Mn'M2013 collection of paper by International Keio Institute for Architecture and Urbanism MnM

15-17. 11. 2013 + future urban intensities @Keio University Hiyoshi & Yagami Campus

COLLECTION of PAPERS

Contents:

Alternating Boundaries: Planning the Unplanned

Apiradee Kasemsook and Nuttinee Karnchanaporn

Urban Moodscapes: Feelings, Spaces, and Attunement

Ben Highmore

From Laissez-faire to Noblesse Obligé? Tokyo's New Corporate Place-Making Paradigm

Christian Dimmer

Some thoughts about plots. A case for Sustainable Urbanism based on plot-based development

David Sim

Urban intensities of Reuse & Creative Milieu

Davisi Boontharm

The Scream, the Shadow and the Mirror

Darko Radović

Understanding Vernacular Landscapes as Spatialities and Temporalities of Urban Intensities

Heide Imai

Exploring public-private-space interfaces in 3d Hong Kong and Tokyo

Hendrik Tieben

Measuring a Hierarchical Structure of the Shape of a Contour Figure by using a Crystalline Flow

Hidekata Hontani

Edges of Intensity: Redesigning the Urban Block

Jorge Almazán

Exercises in Urban Reconnaissance. An attempt at a rhythmanalytical approach to the urban

Lorenzo Tripodi

The intensity of the small and the production of smallness in the urban character of Nezu and Sendagi

Milica Muminović

Intensity without Density. Intensity in a low density European context. The case of Lille

Oriol Clos

In praise of Grotesque Urbanities: Decoding [De]formative Forces within Tokyo

Rafael A. Balboa and Ilze Paklone

‘Invisible private’ to trigger public Ryoko Iwase

Measurable and non-Measurable Intensities

Satoshi Honda

Design Derive

Satoshi Sano

Classification and Visualization of Road Environments Using Cepstral Analysis

Takami Miyagi and Seiichiro Katsura

The (re)production of (multiple) commercial ‘intensities’ in the cultural interstices of “most visited” Bangkok and “most liveable ” Melbourne

Sidh Sintusingha

Rythmical, Dizzying, or Boring Street: Frequency Analysis to Townscape Impression

100

Takahiro Yakoh

Factor Analysis of Well-Being and its Application to Community Design

106

Takashi Maeno, Masao Saeki and Yui Shinoda

Future urban intensities / Temporality

110

Takumi Saikawa

Mapping of the Body/ Direct Environment as a Representation of the City

114

Tamao Hashimoto

Rural Airborne Radiation Monitoring by Unmanned Aerial Vehicle

119

Tomoyuki Furutani, Kei Uehara, Kazunori Tanji, Masaki Usami and Toshihiko Asano

Measuring intangible values in urban heritage conservation a case of Bangkok

125

Wimonrart Issarathumnoon

The Practice, Rhythm, and Intensity of Everyday (Night)life: Perspectives from Singapore

132

Yeo Su-Jan and Heng Chye Kiang

Participatory intensity

144

Zoran Djukanović, Jelena Živković

Consideration of relationship between the scale and the building In case of some built projects Toshiki Meijo

151

Alternating Boundaries: Planning the Unplanned Apiradee Kasemsook and Nuttinee Karnchanaporn Silpakorn University and Kung Mongkutâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s University of Technology Thonburi Abstract Urban areas are complex, no less than the individual who makes up the urbanity. This article proposes the ways in which the future urban areas of the developing countries can be dealt with based on the UN forecast of the approximated 5 billions population living in urban areas of the developing countries (Guardian, 2011). With limited land resources, should the boundary defining the public and the private space be reexamined through the concept of shared space and temporary use of public space to accommodate the acceleration of the density of buildings and the intensity of living? The examples presented here are compiled from Bangkok, a city of a developing countries. These examples, anecdotal they may seem, are the attempts to try to present the already existed alternating boundaries between the public and the private space, i..e, domesticity vs urbanity. It is hope that these will give some clues to the future urban living, which will benefit from the knowledge of the future urban intensity of the alternating boundaries. Keywords: Public space, Private space, Domesticity, Urbanity, Bangkok Introduction Urban areas are complex, no less than the individual who makes up the urbanity. According to the UN, the World population in 2050 will be more than 9 billion. Of these, the situations are different between the developed and developing countries. The former will have a slightly increase population and then decline. The latter will have the exorbitant increase of population, from 5.6 billions in 2009 to 7.9 billions in 2050 (UN, 2009). Of all these population, almost three-quarter will live in urban areas (Guardian, 2011). For the developing country, the scenario will be both of horizontal and vertical increases of urban areas. Either one, the density of the buildings and the intensity of the living will escalate. The push and pull for the public and private spaces with acceptable environment and life quality outcomes will be the central debate, as it has always been, but more intensified. However, this escalation will create a much sharper juxtaposition between the public and the private space. A reinvestigation on the boundary between them is unavoidable. Might the boundary between them be even more difficult to define than the existing situation? Or, might there not be a boundary at all that is domesticity and urbanity are intertwined or overlapped, to some certain extent? If so, what should be the ways in which domesticity extended to the urbanity, and vice versa? Could the concept of sharing space and temporary use of physical public space be reexamined to give some indication that the domesticity and urbanity may be able to coexist with less conflict? If so, what might be the extent to which the personification of the domesticity allowed and retracted within the public space, and vice versa? Background In trying to form a critical view through some existing examples which might answer the questions posed above, a background for the proposed framework is given here. It consists of two concepts which have, to some extent, a similar approach to spatial usage. One is the shared spaces. Another is the contemporary uses of public space. Both have been discussed for some time now and gained recognition for urban strategy in the past few years. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Shared spaceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; can be divided into a building and an urban scale. For the building scale, the open plan of vernacular architecture or low cost housing, and the hot desks system of offices are two of the existing examples. For the open plan, it is quite common to find that bedding, living and dinning take place in the same area. The space is fixed as well as the users who usually are of the same group. However, the uses or activities are not fixed; they change through times although the timetable as a whole can be seen as another fixed element. The creation for this type of shared space can be of self

