City Hall - June 6, 2007

ANDREW SCHWARTZ PHOTOS

and outgoing United Way CEO Larry Mandell, below, discusses returning poverty to the national agenda in Back & Forth

(Page 31).

Malcolm Smith, above, sits down for his

Power Lunch (Page 26), Queens Council members prepare for a 2009 freeVol. 2, No. 1

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for-all (Page 29)

June 2007

Al Sharpton Is Not Running for Anything (for Now) To become the city’s premier activist, he needed elections. But not anymore.

BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE here is a story Al Sharpton likes to tell.

A. Philip Randolph, the civil rights and union leader, went to see Franklin Roosevelt in the White House one day to lobby for desegregation of the army.

“You’re right,” Roosevelt told him.

Randolph kept pressing the case, arguing that the country would only be at its strongest when army units were integrated.

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

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INDEX: Page 9

In the Trenches: Martha Taylor, the comptroller’s million dollar woman Page 10

High Line Advocates Prepare to Fight Page 12

Obama Tries to Plant Grassroots among young New Yorkers Page 21

Following

Their

Bloomberg’s Gun Lawsuits Move Forward

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16

FATHERS

Lessons from one generation of New York’s political dynasties to the next

“You’re right,” Roosevelt said again. “Now go out there and tell me to do it.”

Today, 20 years after Tawana Brawley, 10 years after he shocked the local political establishment by narrowly missing a run-off with Ruth Messinger in the Democratic mayoral primary, Sharpton has lost four races. Despite years of running for office and political involvement, he is still sitting on the outside.

And that, he said, took a lot of CONTINUED ON PAGE

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JUN E 2007

CITY HALL

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ON/OFF THE RECORD BREAKFAST

The King of Kings: Marty Markowitz Holds Court arty Markowitz was the featured speaker at the third City Hall On/Off the Record Breakfast June 6, held at the Commerce Bank on 42nd Street and Madison Avenue.

The Brooklyn borough president shared his views on Brooklyn’s Renaissance, the Atlantic Yards, congestion pricing, his thoughts about joining the 2009 mayoral race, and other topics presented during the off-therecord portion of the morning. Below are some excerpts from the on-the-record portion.

City Hall: What is the renaissance of Brooklyn? Is that the right term to be using?

Marty Markowitz: Well I think it is. It’s an unbelievable feeling among Brooklynites, of really being really proud of their borough, really having that extra enthusiasm that, what I call, having a Brooklyn attitude, in terms of their everyday life in the borough. Our employment record rates are up dramatically. Our housing starts are unbelievable. Our property values are through the roof.

There’s good and bad in that. And from one end of Brooklyn to the other, especially in Brooklyn’s traditionally low economic communities, the rate of new housing being built, new retail being built is just phenomenal. And that’s important, that every part of Brooklyn shares in the renaissance. That’s not to say we don’t have challenges.

We have plenty of challenges. But the good news is, that the days of people running out of Brooklyn are over.

CH: When it comes to Atlantic Yards, have you been surprised by the process?

MM: Well I have to tell you, this is my first experience at it. You understand, when I was a state senator for 23 years, one out of 62 state senators, you’re pretty much hit by the group. Then you become borough president or mayor and you’re one out of one. And it really came as a significant surprise that for the first time in my professional life, I was not able to bring people together. I have to tell you, I tried my best. I really did. ... My support of Atlantic Yards and my enthusiasm for Atlantic Yards is based on my true, sincere, full belief that it’s for the best of this and future generations of Brooklynites, there’s no question about it. And yet for the first time of my life, I’ve run into a number of people, a significant number of people, who feel that anyone who’s for Atlantic Yards is a sellout, is being schtupped, is being bribed, is being corrupt, and those are nice words. And never in my life have I met a group of people that if you’re not with them, you’re the enemy. I’ve never had that. I’ve had many disagreements when I first started in Albany. Gay rights, abortion rights, those were contentious issues, believe me. But never with the hostility and hate that I’ve experienced during this process.

CH: Do you think that mega-projects like that are appropriate here in the city?

MM: Listen, the answer to that is market driven. For all these years, the issue of over development is a serious issue in many Brooklyn neighborhoods. And that’s why I enthusiastically support down zoning those neighborhoods to preserve the residential quality in those communities of Brooklyn that are single- or twofamily homes, detached or semi-detached. For years, in many of those neighborhoods, developers could have built as of right. But the demand isn’t there.

Today, the demand for the people moving into the city has never been higher. It’s incredible the demand of housing. Therefore, it is important that we find loca-

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

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tions in New York City that we can grow and of course, because this city is running out of land, we have to consider those areas where we can build vertically and we can build the kind of housing that allows the max amount of open space, that’s very important, and how it knits into the tapestry of the community of which it’s located.

CH: Some of your opponents have been members of community boards. Do you think community boards have too much sway over the process of building in New York?

MM: No. The reason why, there are enough checks and balances as the project moves through the land review process that could reverse decisions all along the way.

The community board votes and then it comes to me. I could go along with the community board, adjust it, amend it and reject it. From me, it goes to the city planning commission. Then they can change what I said— and they have on occasion—and then from there, it goes onto the City Council and, ultimately, they’re the ones that will make the decision. … In the case of Community Board 6, quite frankly, there are members of the board that have been there forever … over 20 years, 20, 22, 23 years. For some people, they think it’s a lifetime appointment. It is not a lifetime appointment anymore than my position is.

CH: What do you think of the mayor’s sustainability plan and, specifically, congestion pricing?

MM: First off, I commend the mayor and his team in terms of looking at the future of New York City and that’s a good thing. …

I haven’t closed the door to congestion pricing. But I have some conditions. …

Number one, for those communities that are closest to Manhattan in Brooklyn, what assurances will we have for those that live in other places in Brooklyn where there is no public transportation? … Folks will drive their cars to downtown Brooklyn, will park, and then take the subway to be closest to Manhattan. What

assurances do we have that those communities will be overrun with unbelievable amounts of motorists looking for parking?

Secondly, for those that live in those communities of Brooklyn where there is no public transportation, before you implement congestion pricing, I think the city is obligated to provide a dramatic increase of express buses to Manhattan. …

Next, most Brooklyn hospitals feed into Manhattan hospitals. What do you do with that person who’s mature, which I guess is my age and older, who may be ill or whose wife or husband may be ill, and they have to visit their loved one and cannot navigate the subway system? … Here they can’t get it working most of the time. And the steps, they go up and down, are incredible. So therefore, you got loads of people that must go to Manhattan and can’t use a subway and yet we’re going to penalize them because of someone being ill and I think that’s—that’s bad.

How do you make sure that the person who is a small carpenter a small electrician or whatever, as well as the salesman or … a, what do you call it, an advertising person who has to show their easels with their art or whatever—how do you help them? …

Listen, you have a right to own a car but if you live in Manhattan, if you think about it, if you live in Manhattan, you really don’t need a car. You really don’t, because wherever you live in Manhattan you got public transportation. And if you don’t have public transportation, you got cabs waiting for you in every corner or executive cars in every part of Manhattan. Yet they’re only going to charge them four dollars—four dollars—if they drive their car from 85th Street to downtown Manhattan. Yet it’ll cost us eight dollars and we’re closer in terms of distance to downtown Manhattan. It’ll cost us eight dollars. So there has to be equality, there has to be exemptions. …

CH: Let’s talk about your own future a little bit.

When it comes to 2009, is it mayor or nothing?

MM: I think the job of comptroller would not interest me whatsoever. Because I think you have to have some experience in finance to really—in my opinion, to be effective. …

If I was in my 40s or early 50s, the possibility of public advocate would certainly be something that I would review, but the truth of the matter is—the public advocate is, with no disrespect to its current occupant, is meant for someone who wants to be mayor in eight years and you use that position to raise your profile, your persona citywide and build up a résumé that you can then present, which means that every day or almost every day, you got to wake up and challenge the mayor or his agencies. That’s how you do it in order to be an effective public advocate. And that is not me personally. … And also, the eight years, frankly, I don’t have in terms of that. And also borough presidents have a greater impact in the city than the public advocate, I’m sorry to say. … The only one position that I would consider and I am considering is the possibility of running for mayor.

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For more from the breakfast, including Markowitz’s assessment of what has not worked among the things he has tried as borough president, his assessment of the current design of Atlantic Yards and how his African gray parrot relates to his political plans, go to

www.cityhallnews.com

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CITY HALL

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ISSUE FORUM:

J U N E 2007

5

year. In New York, several changes to the laws are being considered, and even more are being discussed. City Hall asked contributors to this month’s Issue Forum to give their perspectives on where the deliberations should go next.

INSURANCE

Insurance will never be the stuff of summer blockbusters, but it is an area that affects billions of dollars and lives every

Time for an Insurance Consumer Advocate

BY ASSEMBLY MEMBER ADRIANO ESPAILLAT HEN PUNDITS DISCUSS POLICY, there is always the danger of losing sight of exactly what is at stake—and that is the quality of life for everyday New Yorkers.

Discussions about the insurance industry and possible reforms are no different.

Sure, everybody has an opinion about what could be better, but, at the end of the day, we must remember to take a look at exactly who is suffering from unfairly high insurance premiums and how we can work together to enact realistic solutions that will positively impact all of our lives.

For example, a 25-year-old single male in Brooklyn with a clean driving record pays nearly $3,000 a year to insure a leased 2005 Honda Civic. A small business owner in Manhattan who wants to hire an additional worker pays about $6,000 a year for individual health coverage. A family plan is prohibitively expensive, costing about $15,000 a year.

The cost of insurance is strangling

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working families in New York City. Much of the blame falls squarely on the shoulders of former Gov. George Pataki (R).

His Insurance Department superintendents acted more like industry lapdogs than consumer watchdogs.

Consider, for example, a fall 2006 report from New York City Comptroller William Thompson, which examined auto insurance premiums in our state from 2000 to 2005. His report found: • Insurance premiums increased nearly 29 percent, to $10.5 billion • At the same time, insurer losses decreased more than 20 percent, to $5.1 billion • New York insurers paid out only 48 cents of every premium dollar they collected—the lowest in the nation Or look at a spring 2006 report from State Sen. Neil Breslin (D), who retained an actuary to analyze data from HMOs in New York state from 2001-2005. His report found: • HMO profits increased 93 percent, nearly doubling in just five years • The percent of every premium dollar

paid to health care providers fell • HMOs spent $2 billion to “administer” and “adjust” claims—four times as much as the federal government spends to administer the Medicare program In New York, HMOs can raise rates whenever they want. The State Senate has stubbornly blocked “prior approval” legislation—bills that would require HMOs to apply for and justify rate increases before imposing them.

Insurance companies are largely exempt from antitrust laws and virtually unregulated by the federal government.

Without effective oversight by state regulators, they have unbridled economic and political power. They wield that clout quite effectively.

Ten years ago, a report by the New York Public Interest Research Group counted 110 registered insurance lobbyists in New York. Together, they reported spending $6.7 million in lobbying expenses—and today that number is undoubtedly much higher. That doesn’t even count their millions in campaign contributions.

That must change. Gov. Spitzer must

take the lead in creating an Insurance Consumer Advocate, an entity with lawyers and actuaries to represent insurance consumers. The Insurance Consumer Advocate could examine insurers’ books, intervene in ratemaking proceedings and present critical information to lawmakers. Insurance reform is essential to level the playing field.

Without it, no one is in good hands.

C

Adriano Espaillat is a Democrat representing northern Manhattan in the Assembly. He sits on the Assembly’s Insurance Committee.

Reforming the Workers’ Compensation System: Another Milestone Achieved

BY ERIC DINALLO

D

EVELOPING

AN

EXPEDITED

hearing process to reduce costly litigation and the time it takes for employees to receive treatment and return to work is among the key features of the Workers’ Compensation overhaul that Gov. Elliot Spitzer and the Legislature have tasked us with pursuing.

Just days ago, the New York State Insurance Department announced proposals to establish a streamlined hearing process that will allow most contested Workers’ Compensation claims to be resolved in 90 days. Currently, these claims may drag on for 200 days or longer.

Called by some the “Rocket Docket,” this new mechanism will expedite the hearing process and make it better. This expedited process is not simply speed for the sake of speed. It is designed to eliminate delays that now sometimes occur and to make sure that injured workers receive the prompt medical treatment they are entitled to receive. In doing so, this will help injured workers avoid the potential for further harm to their health caused by delays in receiving treatment.

The new process stems from the historic Workers’ Compensation agreement Gov. Spitzer forged in March among business, labor and government. The objective of that agreement is to reform the

outdated system that has proved so costly for all New Yorkers.

For example, under the current system, it is often not until a pre-hearing conference—an average of 75 days from the start of the claim—that the parties have sufficient information to evaluate a claim.

It often takes three more hearings for a typical injured worker to establish a claim and receive benefits. It can take up to 90 days to schedule each additional hearing.

This cumbersome process serves no one.

As an alternative, the Insurance Department has proposed a series of reforms to dramatically speed the process. Key features of this expedited process include: • Requiring claimants, treating physi-

cians and employers to provide increased disclosure about the specifics of a claim, medical treatment received and any relevant prior injuries before the Workers’ Compensation Board can docket or index a claim for expedited resolution.

• Requiring the insurance carrier to provide a fact-specific basis when it disputes a claim. Ample disclosure will obviate the need for “protective defenses” that have questionable merit.

• Mandating that attorneys for the claimant and carrier certify their filings to promote full and accurate disclosure throughout the process.

• Enforcing the rule that every represented party submit a pre-hearing statement to ensure the parties are in a position to prepare for trial and the judge is able to schedule and hold the trial.

• Requiring that all discovery is complete, medical reports are filed and unsupported defenses are waived at the pre-trial conference to ensure the case is “trial-ready.”

With all the parties present and the case trial ready, the first hearing—including testimony from the claimant and witnesses—may begin minutes after the end of the pre-hearing conference.

The final hearing, if necessary for cross-examination, will occur no later than 40 days after the first hearing. This will allow sufficient time to schedule

medical professionals and increase the likelihood that they will be able to appear.

At the conclusion of the final hearing, a decision will ordinarily be issued from the bench, or within 10 days of the close of evidence.

The early factual disclosures required under the new process will increase the likelihood of settling cases at earlier stages in mediation. This will enable us to capture program savings not possible when long, drawn out mediation and litigation occur.

The success of implementing this expedited process is ensured by built-in safeguards. For example, these proposals carry with them penalties for failing to adhere to the mandated process. Under our current system, there are few such penalties. In addition, adjournments will be strictly regulated and limited to extraordinary circumstances, which must be supported by affidavit.

By ensuring the faster resolution of claims, these reforms promise to benefit all New Yorkers—injured employees, who will receive benefits faster, and employers, who will see reduced system costs as a result of this more efficient process.

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Eric Dinallo is the 39th superintendent of the New York State Insurance Department.

LIFE E INSURER R CONTRIBUTIONS TO O NEW W YORK K AND D THE E NATION The Life Insurance Council of New York, Inc. (LICONY) is the principal voice speaking on behalf of the life insurance companies in New York.

Here are just some of the facts and figures that detail the contributions the industry has made to the economy of New York and the nation: LIFE INSURANCE COMPANIES IN NEW YORK • Currently, there are 141 life insurers licensed to do business in New York State. Of that, 82 are companies with their home office in New York and 59 are foreign companies that are licensed to do business here.

• There were approximately 22,500 New York residents who were employed directly by life insurance companies in 2005. Additionally, as of November 2006, approximately 74,500 New York residents were licensed to sell life insurance in New York • The life insurance industry generates thousands of additional jobs by the goods and services it purchases or leases from other businesses in the state, such as law, accounting, actuarial and consulting firms, computers and business machines, furniture and equipment, printing and delivery services, office supplies, cleaning, maintenance, repair, security services and other needs.

