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rockin’ the boat
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analyzing political pornography
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in(side) the port(side): campus, national, international news IMMIGRATION 101 A journey into U.S. history reveals who the real immigrants are
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“TRANSIT RACISM” To thwart Metro expansion, 5C group courts all volumeVII issue4
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CHILE RECOVERS National effort turns aftershocks into afterthoughts
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The first time I saw Walter Gonzales, he was running through my house. A four-inch nail pierced his palm, stained vibrantly crimson by the blood that gushed from his wound. He was yelling in Spanish – gibberish to me at ten years old – phrases he would later teach me to never repeat. When he reached the bathroom sink, he poured hydrogen peroxide on his mutilated hand, shook his arm for a few seconds, and said, in broken English, “Okay, back to work, boss!” I had no idea what was going on. I later discovered that my next-door neighbors, in the midst of remodeling their beautiful, two-story, Beverly Hills-adjacent McMansion, had picked Walter up at the nearest Home Depot in South Central Los Angeles, where swarms of undocumented workers still wait – day after day, hour after hour – for some sort of compensable work. Walter was one of the masses – the nameless, faceless and yes, illegal, immigrants. Walter, his wife, and their three children had just made the perilous trek from Guatemala and had settled in a friend of a friend’s one-bedroom apartment in Koreatown. They lived in relative secrecy, trusting few and fearing discovery.
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For some reason, though, Walter came to trust my father. The two had developed a strange sense of camaraderie, working together on the remodel of my garage, kicking back one too many Budweisers and howling along to Beatles songs. By the summer’s end, Walter had become part of the family, a welcome guest at barbeques and Shabbat dinners and a constant source of entertainment. To me, he was not just an undocumented day-laborer; he was a crazy uncle, a basketball competitor, and my first Spanish teacher.
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My Crazy, Undocumented “Uncle”
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Walter has remained an integral part of my life. I’ve seen him overcome injury after injury – a telephone cable cutting off his pinky, a broken mirrored wall lacerating his left hand, an accidental fall shattering his right wrist. Each time, he patches himself up and completes the construction job. His work ethic, in spite of the 12-packs of Bud Light he often shares with my father, is far better than mine. But a few months ago, Walter missed a Friday night dinner invitation and we have not seen him since. And given Arizona’s new race-based immigration law and others that may follow, we will probably never see him again. This conservative pushback in border states necessitates progressive federal action. Absent cohesive national policy, border state governments and their so-called “Minutemen” constituents are starting to win their battle for their own conception of justice. When will diligent workers and family men like Walter Gonzales receive theirs? Months ago, I pegged immigration as health care’s successor. If the Vitter-Bennett amendment, which sought to add a question about immigration status to the 2010 U.S. Census, was any indication, immigration strikes at the core of entitlements, the economy, apportionment, and taxation. I would also argue, to our Campus Editor’s dismay, that immigration is more pressing than climate change, to which the administration has turned its attention. President Obama on Sunday signaled immigration reform’s impending demise, telling reporters, “There may not be an appetite for it.” But like Walter, the estimated 11 million undocumented workers and their families could www.claremontportside.com/blog use a modicum of a federal effort. Green cards? Path to citizenship? We’re waiting.
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Michelle Lynn Kahn PUBLISHER Alyssa Roberts EDITOR EMERITUS MANAGING EDITORS Andrew Bluebond CAMPUS Mark Munro WEB EDITOR NATIONAL Jeremy B. Merrill Jonathan O. Hirsch INTERNATIONAL Veronica Pugin COPY EDITORS Kayla Benker, Russell M. Page, Nicholas Rowe, Jacinth Sohi ILLUSTRATORS Ashley Scott, Laura Bottorff The Claremont Port Side is dedicated to providing the Claremont Colleges with contextualized, intelligent reports to advance debate among students and citizens. This is a progressive newsmagazine that offers pertinent information and thoughtful analysis on the issues confronting and challenging our world, our country, and our community. Each article in the Claremont Port Side reflects the opinion of its author(s) and does not represent the Claremont Port Side, its editors, its staff, or the Claremont Colleges. Letters, Questions, Comments? editor@claremontportside.com
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Dispelling Spellman Rumors
Despite initial worries, party policies remain unchanged
In both excerpting this opinion and citing Spellman’s multiple donations to Republican candidates – including $2000 to George W. Bush’s 2004 reelection campaign – Johnson portrayed Spellman’s appointment as a possible “hope for conservatives” at a time when CMC “lurches still further to the left.” And, if he sought to define conservatives as either the residents of the substance-free Stark Hall or any individual opposed to the typical rowdiness of weekend life at CMC, he had a point. After the March cancellation of Thursday Night Club, and in light of the Alcohol Task Force’s impending conclusions, concern developed that Spellman’s arrival signaled the beginning of profound changes to CMC’s alcohol policy, and therefore, to its social scene as a whole.
When asked about the anonymous opinion piece in The Sadie Lou Standard, Spellman emphasized that most of the policy changes the author cited actually occurred prior to her tenure. As for the changes she did undertake, Spellman asserted that they strayed far from the kind of fundamental crackdown that would inspire fear on our campus. In fact, based on our conversation, it seems that Spellman does not find anything about CMC’s social life particularly objectionable relative to other college campuses. “I think every college has their issues with alcohol. They are different here than they were at Sarah Lawrence, or at Dickinson, and I’m sure they are different at all of the other colleges here,” she said, stressing that she believes alcohol has a role to play on every campus, including ours. Spellman also spoke about TNC’s temporary cancellation, emphasizing that “TNC is separate” from any kind of investigation into CMC’s alcohol policy. “There were major problems with TNC: major damage issues, unpaid bills, students getting hurt, and those events were not being managed well,” she said. “Things were just sort of escalating with that event, and it was time to put a pause on it, however brief.” Spellman’s actual concerns center on creating an environment in which students can feel volumeVII issue4
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The future of CMC’s alcohol policy – our main area of interest – is unclear at this time and appears contingent on the conclusions of the Alcohol Task Force, chaired by Vice President for Student Affairs Jefferson Huang. When asked what CMC could improve on vis-àvis its alcohol policy and drinking culture, Spellman deferred to the task force. “I’m just learning it,” she said, adding that the “group is still doing its work” and should be done towards the end of the semester. Spellman stated that the purpose of the committee, formed before her tenure, is to “look at our alcohol policy and the role alcohol plays on campus and how we can do this better, if at all.” Spellman also sought to reassure us of the kinds of changes that the administration may implement. While again emphasizing that the Task Force is still completing its work and that she does not sit on it, she said she does not think that a “seachange” in policy or culture is impending. “I don’t think that next year will be a totally different social life on campus,” she said. “The purpose of the Task Force is not to crush students’ social life and access to alcohol… It’s really about how we create a positive environment that all of us can agree to and feel comfortable with.”