sufficiency due to limited resources or labour as in the case of vernacular architecture or of economics pressure as in the case of low cost housing, i.e., unaffordability for bigger area or segregated spaces. To a lesser degree, the hot desks system has fixed desks, but alternated users and time. Officers workers alternate the use of the desks through the time. It is viewed as a suitable system for a more flexible office or organisation, i.e, flexible working hours and working places. Co-working and colocation are the extension of this system to cover independent workers, i.e., freelancers, or more than one organisation to share working space (Center for Social Innovation, 2010). For this system, the time table as a whole are less fixed than that of the domestic arrangement; everyday can be different from the other days. Therefore, certain elements of spatial and time management have to be put in place to guarantee a smooth operation. For the urban scale, ‘shared space’ had been proposed in fields of urban design, traffic engineering and road safety for 30 years already (Clark, 2006; Hamilton-Bailie, 2008; Barter, 2009). The key idea is to put context into the centre where everyone who uses the same physical public spaces, i.e., streets and sidewalk, has to be attentive and engage with the surrounding environment. By taking out the tools for motor movement advantage, such as lighting, some types of signage, curb side, etc., from the streets and intersections motorists, cyclists and pedestrians have to renegotiate their uses of the same physical space with more care. Arguments are made for the applicability of this approach on street types and automobile speed, i.e., not for arterial road and within speed limit of 30 km/h (Methrost et al. 2007). Nevertheless, the philosophy of shared space in urban scale suggests that by taking away the ownership of the public spaces from the users, the focuses of the public space uses are on the integration and negotiation instead of the segregation; everyone has to be aware of everyone and one’s use of public spaces. ‘Temporary use of public space’ is a movement with a record of its emergence from the European and North American contexts in the past decade (Haydn and Temel, 2006). The theoretical view behind the movement is to oppose the mono-functional plan of the 20th century which separated uses and spaces as it is unpractical, neither for the 21st century cities, nor having been for the 19th century ones (Kohoutek and Kamleithner, 2006). It takes the cue from the Situationist towards the modernist city by opposing the master plan in an attempt to rearrange the ‘politics of privileged space’ by encouraging people to constructed their own social topography (Ronneberger, 2006). There exists a spatial disparity within the city; spatial usage of the upper classes is permanent, while that of the lower class is temporary. Providing that social uses and activities need space not over the long term, i.e., making them temporary, and as a result society does not provide space for them, to propose the programmatic concept of temporary uses for whatever available space, i.e., vacant building or lot, will eliminate the spatial disparity for some period. Utilisation cycles of available spaces for temporary uses are encouraged. As such, ‘the social relationship in the triangle of property, possession and right of use is redefined’ (Kohoutek and Kamleithner, 2006). By far, temporary uses are of art and cultural events, but everyday urbanism, i.e., legal or illegal uses and activities, should be more considered. It should be aware that available space and location may restrict the scope of uses and activities. The tactic for temporary uses is an appropriation of available space for some period. To do so, a community, real or imagine, is working behind the process through negotiation. The space and its boundaries will have to be redefined, categorised or subdivided for public uses. Partial public space for interpersonal interaction can be established within the public space of the appropriation. Planning an interchangeable programming is a challenge for temporary uses. Nevertheless, disregarding the scale and size, temporary uses can be an effective tool for empowering the entire neighbourhood and contribute to bottom-up planning instruments (Haydn and Temel, 2006). To summarise, the interior ‘shared-space’ concept provides information on how management can minimised the extent of space provision. Limited spaces can be shared among the similar group of people, professions and organisations. The fixed space is liberated by the alternated time, and a new type of community can be constructed. The urban ‘shared-space’ concept, meanwhile, eliminates the segregation of public spaces and takes away the ownership of public spaces. By doing so, it increases the awareness of, puts the risk into and creates the negotiations with the context for all the possible uses. The concept of ‘temporary use of public space’ suggests that multi-function is the nature of urbanity even if it occurs temporarily, particularly the social uses and activities. To propose