LIFE INSURER INVESTMENTS IN THE NEW YORK ECONOMY • In 2005, life insurance companies invested approximately $300 billion of their assets in New York’s economy.

• Of that, the largest proportion, $260 billion, was invested in stocks and bonds that helped finance state and municipal infrastructure, utilities, public and private construction, generating thousands of jobs and innumerable services in New York.

• Life insurers provided $17 billion in mortgage loans on farm, residential and commercial properties and owned $3 billion in real property in New York in 2005.

NEW YORK STATE RESIDENTS COVERED • New York residents owned 9 million individual life insurance policies in 2005, with coverage averaging $110,100 per policyholder.

• Individual life insurance coverage purchased in 2005 totaled $133 billion.

• In 2005, New York residents had $2 trillion in death benefit coverage.

• Group life insurance coverage amounted to $598 billion in New York State in 2005.

BENEFITS TO NEW YORK POLICYHOLDERS • In 2005, New Yorkers received approximately $31 billion from life insurers in the form of death benefits, matured endowments, policy dividends, surrender values, and annuity payments, the second highest amount of any state in the nation.

INVESTMENTS IN THE COMMUNITY • As responsible corporate citizens, life insurers have proactively invested in low and moderate-income housing in underserved areas and activities that provide benefit to our local communities. A number of our companies have dedicated community investment programs that undertake significant investments in affordable housing, supporting community development entities and engaging in direct charitable giving to initiatives throughout New York and the U.S. LIFE INSURANCE IN THE NATION • With $2.5 trillion invested in the U. S. economy, life insurers are one of the largest sources of investment capital in the nation: • Life insurers provide benefit payments in excess of $300 billion each year in the United States, helping families guarantee long-term financial security—now and in retirement.

• The life insurance industry’s retirement security and financial protection products cover over 70% of American families.

• Life insurers are the largest source of bond financing for corporate America.

How much does the life insurance industry contribute to the economy of New York and the nation?

We are proud to say it’s a lot.

Life Insurance Council of New York, Inc. 551 Fifth Avenue New York, NY 10176 Mitchell F. Politzer President & Chief Executive Officer First Ameritas Life Insurance Corp. of New York Chairman, LICONY Board of Directors

Thomas E. Workman President & CEO Life Insurance Council of New York, Inc.

• A 69% increase in liability premiums has contributed to a 22% decrease in neurosurgeons (NS) on L ong Island, a 58% decrease of NSs in the M ohawk V all ey and a 27% decrease of NSs in the Finger L akes.

• A 77% increase in liability premiums has contributed to a 16% decrease of general surgeons (GS) in the outer boroughs of NYC • A 69% increase in liability premiums has contributed to a 16% decrease of GSs in Western New York and an 18 % decrease of GSs in the M ohawk V all ey.

• A 58% increase in liability premiums has contributed to a 39% decrease of thoracic surgeons (TS) in the H udson V all ey, a 17% decrease of TSs in Central New York and a 113% decrease of TSs in the Finger L akes.

• A 53% increase in liability premiums has contributed to a 9% decrease in family physicians (FP ) in the North Country and a 46% increase has contributed to a 9% decrease of FP s in Western NY If nothing is done to remedy New York’s failed medical liability adjudication system before midnight on June 30th, New York’s magnificent health care system will be placed in serious jeopardy.

PLEASE DO NOT ALLOW THIS TO HAPPEN TO NEW YORKERS—OUR PATIENTS AND YOUR CONSITUENTS—PASS A.3139 SCHIMMINGER/S.2144 HANNON

99 Washington Avenue- Suite 1103 Albany, New York 12210 Phone: (518) 465-8085 Fax: (518) 465-0976 www.mssny.org

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ISSUE FORUM:

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JUN E 2007

INSURANCE

Insurance Issues on Tap

BY STATE SEN. JAMES SEWARD

A

GREAT NUMBER OF ISSUES FACE

the New York State Senate Insurance Committee this legislative session. From auto and homeowners’ insurance to life and health insurance, the committee will be considering issues that affect consumers and businesses, and we must develop legislation that keeps insurance available and affordable.

Health Insurance. As the cost of health insurance increases, so does the number of uninsured in the state—now at approximately 3 million.

Small business owners in particular are struggling with rising health care costs, and they are burdened by the expense of providing health insurance to their employees. They are often forced to either shift more of the cost to employees, or to terminate benefits altogether.

My colleagues and I in the Senate Republican majority have proposed: • Providing small businesses and individuals purchasing their own health insurance with a state tax credit equal to 50 percent of the cost of health insurance premiums; • Expanding the Healthy NY program;

and • Greater reliance on high-deductible plans coupled with health savings accounts.

Health insurance mandates are one of the primary factors that drive up health care costs. Although well-intentioned, mandates pressure health insurance premiums. Mandated services in New York boost premiums by approximately 12 percent.

This year’s state budget included a “health care quality and cost containment commission” within the State Insurance Department. The commission is charged with the responsibility of conducting cost and benefit analyses of proposed health insurance mandate legislation. Both the Legislature and the public should have information before deciding on a new mandate.

Auto Insurance. We have seen great success in combating no-fault fraud in New York, and that’s helped reduce premiums. New York had the dubious distinction of having the worst no-fault insurance fraud problem in the nation in 2000, with fraud losses exceeding $1 billion per year. Because of insurers and their fraud teams, the state insurance department and the Legislature, the problem has markedly

improved.

Criminals will undoubtedly find new ways to steal from insurance companies and their policyholders. That’s why I will continue to pursue legislation to fight fraud so we can keep on lowering auto insurance premiums. Legislation to increase penalties for engaging in insurance fraud, to allow insurers more time to investigate fraud and to penalize key players in the organized crime enterprises which engage in no-fault fraud are priorities for the Senate majority conference.

Homeowners’ Insurance. We’re keeping an eye on the availability and affordability of homeowners’ insurance in our coastal areas. Following hurricanes in 2004 and 2005, many insurers have reexamined their exposure in coastal areas

nationwide and some have moved to reduce their exposure. So, in coastal areas throughout the nation, homeowners’ insurance has become more costly. But there are no “quick fixes” to the problem in New York’s coastal areas. If the legislature passes measures that overly restrict the ability of insurers to manage their exposure, then insurers will likely go elsewhere and availability will be worsened.

Other. Enacting legislation to regulate life settlements is a priority issue for the Senate Insurance Committee in the realm of life insurance. Life settlements involve the sale of a life insurance policy to a third party who takes over premium payments and collects the death benefit upon the death of the insured. Life settlements are currently not regulated by New York.

Life settlements should certainly continue to be an option for New York state residents, but they should be regulated to address the numerous issues raised in connection with these transactions and to ensure that adequate consumer protections are in place.

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James Seward is a Republican representing parts of Herkimer, Otsego, Schoharie, Greene, Cortland and Tompkins counties in the State Senate. He is chair of

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Full Court Press

Bloomberg’s lawsuits have prompted settlements, countersuits and major questions of jurisdiction

BY DANIEL WEISS FILING

LAWSUITS

AGAINST

out-of-state gun dealers who have sold an unusually high number of guns later used illegally in New York City, Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) has become the nation’s most prominent advocate of increased gun regulation.

The 27 dealers sued since last May collectively sold more than 800 guns used illegally in the city between 1994 and 2001, and allegedly made illegal “straw” sales to pairs of investigators sent by the city. Twelve of the sued dealers have settled the lawsuits, admitting no wrongdoing, but agreeing to oversight by a special master empowered to record business dealings, scrutinize records and levy fines for “straw” sales or violations of firearms laws.

“Our civil litigation has been a success,” Bloomberg spokesman Jason Post wrote in an e-mail, pointing to the settlement rate as proof.

But a number of targeted dealers are actively resisting the lawsuits. Two have filed suits of their own against Bloomberg, whose efforts have raised the hackles of gun-rights organizations and politicians in some areas where dealers have been targeted.

The most highly publicized resistance has occurred in Virginia, where the Virginia Citizens Defense League, a hardline gun-rights group, has pledged to support dealers who resist the lawsuits and boycott those that settle them.

To settle with Bloomberg is to make a “deal with the devil,” said Philip Van Cleave, the Defense League’s president, arguing that settlements sacrifice gun buyers’ privacy, giving the special master access to information usually available only to the dealer and the government.

The defense league sponsored a raffle dubbed the “Bloomberg Gun Giveaway”

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

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Anti-gun advocates, including Assembly Member Linda Rosenthal (D-Manhattan), staged a “die-in” in Times Square May 24. But Bloomberg’s efforts to prosecute gun shop owners around the country have been far less focused on media attention, and more on stings and legal proceedings.

last month that generated a windfall of business for two Virginia dealers who are

have turned up in New York is simply not evidence of any wrongdoing,” he said.

Lambros and the defenders of other resisting dealers also brandish a February letter from the Justice Department informing the city that evidence of “straw” sales produced by the sting operations would not support criminal prosecution of the targeted dealers. The letter also warned that such stings could themselves run afoul of the law. (Indeed, a Virginia law explicitly criminalizing such stings is set to take effect next month.) “[The letter] was a pretty stinging slap at Michael Bloomberg and the way he went about it,” said Larry Mickalis, owner of Mickalis Pawn Shop in Summerville, S.C., who is resisting the lawsuit and has filed a suit of his own against Bloomberg and others involved in the sting operation, alleging fraud, libel, slander and intentional infliction of emotional distress, among other offenses.

Mickalis’s complaint argues that statements made by Bloomberg that Mickalis’s business “engages in criminal behavior,” “arms illegal gun possessors,” is a “rogue gun dealer,” and is among “the worst of the worst” are “false and defamatory.”

Mickalis’s South Carolina lawyers, Carl Pierce and Justin Kahn, say that the Justice Department letter will be key in proving Bloomberg’s statements false.

The suit is currently in discovery in South Carolina state court, having weathered

To settle with Bloomberg is to make a “deal with the devil,” said Philip Van Cleave, president of the Virginia Citizens Defense League. resisting the lawsuits, Bob Moates Sport Shop of Midlothian and Old Dominion Gun and Tackle of Danville.

Bob Moates had never heard of the Defense League before being targeted by the lawsuit. He initially expected the National Rifle Association to come to his assistance. Its representatives, however, never got back to him.

Andrew Arulanandam, an NRA spokesman, criticized Bloomberg for taking the law into his own hands, but he confirmed that the association was offering no support to the sued dealers.

The two Virginia dealers’ cases, along with those of the other resisters, are in the discovery phase in Brooklyn federal court. John Lambros, a New York attorney representing Old Dominion Gun and Tackle, argues that New York City has no jurisdiction over the shop, which does business solely in Virginia.

Lambros also rejects the contention that his client is responsible for the 15 guns sold by it and later recovered in New York. “Old Dominion has sold many firearms and that some over the years

an attempt by Bloomberg’s lawyers to move it to federal court.

Adventure Outdoors, a dealer based in Smyrna, Ga., has filed a similar suit against Bloomberg and others. Among the largest gun dealers in the Southeast, Adventure Outdoors is being represented by former Republican congressman and current NRA board member Bob Barr, who declined to comment for this story.

Asked to comment on the allegations in the Adventure Outdoors and Mickalis suits, Bloomberg spokesman Jason Post wrote only, “We disagree.”

Mickalis has spent well over $100,000 in legal fees. Many of the dealers that have settled with Bloomberg explain their decision as a financial one. “This didn’t cost us any money, so that’s the only reason that we did it,” said Rick Morketter, manager of Dick’s Pawn in North Myrtle Beach, S.C., of the decision to settle.

Morketter said that the store had done nothing illegal, but that the settlement terms did not seem unreasonable to him.

In fact, he was pleased to hear that the city might buy the store a new security system.

Melissa Paulette, co-owner of Hot Shots Jewelry & Pawn in Marietta, Ga., likewise saw no point in contesting the lawsuit. The special master has yet to begin his oversight of her store, but the experience of being sued has put her on guard. “Now I double-quiz everybody that walks up to the counter,” said Paulette.

“When a couple walks up, we ask them about 30 questions.” dw2209@columbia.edu Direct letters to the editor to cityhall@manhattanmedia.com.

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CITY HALL

Fresh Produce and Political Hot Potatoes As farmer’s markets open in new neighborhoods, supermarket and bodega owners continue the fight

BY DAN RIVOLI HE FARMER’S MARKET IN FRONT

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of Columbia University offers savory turkey sausage from the DiPaola farm in Hamilton, N.J. A few stands over are fruit and vegetables from a farm in Kinderhook, N.Y. Locally harvested food is a treat for Upper West Side families and Columbia students who frequent the farmer’s market.

But for communities like the South Bronx, greenmarkets are a necessity for healthier living.

Farmer’s markets, funded by the Council on the Environment of New York City (CENYC), are springing up across the city.

Three new ones will open this summer.

The City Council has supported this program as a way to deliver healthy food to underserved neighborhoods. Such markets have caused tension in the past, with supermarkets and bodegas claiming these markets have an unfair advantage by not having to pay rent and taxes or use union labor.

There have been attempts to smooth over this relationship. “We have to make sure we work with the bodegas and the supermarkets,” said Council member

Joel Rivera (D-Bronx), chair of the Health Committee.

Marcel Van Ooyen, executive director of CENYC, agreed, arguing against an “us-or-them” mentality. “We take everything into consideration: business groups, community groups … the local merchants association. We don’t want to see ourselves in competition with everyone,” Van Ooyen said. “We’re happy to work with anyone.”

However, Rivera said that options are a boon for shoppers. “My gut instinct is that competition always benefits,” said Rivera.

“At the end of the day, the consumer is always the benefactor of competition.”

Van Ooyen also claims that Greenmarkets can improve local businesses, arguing that shoppers can buy fruits and vegetables at the farmer’s market and their dry goods at the local store.

But Richard Lipsky, a spokesperson for the Neighborhood Retail Alliance, argued that bodegas and stores need demand from the community to sell healthy food.

“The reason the markets don’t stock fruits and vegetables is because of the demand,” Lipsky said. “Once you increase the level of demand, and the

Greenmarkets have sprouted across the city, but not without causing major controversy in some areas. stores can play a role in that, there may be a bigger pie that will not negatively impact the stores.”

A proposal by City Council Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) last year asked the city to put money into a program to enable farmer’s markets to accept EBT food stamp cards. Scanners have been installed.

Support is not limited to the City Council. Last month, Sen. Hillary Clinton (D) cosponsored a bill to dole out funds to farmers and programs that serve needy communities.

Yet critics like Morton Sloan, owner of 10 city supermarkets, said greenmarkets not only drain from his business, but also lack regulation and refrigeration.

“It’s just a feel-good situation by people who think it’s trendy” to buy at a Greenmarket, said Sloan.

There is no way for greenmarkets and supermarkets to live in actual harmony, said Sloan. He said he has been forced to accept a less-than-ideal situation because politicians do not care to hear his case.

“There’s nothing we can do about it,” said Sloan. “We are a silent minority.”

Greenmarket supporters, however, said they are open to complaints.

“They have a voice, just like local communities and neighborhoods have a voice,” said Council Member Daniel Garodnick (D-Manhattan). “You really have to strike a balance.” drivoli@manhattanmedia.com

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IN THE TRENCHES

Bill Thompson’s Million-Dollar Woman

BY JOSEPH MEYERS COMPTROLLER WILLIAM C. Thompson Jr. (D) asked Martha Taylor to be his director of the Affirmative Claims Department, she did not even know what the job was. But the job sounded interesting, so she took it anyway.

Almost five years later, Thompson seems glad that he took the chance. Over email, he referred to her as “a true gem.”

Taylor was recruited to streamline the process of filing affirmative claims, or attempts to get financial restitution from individuals and corporations who have damaged city property.

When she first arrived, Taylor recalled, the office was disorganized and inefficient.

Only a fraction of the claims that passed through were ever settled. Taylor reorganized her department to settle every case.

The staff initially greeted her plans with skepticism, said Taylor. “When I said we were doing more, they looked at me like I had something wrong with my head,” she said.

