in the Singapore headquarters to receive training in financial analysis before moving to the Cape Town office. The past 11 months have been unbelievable: I have travelled across all continents (except Antarctica), met with countless of CEOs of billion dollar companies and befriended some very interesting and wickedly intelligent people. My responsibilities at work are fascinating, my social life is great and I honestly have never been happier than now.
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Looking back, it was not what I learned in Groningen in ‘factual terms’ that got me my dream job. Instead it was the more abstract skills that I gained in Nexus that made me more ambitious, stubborn and hard-working. Most pertinently, my time in Holland taught me the value in failing and never repeating past mistakes. Going forward, I want to continue working in a challenging industry and learn much more. I also want to travel, get a private pilot licence and never take my life for granted.
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My sole advice to current students is to try to figure out what you want to do post-LLB and work wholeheartedly to get there (don’t hesitate to contact alumni, we’re here to help!). Feel free to contact me if you have any questions or want to grab a beer in Cape Town. Cheers, Johannes Johannes.loefstrand@gmail.com
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7. NEW YEARS IN INDONESIA 8. YOSEMITE NATIONAL PARK (CALIFORNIA) 9. MEETING IN LAGOS 10. REDWOODS (CALIFORNIA) 10 PRESIDENTAL PALACE GHANA
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ALUMNI
LIFE AFTER Living on the Edge
GRONINGEN
Hey there! For those of you who don’t know me (shame on me for not being there enough): my name is
Queenie Becker and I’m a German student who finished the LL.B. in 2013. During my time in Groningen I was an active Nexus member, chairing the (then) Yearbook Committee in my first year, and in my second year the Educational Committee. TEXT & PHOTOS: QUEENIE BECKER
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Like most internationals that are finishing their bachelor degree in the Netherlands, I wanted to leave this country as soon as possible. However, soon after I reached that decision, nostalgia started to kick in. So I decided to look for Dutch Universities as well and found the perfect one soon after. The University of Maastricht is one of the youngest universities in the country, and yet, it has the same position in rankings as Groningen. The program also seemed perfect: 2 years, free language courses and another compulsory exchange. In short: my dream! This is the program I am currently enrolled in. And I must say: it’s pretty awesome. I can choose my courses freely and the University of Maastricht puts a great emphasis on practical experience so that you are actively encouraged to do internships during your studies. Furthermore, the University has a free legal clinic for which you can apply, and is big with moot court competitions - sending teams to about 8 different competitions every year. And they are usually quite successful at them too. I decided to also apply for one and got chosen to participate in the Jessup International Law Moot Court Competition,
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which is the biggest competition of its kind in the world. At the moment my life pretty much evolves around the Jessup, which is eating up most of my time, and I must say that without previous experience of working under pressure in teams, it could have ended pretty badly (by me ripping someone’s head off …). Thankfully, during my time in Nexus I learned to control myself and keep the team spirit intact. Additionally, Nexus also helped me with this competition because of the numerous debating events that were organized when I was still in Groningen, which are really helping me right now when it comes to oral pleadings. Apart from mooting I’m living a pretty normal student life. It is mentionable that because Maastricht is so close to Belgium, a lot of students, including me, choose to live in Belgium instead of Maastricht because it is a lot cheaper. In the beginning I was pretty psyched about it because it meant that I could cross borders every single day. But in Maastricht that’s not really that special. Despite the fact that it’s considered normal, I still like to think
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of myself as the ultimate European student. Embracing what the EU enables me to do by studying in one country and living in another, all the while originating from somewhere else entirely. It’s kinda funny if you think about it. What comes next will be another exchange semester (or year), which I chose to do in Switzerland, more specifically Zurich, and I’m quite psyched about it - and also terrified at the same time, because I have never studied in German before. I chose Zurich because Maastricht has this nice agreement with the University of Zurich that enables you to do a double degree. This means that I will have two LL.M.s afterwards: a Dutch and a Swiss one. The nice thing about this is that in Switzerland, you can get civil effect by obtaining a Swiss LL.M. and afterwards doing two years of internships or traineeships.
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It seems to me to be the fastest way of getting civil effect so I might go for it - just to keep another door open. But who knows, maybe life will take me somewhere else entirely. Even though I always like to make plans, so far they have always changed last minute, and I believe that what I studied in Groningen, together with my studies now, enable me to go down many different paths. And interestingly, many Nexus alumni have taken very different paths and I can always just ask other alumni about their experiences, or whether they can recommend me a place in X city. Even though non-alumni might not see it that openly, but the Nexus community continues after you finish your degree in Groningen. Just by knowing half of the members you are able to get a whole lot of information about basically anything. So if any of you would like some information on: Maastricht, living in Belgium, Zurich, Bremen, Costa Rica, Argentina or on how to bath a cat - feel free to contact me. I hope I can make my way back to Groningen soon to meet some of the newer members, and maybe one or two of the older ones.