the social temporary uses, boundaries of the public and private spaces, the ownership and the right of uses of the appropriated buildings, lots or public spaces themselves have to be redefined and renegotiated. Within the process, powerful impacts on entire neighbourhood can occur, and itself contributes to be a planing instrument. The Framework The framework is set from two issues: the context of the developing country, and particularly Bangkok as the site for the investigation; and, the background ideas from the concept of ‘shared space’ and ‘temporary use of public space.’ For the future urban of the cities in the developing countries, the situation are: urban density is high; urban areas are overcrowded from buildings and from people leading to living intensity in the negative way; and, urban space is limited. Vacancy for buildings or lots might be rare, though possible. In the case of Bangkok, the city’s master plan is still intact and difficult to alter. However, mixed- or multiuses are recognised and accepted. Some intensive uses at particular locations are initiated, i.e., gaining FAR by being developed near the infrastructure lines — mass transits. Building codes and regulations seem to be the available tool to encourage temporary uses. The extent to which the concept of ‘shared space’ and ‘temporary use of public space’ is applied here are followed: - Initiating the temporary uses is encourage. However, the priority for uses and users should be drawn as of the interior ‘shared space’ of living or co-working indicates. Participants should be from the nearby neighbourhoods, if possible, for management purposes. - Programme of the temporary uses should emerge from the negotiation in relation to the context. Everyone must be aware of the environment and manages risk individually, particularly those who use the space temporarily. - The most critical aspect is that the initiative has to be based from the ‘design point of view’ with the assistance from the planning: ‘planning the unplanned.’ A designer should understand what types of temporary uses can possible occur if certain types of space are provided. S/he can design a physical space for that temporality of social uses and activities to happen with intertwining to the building surrounding as a whole. S/he can foresee the extent to which and the ways in which his/her designed space or building will respond or react to the predicted temporary uses. - The planning body can initiate the incentive for private projects that provide the physical space for the occurring to temporary public space uses. Similarly, buildings codes and regulations should be able to be amended for both public and private gain. In so doing, they protect the property, right of possession and right of uses. - Time management is important. For it can help subdue spatial disparity through the permission for temporary public uses in the private spaces. - It is possible that the provided space can be unavailable for some time. The programme and negotiation can help sort out this availability and unavailability. - Application for temporary uses and space provision differs from various contexts depending on the acceptable degrees of urban density and intensity for every context. Examples and proposals Examples and proposals are selected and drawn from the framework, with Bangkok being the urban context. They consist of three types based on the scales, conditions and local contexts. L: Community mall at the urban edge In the past decade, Bangkok has witnessed an extraordinary increase of gated communities, horizontally and vertically. The one discussed here is the horizontal expansion of the gated communities. As commonly spreading throughout the urban edges, the gated housing estates replace the local existing neighbourhoods. Following their expansions is the community mall development with eateries and supermarkets. The local on the other hand are served by the fresh markets or weekend markets. Although the urban edges and the gated communities may have low density than the city centre, it does not guarantee that social spaces for temporary uses are provided. Besides, the community malls

are the private development projects for public uses which may or may not intend to be for social uses. Public uses here are for profitability, whereas social uses may not. The proposal is to initiate an incentive through planning. This means to encourage the private developers to provide some spaces for temporary social uses that may not be profitable but can netting the community between the existing local and the new comers of the gated communities. Designer, on the other hand, have to understand the different lifestyles to coexist, and provide space for this coexistence. The open space of the malls can transform to be the social space for temporary uses. If this is the case, the private property permit the public the right for a civil society (Figure 1).

Figure 1: A community mall at the Western edge of Bangkok with potential spaces for social temporary uses At this level, the impact scale can extend to the entire city. A new shopping complex, Asiatique, has just opened in Bangkok two years ago. The signification of Asiatique is that it is the privately developed project for the public uses of the riverscape, which is a rarity in Bangkok. Most of the riverside areas are privately own. Riverside public spaces provided by the city are so few and quite far apart. Nevertheless, the public space of Asiatique, by far, are similar to any other community mall: not intended for temporary social uses. M: Open space of some types of gated communities In the city centre, the situation is different from that of the edges: clustering with high-rise buildings and high density areas. The proposed sites are of two types: those between the high-rise buildings, and the neglected sites of the old neighbourhoods. Building codes and regulations required the highrise condominium to have an open space of 30 percents of the plot area, including the green space and the hardscape. Due to the common height and total areas, the building walls must be set back more than 6.00 meters from all siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s perimeters. If the plot has more than one building, distances between two buildings must not be less than 9.00 meters. As the residential neighbourhoods of Bangkok are of low height but high density, the height and clustering of the condominiums are so contrast to the existing condition. Besides, the condominium complex are walled with two checked gates, the plotâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main entrance and the reception entrance. The proposal is to encourage the permission to use ground floor open space surrounded the buildings for temporary public uses, public in the sense of both the public uses of the condominium residents and the neighbourhood residents (Figure 2). Typical old neighbourhood in Bangkok consists of a Buddhist temple or two. Every temple has a forecourt for religion purposes and events. These events are not occurring every month. As a result, majority of the forecourts of the temples have been turned into parking lots, a use most suitable for Bangkok due to its severe traffic jam and a lack of comprehensive mass transit system. The proposal is to take this forecourt to be the site of the social temporary uses with a well manageable programme and design to suit most of the uses (Figure 3).