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A piece of this speculation came in the form of a Claremont Conservative blog post by Charles Johnson, CMC ‘11, that took large excerpts from an anonymous opinion article in The Sadie Lou Standard, a student publication at Sarah Lawrence College. Though the Standard no longer publishes, the article provides useful insight into Spellman’s approach to alcohol and the campus party culture in her position as Sarah Lawrence Dean of Students. The author of the 2007 piece argued that Spellman gained campus-wide notoriety for her “disdain for sexually-imbued or alcohol-containing events” and that “responsible, periodic, socially-endorsed drinking seems to be a concept that completely eludes” her.
comfortable not drinking. “I think there are students who don’t mind alcohol being present, but the focus at some events, being so focused on the alcohol and less on a positive, fun event, makes people not want to go.”
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Upon the January arrival of Mary Spellman, Claremont McKenna’s new Dean of Students, much speculation arose about the motivations behind her hiring and her intentions for the student body.
To address some of these concerns, the Port Side sat down with Spellman. The meeting was the ultimate campus culture war – staffers of this progressive publication, which has a clear stake in ensuring that CMC “lurches still further to the left,” faced Spellman, the beacon of “hope for conservatives.” After our chat, however, we concluded that such concerns are overblown and that our new dean has no intention to overturn CMC’s timehonored social traditions.
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By Chris Eldred Sta f f Writer, CMC ‘ 1 1 and Nicholas Rowe Co p y Editor, CMC ‘1 3
Why Didn’t the Student Cross the Road? Claremont residents succeed in opposing proposed 7-Eleven
24/7 or 5am-1am? 6am-midnight or 10am10pm? These are the times that try Claremont residents’ souls – or, at least, the times that would have, had a local businessman succeeded in opening a 7-Eleven convenience store at the corner of Foothill Blvd. and Mills Ave. After the organized lobbying efforts of many local residents, including Claremont College alumni and Pitzer Dean of Students Jim Marchant, the plan failed when the Claremont Planning Commission ruled that the store would have violated the city’s General Plan. The would-be entrepreneur lives in La Verne and currently owns and operates three Subway restaurants in Claremont. His proposed 7-Eleven, which would have been located in the existing building on Foothill across from Harvey Mudd’s Sontag dormitory, would have sold beer and wine, as well as food and non-alcoholic beverages. In addition to attending the public comment meeting at Claremont City Hall, the residents’ group distributed flyers to homes in the neighborhoods near Foothill and Mills. They also
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By Jeremy B. Merrill National Editor, C MC ‘ 1 2
Bernard Field Station
advocated using Facebook and Youtube. One video, titled “Mills and Foothill,” is a plea to the Claremont City Council from Claremont High School teacher and Pitzer alumnus David Sawhill, who lives north of the proposed 7-Eleven. The video received 347 views in about a month but has since been removed. Sawhill’s video focuses on traffic impacts, claiming that the proposed 7-Eleven would encourage illegal traffic maneuvers and would endanger both children walking to school and pedestrians crossing Foothill to reach the store. He also told the Port Side that neighbors were concerned about 7-Eleven customers, both sober and inebriated, driving through his neighborhood late at night after exiting the store. “My neighborhood gets quiet very early in the evening,” he said, and his neighbors said they feared that noise and bright lights would ruin the atmosphere. Marchant echoed Sawhill’s concerns, explaining that Pitzer’s opposition stemmed primarily from safety concerns. “Students are often not seen clearly by the cars on Foothill,” he said, “and additional traffic to the store, where people stop and start, come and go, adds to the safety issue.” For Pitzer, this issue hits home. According to Marchant, a Pitzer student was killed “years ago” jaywalkResidential area ing across Foothill to purchase alcohol at a convenience store. Recently, two Pitzer students have been 7-11 (proposed) injured, one in the past few months, crossing Foothill. Other residents feared that if the proposed 7-Eleven had obtained an off-premises beer and wine permit, other area convenience stores would
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have followed suit, causing a “certain type of people” to gather in Claremont. More troubling than the concerns about traffic, safety and crime have been additional concerns – not voiced in official documents, but instead online – about what kinds of businesses are acceptable in Claremont. One online commenter, Ronald Scott, encouraged opponents of the 7-Eleven to promote a Famima!! convenience store in the same location. Described as “upscale” on Wikipedia, Famima!! is the Japanese company Family Mart’s attempt to expand into the American market. Scott could not be reached for comment. Both Sawhill and Marchant emphasized their unhappiness with the location of the proposed 7-Eleven, not with 7-Eleven in general. In fact, Marchant would have welcomed a 24hour convenience store in south Claremont, closer to his home. Sawhill remarked that neighbors had concerns about traffic at Mills and Foothill when the building had first been proposed and also that the building’s leasing agent had promised to try to lease the building to “the classiest of tenants.” While cities certainly have an interest in vetting local businesses, choosing one particular brand or business over another seems problematic. In particular, promoting an “upscale” or “classy” business over a more affordable one blatantly favors more affluent individuals and virtually guarantees that Claremont will remain an island of upper-class individuals surrounded by poorer and darker-skinned individuals, whom Claremont tries to ignore and exclude from our city. And, it isn’t in our interest as college students – particularly those of us on financial aid – to promote yet another expensive boutique offering goods out of many of our price ranges. The residents have a very compelling case, and the Port Side applauds their actions. Their safety concerns are well-reasoned and may end up saving lives. But the proposed 7-Eleven would have affected students too, for better or for worse. Where were the students in this conversation?
Immigration History 101 We are the real immigrants
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In practice, the treaty’s provisions failed to come true outside New Mexico. When white settlers rushed into Texas and California to take advantage of oil and the gold rush, the Mexicans became minorities. Stripped of their land and possessions, Mexicans received similar treatment as blacks in the post-slavery South with Jim Crow-type systems of discrimination. By the 20th century, Mexicans and Hispanics were treated like foreigners in a land they called home. The state of New Mexico took much longer than the rest of the former Mexican territory to gain statehood, largely because it is the only one that remained predominantly Mexican/Hispanic even after White settlers migrated into its borders. As now, individuals feared the large Hispanic (and Catholic) population’s influence on the multicultural state. Upon receiving statehood in 1912, the New Mexico constitution made both English and Spanish official languages. It also guaranteed equal rights and education to all New Mexicans regardless of language, religion, or race. Today, the state is very racially mixed and is demographically the only minority-ma-
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included all the modern states of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, Colorado, and Nevada, and parts of Oklahoma and Wyoming. When the first Americans (Texans) began to move into Mexican territory, they faced a liberal Perhaps the best place to look for a counimmigration policy that welcomed settlers terexample to Arizona is its neighbor to of non-Mexican and non-Spanish herithe east, New Mexico. The Spanish estage. In return, they declared their indetablished themselves in New Mexico long pendence and warred with their Mexican before the Pilgrims ever touched Plymhosts. They forced General Santa Ana to outh Rock. People of Spanish or Mexisign the Treaty of Velasco, which stripped can descent control of Texas arrived in the from Mexico, and continental By the 20th centu- also claimed territory U.S. and rootSouth to the Nueces ed their cul- r y, Mexicans and Hispanics River. ture into the were treated like foreigners in To gain all of the land as early as the 16th a land they called home. modern Southwest century. Long (including Claremont before Lewis and the rest of Califorand Clark ventured out to Oregon, exnia), President James K. Polk ordered Genplorer Francisco Vasquez de Coronado eral Zachary Taylor to travel into disputed led a Spanish expedition to the modern territory along the Rio Grande and provoke Southwestern U.S. in 1540. The cities of a Mexican attack. The Americans eventually Saint Augustine, Florida (1565) and Santa dominated the Mexican military and seized Fe, New Mexico (1608) have been around half its territory. for just as long or longer than the outposts we usually associate with the beginnings Most Americans have a skewed view of of America. For reference, Jamestown, this history – they believe this land was Virginia started up in 1607; the Pilgrims’ sparsely populated and wide open for Plymouth Colony was founded in 1620. many white settlers to rush into. They
typically forget, however, that over 80,000 Mexican citizens resided in the land the U.S. took over. Per the Treaty of Guadelupe Hidalgo, these Mexican citizens received American citizenship, continued to speak their native Spanish language freely, and continued to hold their land legally.