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QUEENIE BECKER / ALUMNI
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Feel free to contact me on: qdbecker@gmail.com
1. DRINKS! 2. GAMES ON CAMPUS 3. LECTURE HALL 4. DRINKS WITH FRIENDS 5. CHURCH IN MAASTRICHT 6. BOOKSTORE INSIDE A CHURCH
/THE HUMAN LIBRARY Real People. Real Conversations. TEXT: BARBERA HERMANN BARBERA HERMANN /
Imagine going into the library and picking up a book you’d like to read. Pretty standard, right? But now imagine, instead of
reading the book, you can talk to it! The Human Library consists of human books: real people. Each of these ‘books’ belong to a subculture or minority of people which is distinct from the mainstream by its sexual preference, ethnicity, religion, or any other differentiating feature. These ‘books’ are segregated, or are targets, of prejudice and stereotyping. These ‘books’ are open-minded and want to tell their story, and encounter those who may not understand them.
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How much do you actually know about those you have a prejudice against, anyways? 31st October 2013 – Ronni Abergel gave an astonishing talk in the TEDxGroningen event on his organization, the Human Library, and immediately caught our attention.
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Take out your prejudice – The truth is, we are all different. And we all experience prejudice whether we’d like to admit it or not. Be it you are a bit overweight (‘Do you not have a mirror?’), you smoke weed (‘What a pothead’), are promiscuous (‘slut!’), party a lot (‘Drunk/Airhead’), or are the complete opposite and study all day (‘Nerd-alert’), you will in one way or another be a target of stereotyping. Why does it seem so challenging to embrace diversity in our own communities?
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Mission - In a society filled with prejudice and intolerance towards various groups, the Human Library attempts to bridge the gap, and allow for dialogue and comprehension to take over. People are given the chance to face their stereotypes directly by taking out a “book on loan” they are curious about or have a prejudice against - and listen to their story. Through this informal and laid-back way of bringing people together, the Human Library also allows for those who may have experienced segregation and prejudice to have the chance to talk to people they may feel identified with.
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The books – People who are open-minded and want to share their experiences are books. They choose to be a public representative of a certain group of society. Books realize that there are no “stupid questions,” and are ready to answer to your curiosity. Some examples of book titles include: ‘Immigrant’, ‘Dreadlocks’, ‘Homeless’, ‘Vegan’, ‘HIV positive’, ‘Bully’, ‘Hipster’, ‘Police man’, ‘Slut’, ‘Nerd’, ‘Genius’, ‘Third Culture Kid’, ‘Farmer’, ‘Prostitute’, ‘Latino’, ‘Biracial couple’.
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Innovative method – Imagine coming face-to-face with a prejudice you have and being able to, with an open-mind, ask them any questions? In a positive and humorous manner, the Human Library is able to break stereotypes and promote tolerance, dialogue and understanding.
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A Human Library in Groningen – Currently, a group of students are envisioning the development of a Human Library 1-dayevent in Groningen. What are your thoughts on this? Do you want to be a part of the project? Are you an interesting book, or perhaps even a ‘bestseller’? Please contact the organizers through humanlibrarygroningen@gmail.com, and for further information on the Human Library, access the official website: http://humanlibrary.org/
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So, what is your prejudice?
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TED :
Reccomended TED-talks by the Magazine Committee ANA ARNAOUTOGLOU-AMZA / LLB 1
CHRISTIAN SKRIVERVIK / LLB 2
DAVID R. ROW : “LESSONS FROM DEATH ROW INMATES”
ALLAN SAVORY : “HOW TO FIGHT DESERTIFICATION AND REVERSE CLIMATE CHANGE”
The issue of the death penalty is one which we all have to tackle at a certain point in our lives, whether it is in a high school debate competition, or simply later in life while just having a chat with friends. In my opinion, it is one of the most debated and controversial topics, yet, it is mostly viewed from the same perspective: the morality of sentencing another human being to death. David R. Dow however, looks at the issue from a different perspective, by choosing to focus on what we can do as a society to change the life of death row inmates before they ever committ a crime. I would definitely count this video as one of my favorite TED talks so far.
This TED talk embodies what I love about TED, namely learning totally unexepected sollutions to issues I care deeply about, which in the case of this talk is the environmental challenges facing the planet. Allan Savory claims to have found a sollution on how to combat desertification, reverse climate change, and feed millions of people all in one! Sounds too good to be true, you say? I say no! The sollution is astonishingly simple, but logical, and I believe this to be one of the more viable ways in which we actually can combat the environmental challenges we are facing. All that is needed is the spreading of knowledge .... so let the spreading begin!