Figure 2: An open space between two condominium in Bangkok proposed as the site for temporary uses, with the background of the surrounding neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s building

Figure 3: A forecourt of a Buddhist temple of Vietnamese sect proposed as the site for temporary uses instead of a parking lot Not all complex will willing to yield for this permission. Again, assurance on security and management can help, plus some push incentive from the city authority. Designers of the complex and the temple themselves will have more concern with the spatial and programatic design to serve all prospect users. The open spaces of different types of private properties are able to be transformed for the public and social temporary activities. S: Corner plot of the shophouse Walking along the streets in Bangkok, one finds rows of shophouses almost everywhere. Internally, trade is usually conducted on the ground floor and residency takes place on the above floors. A closer look at the shophouses displays that there are some degrees of arrangements at their shopfront. Some shopfront are highly elaborated, while the other are not. Some are for commercial assistance, while the other are for leisure provision, i.e., plants and stools. What is common is that shopfronts can be used for social as well as commercial activities from other parties. According to building codes and regulations, shophousesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; front must be set back to 2.00 meters from plot line facing the street. The corner shophouse has another applied code. Without an opening, the wall on the corner side can be set back at 1.00 meter from the plot line (Figure 4a). With an opening, the wall on corner side has to be set back more than 2.00 meters for the ground and the second floor from the plot line (Figure 4b), while for the third floor or higher floor, the wall must be set back to 3.00 meters. A proposal here is: if the ground on the corner side of the shophouse is provided for temporary public uses, the wall of the above floors can be extended to the 1.00 meter set back distance from the plot line (Figure 4c). By doing that, the ownership of the land still belong to the corner shophouse. The shophouse itself can gain the extra area on each floor while it is able to have the opening for natural ventilation and light. The public will have the space for their temporary uses. Obviously, time management, selection of the uses for the programme and spatial closure are negotiable.

Figure 4: A proposal for a corner shophouse to provide space for temporary uses.

Another example and proposal is the front of convenience store. There

usually exists a number of stalls subletting from the store. By initiating the social micro-programme, the convenience store’s front can transformed to be the community space temporarily (Figure 5).

Figure 5: A Connivence store front By far, we have demonstrate an idea for the future urban development. With the crowded city, intense living and fixed available space, to utilise all available spaces for some social or leisure activities is crucial even for temporary, in order to release the pressure of the future living. We propose that temporary sharing space can be the future urban tool to positively counter negative effect of urban density and living intensity of the overcrowding city. This idea is not new, and in the context of developing countries we may have some examples already. However, those examples are unorganised and may not help subdue the spatial disparity between people of different incomes. Thus, the existing examples are for personal gain or profitability rather than social purposes. It is important therefore to raise the awareness that temporary shared space can be much more socially meaningful and to identify the possible available spaces through the planning assistance and foreseeability of the designer to be able to plan the unplanned. References: Barter, P. 2009. ‘Earning a Public Space Divided in the Streets’. JOURNEYS, May, pp. 32-39 Center for Social Innovation. 2010. Proof: How Shared Spaces Are Changing the World. CA. Clark, E. 2006. ‘Shared Space - the alternative approach to calming traffic’, tec, September, pp. 290291. Hamilton-Bailie, B. 2008. Shared space: Reconciling people, places, and traffic. Built Environment 34(2), pp. 161-181. Haydn, F. and Temel, R. 2006. Temporary Urban Spaces: Concepts for the Use of City Spaces. Birkhauser. Kohoutek, R. and Kamleithner, C. 2006. ‘Temporary Uses, Deregulation and Urbanity’, in F. Haydn and R.Temel (ed.) Temporary Urban Spaces: Concepts for the Use of City Spaces. Birkhauser. pp. 25-37. Methrost, R. et al. 2007. ‘Shared Space: Safe or Dangerous?. Walk21 Conference, Toronto. Ronneberger. K. 2006. ‘From Regulation to Moderation’. in F. Haydn and R. Temel (ed.) Temporary Urban Spaces: Concepts for the Use of City Spaces. Birkhauser. pp. 47-54.