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On April 23, Arizona Governor Jan Brewer signed SB 1070 into law. While the bill marks the Arizona state government’s attempt to fight the problems of our nation’s broken immigration system, it problematically gives law enforcement the ability to racially profile. With over 10 million undocumented immigrants, mostly from Latin America, living in the United States and no uniform strategy for preventing illegal border-crossings, many Americans fear that Spanish-speaking immigrants are slowly taking over the nation; they seek to stop the invasion of illegal immigrants and drug cartels. While Washington must address comprehensive immigration reform, Arizona residents need only look to the east to see that Mexican and Spanish cultures have long been ingrained in American culture.
When Mexico gained its independence from Spain in 1810, the nation owned a vast territory of land that
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By Russell M. Page Cop y Editor, CMC ‘1 3
jority state. As the minority, and especially Hispanic, population continues to grow, the state’s demographic makeup is looking more and more like the future projections for America.
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groups (like the Irish, Polish, Chinese, Japanese, Africans, and many others) had been in the past, recent immigrants from Latin America have been met with hostility, nativism, and fear. Yet every immigrant group so far has contributed much to our nation’s culture; each generation of immigrants has built on the one before, and Latino culture has long been important part of our collective American identity. No question should arise as an No question should arise as to whether they belong in to whether they belong in our nation. our nation. They have just as much right as groups of who came before them to reach for the They have just as much right as groups immigrants American Dream.
New Mexico also has the largest Native American population left in the United States. Their presence is testament to their claims to the land. From the maof immigrants who came before them jestic pueblo ruins of The federal government must reform the immigration to reach for the American Dream. Chaco Canyon to the system to make the goal of legal immigration more atsite of Clovis Man tainable for the millions of immigrants with purely no(where humans lived ble goals in entering our nation. While we must make in Eastern New Mexico over 13,000 years ago), ancient ruins dot sure that the border is secure enough to protect the nation from the New Mexican landscape, clear proof that people have sought criminals and violence, we must not close ourselves off from the to pursue their version of the American Dream in the continengreat culture and contributions that Latino immigrants can bring. tal U.S. long before the Europeans got around to discovering and stealing the land for themselves. Really, when we think about it, from the perspective of those who were here first, we have all come to this country via some form of Many immigrants have gone back and forth across our borders illegal immigration. Who are we to try to stop the next group of looking for work and opportunities. Just as other immigrant future Americans from trying to pursue their dreams in this land?
Constructing Middle East Peace Amid political infighting, Israel may lose critical allies By Rachel Brody Staf f Writer, C MC ‘ 1 2 By now, political impasse and the IsraeliPalestinian conflict have become nearly synonymous. Israeli officials refuse to recognize Palestinian territories and object to imposing construction restrictions. The Palestinian Authority remains rigid in its demands for both an immediate settlement freeze in East Jerusalem and a promise to negotiate borders. Yet recent events in the region have created a particularly discouraging development in the road to peace. While the frustrations all too familiar to the Middle East conflict have caused friction between Israel and its American ally, tensions intensified during Vice President Joe Biden’s visit to Jerusalem in early March. In direct defiance of the Obama administration’s demands, Israel’s Interior Ministry announced its approval of Ramat Shlomo, a settlement of 1,600 new homes in East Jerusalem. Biden, who had visited to repage 6
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affirm American commitment to Israeli security, said he condemned the decision; Secretary of State Hilary Clinton described the announcement as an “affront” and an “insult” to the United States. President Obama was not happy either. Under the leadership of George Mitchell, U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East, his administration has pushed for a new dialogue between the Israelis and Palestinians. These “proximity talks” are the first in a series of “confidence-building steps” to reaffirm two-party discussions. But Israel’s continued dismissal of Palestinian demands, including a halt in settlements in Jerusalem, bodes poorly for future regional cooperation and may impede fruitful relations with the United States. When the news broke concerning Ramat Shlomo, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu attested he had only recently heard of the announcement. Indeed, Eli Yishai, the issuer of the recent settlement plans, is a
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member of a right-wing party both in opposition to Netanyahu and currently a part of Israel’s coalition government. While the governing parties have disagreed, Netanyahu has publicly declared his support for Jewish homes in East Jerusalem: “No government for the last 40 years has agreed to place restrictions on building in Jerusalem.” He should have added, “And neither will I,” because of his apparent unwillingness to stray from past precedent and comply with some Palestinian demands. Whether or not Netanyahu prompted the new settlement announcement coinciding with Biden’s visit, pushback from the Israeli government on this issue is overwhelming. Israel needs a serious attitude makeover; it must take a hard look at its place in the international community and consider whether its inflammatory actions merit devastating any plans for peace in the Middle East. Though Biden made clear American intentions to cooperate with Israel, the Obama administration’s patience is waning.
To begin, Israel should examine its own people. Though a majority of the population favors construction in East Jerusalem, a sizable minority advocates freezing settlements during negotiations. In a Dahaf Research Institute poll released just after Biden’s visit, 51% of Israelis objected to and 46% supported restrictions on building settlements. Despite the majority view, the public’s increasing support for Obama and increasing suspicion of Netanyahu and his policies, could eventually mean the adoption of a vital step in the peace process: the settlement freeze in East Jerusalem.
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This does not mean that the Palestinians are wholly innocent in either the settlement affair or violent conflicts in the occupied territories. As Shulman says, “None of this happened in a vacuum.” During the Second Intifada, the Palestinian uprising beginning in late 2000, Palestinian violence in East Jerusalem killed over 1,000 Israelis. Recently, Palestinian youth protesters demonstrated violently against Israeli riot police, and Hamas has continued to call for hostile action toward Israeli occupation in the West Bank and elsewhere. Yet despite violence and destruction on “the other” side, Shulman believes evidence of comparable violence makes a wobbly foundation on which to ground Israeli justifications for settlements. “So does it help me, as an Israeli,” he writes, “to be told – by Robert Bernstein in a New York Times oped – that, so far as human rights abuses are concerned, Israel’s record is considerably better than that of various neighboring ‘authoritarian regimes with appalling human rights records’? It does not.” The announcement of new settlements in East Jerusalem hit those working toward two-party talks hard. With continued disregard for human rights abuses and its seemingly never-ending campaign of land expropriation, Israel treads a fine line with its sparse allies. Whatever historical, geographical, or racial motivations drive continued expansion into occupied territories, Israel’s persistence may cost the U.S., the Palestinians, and its own people a chance for peace.