In her first year as director, Taylor

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HEN

doubled the amount of cases resolved and the amount of money brought in by affirmative claims. Those numbers have gone up every year since. Her department is now bringing in so much money that some in the comptroller’s office refer to her as “The Million-Dollar Woman.”

The police do not always provide enough information to settle a case, said Taylor, so she and her staff sometimes need to do additional digging. “There’s always a little bit of detective work involved,” she said. “I’ve been known to drive to an area and see what’s going on there, and that’s fun.”

And though her job keeps her busy, those are not the only duties on her plate. A resident of Jamaica Estates, Taylor was a member of the Queens Botanical Gardens Board of Trustees until term limits forced her to step down. She is the founder and first chair of the Friends of Cunningham Park, a member of Community Board 8, and was the president of the local PTA while her children were in school. Taylor has also been active in building opposition to recent development plans in Jamaica, but, she said, “to me, it’s all community.”

Within her official duties, Taylor has generated better relationships between her department and other sectors of city government, working toward centralizing all claims into her office.

Since every claim initiated by other departments must be approved by her office, Taylor said her goal is for all claims to start and finish in her department, instead of just being approved by her staff, as is currently the case.

One area in which these efforts have already begun to show success is in her attempt to preserve trees around the city.

Developers who cut down or killed trees were rarely fined in years past. The Parks Department was less inclined to track down violators because the money from the settlements goes to the New York General Fund, not back to the Parks Department, said Taylor. “People got the impression that they could indiscriminately destroy trees,” she said.

Once Taylor helped to establish a line of credit between the General Fund and the Parks Department for the replanting of destroyed trees, the Parks Department joined a crackdown on tree destroyers,

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

While not racking up millions in settlements for the city, Martha Taylor stays active in Jamaica Estates

Martha Taylor handles affirmative claims for the city comptroller’s office, tracking fines for damage to city property. said Taylor.

Despite all she does, Taylor always tries to find time for her four children and 11 grandchildren. On nights without meetings to attend, Taylor maintains a standing dinner date with her husband, a tradition they started when she was attending law school night classes at St. John’s University in Jamaica.

When she can, Taylor likes to relax with her husband and children at a beach club close to her home. “We’re a bunch of beach bums,” said Taylor, adding, “to me, the ocean is therapy.” jmeyers@manhattanmedia.com

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CONGRATULATIONS TO CONG. JERRY NADLER FOR STANDING UP FOR NEW YORK THE NEW YORK SUN | May 9, 2007

Rep. Nadler Gives Whistlebower Bill New Backing

By RUSSELL BERMAN Staff Reporter of the Sun WASHINGTON — A measure aimed at giving whistleblower protection to people who report suspicious terrorist-related activity is getting new support from a city Democrat who voted against it earlier this year. Rep. Jerrold Nadler, whose district includes Lower

Manhattan parts of Brooklyn, and the Upper West Side, said yesterday that he would vote to support what is known as the “John Doe” amendment if given another chance.

A Republican of Long Island, Rep Peter King, introduced the measure after the lawsuit that the Council on American-Islamic

Relations filed on behalf on six imams who were removed from a USAirways flight in November. It would extend immunity provisions under a federal “Good Samaritan” law to those who report suspicious activity.

“We want to encourage people to report what they think is suspicious,” Mr. Nadler said in an inter-

view yesterday. Along with every Democrat on the city's congressional delegation except Rep. Anthony Weiner, Mr. Nadler voted against the measure when Mr King introduced in as a “motion to recommit” on a rail security bill in March. Those motions are usually voted along party lines, and Mr Nadler said he did not read it.

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CITY HALL

High Line Advocates in for Fight as Hudson Yards Plan Changes

BY JOHN R.D. CELOCK HIGH LINE, THE PROPOSED park on 1.5 miles of abandoned elevated tracks on Manhattan’s West Side, is being threatened by the impending development of the Hudson Yards, the 26-acre site where Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) once wanted to put a new stadium for the New York Jets.

At a public forum last month to unveil design guidelines for the railyards, attended by over 100 High Line supporters, MTA and Hudson Yard Development Corporation (HYDC) officials announced that the portions of the High Line that encroach on the yards will stay in place. Approximately a third of the High Line runs above West 30th Street in the yards site.

Following the meeting, HYDC president Ann Weisbrod and MTA officials clarified that the High Line is not safe. They said the request for proposal the MTA issues for developers for the yards would ask for proposals that include and tear down the High Line. The total cost for the MTA and developers to include the High Line would be the final factor in the park’s fate, said Weisbrod.

Robert Hammond, the founder of Friends of the High Line, said he and others are continuing to mobilize support to preserve the entire length of the railway. He said he has been recruiting more community members to advocate for the park during meetings, arming them with T-shirts and

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HE

buttons. He has also been in contact with city leaders, including Council Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan), the local Council member.

“We have gotten very strong support from Bloomberg and Christine Quinn, and we have gotten supportive messages from the HYDC and the MTA,” said Hammond.

While MTA representatives said that the Request for Proposal (RFP) would be written and issued before the end of May, no RFP materialized. MTA spokesman Jeremy Soffin said the RFP would be issued sometime in June and would not explain the delay.

Hammond said his group is waiting for the MTA to release the RFP for the site.

Once an RFP is issued, he said the group will mobilize to work through the city’s land use process, which culminates with Quinn and the City Council, if the High Line is threatened.

“We feel the presence of the High Line should be a goal of the MTA. It’s a third of the site, but it’s the most iconic. All the pictures were taken there,” he said, referring to the various ceremonial events to celebrate the start of new building in the area.

Manhattan’s Community Board 4, which includes the Yards and High Line, is also keeping an eye on the project’s fate. The board has issued statements calling the High Line’s preservation one of their principal goals in the Yards development process, along with increasing affordable housing

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33/34 SITE 33RD STREET

RESIDENTIAL & COMMERCIAL

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ANDREW SCHWARTZ

Community groups and MTA await new RFP

and new public infrastructure. During the land use approval process, the board only

has advisory powers, but the board’s district manager said the group will mobilize to advocate for the community needs.

Hammond’s group was founded in 1999 with the goal of transforming the railway to an elevated park. With strong support from then-Council Speaker Gifford Miller (DManhattan), the High Line quickly became one of the most well known parks projects in the city, gaining funding from several pubic sources.

Though its first phase is not expected to be open to the public until 2008, the High Line is already one of the city’s best-known parks projects. Neighboring property values have unquestionably been affected by the High Line, said John Brod, principal of PBS Real Estate. The area bordering the High Line around 14th Street has seen a changeover in retail stores and rising rents, and Brod predicts a similar transformation along the rest of the railway and in the Yards neighborhood.

“Anything adjacent to it will benefit from it,” Brod said, pointing to the new Apple store on the corner of 11th Avenue and 14th Street as one example. “You will see the emergence of hotels, retail and commercial offices.” johncelock@aol.com

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NYC CONSTRUCTION: A TALE OF TWO CITIES

New York State Trial Lawyers Association

40th Annual Installation of Officers & Directors Ceremony & Cocktail Reception

JEFF S. KOREK 40th President HONORED GUEST

Honorable Andrew M. Cuomo New York State Attorney General

Officers & Directors to be installed by

Honorable Gabriel M. Krausman Associate Justice Appellate Division, 2nd Department

Wednesday, June 20th, 2007 6:30 pm - 9:30 pm THE LIGHTHOUSE, PIER 61 23rd Street & West Side Highway, NYC Couvert $160

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To subscribe please call Steven Rodriguez at 212-894-5428 or go to cityhallnews.com

By Louis J. Coletti, President, BTEA, NYC’s Alliance of Union Contractors A few weeks ago I wrote an op-ed in City Hall about construction in NYC becoming a ‘Tale of Two Cities.’ Recently a series of New York Daily News investigative reports has uncovered that this ‘Tale of Two Cities’ includes not only safety but poor construction quality, an increasing number of building code violations and a growing underground economy.

The newspaper articles highlighted the fatal gaps in construction safety, which led to 31 construction-related deaths this past year, the most in five years. A staggering 86% of those deaths occurred on non-union work sites. Many non-union contractors have a history of blatantly disregarding city laws, hiring unskilled day laborers, abusing immigrant workers and ignoring public and worker safety. WNBC news has reported that on average, union construction sites are six times safer.

However, death is not a union or non-union issue. The industry as a whole must recognize that the only way we can prevent these senseless tragedies is by creating tougher building and safety codes and stronger enforcement penalties against owners and contractors who violate them.

The Mayor’s Scaffold Worker Task Force was a positive first step but more needs to be done throughout the entire industry. At a press conference in May, BTEA contractors, Building and Construction Trade Council Unions, Councilman Erik Dilan, and Department of Buildings Commissioner, Patricia J. Lancaster joined forces to announce a labor and management proposal for increasing public and worker safety.

Among the key reforms being sought are the following: • Three strikes penalty system for contractors found in violation of building codes when working without the required permits and licenses that will mandate a 10-day stop-work order for a first offense; a 90-day stop-work order for second offense; and a ban on all future permits for five years upon the third offense • A requirement that all city contractors show proof of general liability, Workmen’s Compensation Disability and health care insurance in order to be issued a building permit • The creation of a Buildings Department’ Safety and Responsibility Board that will issue an annual report card to the City Council with the names of contractors and owners who have had stop-work orders imposed as a result of this legislation • Amendment of the Site Safety Law that will require the filing of a license and site safety plan on new construction and excavation on projects six to14 stories and require a 20hour site safety certification and filing of a site safety plan on new construction and excavation below six stories Industry leaders are also seeking to have the Department of Buildings create a special enforcement unit that will make unannounced job site visits to ensure that ongoing work is being done with all appropriate permits and in accordance with building codes and other safety requirements.

Negligent contractors have not only endangered the lives of New Yorkers but they have also helped create an underground construction economy. However, there are things that can be done to ensure that this booming underground economy pays its fair share to the city and to its workers. For example, one of the recommendations that came out of the Mayor’s Commission on Construction Opportunity was executive order number 73, which requires stronger enforcement of prevailing wage requirements. This order should be expanded requiring contractors and sub contractors to pay their workers by check or payroll service on the types of jobs highlighted in the New York Daily News report.

It’s time for the “BIG APPLE” to tell the “rotten apples” in the construction industry they can no longer build in New York.

BUILD RIGHT BUILD BTEA www.bteany.com

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Al Sharpton Is Not Running careful planning and hard work.

Along the way, he has become one of the best-known African-American political figures in New York and the nation.

Nonetheless, he says, his portrayal in the press and in public perception is often inaccurate.

“Most of the media handles the person of Al Sharpton rather than the organization,” he said. “They don’t understand how in-depth we are to the community.”

This, Sharpton begins to say, is an underestimation. He catches himself.

The mistake is not one of underestimation, but of being under-informed about the size of the organization he is leading and the true power he wields.

There is his National Action Network, based in New York with chapters throughout the country. He has weekly rallies at the group’s Harlem headquarters on Saturday mornings, broadcast on television. He hosts three radio shows, one of them daily.

He is constantly out in the community— but more important, he said, his deputies are. When, for example, Fermin Arzu was shot through the heart by a police officer in the Bronx in late May, Sharpton was immediately drawn to the case. While he left town for a prior engagement, he sent a staffer named Kirsten John Foy to handle the case. Sharpton swept back in when the time came to talk to the media, using the virtuoso skills honed over decades of becoming one of America’s most prominent spokesmen.

“Cynics say, ‘He plays the media,’” Sharpton said. “But if I play the media toward the end goal, that’s saying I’m competent.”

Community activism is, of course, where Sharpton got his start. The Sharpton who raised hell in the streets, who got stabbed in the chest before a protest march in Bensonhurst, who got arrested at City Hall and elsewhere—that Sharpton is the one who first became known to New Yorkers, and the one that still sticks in the minds of many.

The man who famously declared, “I am the ambulance” has, with his organization, expanded into a whole network of social services. His members have paid for rent and hospital bills. They have rallied communities to victims’ sides. They have even found babysitters.

“The infrastructure takes care of that—all of that kicks in—just like the PBA does for policemen, or the detective’s association.”

Now he counts himself among a multifaceted black leadership in both New York and the nation, alongside members of Congress and major business executives. He will not say where he thinks he falls in the pecking order, though he

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knows he has risen through the ranks.

And he is the only one to think so.

“Even I am surprised that he’s still around, and even more so, that he’s at the level where he’s at,” said veteran New York observer Jimmy Breslin.

Breslin said the reason comes down to one thing: knowledge. Sharpton’s own life experiences and those of the people he has worked with have taught him about the realities of life, giving him huge and unimpeachable credibility with a large swath of the general public despite his losses and missteps.

“Which one of these candidates or

newspapers or any politician knows as much as he does about the city?” he said.

“He knows more than all of them put together.”

What Sharpton knows more than anything, long-time observers say, is how to carve out the most advantageous role for himself and his causes on the political scene. He is acutely aware of what he can do and how he can do it.

Activists can get caught up in their causes and quickly disappear. Not Sharpton. Asked whether he is a pragmatic politician, Sharpton does not miss a beat.

“Absolutely,” he says. erhaps because of his background as a preacher, Sharpton tends to talk about his life in terms of transformative moments: Road to Damascus revelations that have changed his sense of his own goals and how to achieve them. Being jailed for 90 days for protesting Vieques was one. September 11th was another.

Politically speaking, his surprisingly high percentage of the 1997 Democratic mayoral primary on almost no money or attention was definitely one. With one third of the vote in the lowest turnout pri-

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for Anything (for Now) still got a good 25, 30 years left, if I keep exercising.”

Norman Kelley, author of “The Head Negro in Charge Syndrome: The Dead End of Black Politics,” is one of the people who scoffs at Sharpton’s flirtations with elective office.

“It’s interesting that he and Jesse Jackson have never run for an office they can win,” Kelley said. “I’ve always suspected that it’s because they don’t want to be accountable, and roll up their sleeves and work.”

Kelley pointed to the continuing prob-

Or he challenges his critics to explain the 166,665 votes he got in the 1992 open Senate Democratic primary, or the 178,321 votes he got against incumbent Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan two years later. (By comparison, even with all the anti-war sentiment behind him, protest candidate Jonathan Tasini got only 124,999 votes against Hillary Clinton last year.)

“That ain’t just some fringe stuff there,” he said.

The 2004 presidential run was something different. He was not in that race to

translate his activism to a political career, that House race might well have been the perfect moment to make the switch.

“I sat down and I had a meeting with Al Sharpton,” Sharpton said, invoking another common phrase of his.

Ultimately, he decided “there were others that could serve well in Congress. There were not many people well-suited to do what I do in national civil rights.”

Opting against challenging Towns was “a crucial decision” in his political understanding of himself.

Still, though, Sharpton said that he would consider running for office again in the future.

He was the youngest candidate in the running for the White House in 2004, and, after Obama, he would be the second-youngest were he in the current field.

“If it was an office that I felt I really needed to do at that stage of my life and it would serve the furthering of the movement, I would do it,” Sharpton said. “I

lem of police brutality, one of Sharpton’s signature causes, as an example of how he sees the Reverend not getting the job done. If, perhaps, Sharpton had run for City Council years ago and made his way onto the Public Safety Committee, he could have changed the training programs for city police in ways that might have increased sensitivity. Instead, he has continued to lead marches, sustaining a tradition of protest politics which

win, he said. He was in it to nationalize his movement, in perhaps the single most transformative political gamble in a lifetime of strategic calculations.

“Would I have liked to have served as president? Sure. Was I packing my bags and getting ready for Air Force One? Not exactly,” he said.

What he was not expecting was the broader perspective he gained from traveling the country and seeing problems

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

mary in city history, suddenly, Sharpton was a contender.

But in terms of his conception of himself as a political force, Sharpton points to another race, one he decided to skip.