SEE : http://www.ted.com/talks/david_r_dow_lessons_from_ death_row_inmates.html
SEE : http://www.ted.com/talks/allan_savory_how_to_green_ the_world_s_deserts_and_reverse_climate_change.html
JILL VAN DE WALLE / LLB 2
INA BONCHEVA / EXCHANGE
JK ROWLING : “THE FRINGE BENEFITS OF FAILURE”
SUSAN CAIN : “THE POWER OF INTROVERTS”
JK Rowling’s Harvard commencement speech is featured on TED, where it succeeds in being educational in a different way than most other TED talks. It is a truly inspiring, funny, and touching speech. She uses personal experience, and great style, to convey several life lessons onto Harvard’s graduates. The speech touches many subjects that connect to our field of studies. She addresses a certain place in your life that we all find ourselves at some point. It is definitely a must-watch!
This talk is about the differences between introverts and extroverts. Support for the introverts is expressed by stating the general features that make this type of people more reliable, although extroverts are generally more preferable. The pros and cons of the both conditions are provided. I recommend it to people who find analyzing human behavior, and its results, interesting.
SEE : http://www.ted.com/talks/jk_rowling_the_fringe_benefits_of_failure.html
SEE : http://www.ted.com/talks/susan_cain_the_power_of_introverts.html
25 1. PHOTO: TEDxGRONINGEN
OPINION
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OPINION
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WILL TURKEY POLITICALLY AND SOCIALL ELECTIONS WITHIN TWO YEARS?
TEXT: EBRU A
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he first quarter of the 21st century has experienced numerous developments in the Middle East, leading to increasing tension between the Middle East and the Western world. The Arab Spring, the military coup in Egypt, the hopeless civil war in Syria, and Iran’s attempt to develop nuclear weapons are only examples from the last three years. While these events lead to greater tension within the global sphere, the world has almost forgotten about conflicts from before the Arab Spring which broke out in December 2010, including matters between Israel and Palestine, Cyprus, Kurdish problems, and many more. Meanwhile, aside from the Arab countries, another country that has not left the tabloids is the Republic of Turkey. Between Army and Government The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been in power in Turkey for the past eleven years, meaning Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been re-elected three times in a row. Throughout this time, great changes have been made, where one of the main changes has been the status of the Turkish Armed Forces. The Turkish military perceives itself as the guardian of the Kemalist ideology, which defends secularism. With this competence, the military has intervened in politics, removing elected governments three times throughout the republic’s history. Despite being an important force in Turkey’s Westernization process, it is a great obstacle concerning the admission to the European Union and exclusive democracy. However, with the AKP in power, the power of the military forces has decreased, mainly when the Ergenekon and Sledgehammer trials started, in which over a hundred people, including generals, have been detained for anti-government activities and were accused of terrorist activities. In 2010, more than forty officers were arrested and formally charged with attempting another coup d’etat. Finally, in 2011 the Chief of General Staff, along with the Army, Navy and Air Force commanders were arrested, finalizing the transformation of the Turkish Military Force into a mere symbolic power. Even though the trials were concluded recently, the appeal of these verdicts has been demanded last week due to new information.
Between Government and Protesters In May 2013, the “Gezi” protests started in Istanbul, with a group of people protesting the demolition of a park in order to build yet another shopping mall in the Taksim area. Due to excessive use of force used by the police, the Turkish media not covering the events, and the provocative comments of the Prime Minister; an innocent protest turned into a nation-wide outcry. Protesters have made clear that the government should not intervene in private matters and is not to use conservative mottos. Furthermore, protesters demanded the resignation of the government, accusing Erdogan of being a dictator. Typically, Prime Minister Erdogan claimed foreign forces provoked the protesters. Between Government and Fetullah Gulen Movement However, after the summer, the influence of protesters diminished and no change was to be seen. Yet, when the sons of three ministers and one mayor were accused and arrested for fraud in December 2013, unease took over yet again. Additionally numerous bureaucrats and businessmen were arrested in conjunction with the first wave of dawn operations. As a result, after the resignation of the interior, economy and environment ministers, whose sons were involved in corruption, Erdogan reshuffled nearly half his cabinet. Furthermore, the environment minister stated that the Prime Minister should also resign, as all activities took place within his competence, which led to new protests in Istanbul and Ankara. After replacing ten ministers, the government reshuffled the Turkish police force, moving senior police officers to passive positions in Ankara, claiming abuse of office. The investigations concerning corruption are linked to the recent tension between the United States-based imam Fetullah Gulen’s movement and the AKP, who were allies when struggling against the dominant military. The Fetullah Gulen movement has also been a great contribution to Erdogan winning three elections in a row. Gulen owns a large network of schools preparing students for the Turkish University Entrance Exam, which Erdogan proposed to abolish, which created the NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 26
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LY IMPROVE AFTER THREE
AKGUN PHOTOS: MSTYSLAV CHERNOV, FLESHSTORM, OSMAN ORSAL
EBRU AKGÜN / LLB 2