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When Shulman spoke at Claremont McKenna’s Athenaeum on April 27, his words undoubtedly ruffled a few feathers, but his assertions holds true. Israeli human rights organizations in the region, such as B’Tselem, have documented these abuses: discrimination in planning, building, and demolition of houses; unfairly revoking residency rights; and harming infrastructure in East Jerusalem through physical isolation from the remainder of the West Bank. In a statement on its website, the organization But the iscondemns current sues associNo matter the disagree- policies and maintains ated with continuing ments in motivation, violence on that “Israel’s policy gravely infringes the settlements both the Israeli and Palestinian rights of residents of span well beEast Jerusalem and yond thwart- sides is indisputable. flagrantly breaches ing American international law.” interests and According to B’Tselem, 289 Palestindisregarding the international community. ian residencies were revoked in 2007. No matter the disagreements in motivaIn response to B’Tselem’s inquiries, the tion, violence on both the Israeli and PalesMinistry of Interior justified revoking tinian sides is indisputable, and settlement residencies largely because these Palesbuilding has only intensified the severity of tinians had become citizens or permathe human rights situation.
nent residents of another country.
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Discontent with Israeli policies goes beyond the U.S. In the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel annexed East Jerusalem and imposed Israeli law. Nonetheless, the international community has continually refused to recognize the annexation and deems Jewish settlements in the region illegal. The European Union has publicly stated its opposition to increasing settlements in the West Bank. So have Russia and the United Nations, albeit in less concrete terms. Simply put, Israel is running out of countries to turn to for support.
David Shulman, author of Dark Hope and a professor of humanistic studies at the University of Jerusalem, has voiced his opposition to Israeli construction in East Jerusalem and Hebron, a city in the West Bank. In a recent issue of the New York Review of Books, Shulman wrote, “No one who regularly visits the Palestinian territories controlled by Israel has to speculate about whether or not Israel is engaged in the routine abuse of human rights.”
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But even with increasing Israeli support for President Obama, the two allies are diverging. General David Petraeus, Commander of the U.S. Central Command, has reported that stalled peace efforts are provoking antiAmerican feelings in the Middle East region. Obama echoed these concerns, telling Netanyahu that his actions threatened the security of U.S. troops in Iraq and Afghanistan: “That endangers us, and it endangers regional peace.”
PARSING POLITICAL PORNOS: By David A. Martinez Staf f Writer, C MC ‘ 1 1 Hustler’s erotic parody Who’s Nailin’ Paylin?: Adventures of a Hockey MILF begins with the ringing of the doorbell of what seems a miniature version of the White House set in Alaska. The protagonist, Serra Paylin, opens the door to reveal two uniformed soldiers who “have a flat tire” and need to borrow the phone to call “the Kremlin” – or, as they translate it for the clueless woman, the “towtruck” – to fix their broken USSR tanks. “In the spirit of foreign relations,” Paylin invites them in. After the required prelude to sex – an awkward conversation that includes a sexually charged knock-knock joke – Paylin begins fellating them, but only after bizarrely commenting that their penises “look germy.”
appearance by teaching her “new words that [she] can use to express [herself].” After failing to teach her the words “absolutely” and “definitely” (which Paylin turns into an emphatic “You betcha!”) or getting her to identify an obvious reference to Abraham Lincoln, the intern gives up and sends Paylin to bed. Paylin’s unnamed husband then comes out of hiding and reveals his affair with the intern to the audience.
Before the coitus begins, the man puts glasses on the intern and gets her to put her hair up so that she can resemble Paylin; in a pointed metatheatrical reference, Paylin’s husband highlights the fictional nature of the forthcoming pornographic performance by having the intern try to look like the protagonist, who is, in turn, a Sarah Palin look-alike. The construction of the male fantasy, however, does Except for the recognizable references to Sar- not end with the visual aspect of the encounah Palin’s foreign policy qualifications, which ter; he tells the intern to “say what [he likes] the press harshly criticized during the 2008 to hear,” thus adding an auditory component to the perforcampaign cycle, mance. In a the first scene of Nailin’ Paylin In a point of metatheatrical parody of political rhetoreads like many reference, Paylin’s husband highlights ric, the intern other pornographic films, at the fictional nature of the forthcoming promises flexibility, even if least at first sight; pornographic performance by having the she has to reit turns a mundane experience intern try to look like the protagonist. sort to “backdoor politics.” (helping strangUnsurprisingly, ers who have car troubles) into fertile ground for unfettered the scene features anal sex. The scene, which sexual fulfillment. One telling aspect that can ends with Paylin’s husband ejaculating on the help us understand the representation and fe- intern’s glasses, again consciously highlights tishization of the quintessential Hockey MILF, this crucial symbol at play. That Paylin wears however, is the inclusion of her glasses and the glasses at all times – even in the lesbian hairstyle as part of her publicly-constructed threesome finale – suggests that her persona persona from beginning to (literally) climatic would be incomplete without them. end in each of her scenes. What, then, is the larger symbolic cultural In the second scene, for example, an unnamed significance of Paylin’s glasses and hairdo? In female intern helps Paylin prep for a public the words of gender/film theorist Mary Ann
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Doane, the glasses often appear as one of several “signifiers of unattractiveness... one of the most intense visual clichés of the cinema.” Only when the woman sheds such signifiers of “[simultaneous] intellectuality and undesirability” in a dramatic and public way can she become objectified. In light of Doane’s theory, Paylin’s constructed persona embodies a paradox since it relies on the intellectual sign, the glasses, paired with infantilizing speech and mannerisms. An early episode of Arrested Development satirizes this cliché. In “Visiting Ours,” Michael entrusts Gob with discovering what incriminating information George Sr.’s former secretary, Kitty, holds about the Bluth Company. In an awkward storage closet scene, Kitty and Gob flirt – but before she can kiss him, and thus initiate the sexual encounter, he asks Kitty to remove her glasses. Kitty complies, revealing that she is cross-eyed. Repulsed, Gob asks her to let down her hair, hoping that her appearance will then conform to his (and society’s) standards of beauty. Her hair becomes a frizzy, lop-sided mess, a physical change that, again, does not please Gob. When Kitty refuses to put her hair back up, a defeated Gob turns off the lights so that he can conjure his perfect sexual partner where she can only exist: his imagination. Our conclusions about the cultural symbolic value of glasses in Nailin’ Paylin, of course, only hold true if we concede that pornographic films and other films have no fundamental differences. Some scholars refuse to make such a concession. Literary and film critic Magnus Ullén, for example, argues that “[t]o enjoy pornography, mere intellectual processing of the [cinematic] discourse is not enough: it calls for a mode of reading which involves the physical activity of the body as well.” By referencing the role of masturbation, Ullén differentiates pornography from
analytical approach to governors, glasses, and getting it on other films through its function, not its content. A movie with explicit sex, after all, does not fall automatically into the category of “pornography.” The acclaimed independent movies Shortbus and Y tu mamá también exemplify this fundamental distinction.