Riding high off of his showing against Messinger, Sharpton was encouraged to run a primary against Rep. Edolphus Towns (D-Brooklyn) in 1998. Several major players, including former Mayor David Dinkins (D), urged him to jump in, promising their help in raising money and support.

He had every reason to take his chances seriously. Had he wanted to

“

virulently opposed to George W. Bush and the Iraq War even before former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean took that up as his rallying cry in 2004, and certainly before the current field of 2008 Democratic candidates emerged.

More than anything, though, he changed the perception of Al Sharpton.

Through personal interactions, through direct speeches and conversations, people did not just see more of him. They saw something different than the caricature that had preceded him. And they recalibrated their opinions.

“A lot of people around the country that had heard of me began feeling they could actually work with me,” he said.

Now, setting up a meeting between Arzu’s family and House Judiciary Committee Chair John Conyers (DMichigan) is easy. Now, a national charge to boot Don Imus from the air succeeds, and very quickly.

His new national persona has propelled him to new heights in New York.

What he believes was definitive support for Bronx Borough President Fernando Ferrer for the 2005 Democratic mayoral nomination was just the start. He sees his endorsement and support as more important in local races and causes than ever before, and getting constantly stronger.

Sharpton has built an establishment outside the establishment. People now come to him, as every major Democratic presidential candidate did when he hosted the annual National Action Network convention in April. Whereas he was shut out during the administration of Mayor Rudolph Giuliani (R), Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) has regularly met with him, as in the immediate aftermath of the Sean Bell shooting.

“These people aren’t mesmerized by some charisma,” he said. “They look at numbers.”

Sen. Hillary Clinton and Illinois Sen. Barack Obama are among those doing the math. Both want his presidential endorsement, and Sharpton has been making them wait. Both could benefit enormously in public perception from the reverend’s backing—Clinton by cementing the foothold in the AfricanAmerican community her husband enjoyed in his own presidential runs, Obama by using it to help dispel a disconnect some prominent AfricanAmericans have described feeling toward him. Both have made very strong appeals.

One thing many assume is weighing on Sharpton’s mind is jealousy of Obama, a worry that the Illinois senator’s ascendancy might mean that Sharpton gets

Would I have liked to have served as president? Sure.

Was I packing my bags and getting ready for Air Force One? Not exactly.”

Kelley believes has run its course.

Sharpton knows that argument. He anticipates it, dismissing the question before he is asked. He got more votes than any African-American mayoral candidate to date besides Dinkins, he notes.

familiar to him in other neighborhoods and among other groups.

What he was expecting is what he achieved, at least by his figuring. He believes he changed the national conversation. He likes to point out that he was

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Their

Following

FATHERS

Lessons from one generation of New York’s political dynasties to the next

The Cuomos, the Patersons, the Hevesis, the Thompsons. In a country where our two-term president first sat down in the Oval Office eight years after his father, himself the son of a longtime senator, the number of New York dynasties should not surprise anyone. Though several fathers once harbored dreams of seeing their children playing in the major leagues or earning a fortune in business, today they are scattered between City Hall, Albany and Washington.

Some sons and daughters have followed very closely in their father’s footsteps. Some have carried the family name to new offices. Some work with their fathers. Some, occasionally, work on the other side of issues. In celebration of Father’s Day, City Hall features eight of the most prominent families who continue to help shape New York politics.

always home for dinner, and I continue to spend as much time as I can with my two young daughters, which causes me to miss a certain amount of events, which can make people angry at you.

He and I believe there’s no more important place to be than with your children.

Peter VALLONE Sr. Former Speaker of the City Council (D-Queens) Peter VALLONE Jr. City Council Member (D-Queens) When did you realize you wanted to be in politics, too?

What’s been the difference between living your own political career and watching your son’s?

Vallone Jr.: My father did a good job keeping politics out of our lives when we were younger. So it wasn’t until I was in my 30s that I was really able to take a look at what he did for a living, and I really came to admire it.

Also, my grandfather was a fairly well known judge who was an early civil rights advocate. So we have a long history of service to our community, even before my father.

Vallone Sr.: I think you enjoy watching your son’s career more than your own.

I get more pleasure seeing any of my sons succeed, more than I do myself.

Would you encourage your children to enter politics and continue the dynasty?

When did you know your son was going to go into politics?

Vallone Sr.: The day he was born. We have a picture of him when he was six months old holding up a newspaper, reading.

Did you give your son any advice about running or serving?

Is there anything you would do differently from your father?

Vallone Jr.: He was in this business for 27 years, and I can probably count the people who don’t like him on one hand. I’ve been in this business for five years and I need police cameras on my home. So I should probably try harder to be more like him as opposed to looking for

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

Vallone Sr.: Don’t burn any bridges.

Vallone Jr.: Clearly I haven’t paid any attention to that one.

Vallone Sr.: And instead of calling them stupid, call them misguided.

Vallone Jr.: I’m still learning.

ways to be different.

What’s the best advice your father gave you about being in politics?

Vallone Jr.: One important notion he instilled in me is that family comes first. All my life, growing up he was

Vallone Jr.: It’s a strange definition of dynasty when most of my good friends that I graduated with are making five times what I am. If my daughters decided to do this also, I would be very proud of them. I am going to support them in any option they take, as long as they don’t want to be a shortstop for the Yankees, because that will never happen.

Do you see yourself as the patriarch of a political dynasty?

Vallone Sr.: Not really. My dad was [politically active,] so he’s been a model for all of us.

Do people ever confuse you with your son?

Vallone Sr.: No, because I’m much better looking than he is.

— James Caldwell

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Following Their Fathers Edolphus TOWNS Darryl TOWNS

Edolphus Towns: Not really. I’m just happy he’s made the decision to be involved in electoral politics and that he’s done a good job.

Darryl Towns: I think my father is a patriarch in the family sense but not in the political sense.

Member of Congress (D-Brooklyn) Assembly Member (D-Brooklyn)

Did you encourage you son to go into politics?

Edolphus Towns: It was a decision he came to on his own. In fact, he discussed it with his mother before he talked to me about it. When he talked to me, I realized that it was really something he wanted.

Do people ever confuse you for your son?

Edolphus Towns: Oh yeah, all the time. I go to senior citizen centers, and they say to me, “Tell your dad I said hello, I’ve known him for years.” I love that. I can’t wait to get out of there and call him. And sometimes I don’t correct them. I just smile and say, “I sure will, I’ll tell him.” It happens quite often.

When did you realize you wanted to be in politics, too?

Darryl Towns: I was at a crossroads really, trying to decide what my next step was going to be. I was working as a hospital administrator at the time, but also had been presented with an opportunity for a track into corporate America. But the nature of this family has always been giving back, trying to offer some assistance. I never thought that I would be a principle in politics, but I knew that I would be active in politics. I never thought at that time that I would be an elected official.

Do you think of yourself as a politician who’s part of the Towns family? Is it hard making that separation between being part of the family and being an elected official in your own right?

Darryl Towns: It’s a very, very close family. He’s my next door neighbor, on top of everything else. But because we’re part of two different periods, sometimes

José E. SERRANO José M. SERRANO

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

Did you give your son any advice about running or serving?

our politics don’t always line up. We’ve had disagreements in regards to candidates we’ve supported and positions we’ve taken. But besides being able to disagree as a congressman and an assemblyman, we’re still there to be supportive as family.

Do you think of yourself as the patriarch of a dynasty?

State Senator (D-Bronx/Manhattan)

José E. Serrano: At the beginning, yes, but not now. He was put through a difficult test, because people will remind you that being the son of a politician is not enough. Luckily, he’s done very well.

José E. Serrano: The day he surprised me by telling me he wanted to run for City Council. I remember I sat down with him and I said, “Listen, I want to remind you of a few things. First, you lose your privacy totally. And your schedule becomes where you belong as much to the job as you do to your family. You know that better than anyone else because you’ve grown up watching me do this.”

What do you want to accomplish that you don’t think your father has?

José M. Serrano: That’s a hard question to answer for several reasons. For one, he’s been very successful as an elected official. But also, I really feel in many ways that dad is just starting.

Darryl Towns: I think my father has done a tremendous job of opening up opportunities for folks. My focus is going beyond that. I’m doing what he’s doing, but I have the ability to stand on his shoulders so I can reach some fruit that’s a little bit higher on the tree.

— James Caldwell

Do people ever confuse you and your son?

When did you know your son was going to go into politics?

José E. Serrano: Not at all. I know that in the backs of the minds of a lot of folks there must have been this feeling that it was a situation of the father running the son. But it’s interesting to note that he’s held the two seats—City Council and State Senate—that I haven’t held. So I didn’t hand anything down to him.

What do you want to do differently from your father? What do you want to accomplish that you don’t think that he has?

set of warnings my dad gave me, and if he still wanted to go forward, I would encourage them and help them.

Member of Congress (D-Bronx)

Did you encourage your son to go into politics?

Edolphus Towns: Let your word be your bond.

Do you view yourself as the patriarch of a political dynasty?

Do you think of yourself as a politician who’s part of the Serrano family? Is it hard making that separation between being part of the family and being an elected official in your own right?

José M. Serrano: There really isn’t a Serrano political family. There isn’t any kind of a dynasty. Also, the work that we’re doing is so different, and our districts are so different, that he can only give me but so much advice. We’re not joined in that way that makes us feel like we’re this inseparable Serrano legacy. That’s not how we operate.

Would you encourage your children to enter politics?

José M. Serrano: I would probably give them the same

José E. Serrano: Yes, for the fact that I’m the longest serving Puerto Rican elected official in the United States, and yes for the fact that I’m the longest serving elected official in the history of the Bronx—longer than Bruckner, and he’s got a highway named after him. But dynasty in terms of getting the next [family member] going? Not at all. Although, I did recently buy my grandson a bib that says, “Future member of the House.” I confess to that.

What’s the best piece of advice your father gave you about being in politics?

José M. Serrano: When a reporter calls you, always call them back.

— James Caldwell

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Following Their Fathers Ruben DIAZ Sr. Ruben DIAZ Jr.

State Senator (D-Bronx)

Ruben Diaz Jr.: [laughing] I’m more progressive, while he is more conservative.

Ruben Diaz Sr.: I am the only one, the only conservative Democrat in the City of New York.

Ruben Diaz Jr.: I think our style is a bit different as well. On style, I think the senator has a no holds barred type of style and I, at times, am more willing to listen to people who disagree with me for a little bit longer.

Ruben Diaz Sr.: [laughing] Oops. That’s a very sophisticated point. Oops.

Ruben Diaz Jr.: No, Papi, it’s true. He’s set in his ways and you know, he’s going to let everybody know his way if he disagrees and he’s very animated when he does.

Assembly Member (D-Bronx)

Did you want your son to go into politics?

Ruben Diaz Sr.: Before I was a minister, every Thanksgiving and every New Year’s and Christmas, before that, my son and children used to serve senior citizens when I ran a senior citizens center called Casa Boricua. On those holidays, I didn’t allow my staff to do anything. So, my kids got that feeling of serving people. Ruben was the youngest one there.

He had that human feeling and human touch to listen and talk to people. That makes him exceptional, and I don’t just say that because he’s my son. I am grateful for that quality, and for our relationship. I don’t think that you can find that anywhere else, the relationship we have, the way we discuss issues, the way we can behave together.

Ruben Diaz Jr.: And disagreements are not immune to that either. For me, wanting to go into public service, which my whole family basically is in, but in terms of government, that drive was instilled in me by looking into my father who tried for years and years to run for office and, ultimately … we want to accomplish some of the things that our parents did or sometimes didn’t get to accomplish.

Ruben Diaz Sr.: You know, if you look through New York City, you have children following their parents to be firemen, policemen, teachers. This is something that

Wendell FOSTER Helen FOSTER

Former Council member (D-Bronx) Council Member (D-Bronx)

When did you realize you wanted to be in politics, too?

Helen Foster: From a very early age, I’ve always been involved in politics because of my dad. But I never envisioned myself on this end of politics. I really thought I would continue to work behind the scenes. And I am very much a daddy’s girl. We have a joke in the family. I look like my mother, but I’m my father’s child.

I had no intention of being in front. But everywhere I went, it was a recurring theme that people wanted me to get in politics. Congressman Rangel, who I’ve known since I was little, all these people kept saying it to me. I then had a conversation with God. I said, “If you’ve revealed this to other people that this is what I am supposed to be doing then you must reveal it to me.” Literally, until I had that conversation, I was absolutely resistant, not understanding that everything I had been through was preparing me for this.

When did you know your daughter was going to go into politics?

Wendell Foster: Well, she hated me for asking

isn’t only in politics. I am very proud that my son would want to do the same. But if you ask me, I am the one who is following my son.

Ruben Diaz Jr.: We’re the anomaly. We’re the pair where the father got elected after the son did.

What’s been the difference between living your own political career and watching each other?

Ruben Diaz Sr.: I’m a preacher, a minister, a Pentecostal minister. My son is not. My son does …

Because your situation is unique, do you think of yourself as the patriarch of a dynasty?

Ruben Diaz Jr.: Wait, wait, wait. Let me answer that, Dad. Unequivocally, even though I got elected before my dad, I consider my father the general. He’s the general. We disagree, sometimes on style, sometimes on issues, but politically and what we do in the area, I have no delusions about the fact that my father has developed a great reputation, a great team that has enabled me to have a great opportunity to be an elected official.

— Carla Zanoni

her at the time, but we had worked so hard to get an African-American elected in the Bronx that we couldn’t give up the seat without a struggle …

Helen Foster: I never hated you, it was just a lot on my plate. [laughing] Wendell Foster: I see. She succeeded me in a way that I am so proud of her. She works so hard. She knows what she’s talking about and she is not afraid to speak out if she thinks something is wrong.

Did you give her any advice about running?

Wendell Foster: Well, I taught her that this is not just a job. It is a calling from God. Because I took my work as a Christian minister into my work and that means that nobody can compromise the work. And now, I support her in what she is doing and when she does ask for advice, we sit down and discuss it. And we make sure that she remains in the community and committed to the people and the cause and not to the belief or the power of another.

Do people ever confuse you for your father?

Helen Foster: Well, it helps that I am a girl and he is a boy. But what we did early on, and I thought this was so cheesy and I fought him, but it’s worked out really well, is I actually have my picture on my business card and that gets people to think about it. So, it’s worked out well, but initially, I thought that was so cheesy, it’s like a real estate agent. But it’s really worked out in reminding people of who I am and where they met me and that I am the younger Foster.

— Carla Zanoni

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Following Their Fathers José RIVERA Naomi RIVERA Joel RIVERA

Assembly Member (D-Bronx) Assembly Member (D-Bronx)

Council Member (D-Bronx)

When did you know your children wanted to go into politics?

José Rivera: When I visited Puerto Rico and got involved with the issue of Vieques, Joel went along with me. I saw him swimming, while I was up on the hill one day. He came to me and said, “You know, I like your job.”

And I said, “Well, I’m glad you like my job. It helps me to pay for your college education.”

He said, “No, no, no, term limits say you have to go.”

And I said, “You’re talking to your father that way, I have to go? The press is going to beat me up. Are you sure you want to do this?”

He looked at me with a straight face and said, “Dad, I’ve always been practicing to run for office, I just never told you until now.”

When did you realize you wanted to be in politics?

Naomi Rivera: Growing up with a dad who has always been active in politics, it’s what you always hear at the kitchen table, while you’re having lunch, dinner. I was a little different. I was sort of rebellious, because politics was what took Dad away. Although he remembers Joel with him at many demonstrations, I was the little girl in the family. If you know anything about the Puerto Rican family, women have a different role, particularly in the time that I was growing up. While my dad was absolutely wonderful, it wasn’t in his mind

Martin Milave DILAN Erik Martin DILAN

that I would be in politics. It really wasn’t in my mind either. I did go to a lot of the rallies though …

José Rivera: And I have some of them on video …

What’s the best piece of advice your father gave you about being in politics?