tension leading to the corruption investigations in the first place. This leads to the question whether or not this is the end of Erdogan. The movement already has great influence on Turkey’s police and judiciary, causing a power struggle within the country. Some argue that Fetullah Gulen’s influence on the judiciary will cause a biased result. On the 27th of December, a Turkish public prosecutor was removed from the corruption investigation targeting business and government circles by the Istanbul deputy chief public prosecutor. The removed prosecutor was accused of violating confidentiality, whereas in his statement he alleged that the police forces and the chief prosecutor are “not implementing court orders and are putting pressure on the judiciary”. This reflects that there is also tension within the judicial branch itself. The Prime Minister states that the Fetullah Gulen movement is trying to form a state within a state and mentioned that the investigations are a ‘dirty operation’, trying to weaken his power through conspiracy. As Turkey’s citizens are used to seeing, the Prime Minister once again blames aliens for the failure of the state. Uncertainties in the Near Future Turkey will have three elections within the next two years; local elections in March 2014, presidential elections in August 2014 and general elections in 2015. Since elections cause great drama in Turkey, it is being considered to have general elections even sooner. Meanwhile, protesters still demand the government to resign, yet, the greatest unease is caused by unanswered questions. Turkish citizens will elect their President for the first time in 2014, who used to be elected by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Does this mean that the current Prime Minister Erdogan will be elected? It has already been predicted that he will run as a candidate. If he does become the President, who will succeed him as PM? How will his political career continue if he does not become the President? Which party can replace the AKP and will they lead to a better future for the country? With all of these unanswered questions, does Turkey even stand a chance of becoming a member of the European Union by 2023? 27
Given the current circumstances, I believe the elections will be the main turning point of Turkey, yet, no one can tell what the outcome will be and if Turkey will develop from that point on or if it will continue deteriorating. At this point, the interest of the AKP should not be the main focus. Instead, the interests of the state as a whole should be the main concern of the government. During the Gezi protests, Erdogan primarily focused on the fact that 50% of the population voted for him, meaning that Turkey is a democratic country. However, it is not only the voting procedure of a country that deems it democratic. This view completely neglects the view and wishes of the remaining 50% of Turkey. Moreover, these arguments do not only cause a struggle between protesters and the government, but also among citizens in general. Religion is a personal matter, and should no longer influence the politics of a country, especially a secular one such as Turkey. If Turkey wants to become one of the ten economically most developed nations by 2023 as it targets to be, it has to make major changes within its judiciary and its concept of democracy, which has to include a multiparty system, rather than having one party dominating Turkey’s politics. It is irrational to expect Turkey to deal with external matters, if it is not capable of meeting the needs of its own people and solving internal conflicts such as Kurdish and Alevi problems. Hence, the next two years are vital for Turkey’s interest, and the outcome of these unpredictable elections will determine its future. The contents of this article may not cover relevant events that occurred following the date of its conception (28.12.13).
1. PHOTO: MSTYSLAV CHERNOV 2. PHOTO: MSTYSLAV CHERNOV 3. PHOTO: FLESHSTORM 4. PHOTO: MSTYSLAV CHERNOV 5. PHOTO: OSMAN ORSAL, RAUTERS
DEBATE:
THE FUTURE OF THE EUR The European Union faces tremendous challanges in the coming years, and how the Union reacts is likely to define it as international organization, and its political standing in the global legal order. Will we see futher integration and more centralized power, or will the Member States fight for keeping sovereign rights? In this segment we requested four students to argue for their views on the future of the European Union. TEXT: CHRISTIAN SKRIVERVIK
VINCENT BEYER / LLB 3
In varietate concordia - Unity in diversity - is the motto of the
EU, and interestingly, it is the first symbol of the EU which is not borrowed from the Council of Europe - Indonesia, South Africa and Papua New Guinea use the same motto. Unity in diversity is also what I think of when I picture the future of the EU. Before, during, and after the crisis of 2008, everyone who understood what was happening agreed that deeper integration is the way forward. However, people who understand the current political climate also know that what is economically or politically desirable is not always the same as what is acceptable for the people of Europe. Students of EU law, additionally living in a Member State which is often not their state of origin, tend to forget that European integration moves slower outside their circle of friends. For integration to be successful the EU cannot move faster than its slowest member. However, the EU is not the loose union of six member states it was in the 1960s when one national government could easily create a crisis. Since last year, we live in a Union of 28 European States. State number 18 joined the common currency on January 1st, and another 8 will do so in a not too distant future. I am delighted to say that the German Constitutional Court, for the first time in its existence, recently submitted a question for a preliminary ruling to the ECJ. The question did not concern
beer purity or other petty concerns of the German people, but the unlimited bond-buying program of the ECB. The Court deals with debt transfers from one sovereign state to another. Who could deny that the EU is an ever closer union? Of course, unity is not always a smooth process. Sometimes Europe stumbles and takes a couple of steps backwards. A majority of 50.3% of the Swiss people voted in favor in a referendum against mass immigration requiring the government to set up quotas for foreigners, and thus, violating its agreements with the EU. What exactly this means, how treaties will be renegotiated, if Switzerland loses its preferential access to the common market, are questions which will be answered in the future. Fact is, that Swiss stakeholders seem to be more worried than Brussels. I am convinced that steps in the seemingly wrong direction can serve to pick up momentum to pass the next hurdle. The project of European unity has not always been smooth, and certainly won’t be in the future. Uncontested is though, that the ever closer union is a reality, and will be even more so in the future. Maybe our grandchildren won’t say “in varietate concordia” but “e pluribus unum” - out of many one. This motto is also borrowed. It is borrowed from another state whose path towards unity wasn’t free of hurdles.