Shortbus, which has garnered a cult following from the LGBT community, explores the limitations of monogamous relationships and has gained notoriety because of its depiction of unsimulated sex. Jamie and James, a gay couple increasingly growing apart, decide to salvage their relationship by inviting a third partner. In one of the most recognizable scenes of the movie, Jamie and James take home a young ex-model, Ceth, so that they can have a threesome – the
first trial of their newly non-exclusive relationship. Silence and tension make Ceth uncomfortable, so he asks them to make noise. In an unexpected move, Jamie starts singing “The Star-Spangled Banner” and the other two men join in, Ceth by using James’s erect penis as a microphone. The ridiculousness of the song selection de-eroticizes the sex scene by introducing a comedic and humanizing element. Since the film’s main function is not to serve as a masturbatory aid, although it could and probably has, then we cannot label Shortbus as “pornographic.” Y tu mamá también, on the other hand, modified the archetypal road movie and introduced the dynamic Diego Luna / Gael García Bernal duo. A comingof-age film set right at the end of the 71-year rule of the Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party, the movie juxtaposes the budding sexuality of the two male leads with the societal ills that economic development and neo-liberal policies caused. In many instances, the omniscient narrator adds political context to events the boys experience but cannot fully explain or digest; in some sequences, the camera leaves the main characters and sets its own path in order to show the viewers what the over-privileged and over-drugged students are completely oblivious to. The film’s frank depiction of sex, including homosexual sex between the two best friends, highlights both the chasm between the characters’ supposed political attitudes and their actions and their detachment from reality; even though both boys say they fully support their friend who came out of
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the closet, they are so repulsed after having sex with each other that their friendship effectively ends after that drunken night. Given this drama brought about by internalized homophobia, Y tu mama también also fails to meet our working definition of pornography. Returning to our initial theme of political pornography, what can the blatant politicization of a small segment of our pornography tell us about our society? In all honesty, not much. Political pornography relates most closely to any other porno featuring a recognizable public figure or their look-alike. As mentioned before, pornography’s success lies largely in its presentation of the possibility of sexual fulfillment in everday situations. In other words, pornographic films strive to universalize the sexual experience so that the viewer can imagine him- or herself as part of the situation presented. The political pornography that we analyzed, on the other hand, works to maintain this individual and recognizable identity. In this sense, political pornography is not a new development in the ever-evolving world of porn but, rather, merely speaks to a market demand. After all, U.S. jurisprudence has always protected our right to consume pornography in the privacy of our homes. But political pornography seems not too different from typical iterations. How much more ironic can you get than an anti-climactic conclusion to an article on pornography? As far as we are concerned, like in life and sex, it’s the journey, not the destination, that counts.
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Bandwagon Activism
To thwart Metro expansion, “transit justice” group courts all
By Mark Munro Campus Editor, C MC ‘ 1 2 and Ashley Scott Il l ustrator, CM C ‘ 1 1 Glancing around the North Quad parking lot, one spots a slew of Audis and BMWs, a sprinkling of Range Rovers and Jeeps, and the rare beater. The Metrolink remains a viable alternative to driving into Los Angeles, but any student would scoff at the prospect of riding a bus through the sprawling city. This and other discrepancies have attracted the concern of Claremont for Transit Justice (CTJ), a Claremont College organization committed to opposing the rampant “transit racism” in Los Angeles. Lauren Rettig, a Scripps junior and one of CTJ’s five founding members, believes that “mass transportation is a basic right.” Her attraction to advocating for transit justice stems from its fusion of “racism, sexism, queer identity, environmentalism, classism, and many other intersections.” Currently, the group seeks to prevent the expansion of the Metro rail into areas near Claremont. According to the Metro Gold Line Foothill Extension Construction Authority, the project will “connect historic downtowns, revitalizing the established communities along the corridor” spanning from Pasadena to Montclair by 2014. A predicted one-way fare for the Gold Line remains $1.25, with monthly and weekly passes available. Yet the costs of transportation’s expansion has spread across the system to bus services and riders. Upon building a Gold Line rail extension to Pasadena in 2007, the Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) declared a budget-
ary crisis, subsequently eliminating monthly the multi-faceted nature of transit racism. unlimited-use passes and raising fares for bus “Those disadvantaged by the bus system in riders in inner-city LA. Several grassroots organizations filed a class action Those disadvantaged by the bus syslawsuit against the MTA under the NAACP Legal tem in LA are primarily black and brown... Defense Fund, alleging and of course, queer individuals are present. that the MTA’s actions violated the 1964 Civil — Lauren Rettig, SC ‘11 and founding Rights Act, which requires member of Claremont for Transit Justice public agencies receiving federal funding to allocate funds – including the $12 billion for the expansion – in a racially equi- LA are primarily black and brown,” she told table manner. the Port Side, adding that the queer community also faces discrimination. “Families using the This debate seems to center on the question buses are not the stereotypically ideal nuclear of bus versus train. Claremont for Transit kind, but rather families composed of single Justice argues that “bus, not Metrolink, fares parents, grandparents who are primary care that are being increased to raise funds for rail takers, and of course, queer individuals are expansion.” While the claim holds true, the or- present.” Nonetheless, the Gold Line is not ganization fails to acknowledge that Metrolink just limited to affluent people in Pasadena and the Metro Gold Line function as two and Claremont; rather, it also plans to serve separate entities under different management. working class communities of color, such as Moreover, the MTA justified its increase from Montclair, whose Hispanic population totaled $1.25 to $1.50 as a response to the economic 73% and had a median household income of recession, not to expansion. $40,797 during the 2000 Census. Claremont for Transit Justice contends that 85% of bus riders are racial minorities and that roughly 50% rail commuters are Caucasian. In addition, 65% of bus riders are women, many of whom bear the brunt of providing for a family. Considering that 65% of bus riders have yearly incomes under $15,000, any increase in bus fares compromises these individuals’ standards of living. Retting explained
Claremont for Transit Justice also endorses a campaign to build a mass transit system of clean-fuel buses with a network of bus-only lanes spread across the city’s freeways and major roads. Given this environmentallybased argument for the expansion of buses, the organization should also note that the rail expansion may have similar results. The Environmental Protection Agency predicts that the Metro Gold Line will reduce 126 tons of carbon monoxide per year. Despite concerns, the Gold Line is rolling full steam ahead. Students must ask themselves whether this oppressive rail line will actually subdue them. As tempting as it is to accuse the MTA of furthering the heteronormative agenda, the Gold Line appears more like “the little engine that could” than the “big bad wolf.”