Joel Rivera: He said politics can be a very noble field or a very ignoble field. Stay humble. Stay true to your core beliefs and don’t compromise who you are for anybody.

Do people ever confuse you for your father?

Naomi Rivera: Dad is no longer Chairman. He’s no longer Assembly member. He’s no longer José or Rivera. He’s “Papi.” The thing is that Papi is a little older these days. His hearing leaves a little to be desired, I’m screaming Papi all over the place. They call him Papi. People pass my office and call out “Papi!”

The Speaker calls him Papi. It’s like a domino effect.

It’s been the best time in my life, because when I

City Council Member (D-Brooklyn)

Erik Martin Dilan: I realized when I was in junior high school and I was sitting in class and it was an election day and my dad had a race for the State Assembly and I was so upset that I was in school and not on the streets helping out.

Did you want him to go into politics?

Joel Rivera: It means it takes two of us to equal one of my father.

— Carla Zanoni

Did you give him any advice about running or serving?

Martin Milave Dilan: What I basically said to Erik was that he had to work hard. He had to stay in touch with his constituents and that although they consider legislators in the Council and up here parttime servants, that we do it on a full-time basis.

When did you know your son was going to go into politics?

When did you realize you wanted to be in politics, too?

What does that mean to you?

own dreams and I think I would have preferred to have seen him make it into the major leagues.

Erik Martin Dilan: Me too.

State Senator (D-Brooklyn)

Martin Milave Dilan: I think I found out at an early stage, because he was always interested in the activities I had as a Council member. He was involved in my campaigns as a young man, and I think several years before I left the City Council he started showing interested in public service. When I left the Council, he basically came up to me and said that he was interested in perhaps taking a shot at it.

thought politics was what was keeping him from me, in the end, it’s what’s gotten me to him. I get to have threehour rides to Albany, a three-hour ride back, and really get to spend as much time with him as possible.

Because I admire him as a leader, a father, a human rights activist. He is just my biggest and greatest hero José Rivera: And …

Naomi Rivera: You want to add to that?

José Rivera: … lately I go around asking what I got elected for. I get it. I got elected to be Naomi Rivera’s chauffeur. You know, in politics, Naomi has been a natural. I guess it was in the genes.

Naomi Rivera: He always says I’m his pit bull and Joel is the gentleman. I’m the pit bull part of him and Joel is the gentleman part of him.

Is that the best piece of political advice your father ever gave you?

Martin Milave Dilan: Not necessarily. I thought that whatever he decided to do, I would support that. I actually thought that maybe Erik would go into private business or something like that …

Erik Martin Dilan: He thought I was going to be a Major League Baseball player …

Martin Milave Dilan: Yeah, Major League Baseball. I really thought he was going to go into sports and when he actually came up to me and said that he was considering politics, I was kind of surprised. I guess I was happy in a way, I guess you are proud that your son could follow in your footsteps, but I always wanted him to follow his

Erik Martin Dilan: Best piece of political advice, yes.

But not the best piece of advice as father to son.

Do people ever confuse you?

Martin Milave Dilan: I’m proud to say that people have come up to me and asked “Are you the father?” Or they’ve come up to me and said, “Oh, I know your father.”

So, they do confuse us. One day I asked one of them when they actually met my father. I do that to people and ride them on for a little bit. And then I’ll say, “I am the father.” … I always tell people I’m the better looking one.

— Carla Zanoni

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Following Their Fathers William BOYLAND, Sr. William BOYLAND, Jr.

What do you want to do differently from your father?

Former Assembly Member (D-Brooklyn)

Boyland Jr.: He created a very good wheel for us to follow, in terms of serving folks. For instance, if you look at our district, there was nothing there—there was no housing and employment was at an all-time low. Folks had nothing to look forward to. One of his big commitments was housing. My plan is to create services in economic development. There are a lot of homes there, but the services aren’t as big.

Assembly Member (D-Brooklyn)

When did you realize you wanted to be in politics, too?

Boyland Jr.: I had been working in politics since I was maybe seven or eight years old in various functions, being a surrogate for my uncle and my sister and my father. I realized after that that it was my calling, and that being a public servant was what I wanted to do in life.

Would you encourage your children to enter politics and continue the dynasty?

Boyland Jr.: Politics is a call. I have a four year old and I’m going to encourage him to be a community leader and care about his neighborhood.

I grew up in the area, and I love my neighborhood, I love the people. It gets crazy at times, but I love the folks and I love where I’m from.

Did you want your children to go into politics?

Boyland Sr.: Yes, it’s a noble job. I tried to tell them that when you’re going to serve people, there are certain things they expect, and it’s basically thankless. If that’s what you like, go for it. I enjoyed it.

Do people ever confuse you for your son?

In addition to your son, your daughter Tracy was a City Council member and ran for State Senate last year. Do you think of yourself as the patriarch of a dynasty?

Boyland Sr.: No way.

What’s been the difference between living your own political career and watching his?

Boyland Sr.: I call them new and improved. When I came in after my brother had served, the place looked like Beirut. It was a rather tough position I had to take,

Sharpton CONTINUED FROM PAGE 15

eclipsed on the national political scene.

Sharpton dismisses this notion.

“We’re both athletes,” he said. “I box, he plays baseball. I mean, it’s different parts. It’s crazy.”

Like Massachusetts Sen. Edward Brooke (R) or Colin Powell before him, Obama is to Sharpton “the black that is more in the system, whose feet are on the ground, has credibility, but plays the inside of the system, while there are those on the outside.

Hopefully they complement each other.”

So far, he has stayed quiet on the endorsement. But he is confident that the appeals will have been well worth the effort for the candidate who eventually gets his support. There is no other more moderate black leader who can come close. If there were, Sharpton insists, he would not be spending his weeks hopping between airports, constantly in demand.

“I have more of an organization and a mobilization ability than an elected official,” he said. “Most elected officials don’t have the infrastructure I have.”

He laughs at the idea that being elected necessarily implies being able to sway constituents.

because people didn’t have housing and the population was on the decline. By the time my kids got in, 90 percent of the housing was pretty much in place, so I told them to concentrate on other aspects.

“People get hurt around the country, they call me,” he said.

Former Mayor Ed Koch (D) says he knows why.

“He’s a genuine leader,” said Koch, who had his run-ins over the years with the Reverend, but now calls Sharpton a friend. “And a genuine leader means that people will follow you.”

tively destroy what Sharpton has built.

“Since he is not bound by the restrictions of the political process, the electoral process and institution, he’s much freer to respond anywhere, everywhere,” she said. “A lot of that would be lost if you had to work within the structure.”

Plus, Montgomery said, he would not

“

ouncil Member Charles Barron (D-Brooklyn), for one, predicts the time will come when Sharpton decides to run for office again. That race, Barron said, Sharpton will win.

“You could do a lot with electoral politics, some that you can’t do with just activism,” said Barron, reflecting on his own transition from activist to elected official.

“There’s a difference between power and influence,” Barron said.

“When we got to march and demonstrate and scream and holler and do civil disobedience to get people in power to make decisions in our best interest, that’s influence. When we make decisions ourselves, that’s power.”

But State Sen. Velmanette Montgomery (D-Brooklyn), reflecting on her own experiences after 23 legislative sessions, said that becoming an elected official could effec-

C

Boyland Sr.: All the time. I tell him that for years people called me after my brother. And I was telling my daughter, “How can anybody follow John F. Kennedy? Ted cannot follow that act.” I told my son that he has to follow in my shoes, but sometimes his foot is smaller than mine. He has to learn that it’s not a bad thing that somebody cut the path for you. But I know he’s young, and he wants to cut his own path.

— James Caldwell

Projecting ahead another 20 years, Sharpton wants to have become universally accepted as a progressive political force who has turned his activism into law. He accepts Barron’s point that he could do this by running for office, but he is also aware of warnings like Montgomery’s about the dangers of entering establishment politics.

Recalling the story of Randolph and Roosevelt, Sharpton said that even if he knew he could be elected president, he would not be interested unless he knew who would do his job as a civil rights leader to push on him.

Whatever happens, he rejected the idea that winning an election will make him more powerful. By bringing the political process to him, he insisted, he has changed the game more than any Council member, senator, mayor or even president likely could have.

“The old saying was, there are the differences between tree shakers and jelly makers,” he said. “So yeah, they pick up the fruit and make apple sauce. But I shook the tree, because it was too tall for them to get the apple by themselves.” eidovere@manhattanmedia.com

We’re both athletes,” Sharpton said of Barack Obama.

“I box, he plays baseball. I mean, it’s different parts.

It’s crazy.”

be able to impact so many people. When she calls a press conference, few people from outside her district even take notice.

By contrast, “when Rev. Sharpton holds a rally or organizes a march or shows up at a press conference, it’s a universal issue,” she said, discussing the contrast.

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Obama Tries to Take Bite of Clinton’s Big Apple Angling for African-Americans and youth in grassroots push

BY JOHN R.D. CELOCK OBAMA’S CAMPAIGN, with fundraising, organizing and poached supporters, is working overtime to plant its grassroots in Hillary Clinton’s backyard.

The Illinois senator is commonly viewed as the main competition for New York’s junior senator as she seeks the Democratic presidential nomination, and he has been building a grassroots network citywide in the past several weeks, with a large focus on young professionals. Several events to grow his city organization are in the works, like those held

by Young Lawyers for Obama, which hosted a day-long Obamathon last month. The festival, held in Battery Park, featured performances by several bands, face painting and cotton candy.

State Sen. Bill Perkins, Obama’s most prominent supporter among Manhattan Democrats, said that by the middle or end of June the Obama campaign will be announcing several new endorsements in the city, complementing the growing grassroots focus. Perkins said they will come from elected officials from several boroughs, though he declined to give any names.

On top of that, unconfirmed rumors are circulating among some Clinton supporters that several well-known AfricanAmerican campaign veterans with ties to Clinton have been in discussion with Obama’s campaign. None of these contacts have been confirmed.

Obama spokeswoman Jennifer Psaki said that supporters in New York and around the country organized many of the grassroots groups, which have been forming community or interest-based organizations. Within New York, Obama supporters have formed groups in most neighborhoods, with two in Harlem.

Interest-based groups include flight attendants, free music lovers and inde-

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ANDREW SCHWARTZ

ARACK

pendent filmmakers.

Generation Barack Obama, a group targeting young professionals nationwide, formed in New York earlier this year. On June 9, several dozen groups of Obama supporters were part of the campaign’s second national Walk for Change grassroots canvassing event.

“We’re excited about the grassroots effort like Young Lawyers and

INT. 574 SPONSOR: ANNABEL PALMA A Local Law to amend the New York City Charter and the administrative code of the city of New York, in relation to the abolition of fees for certified birth certificates for any person who is being released from a New York state correctional facility, after any duration, and any person who is being released from a New York city jail after at least ninety consecutive days of incarceration.

:

Generation Barack Obama,” Psaki said.

“There is a very vibrant and involved community in New York.”

Steven Newmark, an election attorney who founded the young lawyers groups, said his differs from traditional groups of lawyers backing campaigns because it focuses on fundraising and canvassing, rather than on bundling donations among partners at firms. The group has been hosting a series of bar parties, low cost fundraisers to bring younger attorneys into the process, and it has also been reaching out to law students to be a part of the campaign.

“From what I have seen, Obama is the candidate who brings hope to people,” Newmark said. “People from my genera-

tion are looking for a candidate who brings hope and inspiration, especially with the last eight years having an absence of hope.”

Much of the state’s political establishment, including most African-American leaders, lined up behind Clinton. There have been grumblings within the AfricanAmerican community that Obama is not focused enough on New York and on the African-American community. The grumblings include that Obama has been too focused on fundraising in the city and has not made inroads to community groups.

At Columbia University, where Obama attended college, a group of students participated in the Walk for Change.

Nonetheless, student organizer Bradley Saucier said many Democratic students favor Clinton as a New Yorker, and there have been complaints in the Columbia community that Obama has not done enough for the university since graduating. Clinton supporters in Harlem have picked up on this and questioned Obama’s understanding of Upper Manhattan, his years living there as a student regardless.

Clinton’s campaign did not return calls for comment.

The Obama camp strongly disagrees with this. Psaki said the candidate has been talking to New York leaders and many city residents are signing up for events in New York. Newmark noted that the young lawyers events, and others he has been to, have been very racially diverse.

Perkins said he and other campaign representatives have been reaching out to community groups. And he predicts that this is a harbinger of bigger things to come.

“There is a group called Harlem for Obama and another called Brooklyn for Obama, there was Obamathon and a whole lot of Obama movement going on,” Perkins said. “He has managed to get small dollars to add up to big dollars, that shows a real grassroots movement. That is the support that makes changes. He is part of the historical legacy that began with the Boston Tea Party and Paul Revere and the movements that changed the country.” johncelock@aol.com Direct letters to the editor to cityhall@manhattanmedia.com.

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Bills on the burner The goal of this bill is to ease the transition of released for the Council inmates back into society, according to Palma. The bill would provide free birth certificates to released inmates of New York state correctional facilities or New York City jails, which Palma said will make it easier for the newly-freed to get jobs, medical care, and drivers’ licenses.

In proportion to the $40 that prisoners are given when they are released, the $15 charge for birth certificates that prisoners are currently forced to fork out “can be a huge chunk out of their pocketbook,” said Palma.

—Joseph Meyers

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EDITORIAL

Time for a Real Discussion on Race cityhallnews.com President/CEO: Tom Allon tallon@manhattanmedia.com

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sk most ambitious political consultants, ask most optimistic politicians, and they will propound that the age of racial politics is over in New York. We are past it, they will say, we have moved on to something else.

Ask them, then, to explain what happened in the Council chambers May 30 during the debate over amending an omnibus bill to name a stretch of Brooklyn after Sonny Carson. Ask them to explain Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum’s reluctance to clear the chamber, despite ample cause in a rowdy crowd that booed each abstention and most no votes.

What does it mean when a vote, any vote, and the reaction to it, transpires along racial lines? If nothing else, it means that a lot of people in the city and state have been kidding themselves about the progress we have made. And that is a realization we should greet with heads hung low.

Council Speaker Christine Quinn made clear her position against honoring

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One Year and Counting This issue marks the first anniversary of City Hall.

Our first seven issues earned us the recognition by the New York Press Association for best coverage of local government in the state for 2006, the first of what we hope will be many earned honors.

More importantly, we want to build on what has already been strong communication with our readers. Write letters to the editor, contact our staff and, of course, suggest stories on our newly redesigned website at www.cityhallnews.com. The conversation, we hope, is just beginning.

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Carson, implicitly lobbied her colleagues to follow suit and then allowed a vote to come to the floor. In other words, she led as open a government process as is likely to realistically exist in New York.

Those reluctant to praise her should, in this case, be ready to commend her.

The same cannot be said for the Council members who broke with an admittedly wobbly “tradition” of simply deferring to local members on local issues like street renaming by abstaining without explanation. To vote yes or no is at least a stand. To abstain for no voiced reason appears as a coy political calculation, and certainly not a fulfillment of the duties of the job.

But criticism is due as well to those in and out of the Council who ginned up a breach of decorum the likes of which has not been seen in City Hall for some time.

There is no defending the boos and jeers.

Those who encouraged it should not escape scorn.

ODDS&Ends

That this was so easily possible, however, that the seeds of discontent flourished so naturally, lays the biggest criticism at the feet of the leaders and pundits who have for years eagerly tried to sweep racial tensions under the rug.

There is something to be said for positive thinking, but ignoring the problems and sentiments underlying the Sonny Carson debate does no one any good.

On the contrary, trying to steamroll past the realities only ensures that tensions simmer just below the surface, intensifying and metastasizing as they do.

Race is still at the heart of many major problems in New York and the nation.