TEXT: VINCENT BEYER
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ROPEAN UNION When I hear the EU I automatically think of Western Europe,
which is wrong, as the current EU covers a much larger area, and is expanding; something I believe will continue. But when does that jeopardise the basic and plain requirement - ‘European’? Public opinion of the EU is wavering in some Western countries due to expansion and the growing belief that free movement risks national social benefits. This topic divides opinion and creates resentments which go against the EU’s principal aim at creation - promoting and ensuring peace. Maybe the more important future question is should it still be a ‘European Union’ or just a ‘Union of Countries’. Morocco was rejected for being outside the territory of Europe, and accepting Turkey would reach into Asia. Yet, the current EU has no problem reaching from the far north in Nuorgum, Finland, to the south of Limassol, Cyprus - a country actually on a longitude with contested Turkey. Moreover, including outlying territories within the Union, the most southern point is Pointe de Langevin, Reunion; which is French territory near Madagascar - 10,398Km from Nuorgum. What the commonality is in heritage, culture, and religion of these places, at the exclusion of
DEBATE
others, is unanswerable. Therefore, how the territory of Europe should be a deciding factor is very questionable. So why in the future should countries that share the same aims as members of the EU not join - regardless of geographical location. Many benefits could arise for all states (from more trading partners to increased co-operation), and for nationals a much wider freedom to live and work breaking down social barriers as many of us demonstrate by studying in Groningen. But more importantly, just as the EU has managed to sustain peace in Europe with expansion, that peace should spread into northern Africa and further a field. Overall, it only essentially requires a ‘simple’, yet fundamental change, from the ‘European Union’ to a ‘World Union’. Being at peace and co-operating surely should be the overall aim for all countries and is achievable through the structure of ‘supremacy’ and ‘autonomy’ in the EU. Though, realistically, this vision may encounter too many political problems and dilemmas to ever bare any resemblance outside of a dream. TEXT: CAITLIN BONES
CAITLIN BONES / LLB 1
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DEBATE:
THE FUTURE OF THE EURO The idea of a union was born at the end of the Second World War as a
logical solution to the fact that the wars had had terrible consequences over the whole European continent, and in the end, there were no real winners. Based on this, the Schuman plan from 1950 was supported by all the wise minds of Europe, and the first steps towards the realization of a union were made. In the past two centuries one could notice a continuous tendency towards unification of small states. In those cases where the unification was based on mutual consent, strong states were born, such as Germany, Switzerland, Italy and Romania. In comparison to this, in those circumstances where the unification was realized by conquest and without any respect for democracy, the unions were shortly terminated, for instance USSR and Yugoslavia. ALEXANDRA CRISAN / LLB 2
On the other hand, the European Union was formed progressively. Initially, the union was seen as bringing economical advantages, and after even cultural and military accords. Moreover, the expansion of the union happened step by step. The Member States were able to join by their own free will once they fulfilled a minimum criterion so not to endanger the equilibrium of the European Union. As a result of this progressive development, malfunctions could be solved as they appeared, and issues could be effectively repaired by the adoption of treaties, such as Maastricht, Amsterdam, and Lisbon, which were meant to improve the functioning of the union. All this has demonstrated that the respect for the democratic principles is the most important aspect of an effective union, and the infringement of these principles leads to collapse, as in the case of USSR. Lastly, the two main powers of the world, China and the USA, have proved that the key to success is the formation of a union. Consequently, a Europe divided in small states, risks being dominated by these two main economic players. Nowadays, the European Union is confronting itself with some contradictions generated by the cultural, economical, and mentality differences between the Member States and, importantly, by the world economic crisis. Once again, the logical solution remains the union and the mutual cooperation between the Member States, and that guarantee is represented by the new generation which was born and raised in a European spirit, and which cannot imagine Europe in any other way than a union. We are a European generation! TEXT: ALEXANDRA CRISAN
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OPEAN UNION
DEBATE
In recent years the European Union has had to deal with many crisis