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A Bad Romance
Why Google and China proved fundamentally incompatible
Claremont McKenna government professor Minxin Pei explains the essential incompatibility between the two entities. Even if Google were to remain in China, “the Chinese government would have constantly harassed Google and tried to limit its growth,” he said. “Beijing is very paranoid about having a Western, especially an American, firm that would dominate its Internet search market.” Pei’s analysis echoes the results of a survey conducted by the American Chamber of Commerce in China: a large proportion of American businesses operating in the Middle Kingdom claim they have received discriminatory or inconsistent treatment from authorities. According to Pei, these sentiments make sense. “Those in high-tech or media-related companies will likely experience greater difficulties in conducting business in China,” he said. “The Chinese government views these sectors as sensitive and important, and would like to impose as much control as possible.” Still, it is understandable why Google has invested so heavily in China in the past decade. According to its own estimates, China has 400 million Internet users, and, in recent years, Google has seen exponential growth in ad revenue from the Middle Kingdom – albeit from a small base. With such a huge pool of consumers, combined with 10% annual GDP growth and rising standards of living, China undoubtedly remains a huge business opportunity for all U.S.-based Internet giants. Google used such facts to justify censoring searches on its Chinese site to Americans and others who cried foul. Human rights are important, but one cannot expect a corporation to
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Nonetheless, while the noble idealism attributed to Google may be authentic, it fails to paint a complete picture. Google and China have their own reasons for conflict, and the recent spat represents the fallout of a complicated relationship. Though surprising in this globalized world, the Chinese government and Google have found doing business with each other mutually disadvantageous.
But this January’s China-based cyber attack on Google, resulting in the theft of intellectual property, altered the company’s perspective. Google makes money by encouraging people to invest more time and information on the Internet; this way, it can learn more about us and more frequently show us ads that we are increasingly likely to click on. For the system to work, however, Google must convince people that the Internet is a safe place to store personal information. The cyber attack, though not directly attributed to the government but reportedly aimed at the personal information of Chinese dissidents, counteracted Google’s essential promise of a safe and secure Internet. In addition, the circumstances of China’s own Internet industry have changed since the 1990s and early 2000s. China now has its own hugely successful Internet services to promote and protect. Youtube and Facebook are both blocked outright, allowing the respective equivalents, Youku and Renren, to flourish. This move is consistent with the preferential treatment China’s government has given to domestic firms over the years – insisting that foreign firms seeking to enter China engage in joint ventures with Chinese firms. It also helps explain the government’s cold indifference to Google’s withdrawal; to succeed in the Chinese mainland, businessmen interested in expanding must relentlessly court Chinese government officials to build the guanxi, or relationships, that form a critical part of China’s economy.
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The Western press has written much about Google and China’s recent falling out. Many have praised Google for taking a valiant stand for free expression in the face of China’s authoritarian government, and reports from Beijing have highlighted the wreaths and flowers that some Chinese have placed at Google’s China headquarters in protest.
forgo doing business in a country with so much economic potential just because of difficulties getting along with that country’s government.
Of greatest concern for the rest of us are the potential downsides of this fallout. Because of this and other incidents like GoDaddy.com’s withdrawal and the Rio Tinto arrests, the U.S. business community feels frozen out. At the same time, perhaps China has come to realize that they do not need to kowtow to the needs of American businesses as much as they used to. The world awaits the outcome of these new tensions.
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By Chris Eldred Sta f f Writer, CM C ‘ 1 1
From Aftershocks to Afterthoughts After 8.8-magnitude earthquake, Chileans recover and rebuild By Veronica Pugin In t er n at ion al Edit or, C M C ‘12
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In the middle of the night on February 27, Chileans awoke to an 8.8 earthquake. In its aftermath, Chile as a government, country, and nation has responded with high expectations and reconstruction. Millions have gathered food to send to victims, thousands of Chilean students have packed their bags to help rebuild, and Chilean musicians have dedicated songs to their country’s recovery. Chile’s political parties have exhibited commendable unity to address the crisis, and the international community has responded generously. This relief effort is commendable in itself, but in Chile’s case, it is especially so considering two factors: Chile is a recently developed country (considered the “South American tiger”) and, within less than two weeks of the earthquake, the country underwent a presidential transition. While one may wonder how Chile, a small country of 16.5 million people, has already managed to make significant strides toward reconstruction, the answers lie in four factors: Chile’s history with earthquakes, developed infrastructure, economic power, and national unity.
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Little by little, with ever yone volunteering , we will raise Chile up. Ever yone is helping somehow. Here in Chile, ever yone has a desire to help. — Juan Pablo Aguilera, Chilean college student To understand the magnitude of this earthquake, consider this: Haiti’s devastating 2010 earthquake had only a 7.0 magnitude; Chile’s earthquake is said to have shortened the day by 1.26 microseconds; and the resulting tsunami, which further damaged the Chilean coast, necessitated a warning sent to over 25 countries, according to the National Weather Service’s Pacific Tsunami Warning Center. La Tercera, one of Chile’s nationally acclaimed news sources, reported that the earthquake and the tsunami caused 486 deaths, damaged 500,000 homes, and impacted two million Chileans. Chile’s Maule Region, south of the capital city of Santiago, was affected worst. p a g e 12
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The disasters crumbled buildings, split roads, damaged ports, cracked the runways of the newly built Santiago international airport, and collapsed crucial bridges connecting the north and south of the country. Aftershocks continue to terrify the public. Compared to Chile’s 9.5-magnitude Valdivia earthquake in 1960, this year’s earthquake caused less damage and pain to the nation. In that disaster, an estimated 6,000 lives and three to five billion of today’s U.S. dollars were lost. Dr. Ivan Videla, who ran the main hospital handling this catastrophe, explained the country’s newfound preparedness. “Fifty years later, Chile was much more prepared to handle this earthquake,” he told the Port Side. “Our buildings, leaders, financials, and the Chilean people were prepared.” A key part of this preparedness included the strengthening of infrastructure. In the 40 years since Valdivia, Chile has developed a stable system to allow for the free movement of the country’s main products: copper, fruit, fish, and wine. Therefore, despite the devastation, Chile still had a decent roadway system to transport supplies and dispatch emergency aid groups the day after the earthquake. Moreover, the current administration’s four-phase rebuilding campaign should return damaged infrastructure to stable conditions within the next three to four years. Chile’s strong economy is by far one of the main components behind the country’s resilience. Since the 1980s, Chile has seen a significant rise in economic performance and development. As the largest copper exporter in the world, Chile has brokered trade agreements with China – and when the price of copper increased rapidly in 2006, the Chilean government capitalized significantly on these deals. Andres Velasco, Chile’s 2006-2010 Finance Minister, strategically placed these extra funds into a reserve amounting to 30% of Chile’s GDP. As a result, Chile has barely suffered from the global financial crisis. And, unlike many other Latin American governments, Chile is not marred in debt and can spend resources on reconstruction efforts. Bolstered by economic stability, the Chilean people have assumed a strong sense of national unity and responsibility. For better or worse, the Chilean people take much pride in the ability to help themselves. Many victims interviewed on Chile’s TVN News ex-
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Despite these strengths, many challenges lie ahead. Just as the U.S. has yet to recover fully from Hurricane Katrina, years will
pass before Chile can overcome this catastrophe. Yet the nation does have a sturdy toolkit to address the issue. The economy should bounce back up within six months of the natural disaster, and S&P asserts that the earthquake will not negatively affect Chile’s credit. As efforts have moved from rescue missions to rebuilding missions, the national attitude remains positive. Aguilera explains, “People at times feel like it’s a lot because there is so much rebuilding to be done, but there is so much hope and optivolumeVII issue4
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mism that Chile will recover.” With continuous aftershocks, thousands of victims have lost their homes. There are, again, half a million homes that need to be rebuilt, and CNN estimates that the damage will cost $30 billion. Check out the Arriba Chile (Rise Up Chile) website to learn about an organization at the forefront of the student movement for reconstruction. Note: All quotations were translated from Spanish.