The Council members involved in the Carson debate certainly did not initiate the problems, but, as leaders, they should now take it upon themselves to initiate the frank discussion on race that we have sorely needed. Forums will help. More importantly, people should be paying attention to Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s way of speaking honestly about how deep-seeded racial prejudices have begun to take a toll on the health in minority communities.

Making more mistakes only makes things worse. That is true even when the mistakes are supposedly compensatory ones, like honoring an anti-white activist because blacks have suffered in this country, as some Council members argued.

As we know from our national misadventure in Iraq, piling mistakes on top of previous mistakes, refusing to accept reality on the ground and continually darkening the tint on rose-colored glasses is far from a formula for success.

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Who will win the 2008 presidential election? Who will lose?

Who will drop out by the end of the month?

Nearly two dozen Republicans and Democrats may have their political futures riding on the outcome of next year’s presidential election, but many more people have a lot of their own money riding on the race. Old Vegas bookmakers have been trumped by new technology, and dozens of websites exist to bet on the outcome of all sorts of things, including who will be the next person to measure drapes in the Oval Office. Intrade lets people buy shares in the candidates’ futures.

Ladbrokes gives odds to bet against. As of the beginning of June, here is where things stand.

*** PRESIDENTIAL ODDS *** PRICE ON ODDS ON DECLARED PRICE ON

DECLARED REPUBLICANS INTRADE LADBROKES ----------------------------------------------------------

ODDS ON DEMOCRATS INTRADE LADBROKES ----------------------------------------------------------

JOHN MCCAIN RUDOLPH GIULIANI TOMMY THOMPSON DUNCAN HUNTER MITT ROMNEY SAM BROWNBACK RON PAUL MIKE HUCKABEE JIM GILMORE TOM TANCREDO

HILLARY CLINTON BARACK OBAMA JOHN EDWARDS BILL RICHARDSON CHRIS DODD JOSEPH BIDEN DENNIS KUCINICH MIKE GRAVEL

15.7 25.0 0.4 0.2 23.3 0.8 3.0 2.0 0.1 0.4

7 TO 1 7 TO 2 N/A 66 TO 1 10 TO 1 33 TO 1 40 TO 1 33 TO 1 N/A N/A

---------------------------------------------------------*** Data as of June 7, 2007.

----------------------------------------------------------

52.0 27.8 7.3 2.6 0.3 0.6 0.1 0.1

5 TO 4 4 TO 1 7 TO 1 28 TO 1 N/A 33 TO 1 N/A N/A

POTENTIAL PRICE ON ODDS ON ENTRIES INTRADE LADBROKES ---------------------------------------------------------AL GORE JOHN KERRY FRED THOMPSON NEWT GINGRICH MICHAEL BLOOMBERG

10.6 0.4 25.6 2.5 0.6

7 TO 1 50 TO 1 7 TO 1 N/A 20 TO 1

CITY HALL

www.cityhallnews.com

J U N E 2007

23

OP-ED

The Sheriff’s Green Deputy ’ve known Alexander “Pete” Grannis for many years. He has long been one of the bright lights of the New York State Assembly.

Now he has been appointed to head the Department of Environmental Conservation

by Eliot Spitzer, himself a tiger when it comes to protecting the environment.

The two men, along with one of the best environmental advocates in the state, Judith Enck, the new cabinet level Deputy Secretary for the Environment, have a long and ambitious list of things that they want to get done.

For years, Spitzer’s predecessor, Republican George Pataki, garnered himself an ill-deserved reputation as an environmentalist. In fact, some of the major environmental organizations should have

I

known better before giving the environmentally enigmatic Pataki awards for his support of things environmental.

Sometimes butt kissing goes a little too far.

It is true that Pataki, like so many other Republicans, believed in buying land for the state. On Y LAN such matters HARTOCK as clean air and a renewed bottle bill, however, his record was less than stellar.

Grannis has this stuff in his bones.

Before he was even in the Assembly, Grannis was the lawyer for the Clearwater organization, the Pete Seeger project dedicated to cleaning up the

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B A

Civil Service Promotions at Risk from One-in-Three Rule

BY LILLIAN ROBERTS ew York’s civil service system was designed to eliminate favoritism and patronage in hiring and promotions to city jobs. That time-honored system is broken when it comes to promoting and retaining career civil servants, and it must be fixed.

Civil Service Law and the New York State Constitution require that appointments and promotions to city jobs be made based on merit and fitness “to be ascertained as far as practicable by competitive examination.” The person who scores highest on a civil service test should get the job, and with good reason.

New York is a world-class city in large part due to its extensive and reliable municipal workforce, which DC 37 proudly represents. DC 37 members and other public workers provide the services New Yorkers rely on. They in turn rely on the civil service system for fair promotional opportunities.

But a provision of Civil Service Law and New York City personnel rules allows agencies to pass over the top testtakers on a civil service list in favor of another, lower-scoring candidate from among the top three. In short: the person who scores the highest on a civil service test does not always get the promotion.

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This is an abuse of the civil service system.

Use of this “one-in-three rule” by New York City agencies erodes the quality workforce that makes our city great. It undermines fairness and creates new opportunities for favoritism, discrimination and patronage.

Its use is particularly egregious follow-

Hudson River. He was so well-regarded by the grateful Clearwater folks that they let him get married on the sloop.

Grannis recently testified before a Congressional Committee about whether to allow California to get a waiver from the federal Environmental Protection Administration (EPA) that would allow the state to impose even stricter rules on air pollution. It is somewhat ironic that, under the federal rules, the EPA gets to set the standards for how aggressive the states can be in protecting their citizens.

Also, under the federal rules, if California gets a waiver to impose stricter standards, New York is allowed to follow California, but not the other way around.

That’s why the Bushies have been very tough on allowing California to do more.

California gets to lead because, at the time these laws were written, California had the worst air pollution, so they got to work and grow in talent and fulfillment.

When public employees feel their contributions make a difference and their work is respected and valued, all of New York City wins. It helps our economy, too. The New York City Commission for Economic Opportunity stressed in its September 2006 report that career pathways are an essential component to reducing poverty among the working poor.

DC 37 firmly supports the principle behind Executive Order Number 4, issued by Mayor Abraham Beame in 1974, that appointments and promotions are made in list order from eligible lists. This is the only way to avoid favoritism and discrimination. For upgrades and promotions, the person at the top of the list should automatically get the job.

Our union is about helping city workers climb the ladder so they can keep New York City as great as it is. DC 37 prepares members for promotional tests to help retain these valuable public workers.

Those who have prepared themselves well and scored high should be rewarded.

Permanent, hard-working civil servants who have successfully passed an exam should not be passed over. The rule should be “if you get the best grade, you get the job.”

For upgrades and promotions, the person at the top of the list should automatically get the job. ing promotion exams, because promotion from within is a cornerstone of civil service. These workers have already passed probation and have served successfully in a lower civil service title. New York City loses when the best and brightest are overlooked this way.

DC 37 has called for a meeting with the Department of Citywide Administrative Services (DCAS) to determine how we can correct this injustice, which has grown up over time. It does a disservice to New Yorkers, and it must stop.

The civil service system of meritbased hiring and promotion provides fair access to city jobs where people can

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Lillian Roberts is the executive director of DC 37, New York City’s largest public employee union, with 121,000 members in 1,000 job titles, 56 local unions and 50,000 retirees.

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

Spitzer seems set to outdo Pataki’s environmental legacy with Enck and Grannis leading the way

Commissioner Alexander ”Pete” Grannis be the toughest. I find it positively Kafkaesque that before New York gets to go to higher standards, we have to go to Congress to plead to allow California to clean their air.

Now Grannis is working with surrounding states on something called “Reggie,” or the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, to get everyone to cooperate on some sensible new rules to stop the chaos that will clearly follow the continual melting of the ice caps. On top of all this, Grannis has to keep adjudicating the fighting about how state lands are used for recreation. We all know that the snowmobilers and the all-terrain vehicle folks have been leaning heavily on the commissioner to allow them more leeway in using their vehicles.

By all measures, Grannis is having a great time in his new job and has the full confidence of the governor. The question, of course, is if Hillary Clinton gets to be president, will she want Grannis in Washington.

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Alan Chartock is the president and CEO of WAMC/Northeast Public Radio and the executive publisher and project director of The Legislative Gazette.

For more on Albany, it’s WAMC.org.

welcomes submissions to the op-ed page. A piece should be maximum 650 words long, accompanied by the name and address of the author, and submitted via email to cityhall@manhattanmedia.com to be considered.

24

www.cityhallnews.com

JUN E 2007

Knights of the

Empire

State

LaValle and Maltese part of exclusive club among New York politicians

BY ANDREW HAWKINS

NEW YORK do not wear armor and joust.

They are two gray-haired Republican state senators. At least, that is, according to the Italian government.

Serphin Maltese (Queens) and Kenneth LaValle (Suffolk County) have received the “Cavaliere al Merito della Repubblica Italiana,” an honorary knighthood bestowed by the Italian government. They are the only two New York politicians to have received the award.

Cavaliere, one of five Italian orders of merit, is awarded to those who have strong ties to the Italian community and have contributed to Italy’s economy, said Maurizio Antonini, the nation’s vice con-

T

HE KNIGHTS OF

sul in New York.

“It is given only to those who have done something relevant to enhance bilateral relations in culture, to people who distinguish themselves,” Antonini said.

Nominations can be sent to Italian embassies and consulates by anyone, but Italy’s president, Giorgio Napolitano,

CITY HALL

leges in the Italian cities Messina and Perugia.

“I thought about my grandparents, coming to this country with very little, building a life and making sure their kids and grandkids had a chance to advance,” LaValle said, describing his deep pride in the honor.

The ceremony was done with much flair and bravado, according to Lavalle, who added, “we as Italians are very emotional.” When the medal was placed around his head at the special ceremony at Stony Brook, his mother wept, he recalled.

Italy is not the only foreign government to confer awards to American citizens.

The French government has bestowed a number of American Italy is the only government public officials with the Legion of to knight local politicians Honor, including Police around the state, and Commissioner Raymond Kelly, Republican State Senators said Yann Battefort, press attaché Serphin Maltese and Kenneth LaValle are the only ones to have at the Consulate General of France. received the honor.

The Irish government does not have an equivalent award, said he had won. In addition to a David Healy, Ireland’s vice consul for emifull-sized medal, awardees grant affairs in New York, in what is sure to receive a large scroll to certify be a disappointment to the many New York the honor, a smaller medal and a lapel pin. politicians with Irish roots.

That makes LaValle and Maltese the He said he would hang the certificate in his home. His wife’s paintings take up too only knights among New York’s politimuch of their wall space to fit the scroll, cians, though they both said that they but he does display the honor often. have yet to encounter much jealousy.

“When I wear formal clothes at special “People who are jealous never express it verbally,” LaValle joked. “They express it functions, I’ll wear the lapel pin,” he said.

LaValle was named Cavaliere in 1992 in their hearts and minds and in their for his work fostering ties between green eyes.”

SUNY’s Stony Brook University and colahawkins@manhattanmedia.com makes the final decision, said Antonini. About 10 to 20 receive the title each year. Over 85,000 people have been decorated as of December 2006.

Maltese said he feels doubly honored because his wife, Constance, was also named a Cavaliere for accomplishments in art and culture.

“As far as I know, we’re the only husband and wife to receive the award,” he said.

Maltese was not even aware he was a contender for the honor when he got the call informing him that

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Netroots and Grassroots, Looking to Tap into Parks Department Without meetings or dues, 200+ Friends of NYC Parks’ email list aims to influence city policy

BY DAN RIVOLI URING A LUNCHEON LAST JUNE,

D

six friends griped about their problems with city parks. Gary Papush’s complaint was the clandestine way the Parks Department handled the contract renewal of a food vendor in Dag Hammarskjöld Park.

Carol Greitzer did not want the pavilion in Union Square Park to be turned into an outdoor café.

Annoyed by the bureaucracy and lack of transparency in the Parks Department, five of them drafted four principles they wanted the Parks Department to adopt. As their doctrine circulated the internet, supporters were slowly added to the mailing list.

Eventually, they were calling themselves 100+ Friends of NYC Parks. Now they are up to 200+ Friends of NYC Parks.

“This is truly information dissemination,” said Carol Rinzler, one of the original five.

The group rarely takes sides on issues.

“We support giving every community board and every community group full information and disclosure and transparency about how to come to a decision on a recommendation,” said Papush, who also chairs Manhattan Community Board 6’s Parks and Landmarks Committee.

lower level of funding, even in good times,” Papush said.

An early supporter, Assembly Member Richard Gottfried (D-Manhattan) has noticed that the Parks Department is becoming more open and responsive.

“I think that is, in part, because of this activism,” he said, referring specifically to the list. “I think it has helped prod the city Parks Department to do a lot more, to do more outreach and be more open.”

Helen Foster (DBronx), chair of the Council’s Parks & Recreation committee, said she approved of the group’s efforts. “We’re looking to extend the net of people responsible for their parks,” said Foster.

The 200+ Friends of NYC Parks (which will be renamed again when the list reaches 250) has no office, board of directors or a CEO. There are no regular group meetings. They exist purely as an e-mail list.

“The internet offers the ability to put

By remaining an e-mail list, Papush said, the group will not succumb to the kind of bureaucracy group members feel has overtaken the Parks Department.

Their advocacy for parks reform has ruffled a few feathers, say Papush and Greitzer, who claim that city officials have asked some on the list to remove their signatures.

Informing communities is one part of their goal.

“It’s a matter of changing the culture of city government in the sense that, historically, the Parks Department gets a

people together without stamps or phone calls,” said Rinzler. “I can do this without leaving the house.”

By remaining an e-mail list, Papush said, the group will not succumb to the kind of bureaucracy group members feel has overtaken the Parks Department.

Rinzler helped run a similar list in 1993 called the Manhattan Neighborhood Council, which advocated homeless shelter reform. That list predated common email access, and it relied on the post office to reach out to its members. The price of admission was just seven stamps a year.

The unorthodox organization allows information to flow freely and establish a truly grassroots efforts.

Despite their small organization, they have large ambitions. Rinzler said that they are already preparing for the many open races for city office in 2009, aiming to influence candidates to pay more attention to their issues. “It is a hope that as we make the issue of parks more important,” Rinzler said, “that candidates running for office will understand this is serious.” drivoli@manhattanmedia.com

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INFLUENCE • EDUCATE • PERSUADE Reach New York’s Most Influential Leaders Alternative party candidates navigate their ways to November (Page 3), Bill Perkins, right, gets the benefits of incumbency in his first run for State Senate (Page 15),

Vol. 1, No. 5

October 2006

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and Rep. Anthony Weiner, left, heads

ANDREW SCHWARTZ PHOTOS

• Utilize City Hall as a cost-effective venue to enhance and reinforce your organization’s lobbying and advocacy campaigns.

to his favorite

Queens deli (Page 19).

BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

heldon Silver may be the Assembly speaker, but there are not many people who ever hear his voice.

The man in the trench coat may be an unlikely leader, but as the top statewide Democrat during the 12 years of the Pataki administration, just about everyone agrees that he has developed into one of the most CONTINUED ON PAGE 10

STATE OF THE UNIONS

INDEX: Spitzer Cabinet Speculation Underway Page 2

Struggle to Provide Voting to Disabled Page 4

Issue Forum: Big Box Stores Pages 6, 8

Finding Funding for Adult Literacy Programs Page 9

The October Poll: Which Council Member Would Have the Best Survival Skills on a Desert Island?

Page 18

Traditional Politics With a Union Twist Strike and stalled contract negotiations motivate Toussaint opposition

Loose Laws for Leftovers

BY COURTNEY MCLEOD he Transport Workers Union’s new leader will be announced sometime after the secret mail-in ballots are counted on December 15th.

But leading up to the election, a leadership struggle is underway that has the potential to shake things up for the union—and maybe even the city.