Urban Moodscapes: Feelings, Spaces, and Attunement Ben Highmore Professor of Cultural Studies, University of Sussex If mood and feelings are important for our experience of urban space, for the way we attune ourselves to those spaces, then what form of inquiry is most productive in exploring such phenomena? In this short text I suggest that a form of ‘sociology’ that values description, that doesn’t start with a preconceived notion of the social, and is prepared to be inventive in studying urban space, can productively attune itself to mood. I then pursue the melancholy moods of the metro as one example of what such a sociology might look like. SOCIOLOGY VÉRITÉ In March 1965 Edgar Morin arrived in Plodémet, a rural enclave in Brittany. It was at the time neither a village nor a town, but something in between. Morin was there to measure how far modernity had penetrated rural society in France. After his initial visit he came back – ‘mob-handed’ – with a group of sociologists to study Plodémet for a year. He described his sociological approach as something like ‘sociology vérité’ – a phrase that is meant to invoke the experimental documentary movement referred to as ‘cinema vérité’ or later as ‘direct cinema’. Morin’s sociological method is spelt out in a methodological afterword of the book he published of the study. There he makes three points that offer the foundations of an empirical sociological method that could be seen as an antidote to certain forms of sociological positivism. 1. The field that the sociologist enters is changed by the presence of the sociologist: rather than seeing this as a problem that needs to be fixed or mitigated (by adopting the protocols of participant observation, say, or through disguise) the sociologist could treat it as an opportunity. [The sociologist gang at Plodémet didn’t keep a low profile but intervened in the field, at one point causing a near-riot by screening Rebel without a Cause at the youth club.] 2. There is no ‘social’ that is an average of all the social types and classes that circulate in it. Therefore there is no point trying to get a ‘representative cross section’ of society (that would merely ensure that you continued with an image of the social that had already been theorised). You would be better off talking to people who are exceptional (and this might in the end include everyone) and exploring their exceptionality. The sociologists were particularly interested in anyone who was having an extreme reaction to the modernising impulse. 3. The sociologist’s own experiential orientations (what some would call his or her subjectivity), which might be seen by some as a bias that needs to be restricted and corrected through sociological methods, might well be an important sociological instrument. Vivid phenomenal description then could be a crucial tool for the sociologist. Such a form of ‘sociology vérité’ was informed in part by Morin’s experience of making a film with the ethnographic filmmaker Jean Rouch in the summer of 1960. The film was called Chronicle of a summer and it started with Rouch and Morin engaging two women to walk around the streets of Paris with a microphone and a camera to ask strangers: ‘Are you happy?’ It is a film that today looks awkward, stagey – as if everyone is slightly embarrassed or overly self-conscious because of the presence of the camera. From Morin’s work we can extract two procedures. One is a critical move that destabilises the work of certain social scientific protocols: embedded in his position is a critique of the will-towards objectivity. The second move is generative: his position offers a creative involvement with the social; an encouragement to practice and become better at offering forms of description; to become more inventive about arranging a sociological investigation, and more interventionist in relation to the sociological field. Initially I want to suggest two things: firstly that a fulsome critique of the will-towardsobjectivity is not a blank cheque (or carte blanche) giving permission that ‘anything goes’. Secondly

that generative forms of urban investigation need to be scrutinised in terms of their research values. If the will-to-objectivity might be associated with values such as rigour (a term that Henri Lefebvre always associated with the post-mortem condition of rigor-mortis), then what values should a criticallygenerative urban sociology take? Flexibility, sensitivity, ‘the view from below’, might signal alternative values that need to be explored. THE EMPIRICAL IMAGINATION In the large history of contemplative registering of the world – and even within that period we call the modern – the very idea of a systematic ‘objective’ inquiry into our living conditions would perhaps be something of a minority exercise. The weight of our collective effort to vividly grasp the world has tended to fall, I think, on the creative, the literary, and the artistic. Such vivid descriptions might have the ears and eyes of the open hearted, of anyone trying to test out their own experience of the world: they don’t necessarily have the eyes and ears of those who make planning decisions, or are budget holders, or politicians. For politicians and accountants such descriptions of the world are far too subjective, too liable to bias, too untrustworthy. The task then, as I see it, is to show how such ‘personal’ accounts of the world can both vivid and exact, both personal and social, both fragile and robust, both singular and general. More crucially I want to make a claim for them as the ‘best knowledge we have’. There is a line of thinking that goes from David Hume in the eighteenth century to Donna Haraway writing today. It could be called simply empiricism, or radical empiricism. It acknowledges that we know the world primarily – and in the end – through our sense perceptions. Empiricism as a science of knowledge has a number of problems to confront. If the world can only be known via the experiences of sentient creatures then what would give this knowledge validity? If empiricism is to bank on a knowledge generated by a perceiving subject then is that knowledge fundamentally individualistic, and if so, how authoritative could it be? Does empiricism need to suppose that all human creatures are basically the same or could it function assuming that what is known by me is not necessarily known by you? More worryingly, how could it proceed as a reputable philosophical approach if it recognised that not only do individual humans experience the world differently but that a single human might experience the same world differently depending on their changing condition and disposition. Empiricism responds to such problems by grasping them as central to the actual possibility of knowing the world. The mindful and creaturely body is empiricism’s first and only analytic instrument. It is, however, not merely an instrument that passively records the world around it: the productivity of this instrument is guaranteed by precisely that which might lead you to wonder about its reliability. The ability of the mindful, creaturely body to intricately know the world is shown by its capacity to react and adjust, rather than by its constancy. The self as a passionately intense instrument is the condition for its productivity as a measuring instrument attuned to the moods and intensities of the world around it. The fact that I (or anyone else) can be saddened, delighted, scared, etc. are not signs of how unreliable I might be as a measuring instrument of the urban scene, they are a precondition of my ability to register mood and feeling. How we judge the accuracy, the perspicacity, and usefulness of a mood report will require the same levels of judgement we apply to the literary/artistic world – is it fanciful, is it convincing, does it expand my understanding of the world? METRO MOODS How then can we use this to attune ourselves to the particular moods and feelings that we could glimpse in the urban? I’m going to limit myself to the world of transport, of underground rail systems, of metros and tubes. Public transport is of course a system that is – and should be – studied and debated by engineers, economists and planners. But they might also like to look and listen to filmmakers, poets, novelists, and photographers. What can we say about the world of public transport that cuts across some of the most obvious things about public transport – namely that it is a vast unsolvable problem and that often our use of public transport is not particularly pleasant? We know and understand the feelings of frustration we have when the underground system isn’t working particularly well, or when it is over-crowded, but how to we explain and describe more intricate moods that seem connected to it. What could we say about the mood of melancholy that often seems connected to it?