situations, both internal and external. Recent incidents in Libya, Syria, and now in Ukraine, have exposed the weaknesses of the EU’s common foreign policy, with member states acting out on their own. The eurocrisis showed the vulnerability of the monetary union, and sets a difficult position for future developments. Finally, with the approach of the new parliamentary elections, the interest of the citizens of the Union is alarmingly low, and the increasing euro-scepticism that is taking a stronger root within the Member States, will surely be a difficult challenge to overcome. Thus, it can be said that the future paints a rather dark scene; multiple reforms are needed to enforce the improvised measures used to counter the euro-crisis, and overall the Union’s crisis management is in need of an update. This then raises the conflict between national sovereignty and federalism. Is the EU to become a ‘Superstate’ in order to ensure the protection of its citizens, as more co-operation is needed to lift the Union to the pedestal it was previously standing? Is national sovereignty, and through it, national interest soon to become terms of the old and be replaced with Alexander Dumas themed “One for all and all for one”? Perhaps the most alarming part in the future is the increasing gap between the citizens and the institutions. Although everyone enjoys the benefits of the Union, only a handful realises its true importance, and thus, feeding the growing scepticisms of the Unions’ measures. The Union has increasingly offered media campaigns, open discussions, and other means of spreading information in order to breach this gap, but with little success so far as the next elections are predicted to have a low voter turn-up. If this deficit is not solved soon it is sure to escalate, preventing the Union from reaching its full potential. The European Union faces many issues in 2014, and is not a single answer for everything; the Union will have to balance between individual and national interest of the member states, and the collective interests of the Union. By choosing to uphold the collective interest, each national citizen could be given a more equal grounding and serve the so-called “greater good” of all, with the price of the wealthier. Upholding national interest would serve a more traditionalist way of thinking, and whilst it might create inequalities between the nationals, the larger nations would surely be more encouraged to cooperate with the Unions ideas. TEXT: WALTTER SUOMINEN
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WALTTER SUOMINEN / LLB 2
PEACE VILLAGE: FRIED TEXT AND PHOTOS: JULIA ECHANOVE
Being an International Law student, I have always been drawn
JULIA ECHANOVE / LLB 2
Mission
to work with NGOs. After experiencing voluntary work all over the world, I found that working with children, in need, is my passion. However, there is a general tendency which suggests that such work must be done in those countries where there are ongoing crises, and there is a need of helping hands. I finally came to the realization that help is also needed just around the corner.
Friedensdorf International, or Peace Village, is a German NGO located in Oberhausen. Their mission is to help those children who have been somehow affected by war. These kids are a visible sign of how hard life can be in other places. They facilitate free medical treatment all over Germany for any injuries or illnesses they might suffer from, and which cannot be treated in their home countries. Often, these children come from families who cannot afford expensive treatments. Friedensdorf also facilitates the travelling expenses for these children twice a year. The main countries, which they work with, are Angola, Gambia, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Kirgizstan, Tajikistan, Georgia and Armenia. Friedensdorf ’s work is based solely on donations and help from partners, volunteers and workers - all of whom share the same passion and love for helping children in need. The general sentiment of the organization, from the founders to the present workers and volunteers, is that war, terror, and violence should not take away the right of anyone, especially children, to live a healthy and joyful life. This belief alone has forever changed my views and understanding of humanity, and encouraged me to offer every bit of my privileged position to the most innocent form of innocence: children.
The Village and the kids
Friedensdorf International has several partnerships with other organizations in the home countries, and it is these organizations that determine which children are in worse conditions. Injuries and illnesses vary from severe burns, mine injuries, bone deformations... Once the selection is made, the children embark on a trip that can last from 6 months up to years; leaving their families and friends behind in order to finally overcome their disabilities, and hopefully become healthy again. Once they arrive, they either travel directly to whichever hospital has accepted their case and agrees to provide free medical treatment, or they travel to Friedensdorf - their own small village. This village has houses for girls, boys and small children; a dining hall; a rehabilitation centre; several playgrounds and a small basketball court; classrooms, and a house available for the volunteers who work and live there for a period of time. The children make the village their home, and learn how to become a big family; they learn how to help and cooperate with each other, the workers, and the volunteers. Generally, they live the life that every child should live; they play, they laugh, they fight, they go on trips, they learn to appreciate life on a whole new level, of which I have ever experienced before.
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DENSDORF INTERNATIONAL
VOLUNTEERING
Help is needed just around the corner!