Current President Roger Toussaint, who became a very well known figure due to last December’s transit strike, is run-

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CONTINUED ON PAGE

4

BY JAMES CALDWELL

F

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

• Directly target policymakers at a high volume unable to be achieved by traditional lobbying methods — and grab their attention.

S

Several former allies of Transit Workers President Roger Toussaint are challenging against him in this year’s union election.

ailed political campaigns leave many things in their wake, including, often, a lot of money. In the case of the three unsuccessful Democratic candidates for attorney general, each has campaign funds left.

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JUN E 2007

Oysters and Cobb Salad with Malcolm Smith MS: On Central Park West. I won’t tell you exactly the apartment, but I know where it is.

URPRISING HIMSELF PERHAPS MOST OF ALL, Senate Democrats coalesced last October around State Sen. Malcolm Smith (D-Queens) to crown him leader of their minority caucus. Smith, a onetime real estate developer and senior aide to former Rep. Floyd H. Flake—whom he calls his political idol— recently sat down at Michael’s to chat about his relationship with other state leaders and his famous college roommate.

S

ANDREW SCHWARTZ PHOTOS

City Hall: So no restaurant in Queens? We’re going to eat in Manhattan today.

Malcolm Smith: I’m in Manhattan a lot now. I was just meeting with 1199—Dennis Rivera, George Gresham, who’s going to be the new president. Not too bad. This is a light day for me. I go back to Queens after this.

[Waitress arrives; Smith orders oysters and a Cobb salad.]

A skilled chef, the Senate minority leader says mean fra diavlo.

CH: Do you cook at all?

MS: Oh yeah. I used to actually be the cook in my house. I grew up with five sisters and brothers. I used to cook breakfast for my mother and father in the morning. In the summertime, I do all the grilling. I guess my specialty is Italian food. I can cook a mean fra diavlo with clams and mussels and shrimp. I cook steak very well. That I will be very pretentious about; I can cook.

CH: Are you having a good time as minority leader?

MS: I’m having the time of my life right now. I was a young man in Queens, grew up, managed that little business. Then I ran for the Senate. Now all of a sudden, here I am. I’m sitting down with Joe Bruno. President Clinton called me and asked me to fly with him. How good does it get when the 42nd president of the United States is being inducted into the voting rights hall of fame in Selma, Alabama and calls you up and says, “I want you to fly with me to witness this.”

CH: Who’s a better cook: your wife, or you?

MS: I think she would say I’m a better cook. I don’t do it as much. Let me put it this way: I have more variety on the menu. I’m sure that she would say that.

CH: Did you have to check your calendar?

MS: Didn’t have to check my calendar. And two days before I’m trying to get a block association, you know, five dollars.

[Food arrives, and Smith quietly blesses the table] MS: That is something I do all the time.

CH: At every meal?

MS: Doesn’t matter if I’m sitting with the governor, the president.

CH: What do you think of the mayor’s congestion pricing proposal?

MS: I support it, but you don’t want my plan. My plan is no trucks below 86th Street until 13th Street, between 2nd and 8th avenues between 6:00 a.m. and 6:00 p.m.

State Sen. Malcolm Smith says he likes to keep confrontation with his government colleagues behind doors.

CH: Are you and Joe Bruno pals? What’s he like?

MS: Yes, Joe and I are very good friends. He’s a very nice guy, he really is. In all candor, he’s 78 years old. He knows that I know that he’s not going to be in the institution long, but I have a tremendous respect for what the institution means to him. I’ve had candid conversations.

“Look, we take the majority, I’ll be the new leader.” But I guarantee I will maintain the integrity of the institution that’s so near and dear to him. And I mean that. This institution is part of his soul. Like he’s the father of it. But we have a very good relationship. Sometimes it’s a father-son kind of thing. I refer to him on the floor sometimes—I’ll say that we’ve had our father-son discussion.

CH: People have said that you’re too much of a buddy with the governor.

How do you respond to that?

MS: I say, you know what? The governor and I are close. I have no bones about it. He’s a friend of mine. What people don’t see is that when we disagree, I don’t fight him in the papers.

The governor and I disagree a lot. At the end of the day, if he makes an announcement about something and I know I moved him, I don’t stand up and go “I did it, I did it!”

Even with Joe Bruno. If you read he can cook a everything about what happened with the pay raises, Joe Bruno was blasting me. What was my response? “Until we do campaign finance, we’re going to hold.” I didn’t go back and say, “You no good son-of-a-gun.” That’s not my style. When he told me I was too close to the governor—remember, “You’re so far up the governor’s butt you can’t see”?

What did I say? “There’s room, come on up.” So that’s just my style. And some of you guys called—“Are you going to demand an apology?” I could have said, “Yes, I am.” But that would have been the story for the next three days.

CH: Have you been to any movies recently?

MS: I used to try to go to the movies almost once a week. But I haven’t gone. I’m trying to think of the last movie I saw. Was it “Superman?” Oh, that’s what it was—”Déjà Vu.” That was with Denzel Washington. He was my roommate at Fordham.

CH: No. MS: Yes! CH: What was he like in college?

MS: He always used to play basketball, he was very fun.

We were shocked when they told us he was going to act in “Othello.” That was his first one at Lincoln Center. I went to that one and we were blown away.

CH: So he’s moving to New York?

CH: I heard a rumor that you supported Pataki for governor.

MS: No, I never did that. That was just a rumor.

CH: Why are people saying that?

MS: They were saying that when I was running for the minority seat—they were trying to say that I kept doing Republicans’ jobs. It was never true, I never did that.

CH: If we were going to make a movie about New York State government and the big transition under Eliot Spitzer, whom would you cast?

MS: I think I would have, I can’t remember his name— he’s married to, oh man, what’s his name? They adopted children.

CH: Brad Pitt?

MS: Brad Pitt. I’d have Brad Pitt play the governor. I’d have Denzel play me. Joe Bruno would be Robert DeNiro.

CH: And then who plays Shelly?

MS: Shelly would be—I think Shelly would be, right now, at the age that he is, probably somebody like—no, actually, he would be Michael Douglas’s father.

CH: Kirk Douglas?

MS: That’s who he would be. Because you know, Kirk Douglas is like, “Ehh, I’ll figure it out later.” ceichna@manhattanmedia.com

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To read more about Smith’s regimen with the stairs in Albany, his odds on Democrats taking the Senate and what’s on his bedside table, visit www.cityhallnews.com.

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JUN E 2007

Translating Sustainability: Synergy vs. Socialism Though following many elements of London’s plan, Bloomberg casts PlaNYC in different terms

BY ANDREW HAWKINS

F

ACING POPULATION BOOMS AND

the brewing threat of climate change, former Olympic rivals New York and London are taking on a new challenge: which city can out-green the other.

Both cities have fully embraced the sustainability challenge. But each is taking a very different path. London’s plan emphasizes a quasi-socialist approach, while New York’s plan stresses corporate synergy and cohesiveness.

Ken Livingstone, London’s first directly elected mayor in over 40 years, introduced congestion charging (what Bloomberg is calling congestion pricing on these shores) in 2003. A year later, he launched the London Plan, a laundry list of sustainable development projects and transit improvements with an emphasis on the environment and social equality.

And in 2005, he established a municipal climate change agency to reduce London’s carbon emissions.

Bloomberg unveiled his environmental and sustainability strategy in April. To no one’s surprise, congestion pricing stood out as its white hot centerpiece.

“We have a little bit of a competitive spirit,” said Kathy Wylde, president and CEO of the Partnership for New York City. But right now New York needs to play “catch-up” with London on climate change, said Wylde.

Social justice and equitable distribution are running themes in the London Plan, echoing Livingstone’s strong leftwing views, which early in his career earned him the nickname “Red Ken.” According to the plan, if the city’s local communities are to be preserved, the benefits of economic growth and development need to be distributed “more broadly and equitably.”

Livingstone’s administration continues

Selling the Plan on a Ticking Clock ayor Michael Bloomberg (R) has focused many recent public appearances on pitching PlaNYC to the public in the hopes of convincing Albany to codify many of the plan’s initiatives.

Unlike London’s Mayor Ken Livingstone, Bloomberg has opted to work quietly “behind the scenes,” said David Haskell, executive director of Forum for Urban Design.

But, despite his steady insistence that congestion pricing is right for New York, Bloomberg may have to change tactics to convince Albany to approve the plan, something Livingstone did not have to do.

The Greater London Authority Act of 1999 gave Livingstone full power to introduce congestion charging. Still, the mayor saw fit to “strong arm” elected officials and the public into supporting it, Haskell said. Livingstone’s lessthan-delicate manner left him open to a fair amount of criticism during the

M

to promote the London Plan in this way.

“As you know, we’re socialists,” quipped London Deputy Mayor Nicky Gavron, during a symposium on congestion pricing held on the New York University campus.

Socialism does not often sell well in America, and certainly not in its financial capital.

So while Red Ken sold sustainability and environmentalism to Londoners as a way to narrow the gap between rich and poor, Bloomberg has stressed synergism and other corporate buzzwords in his plan to green the Big Apple.

Bloomberg’s PlaNYC stresses the interrelation of housing, water, trans-

INT. 576 A Local Law to amend the administrative code of the City of New York, in relation to the possession and sale of graffiti instruments.

SPONSOR: Peter Vallone, Jr. (D-Queens) “I’m getting complaints from all over the city, and people call me from all over the world regarding the perceived rebirth of graffiti,” said Vallone.

He revised his original graffiti bill in response to a recent lawsuit directed at him and Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) Bills on the burner for the Council by fashion designer and graffiti aficionado Marc Ecko.

Vallone said the burden on police officers to prove intent to use graffiti materials made it “almost impossible” to enforce the law. These materials can include spray paint, etching acid, and broad tip markers.

Vallone’s new bill makes simple possession of graffiti materials by those under 21 illegal and punishable by up to a year in prison or a $1,000 fine. Those under 21 could transport graffiti materials in public only in a locked container, presuming they are to be used for legitimate purposes, like in-school projects or artwork on private property.

—Joseph Meyers

:

early days of congestion charging.

While Bloomberg takes steps to enshrine his legacy as mayor, he may need to focus some of his energies on ensuring that his environmental vision survives the end of his administration.

Clearly, whoever succeeds Bloomberg will want to “put their mark” on the plan, said Haskell. Any changes he might want to make would have to be done before term-limits force him from office at the end of 2009.

Even if he wanted to amend the plan, those amendments are contingent on what is and is not codified by the state legislature, said John Gallagher, a spokesman for the mayor.

Livingstone revisited the London Plan two years after its publication, amending it to reflect a stronger focus on climate change and security following the July 2005 transit bombings. The mayor of London has no term limits. portation, energy and air quality improvements. Transit-oriented growth is portrayed as not just a housing strategy, but also as a way to reduce automobile dependence and improve air quality.

For the billionaire Bloomberg, each initiative must connect with another to achieve a greener, more sustainable New York.

“Every one of these issues is interconnected,” Bloomberg explained at last month’s C40 Large Cities Climate Summit, using a refrain that has become common for him and other administration officials when discussing the plan.

The selling of each sustainability plan further highlights stark differences in Bloomberg and Livingstone’s manage-

While Bloomberg’s embrace of the U.K.-approved congestion pricing has earned him praise from some and vitriol from others, Deputy Mayor Gavron said that the proof of success is already in the numbers coming out of London.

London has cut the number of cars entering the zone by one-third since its implementation and funneled $360 million in revenues into the city’s budget for transit improvements. Traffic accidents and congestion are both down and the impact on businesses within the zone is “broadly neutral,” said Gavron.

After three years as a pilot project, the success of congestion charging is still not a sure thing. Transport for London’s website acknowledges “increasing delays for traffic inside and outside the charging zone” in the past year.

—AH ahawkins@manhattanmedia.com

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ment style.

“What’s interesting is how tightly Bloomberg followed Livingstone’s sales pitch, and, in a sense, one-upped him” by avoiding the “dominating language” used by his London counterpart, said David Haskell, executive director of the Forum for Urban Design. Haskell’s urban planning organization sponsored an event in late March exploring the differences between London and New York.

“Now, undeniably, there’s a strong element of enlightened self-interest—and even self-preservation—involved here,” Bloomberg said at the C40 summit, “and there’s nothing at all wrong with that!” ahawkins@manhattanmedia.com

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For Queens in ’09, Candidates in Spades With only so many offices to go around, the clash of egos and ambitions begins swung the 2005 speaker’s race toward Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan)—but some wonder how much longer they can stay together if they are all after the same jobs.

HE TRAFFIC ON THE VERRAZANO-NARROWS Bridge is as thick as the air above Queens on a Comrie and Vallone are widely believed to want the borlazy Sunday morning the first weekend of June. ough presidency. Weprin has already declared his candidaThis is not good for Eric Gioia, the two-term Democratic cy for comptroller. Katz has Council member from Queens and someone widely been talked about as a possi- With term limits bearbelieved to be one of the bright lights among the 30 or ble borough president or ing down on them, comptroller. Liu is deciding most Queens Council so Council members termed out in 2009.

Gioia is on his way to Staten Island to shake hands, com- whether he likes comptrol- members are gearing pulsively pass out his business card and march in the bor- ler or public advocate better. up for races in 2008 and ough’s Gay Pride parade. With two Blackberry-addicted Others in the Council dele- 2009. First to the draw aides crouched uncomfortably in the back, wedged gation are looking to may be Eric Gioia, whose between the door of his Chevy SUV and a bulky car seat— Legislature races. fundraising and appearGioia seems all but ances around the city are his wife, the fundraiser Lisa, gave birth to their first child a The city is only so big, though, especially for year ago—Gioia tries to maneuver his way into the E-ZPass announced that his next step well underway. two ambitious young men committed to public will be the race for public lane.

The lane is blocked off, so he digs frantically into his advocate, and, at the parade, it is as if the campaign has service. Gioia has a huge head start in the race for public advocate, but some believe Gianaris might look to that pockets for enough money to pay the toll. He come up with already begun.

“Asking for someone’s vote is not quite the same as ask- office as well. $10, change from his Muesli and yogurt breakfast, and “If they are going to meet, that’s where they would ing for their hand in marriage, but it’s pretty significant,” hands it to the attendant on duty, who allows him to pass.

“Mario Cuomo used to say that governing is about tak- Gioia says in a rare quiet moment. “You should have a per- meet,” said one observer who has had close dealings with ing the soaring ideals of a campaign and nailing them to the sonal relationship with people as much as possible. You both men. “Mike is a really great guy, a really young, excitprocrustean bed of reality,” Gioia says while nervously should go out and meet them where they are rather than ing, ambitious person. Gioia is very smart and has an exciting opportunity to be public advocate. If Gianaris runs checking the gas gauge as it descends closer to empty. make them come to you.”

In 2009, while the borough’s Council members are boot- against him, that’s going to be very difficult.”

“What makes me really excited is getting in bed with These races could test that famous Queens unity that ed by term limits, the overlapping members of the State Procrustes, so to speak.”

Gioia is not the only one. Every Queens Council member Legislature will be able to muscle their way into the races developed under Manton, who built the organization and except Thomas White, who reclaimed his old seat by beat- without risking their own seats in Albany. Many are expect- led the county party for decades until his death last year.

Keeping that Queens unity together will be up to ed to, and, in Queens, ing Allan Jennings in a none more so than Manton’s successor as Democratic county chair, Rep. Democratic primary after being Keeping that Queens unity Assembly Member Joseph Crowley. forced out himself in 2001, will together will be up to Manton’s Michael Gianaris.

Crowley was the guest of honor at a fundraiser for Gioia, be booted from the Council in though a scheduling conflict kept him from arriving.

Another rising star 2009. That will make for the successor as Democratic county “It’s not new to the county,” Crowley said of the possible in the neighborhood biggest turnover of the five borchair, Rep. Joseph Crowley. and in the party, competitions. “You’ve always had a high level of individuals oughs.