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Chileans have succeeded in all these fronts while undergoing a presidential change. On March 11, former President Michelle Bachelet passed on her title to Sebastián Piñera. The recovery process is a key concern for the new administration, and Piñera, a former businessman, has rallied both the public and private sectors toward the rebuilding efforts. In fact, he was actively addressing reconstruction efforts right before his inauguration, during which a strong aftershock hit the Chilean Congress building.
The 8.8-magnitude earthquake this February affected Chile’s Maule region, south of the capital city of Santiago, worst.
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The self-initiated Chilean student movement has also proven phenomenal. College students have organized bus trips to help rebuild the most damaged coastal cities, and thousands spent the equivalent of their spring break assisting. In an interview with the Port Side, Juan Pablo Aguilera, a student at Federico Santa María Technical University (the Chilean equivalent of MIT), exuded this sense of unity and student commitment. “Little by little, with everyone volunteering, we will raise Chile up,” he said. “Everyone is helping somehow. Here in Chile, everyone has a desire to help.” After spending his spring break in Pelluhue, Aguilera returned to the site a couple weeks later for Easter, this time bringing 250 more students from his school. “There is no problem getting students involved,” he added. “It is almost as if no one wants to be left out of rebuilding Chile.”
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pressed diligence, noting their sole desires to work and overcome this situation. The Chilean society’s extreme unity and absence of internal tensions also manifests itself in slogans commonplace in this recovery and reconstruction campaign: “Support for the Chilean family,” “Stand up Chile,” and “Chile will be stronger than before.” Echoing these sentiments, donations have abounded. Organized by the Chilean government and NGOs, the 24-hour “Chile Ayuda a Chile” (“Chile Helps Chile”) fundraising telethon far exceeded its initial goal of raising 15 billion pesos ($29 million) and hit the 46 billion peso ($90 million) mark. According to La Tercera, 44% of these funds came from the public and 56% came from Chilean businesses.
Taxation Without Representation Revolutionary struggles remain an issue for D.C. residents By Jonathan O. Hirsch Web Edit or, C MC ‘ 1 2
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In early April, resident assistants and residence hall staff provided Claremont students with United States Census forms asking for demographic information and living arrangements. By April 15, you (or your parents) submitted your income tax returns. We all probably also saw television, print and online ads encouraging us to fill out the forms – and stunts from politicians from both sides of the aisle expressing their well-intentioned hopes for the results. In reality, the Census is used to apportion representation in the House of Representatives, as well to disburse some of those income taxes. Like all of us in Claremont, residents of Washington, D.C. submitted both forms; unlike ours, however, D.C.’s answers will have no effect on apportionment. Why? Because D.C. has no Congressional representation.
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D.C.’s lack of representation is an injustice written into our Constitution. Article I Section 3 states that “representatives... shall be apportioned among the several States” but makes no provision for representation of the “District... as may... become the seat of the government of the United States.” The Founders did not intend for Congressional representation of D.C. because they did not envision the capital to become today’s bustling metropolis home to hundreds of thousands of citizens. Instead, they assumed that most occupants would vote in their home states and travel to the capital strictly for official business. D.C. voting advocates have tried several methods to gain representation. D.C.’s license plates cry out the famous phrase from the American Revolution, “taxation without representation,” and Eleanor Holmes Norton, the District’s non-voting delegate to the House promotes her cause anywhere from C-SPAN to The Daily Show. Since Democrats assumed the majority, Congress has made annual efforts to give D.C. a vote in the house by statute. p a g e 14
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The proposed statute would expand the House to 437 members, granting one of the two newly created seats to D.C. (under Congress’s absolute authority over all matters relating to the District) and allocating the second seat according to the standard apportionment process. While debate as to this proposal’s constitutionality ensues, the bill has consistently failed to pass; Republicans either filibuster or attach a poison pill amendment to repeal all gun legislation in D.C., thus making the bill unpalatable to Democrats and D.C. officials. The only surefire way to correct the injustice of D.C. residents who pay taxes, serve in our military, and otherwise exercise all of the rights and responsibilities of U.S. citizenship not having a representative in Congress is to amend the Constitution. The 23rd Amendment provides a blueprint for a D.C. Vote Amendment. By granting D.C. state representation, this amendment would result in an expansion of the Senate to 102 members and would cost at least one state some representation unless Congress separately expanded the House. Such a proposal would draw widespread support from D.C. residents. According to a recent Washington Post poll, over 80% of Washingtonians in each of the city’s four quadrants support federal representation, and a majority of citizens nationwide do as well. Critics argue that a small city like D.C. does not deserve two Senators and that this amendment would give disproportionate power to what amounts to a municipality. While these concerns makes sense, nobody suggests that Wyoming, whose population is even less, should lose its representation for being “too small.” Furthermore, the bicameral nature of our legislative branch assumes that some states will have disproportionate impact in one but not both houses. Given its size, D.C. could never amass significant representation in the House. While others argue that D.C. should simply become a state, this is highly unfeasible; a D.C. “state government” could never have truly sovereignty in a jurisdiction overwhelmed by the Federal Government. Similarly, those who suggest retrocession of the District to Maryland ignore the fact that the two entities are distinct, and neither D.C. nor Maryland seeks a union with the other. Making D.C. part of Maryland would prove as ludicrous as making Connecticut part of New York. Because this issue affects only about 600,000 Americans, it does not draw the kind of attention that proposals like the Federal Marriage Amendment do. But it is a grand injustice, of the same type that invigorated the Founders, and it can only be remedied when people across the country understand it and care enough to fix it.
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“Move Your Money” Hits Potholes
Accordingly, the organizers of “Move Your Money” argue that Americans should not rely on Congress to fix the economic crisis and instead should invest in community banks that promote a stable and people-oriented approach. They promote a personal solution where people take their money from the biggest banks and invest it in local ones, thereby promoting the interests of their local communities. But even with a coordinated plan, will this model work for state governments?