Personal Experience
My personal experience in Friedensdorf has been nothing but incredible so far. It all began when my mother, who is also an active volunteer, introduced me to their concept, and to these amazing kids. After accompanying her a few times, I took matters into my own hands and spent the entire month of August 2013 in the village with the children, workers, and other volunteers. I was placed in the “school” building where the facilities include classrooms, playrooms, and a kitchen. Although I had never had teaching experience, I had previous experience with disabled children, and yet I found myself overwhelmed by the whole experience at first. The main language of communication is, in essence, German, but once my stance there started, I learnt that language is not a barrier when it comes to dealing with children. German, mixed with Portuguese and English classes, taught me that one must never forget that, regardless of their injuries, these children are just like normal children. They like to play, they dislike school - they get sad, angry, and excited just like all the other children do. I was able to experience and enjoy, first hand, an incredible amount of unforgettable experiences; we prepared role plays, cooked dishes from their home countries, learnt mathematics, English, and made all kinds of hand made decorations. We played outside when the sun was shining, and watched movies when the rain came. We celebrated life while disregarded barriers that disabilities may have
established before; by learning how to walk again, learning how to run with prostatic legs, and most important of all - we had fun and laughed together. This experience was an incredible and life changing one for me. While I was able to help the children build their future, they were able to teach me life lessons. In addition to this, I was able to see through my own eyes, how powerful the will of these kids is. Even if, at some point in their lives, they had been told that they would never be normal or healthy again, they were willing to sacrifice friends and family to take a chance, in a far away land, to overcome the obstacles life has brought them. I made incredible friendships and learnt values about life and family, about friendship and love. But above all, I learnt that a “thank you for always being there, and making us have the best time” - from a child who has not seen his family for months; who does not know when he will return; who has suffered from medical issues and undergone surgery - is the most precious gift I could have ever received. Having learnt that volunteer work does not always entail a trip to a far away land, or a grand gesture, I would like to take this opportunity to encourage you to volunteer in any field you believe appropriate, not only to be able to help others, but also yourself. Additionally, if you happen to be inspired or interested in Friedensdorf International, do not hesitate to contact me for more information: julia.echanove@gmail.com Every little bit counts!
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OPINION
ARCTIC SUNRISE Could Russia charge the 30 ‘Arctic Sunrise’ activists with ‘hooliganism’? N
ovember 28: It is with much relief that Australian Greenpeace activist Collin Russell is greeted by family and friends as he is released on bail from prison in St. Petersburg. Having spent 71 days in detention, Russell is the last of the Artic 30 detainees to be ordered release on bail by a St. Petersburg court. However, the celebration is temporal. After release, Russell and the rest of the Artic 30 were still confronted with hooliganism and/or piracy charges, which carry a maximum sentence of 15 and 7 years, respectively. In addition, though the activists had their passports returned to them upon release, they still awaited exit visas which would allow them to leave Russia to await the ongoing investigations into their peaceful Arctic oil protest. Russell’s release was only a fraction of a long chain of events that took place ever since Russia’s Coast Guard’s seizure of the Greenpeace boat ‘Arctic Sunrise’ on September 18, 2013. With the intention to protest against oil drilling activities by the Russian energy company Gazprom at the Prirazlomnaya oil rig, 200 miles off the coast of Russia, two Greenpeace activists attempted to scale the drilling platform. They did so, bearing ropes and posters, in an inflatable craft launched from the MV Arctic Sunrise. A response of the Russian Coast Guard was imminent: ramming the inflatable craft, the activists were threatened at gun and knife point, and detained; the Arctic Sunrise was seized and all the 30 activists arrested. Russia’s violent response to the protests was met with heavy criticism from Greenpeace and nations worldwide. When it became clear the activists were facing ‘piracy’ charges, protestors around the world took to the streets with posters and banners saying: ‘Save the Arctic and Free the Arctic 30!’ Famous icons such as Paul McCartney and Penelope Cruz expressed their honest concern in letters addressed to the Russian authorities demanding their release. The Netherlands, the Arctic Sunrise’s flag state, even took Russia to the International Tribunal for the Law of The Sea, insisting that the ship was outside Russia’s territorial waters when it was stormed, and thus, fell outside of Russia’s jurisdiction. Russia opposed this argument. The ‘Arctic Sunrise’ was within Russia’s declared exclusive economic zone, which
stretches 370 kilometers from its northern coastline into the Arctic Ocean. Thus, according to the terms of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982 (UNCLOS), which grants all countries the right to maintain exclusive economic zones and police them, Russia had a right to arrest them and draw charges. What it failed to apprehend however, was that these charges had to be given on the basis of international law, not national law. Russia may have had its personal motives to charge the Artic 30 with ‘piracy’, but the convictions stood in complete disregard to international law and the international community trying to defend these laws. There was absolutely nothing to suggest that the Greenpeace crew had committed acts of piracy, no matter how you interpret the law of the sea. In fact, Article 101(a) UNCLOS states that piracy is: “Any illegal acts of violence or detention, or any act of depredation, committed for private ends by the crew or the passengers of a private ship or a private aircraft … on the high seas, against another