Gianaris aborted his and talented people who sought pubic service. Thinking Queens has birthed a new cohort of young, smart, ambitious public officials. Brought run for attorney general last year long before the race fully about another generation, and you're talking about Mario about partially by the term limits law, which retired most of began. But that was after he raised about a million dollars Cuomo, Peter Vallone, Tom Manton.”

So Crowley said predictions of the fights to come are the Council in 2001, partially by public campaign financing in a short period of time, most of which he still has on hand.

“He’s a guy who has been well regarded in the Assembly, still premature. “A lot can happen between now and ’09,” he that has allowed lesser-known, more independent-minded figures to mount credible candidacies, and partially by one who has got a lot friends and probably a lot of people who said. “People will do what they have to do, but we are still of those cosmic tricks that bring people together in certain owe him favors,” said Democratic consultant Hank a long ways from that.”

Gioia is leaving little to chance. He is keeping up a frantimes and certain places, Gioia, along with John Liu, Sheinkopf. “He’s smart and he works very, very hard. But in Melinda Katz, Leroy Comrie, David Weprin, Peter Vallone order for him to go someplace else he has to have the tic pace of fundraising and campaigning. Gianaris has been Jr. and Tony Avella all appear to veteran City Hall watchers opportunity to get there. It’s hard to know right now what less active.

“I’m focused on running for re-election right now,” he that future would be like.” as young pols in a hurry.

Gianaris was able to tap into a nationwide network of said in an office interview. “I intend to seek higher office at “I hope all of these candidates who are running realize they are not all going to win,” said one insider with knowl- Greek-American donors for the attorney general race. He some point in my career, but where that will be or what it edge of City Hall and Albany. “It’s weird that a guy 30 years also heads the campaign arm of the Assembly Democrats, will be for I honestly can’t tell you right now.”

How it all shakes out—not just between Gioia and old may be out of politics, but there are only so many another potential boon to a borough-wide or citywide camGianaris, but for the whole borough—is bound to occupy paign. offices you can run for.”

With their similar demographic profiles, some are ready political watchers until November 2009.

Where is everyone going to go? The same tide that swept “Six months is a lifetime in politics, two years is multiple the Council members in six years ago will sweep them out to see Gianaris and Gioia headed for a showdown: both are again in 2009. Albany is hardly enticing for the group. trained as lawyers, recently married and represent old generations,” said Evan Stavisky, a political consultant whose father represented parts of Queens in the State Nearly everyone hoping to make a life in New York politics school ethnic Queens.

But they like and respect each other and insist they will Senate, and whose mother currently holds that seat. “If you is thinking of making it within the five boroughs, not in the not compete in an election. Their relationship goes back to have the capacity to predict the future you shouldn’t be in capital.

Queens has throughout the years been a famously uni- at least 2000, when Gioia headed up Gianaris’ first assem- politics, you should be on Wall Street.” fied delegation in the City Council—under the guidance of bly campaign. And it has not just been business—each Direct letters to the editor to the late Democratic County chair, Tom Manton, members attended the other’s wedding. cityhall@manhattanmedia.com.

BY DAVID FREEDLANDER

SCOTT WILLIAMS

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Spinning the War on Terror Head to the hot new club Arena on June 14 at 7:00 p.m. for “Behind Enemy Lines,” a night of “cutting edge edutainment” about radical Islam. Sponsored by anti-terrorist activist group Fuel for Truth, the party will feature entertainment from Brooklyn-based DJ Martial, a member of the Wu-Tang Clan, and cast members from The Sopranos and Law and Order. An hour-long open bar following the informational presentation will help ease the slide from “edu” to “tainment.”

Love & Elections on the East Side Republican candidate Gregory Camp got just over 35 percent of the vote in the June 5 Assembly special election won by Micah Kellner (D-Manhattan). But another candidate who weighed the race might have proved more challenging— Sonia Ossorio, Camp’s live-in girlfriend.

Ossorio has headed the city chapter of the National Organization for Women for the last two years.

Shortly after Gov. Eliot Spitzer (D) nominated longtime Assembly member Alexander “Pete” Grannis (D) to be his environmental commissioner, Ossorio had several conversations about running, including one with local Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-Manhattan/Queens), about running as a Democrat in the race.

Maloney was ultimately the first elected official to back Kellner for the Democratic nomination.

Camp and Ossorio both declined comment. But speaking the night of the election, Camp praised his girlfriend. “Sonia has served the public in the most exceptional way over the last two years,” he said.

Met Exhibits Bring in Millions for City Two exhibits at the Metropolitan Museum, “Cézanne to Picasso: Ambroise Vollard, Patron of the Avant-Garde” and “Americans in Paris, 1860-1900,” generated $377 million in tourist spending, according to a visitor survey conducted by the museum. The same study found that the total tax revenue generated from this spending was around $37.7 million.

“Cézanne to Picasso,” which was on view from Sept. 14, 2006 through Jan. 7, 2007, drew 490,002 visitors. “Americans in Paris,” on view from Oct. 24, 2006 though Jan. 28, 2007, attracted 311,700 visitors.

At least 74 percent of exhibit visitors were from outside of the five boroughs.

Of that number, 46 percent were from

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www.cityhallnews.com other states and 24 percent were from abroad. On average, visitors spent around $857 during their stays, the median length of which was 4.1 nights.

The Met has taken a series of audience studies such as this one over the years to determine the economic impact of its special exhibitions program.

tion laws, disenfranchising thousands of young voters.

The survey showed that 50 percent of private universities told the student that they could not register on campus when asked. Public universities faired better at 23 percent. “Voter registration is an issue of increasing importance as the country heads into the 2008 election cycle,” said Klein.

Finding credible information was a difficult task. A sampling of responses showed that college staff did not know the answers to registration questions.

Even on campuses with registration forms, a student was told, “You can’t register to vote on campus, I’ve never heard of that.”

In response, Klein is proposing legislation to require the state to mail voter registration forms to all eligible voters once they turn 18. Also, while the voting age will remain 18, Klein’s legislation will allow 17 year olds to enroll so they can be reached while in high school.

Koch Wants Hillary and Rudy as Nominees, but Might Vote for Mike Former Mayor Ed Koch (D) has been a strong supporter of Sen. Hillary Clinton’s presidential prospects for years. But Clinton may not be able to count on Koch’s vote next November just yet. He is supporting her for the Democratic nomination, but if Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) runs for president, Koch said, “my options are open.”

Koch strongly supported Bloomberg in his two mayoral runs, and he campaigned for Republican President George W. Bush’s reelection in 2004. He expects Bloomberg to run, and run as an independent.

Koch also likes the idea of his old foe, former Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, being the GOP option. “Wouldn’t it be wonderful for New York, even though I would oppose him, if Giuliani were the Republican nominee?” he said.

One way or another, Koch will not make a general election endorsement just yet.

“That choice I will leave open,” he said, “and not make my decision until faced with it.”

Students Grade Their Own School System YouthAction NYC, the youth advocacy group of the Citizens’ Committee for Children, has released a report on the shortcomings of New York City high schools. The report comes amid recent increases in school funding and seeks to contribute a youth perspective to the ongoing debate on what constitutes a sound, basic education for high school students.

The goal of the report was to contribute the perspectives of high school students to the city-wide education debate by interviewing over 100 high school students from 23 different public and private schools.

“Instead of just complaining, it taught me how to be more proactive and find ways to get something done,” said Asia Ceasar, a student at the School of the Future in Manhattan who participated in the study. Ceasar recalled that students from across the city had experienced many of the same problems, despite the vast differences between their respective schools.

The report includes 14 policy recommendations, including a maximum class size of 25, improved library resources,

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

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Five and a half years after term limits forced him out of his spot as the longest-serving member of the Council, Morton Povman (D) is practicing family law in his old Forest Hills district. After attending a reception at Gracie Mansion last month with his wife, the couple was spotted taking in the cherry blossoms in nearby Carl Schurz Park. stronger connections between schools and employers, mandatory teacher comments on report cards and guaranteed access to SAT counseling programs. The overall goal is to create a “welcoming, challenging, safe and collaborative” environment for students, says the report.

Students involved in the program also presented the report’s findings to officials at the Department of Education.

YouthAction NYC is collecting petition signatures from middle and high school students to support its proposal.

New York Colleges Fail at Registering Voters.

When it comes to voter registration, New York colleges do not make the grade. In a study released by State Sen. Jeff Klein (D-Bronx/Westchester), universities violate federal and state elec-

Upcoming In February, former Gov. Mario Cuomo (D) and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Georgia) issued a challenge to all the presidential candidates—come to Cooper Union and engage in a substantive discussion of the issues. Former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, who is running for the Democratic nomination, was the first to accept.

On June 21 at 6:00 p.m. Edwards will join Cuomo on the historic stage once graced by Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, and William Jefferson Clinton.

Michelle Obama, wife of the 2008 presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama (D-Illinois), will be the keynote speaker at the Strawberry Festival’s benefit luncheon to launch the New-York Historical Society’s Women in Public Life series on June 26 at 12:30 p.m., 170 Central Park West at West 77th Street. No shrinking violet, Michelle Obama has become known for her straight-forward and charismatic personality through the course of her husband’s campaign.

Previous speakers at the Strawberry Festival have included Hillary Clinton, Anna Quindlen and Christine Quinn.

New Baby Bing Assembly member Jonathan Bing (D-Manhattan) and Meredith Ballew welcomed their new daughter, Charlotte Coleman, on June 3.

By Edward-Isaac Dovere, Elizabeth Kraushar, Joseph Meyers and Dan Rivoli.

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Pushing Poverty :

In his last weeks on the job, Lawrence Mandell aims for 2008 out of the national conversation and, as you argue, off the national agenda?

LM: If you’re well off, you’re life does not intersect at all with people who are poor. And so, it comes mostly from a lack of context and a lack of information.

awrence Mandell has seen the approach to poverty change since he started as a social worker in 1965. He spent 20 years at the United Way of New York City, the last three as president and CEO, before deciding to retire. During his tenure, the United Way transformed itself from a distributor of money to other programs into one working hands-on with impoverished communities.

But Mandell did not want to go quietly into retirement. With the race to the White House already underway, he was disheartened to see the lack of attention being given to poverty. He started speaking out more forcefully, beginning an effort that included writing letters to each candidate’s campaign.

Mandell spoke with City Hall about how the wage discrepancy today compares to the Great Depression, the need for a “moon shot” to beat poverty in America, what the rest of the country can learn from New York’s efforts and the relationship between economic security and homeland security.

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CH: What does having the perspective from New York show you?

LM: What I do at the United Way is I walk in both worlds. I deal with settlement houses or community centers or soup kitchens on any given day, and I’m also in the offices of some of the highest paid senior executives in the country, CEOs and senior managers making seven, eight, nine figures, and, what most strikes me about dealing with these wealthy people, in the Fortune 500 companies especially, is that it isn’t that they don’t care, it’s that their lives don’t in any way come in contact with poor people. …

You’ve got this, what I call a “perverse symmetry” that takes place. You’ve got 700,000 millionaires and probably about that many people eligible for food stamps and not getting them. You’ve got in The Times’ report about the average Manhattan apartment, it’s somewhere north of a million, a million-three, and you’ve still got 30,000 people living in public shelters every night. And it doesn’t touch them.

ANDREW SCHWARTZ

City Hall: You have kept busier than many soon-tobe retirees in your last months as head of the local United Way, pushing for issues of poverty to be more prominent in the discussions of the 2008 presidential election. Why are you pushing for this now?

Lawrence Mandell: I’ve been 20 years at the United Way and 42 years as a social worker. During that period of time I’ve been spending most of my professional life dealing with issues related to poor people. And I’ve actually seen how different presidents have dealt with the issue. I had the privilege of starting in 1965, around the time of the Great Society years, and I was working in a settlement house around the time Ronald Reagan came into office. That was interesting because of the contrast between the attitude of the Great Society and the Reagan years, which basically not only denigrated poor people but also those of us who were committed to working with poor people. It just wasn’t a fancy profession to be in in those days. To see how Bush, and now to see how the various presidential candidates either deal with it or don’t deal with it, mostly don’t deal with it—and that’s really what’s prompted us at the time when I’m moving on—is to see at a time when you’ve got a presidential campaign that’s cooking up, can we figure out a way to raise the profile of the issue of poverty?

CH: Do you think that some of it is because so many of our politicians these days are rich themselves?

LM: And nobody’s badgering them to talk about it. …

They’re focused right now, the only thing they’re talking about, and, I mean, you want them focused on terrorism, I’m not saying don’t focus on terrorism for god’s sake, or the war, I’m saying, you know, you’ve got to be concerned back home also, and one of that statistics is that we now have the widest disparity since 1929 between the haves and the have-nots. You know, at some point, how does that play out? What are the consequences of that? Somebody needs to be thinking about that. You know, if you’re not concerned about the morality of it, are you concerned about the practicality of it? Is there a relationship between economic security and homeland security?

CH: Under you, the United Way has started several programs in New York, such as one that goes into housing court, gives lawyers to those who need them, but also works with them to get at some of the deeper issues which landed them in court in the first place. Would you want to bring that program nationwide? Are there others that were started in New York that you think would work on the national level?

LM: I don’t want us to appear to be so ethnocentric, that we’re saying it only is a New York thing. But if we have models in New York that are working, my assumption is that there are models across the country, and what we need is a champion.

New York on its own can’t possibly take to scale what needs to be done. And no single municipality can.

The only candidate who’s talked about it at all has been [Democratic presidential candidate and former North Carolina Sen. John] Edwards. And Edwards did head up a poverty center in Chapel Hill, so this is an issue he cares about and is concerned about. We need for all of the candidates to have this on their radar.

CH: Some have criticized Edwards for focusing so much of his campaign on the poor, since he himself lives in a mansion. Do you buy that argument?

LM: [Mayor Michael] Bloomberg’s rich. These people don’t have to talk about the poor. Their lives are pretty comfortable. And these are people, unlike a lot of the people that I was talking about where their lives have not been touched by it, that don’t even know that it exists, went to the trouble to find out that it does exist, in spite of their wealth. Edwards would say he wasn’t born wealthy, and that he had opportunities. I’m not an apologist for either of them, but my point is that we need somebody here to take the wings on this, and say it’s unacceptable morally and practically for us to be a country where 41 million people are living below the poverty rate.

CH: Poverty was not always so hard to locate in the political discussion. What happened that pushed it

CH: You speak a lot about the effect not addressing poverty might have on society. But what effect will it have on the lives of poor people themselves?

LM: When we did this forum series we had the deputy health commissioner there, and she told the audience a statistic that, really you may not be shocked, but I found it really distressing: that life expectancy differential between poor neighborhoods and wealthy neighborhoods was 7.5 years. So that the average life expectancy in a poor zip code is 74 and in a wealthy one is 81.5.

When the amount of money you earn translates into those kinds of stark terms, I think that that’s very dramatic. And you talk about putting a stake in the ground, this is an example where we all need to put a stake in the ground and say that this is unacceptable.

So why is it? Because when poor people finally get health care, they’re in a late stage of whatever the disease is. As opposed to the people that have access to health care on a regular basis, or their nutrition. These are all manageable things, these are things that can be done to change things and what could be more compelling than changing the life expectancy differential between the poor and the well off?

CH: You seem to still have a lot to say. Why retire now?

LM: It’s a good time to leave. I’m 64. I’ve been at United Way 20 years. We completely transformed the mission from a membership organization to a community impact organization. Actually, during the September 11 situation, I spent a lot of time helping to create the September 11 Fund, which raised $530 million and gave it all out in one of the prouder moments of my life. But I feel very good about the transformation of the United Way and that we are now focused externally. We are doing this work in the communities, we’ve got measurable change in the lives of poor people that’s taking place, and I leave it to somebody hopefully a little younger, a little younger and go get it. And it’s time for me to do some other things CH: Do you feel more liberated to speak your mind in these last few weeks because you are leaving?

LM: I don’t know if it’s a matter of liberated to speak. I think it’s that I’m feeling compelled.

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