Claremont McKenna economics professor Eric Helland sees a few potentially problematic issues states could face when moving state funds to community banks, particularly that community banks may not have the capacity to support state funds. According to Helland, California “started paying with IOUs several months ago,” with poor results. “Several large banks essentially floated the state, or rather state employees who banked with them, a loan by honoring the IOUs as cash,” he said. “Community Several states are considering the switch. banks lacked the resources to do this.” The Earlier in the year, Brian Egolf, a New implication, of course, is that states have a Mexico state representative, introduced lot of capital – and business interests necesHouse Bill 66 to create a preference for sarily need large, holding state funds national banks in community with significant banks and credit Instead of making things unions, where $5 funds and lines of interest to ac- easier for the states, it may bog them million would be complish their immediately. down with severe bureaucratic costs moved objectives. The bill also introduces a temporary and logistical problems. Yet for propoprovisional study nents of “Move for determining the Your Money,” frustration about the failfeasibility of dividing state funds between ures and subsequent bailouts of large community banks and credit unions to enbanks may overshadow these concerns. sure that state money benefits New MexLarge government loans to big banks – ico residents. Though the bill passed the like the government’s January 2009 bailNew Mexico House unanimously, it failed out to Bank of America with $20 billion to reach a vote on the Senate floor in the in aid and a $118 billion guarantee against last hours of the session. In his “Special bad assets – have angered citizens who Session Updates,” Egolf says that he was volumeVII issue4
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“deeply disappointed the bill did not pass but will certainly reintroduce it in future sessions if [he] is reelected to the house.” Without future time constraints on the session, the bill may have a good chance of passing. The Maryland state legislature is considering a similar bill, which would give state banks and credit unions preference in their bids to serve state agencies. According to Representative William Frick’s office, this bill intends both to protect consumers from the abusive lending practices of federally-chartered banks and to create jobs for Maryland residents. According to Frick’s press statement, “When the state sends its deposits or business to local community banks, those dollars are reinvested in small business loans, which are essential to restarting the Maryland economy and putting our fellow citizens to work.” So far, the state’s Senate has taken no action on the bill. Despite these attempts, Helland says he would be surprised “if most community banks could handle state banking needs because of some serious coordination costs for the state.” Instead of making things easier for the states, it may bog them down with severe bureaucratic costs and the logistical problems associated with moving large sums of money among smaller banks. These potential problems may hamper states’ efforts to devise their own versions of the “Move Your Money” campaign. The Huffington Post’s individually-based model may prove a much more viable option for grassroots banking reform.
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Largely fueled by the Huffington Post’s Arianna Huffington and Rob Johnson, the “Move Your Money” campaign has gained steam across the country as many Americans have lost faith in the ability of big national banks to protect their money and promote economic growth within their communities. The campaign, which asks individuals to move their funds out of large, national, bailed-out banks into smaller, more local banks and credit unions, has even attracted the attention of state legislators throughout the country.
felt their tax dollars were working not for them but rather for bank shareholders. Further exacerbating concerns, these banks subsequently cut lending to businesses by $100 billion, thus making national banks far less accessible to the average citizen.
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By Max Schiller Con tr ibuting Writer, C MC ‘ 1 1
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Switching to small banks could hurt states
Beautiful, Dirty, Rich?
Senior calls for attitude change the plank By David Nahmias International Editor Emeritus, CMC ‘10 I love CMC. As I reflect on my four years, I remember the thought-provoking conversations in my classes, the close relationships with professors and students, an assortment of grueling yet entertaining nights with my thesis-deranged peers in Poppa computer lab, and most of all, the thrill of walking around campus at all hours (Tuesday morning or Saturday night) and knowing almost everyone I run into. I felt gratified and pleased to see that The Daily Beast agrees that Claremont McKenna is the happiest college in America. So it pains me to see some of my classmates manifest their pride in CMC by taking for granted some of the unparalleled gifts our school provides us. One Saturday night heading up to Harvey Mudd for dinner, I stumbled upon the remnants of the previous night’s fun in Boswell Lounge. While the panorama of chain-link fencing collapsed on the grass and the red cups strewn about provoked one of my friends to hyperbole – joking about Fallujah being here in North Quad – the glaring fact remained that no one had felt the urge to clean it. Red cups litter our campus like weeds some Sunday mornings, and many of us expect the maintenance service to clear up our mess. Some students even have the audacity to suggest that they have no reason to clean up after themselves at all – isn’t that why we pay our grounds staff in the first place? Yet there remains a difference between employing diligent housekeepers to vacuum our common rooms, mop our bathrooms, and even dust our rooms every other week, and demanding that they “pick up our toys” (Natty Ice cans and ping pong balls) like our mothers and fathers.
arts college. Ours isn’t an isolated case among our peers (I guarantee that our neighbors on the other side of Sixth Street have the same problem). But beyond that, the school lacks effective punishment for those few students who make a mess for the rest of us. What repercussions do we perceive for our actions? If we can get away with acting stupidly, then why not? As long as we feel no recourse, we have no motivation to change our habits.
... but pick up your red cups!
This year, students caused an uproar upon discovering that the Ath had cancelled Madrigals. Calling off one of the few events that our young school could call a tradition seemed like a slap in the face for no apparent reason. While the reasons behind canceling Madrigals this year are varied and encompass far more than a single incident, we must acknowledge that student behavior was consistently unacceptable. Madrigals was a privilege, not an entitlement, and we should respect the tradition as such. We are not entitled to show up at the Athenaeum already tanked and then puke on the tablecloths or all over the bathroom. These actions came from only a few, but the consequences affected the whole community.
Maybe the Ath should make an explicit ban on granting entrance to visibly intoxicated persons. But should the Ath become the Madrigals police, or can we trust students to police one another? I hope the latter is possible, but, otherwise, strict guidelines must be enacted to punish those few students who take advantage of an easy situation to Why do we feel so entitled to everything get drunk and make awful decisions. If it CMC gives us? I attribute part of it to the must fall to the administration, then let it. simple fact that we are ensconced in the Let’s keep a tradition alive, but let’s rememsafe, closed environment of an elite liberal ber why it’s a tradition in the first place – the p a g e 16 | m a y 10 | c l a r e m o n t p o r t s i d e . c o m | v o l u m e V I I i s s u e 4
Madrigal dinner was never meant as another excuse to pre-game. Make no mistake: I am not advocating for a crackdown on the alcohol policy. The administration wants to treat us like adults, which is more than I can say about many colleges around the country. So let’s accept the responsibility implicit in this treatment. One friend has remarked to me that the only offenses that receive ample punishment at this school are plagiarism and academic dishonesty, because Elizabeth Morgan is in charge. Yet she is one of students’ favorite administrators on campus; according to the t-shirts, she’s our “homegirl.” What distinguishes her is her efficiency, undivided primary attention to students, and her firm but fair demeanor. Students respect her, and, presumably, they respect what she stands for. So why can’t we respect other aspects of the school? ASCMC should not have to run up a $30,000 tab because we can’t hold it together near windows. We need to appreciate our incredible privileges (not “rights”) and, as a community, remind those students who ignore this distinction. The Dean of Students Office could also add a few more sticks to its arsenal of carrots. As our year closes, and some of us say goodbye to our home here at “Club Med College,” let’s reflect on what we can do to ensure that this unique environment can thrive and that its residents, present and future, can all enjoy it.