Firstly I think we would need a phenomenological description of what it feels like to plunge into the holes in the ground that are the entrances to metro stations. Secondly we would need a sense of all the social affordances that are part of metro travel but also attend to other forms of travel. These might include a sense of leaving and the heightened emotions that go with that (in this the metro might be a less intense example of spaces like airports where it is not unusual to see people crying or kissing or overly excited). Thirdly we would need to look at the metro as a form of rhythmicity – as a constant slowing down and speeding up, of getting in the way and of being interrupted. We hurry, we scurry, we dither; we move out of habit, we move with trepidation. The metro is a massive cacophony of rhythms – it is arrhythmic and polyrhythmic and these movements are crucial to the feeling we have flow or of endless syncopated interruption. But fourthly and perhaps most importantly we could say that the metro encourages a form of sociality that we could name as ‘alienated intimacies’: we are placed in close proximity to others, to strangers. In many countries there is an extreme sense of the necessary decorum that is needed for such travel – don’t make eye contact. We have adopted ways of doing this and have developed technologies that close us off from others and turn us in on ourselves in more and more deliberate ways. These would include the mobile devices of hearing and seeing that we use make us close to those that are distant while distancing those that are physically close to us. But that sense of alienated intimacies goes far beyond the recent development of mobile technologies. Being alone together might be the most vivid experience we have of urban life. It is a cliché and yet it is ever-present. What we choose to do about it will depend on how well we understand it, and how well we can account for it in relation to our built environment. Ben Highmore, October 2013. [All images from Chris Marker’s Passengers]

From Laissez-faire to Noblesse Obligé? Tokyo's New Corporate Place-Making Paradigm Christian Dimmer, The University of Tokyo, Chr.Dimmer@gmail.com Since the days of Le Corbusier, again and again the shining image of the "tower in the park" has been conjured up as the magic bullet for creating urban density and intensity —promising to concentrate people, infrastructure and social activities, by simultaneously freeing up valuable open spaces, or should we better say, empty spaces? It is indeed no accident that this imagery became frequently invoked by planners and developers in order to persuade the public, or political decision makers to deregulate laws, dismantle institutions and allow for greater densification of what is depicted as insufficiently dense, uneconomic, or dangerously under-equipped with open space. The rationale that has been sold to the public time and again since the radical renewal projects of the 1960s is that more open space would be automatically better for the city, and that higher and bulkier buildings, longer shadows, stronger winds, privacy problems, or more traffic, all would be acceptable and reasonable costs for this sought-for amenity.

1 | Key illustration of Minoru Mori’s idea of a ‘Vertical Garden City’: The assumption here is that more open space is per se better for the city and that the vernacular city is inferior. (MORI, M. (1999). Urban New Deal Policy - Striving to Recover from the Largest Crisis of the Postwar Era, Tokyo.p.7)

The late real-estate mogul Minoru Mori, for example, commissioned his famous scaled city models of New York, Tokyo and other megacities that he displayed in 2003 as ʻGlobal City Exhibitionʼ at his flagship development project, Roppongi Hills; the subtext of the exhibit being that Tokyo needed both, more densification and more open space compared to other places, and that Moriʼs very own ʻVertical Garden Cityʼ would offer the perfect template for making Tokyo more like New York, Paris, or Berlin.