ship or aircraft, or against persons or property on board such ship or aircraft.” One of the requirements for piracy is violence, but no trace of violence could be found in video footage of the event. Moreover, even if there had been violence involved, the Law of the Sea still requires the crime to be committed ‘against another ship or aircraft’, not an oil platform. Russia’s claims to piracy were therefore void according to UNCLOS, as well as many other international maritime protocols. There was a spark of hope at the end of October, when Russian Investigative Committee spokesman Vladimir Markin announced the prosecutors would change the charges of piracy to hooliganism. However, when the detainees were later brought before the Committee, the piracy charges were not withdrawn. According to Greenpeace, instead each activist was served with both the piracy and hooliganism charges. The way in which the activists were treated during pre-trail detention is equally alarming. Greenpeace lawyer Sergei Golubok said many of the activists did not have access to drinking water or were starving because they could not eat the food in their jails. “People are kept in there like chickens at a bad poultry farm,” he said. Staying in pre-trial detention centers called Investigation Isolators (SIZO), they lived in conditions NEXUS WINTER 2014 | 34
TEXT: BART VAN DER GEEST PHOTO: BLUEMIKE807
ALEXANDRA CRISAN / LLB BART VAN DER GEEST / LLB 1
that had much in common with isolation cells for hardened criminals. Add to that the fact that most of them are foreigners and don’t speak Russian, performing simple tasks such as withdrawing money from their bank accounts or asking permission to close the window became very difficult. As Judith Pallot, professor of the human geography of Russia at the University of Oxford put it: “The demonstrators who over the last month have come out on to the streets to support the Greenpeace activists have focused the world’s attention on the absurdity of the piracy charge. But the plight of the Greenpeace activists also throws light on the scandalous conditions in which more than 114,000 people are held awaiting trial in the Russian Federation’s remand prisons. We will know that Russia has really turned its back on its problematic penal legacy when people also protest on the street about the conditions of its prisons.” On November 22nd, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLoS) delivered its order. It ruled that the vessel and all persons detained in connection with the dispute had to be released and allowed to leave the territory, condi
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tioned upon the Dutch government posting a €3.6 million bond or bank guarantee. It was, however, questionable whether the Russian Federation would comply with the order even after the bank guarantee had been assured; the state did not recognize the court as having a right to rule on the matter, Voice of Russia said shortly after the trial. And as a matter of fact, it never did. Though ignoring the order of the International Tribunal, Russian president Vladimir Putin needed something to improve his image before the Olympic Games, so he introduced Russia’s prison amnesty, a pardon particularly directed at political prisoners. An additional amendment made suspects in cases of hooliganism eligible for pardon, with as result that all charges were dropped against the 30 demonstrators as well as against former members of the punk band Pussy Riot. While Greenpeace and Pussy Riot were fortunate enough to be released, others were not given the same luxury. This includes some of the people that were on trial for disturbances at a rally, the day before Putin was inaugurated last year. “There is no amnesty for the Arctic,” Arctic Sunrise captain Peter Willcox said. “I might soon be going home to my family, but I should never have been charged and jailed in the first place.”
ELSA (The European Law Students’ Association) is an inter-
nationally renowned, independent, non-political, non-profit organization, run by and for law students. It is comprised of current law students and recent graduates who are interested in academic and personal excellence in addition to their university studies. The international network consists of over 240 local groups in more than 40 countries, with over 38 000 members. Nearly all European countries having their own local ELSA groups. The network was established in 1981 to facilitate a connection between young law students and lawyers to mutually benefit both. This is clearly seen in the STEP traineeship program, which provides paid traineeships to students, as well as the moot court competitions which are conducted in collaboration with the WTO and ECtHR. However, notwithstanding the professional possibilities of ELSA, the network also has broader aims of social justice, hence, our vision:
The current board consists of the President Ksenija Korolova, the Secretary General Geartsje Vellinga, the Treasurer Jesse Sipiorski, and Vice President Marketing Thijs Reiling. A perfect compilation of international and Dutch law students falling perfectly in line with the international philosophy of ELSA.
”A just world in which there is respect for human dignity and cultural diversity” Currently, in the Netherlands there exists a local ELSA group in 7 universities: Rotterdam, Tilburg, Amsterdam, Maastricht, Nijmegen, Leiden and the newest: ELSA Groningen. The local group in Groningen came into being on the 11th of November last year. Due in a large part to three enthusiastic students who found it strange that a university, with such an excellent law faculty, did not already have a local ELSA group. Since then ELSA Groningen has organized a lecture on the Future of the European Union and the Grand Opening event, to celebrate the establishment of this new association.
We hope to bring all the opportunities that the ELSA network offers to Groningen, and to become an addition to the already excellent group of law students’ associations in Groningen.*
Kindest regards, The board of ELSA Groningen
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FINALLY WE WOULD LIKE TO THANK ALL CONTRIBUTORS, HELPERS, AND READERS FOR MAKING THE COMPLETION OF THIS EDITION POSSIBLE. WE ARE MAKING THIS MAGAZINE FOR YOU. YES - FOR YOU! THEREFORE, WE RELY ON YOUR FEEDBACK, YOUR COLLABORATION, AND YOUR COMMENTS, IN ORDER TO KEEP PRODUCING MAGAZINES THAT YOU WANT TO READ. SO PLEASE, BE IN TOUCH!
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