2 | Before the end of the 1960s no building in urban Japan was higher than 31 meters. Creating “valuable open spaces” was one objective for introducing the FAR system and thus encouraging slimmer, taller, ultimately economically more viable buildings. This led to a massive transfiguration of Tokyo’s cityscape. (Diagram Christian Dimmer) Decades before Moriʼs bold manifesto, however, a consensus had evolved among post-war modernist planners and architects in Japan: Just like their peers elsewhere, they followed Corbusier's gospel of light, air, and open space; deeming the vernacular, horizontal city unfit and insufficient to cater to the needs of the rapidly growing and modernising metropolis. Because the state had turned out impotent to provide a sufficient number of new parks, or even protect the existing ones from encroachment, incentives were devised that instead encouraged private developers to furnish cities with urban squares, plazas, and parks in turn for more building bulk. Thus, under the original rationale of creating much needed people places, a density bonus that was introduced in the early 1970s subsequently led to an explosive multiplication of hundreds of high-rises —massively redrawing the geography of this hitherto exclusively low-rise city Tokyo. Often unusable and empty, these open spaces were cheap to create, painless to maintain and became an attractive, self-serving device for private developers that allowed them generate ever bigger, more profitable skyscrapers. (see Dimmer 2012) What evolved here at best was a gigantic zero-sum game for the city, in that this trade-off promised to relieve Tokyo's much loathed density, while the additional building bulk intensified just this very density. At worst it was a minus-sum game because the creation of (hardly us{abl}e{d}) open spaces was deployed by pro-growth advocates to legitimise and accelerate the highly profitable transmutation of the vernacular, low-rise city —rich in individuality, diversity, ownership patterns, political stakes, opportunities, social resilience, adaptability and density of experience— into a dense forest of too often monotone office tower and condominium clones, owned and operated by a handful of large corporations. Moreover, as this bulk-for-plaza deal was economically most profitable in those parts of the city with the highest real estate values, the majority of towers and plazas clustered in the three central wards Minato, Chuo and Chiyoda that are far away from the lifeworlds of children, families or elderly —most in need of attractive public space. As Richard Sennett has so famously remarked on similar cases in New York City, the new urban openness —so much praised by modernists— turned out as "dead public spaces" more often than

not; little more than mere "derivatives of movement" (Sennett 1992: 12). With their poorly developed public-private interfaces —bland, dead façades, obstructing landscaping, forbidding and cold surfaces, exhaust air vents, etc.— these premises often appeared as anti-urban; deliberately dispersing the people (see also Smithsimon 2008), and offering few positive impulses to their respective neighbourhoods.

3 + 4 | Many POPS of the 1970s and 1980s (image left) were little more than literally open spaces; kept empty in order to reduce construction, maintenance and insurance costs. Even if many of the newest POPS are well designed, their prohibitive use limitations (image right) raise doubts whether we can and should recognise them as public spaces or not. Should the tax payer really subsidise the provision of these kind of spaces? (Photos Christian Dimmer) What began as an exceptional trade-off between cities and developers —only to be allowed for open spaces and buildings of superior design quality— ended up as a tacit, customary law and a quasilegal entitlement for ever bulkier buildings; a total perversion of the original idea: In order to realise the biggest possible amount of priceless central city office space, for architects and developers a most efficient building floor plan came first; the useless remainder of the plot was then brazenly declared an urban plaza and handed over to landscape architects for little more than window dressing. These plazas were often not designed to offer the best amenity to the people and the city, but to minimise the maintenance, security, and insurance burden of the owner while maximising the bonus floor area yield. A lack of vision on the side of local governments, and a national government cheerleading the increasing private provision of public goods and amenities —supposedly at no cost for the tax payers— led to an arms race. Whenever the government needed to achieve a new planning objective —stimulating mixed land use functions, providing off-road parking, incentivising downtown housing, merging fragmented properties, promoting green roofs— it granted ever new FAR bonuses, with the real estate sector expecting and pressing for further future deregulations. Importantly, while most of these incentive planning instruments had been devised with the unique urban problems of metropolitan Tokyo, or Osaka in mind, they became standard operating procedure and applied to all larger cities across Japan; thereby setting a precedence for high-rise development of many second- and third tier cities where this was clearly not needed and doing severe harm to unique cityscapes, fragile real estate markets, and local communities. In the past this 'deal' has gone mostly unchecked, although hardly any other type of urban space, or any planning tool has received equally keen scholarly attention. Whereas in New York City engaged scholars and enraged citizen activists challenged similar planning policies since the 1980s; while an influential newspaper columnist pushed for significant reforms in San Francisco, and dedicated young planners in the City's planning department happily introduced new stricter rules; while students protesters brought down a controversial piece of incentive planning legislation in Taipei, no direct outside pressure has challenged the status quo in Japan so far.

As I explore elsewhere in greater detail (Dimmer 2008, 2013) a changed appreciation of public space came about here from a very different direction in late 1990s Japan: While laws and regulations hadn't changed to encourage better design and higher quality standards, market pressures, location competition and "place wars" had led to a situation, where developers increasingly utilised attractively designed, highly curated, and flamboyantly marketed public spaces as device for area branding.

5 | ‘Mori Trust Garden Tora4’ is a privately owned open space that the developer temporarily opened to the public in 2013 before a large redevelopment project is launched on this central city site. Although not encouraged by a bonus, it is instructive to see how much private money and effort is spent for the creation and promotion of this new “corporate commons”. (Photo Christian Dimmer)

6 | Highly curated programming in the latest generation of POPS is part of elaborate corporate as well as area branding schemes. Is public life reduced to a stage set here? (Photo Christian Dimmer) Along with the dawning, powerful current placemaking boom —with New York's Highline, or the Times Square pedestrianisation; with San Francisco's trailblazing Pavement to Park program, or Seoul's Cheonggyecheon river restoration as shiny global public space icons— also in Japan a new common sense has slowly evolved: Whereas developers had to be forced, or seduced, to produce useless empty spaces, now more and more compete for the best and most ‘creative’ ideas. In order to appear as a good corporate citizen and to attract increasingly placesensitive shoppers, visitors, tweeters and tenants, many are today happy to open their land to the community (image 5). In this context the T-POPS (Tokyo’s Privately Owned Public Space) project seeks to create a comprehensive and publicly accessible inventory. Objective of the resulting data map is to further raise the public's awareness of these spaces. If all citizens are already collectively paying the price for this deal —environmental externalities plus tax subsidies— that only benefits a few large corporations, or wealthy apartment owners, then there is an urgent need to (re)claim at least some of these spaces for the citizens; to call attention to the fact that the citizens are entitled to appropriate them freely —not only acting as passive props

and extras corporate schemes.

in otherwise place-making/

highly scripted, -management

Despite a recent increase of well-designed privately owned public spaces, their very existence is predicated on the proliferation of large office and residential towers that are often replacing the vernacular, low-rise city. Thus, critical planners and society as a whole have to assess if it is justified that few, mostly private individuals and organisations should continue to be entitled by default to build ever bigger, more profitable buildings and receive subsidies in the form of deregulations and FAR bonuses, while the costs are born by all. Is all of this worth the deal? Which densities are more intensive? The high-rise, or the vernacular low-rise? Which are more environmentally sustainable and resilient? psychologically empowering? And how do we want to measure many of these unmeasurbales? At this point we are only at the beginning of the discussion, and while a few critical scholars question these long taken-for-granted paradigms and demand a careful examination of all the complex implications and their interdependence, further towers are mushrooming at break-neck speed in Tokyo just as much as in the sprawling metropolises of the rapidly developing world.

7 | The diagram shows the rapid proliferation of POPS in economically attractive, central areas of Tokyo after the burst of Japanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s bubble economy in autumn 1991. Big developments materialise where they make economic sense, not necessarily where planners want them, or residents need them. (Diagram Jan Lindenberg IIDJ + Christian Dimmer)

8 | left | The correlation between Tokyo’s most dense, vulnerable neighbourhoods (darker tones) with the fewest public parks and the location of POPS (red dots) shows that open spaces are provided by the private sector where they make economic sense; not where most needed. (Diagram Jan Lindenberg IIDJ + Christian Dimmer) 9 | below | The comparison with New York City’s Manhattan shows that POPS are concentrating in a relatively limited area. In Tokyo, however, the instrument is applied in a wide variety of urban contexts; often in locations, where highrises sharply conflict with low-rise, vernacular neighbourhoods. (Diagram Jan Lindenberg IIDJ + Christian Dimmer)

Bibliography: DIMMER, Christian. "Renegotiating Public Space: A Historical Critique of Modern Urban Public Space in Metropolitan Japan and its Contemporary Revaluation.” Doctoral Dissertation, University of Tokyo, 2008. Dimmer, Christian. “Re-imagining Public Space: The Vicissitudes of Japan’s Privately Owned Public Spaces.” In Urban Spaces in Japan: Cultural and Social Perspectives, edited by Christoph Brumann and Evelyn Schulz, 74–105. Routledge, 2012. Sennett, Richard. “The Fall of Public Man”. W. W. Norton & Company, 1992. Smithsimon, Gregory. “Dispersing the Crowd: Bonus Plazas and the Creation of Public Space.” Urban Affairs Review 43, no. 3 (2008): 325–351.

Some thoughts about plots A case for Sustainable Urbanism based on plot-based development David Sim Creative Director, Gehl Architects

Image 1: Linlithgow High Street The starting point for this essay is a photograph from the High Street in my Scottish home town Linlithgow, showing a number of joined-up but independent houses, each with different roof pitches. I remember being shown an old picture of these houses during a history lesson at school. My teacher explained a theory that the different roof pitches reflected built responses to a series of severe, snowy winters at the turn of the last century, with steeper pitches being applied after each snowier winter. I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t really know if this theory of Victorian response to climate change is true. However it is clear the urban building stock is more flexible when changes can be made incrementally and spontaneously building by building.

Image 2: Linlithgow Postcard It is also worth noting that pictures like this, of typical old High Streets are often popular as postcard images because they have emotional value. They capture the identity of a place - something unique and site-specific, perhaps just because their incremental growth, building by building, plot by plot, is an authentic response to the climate, topography, culture and the people of the place. However these places are also more than picturesque, because they offer genuine diversity of sensory experience, offering the pedestrian visitor a series of new entrances and windows, frequently changing materials, colours, styles, details, uses, activities and countless other signs of human inhabitation, which in turn stimulate senses and emotions, give associations and trigger memories.

Image 3: Postcards of Other High Streets In a practical way, the more diverse urban environment might facilitate everyday orientation, as places are more recognisible, but much more importantly, emotionally, these experiences can give us a sense of place - something profound, a spiritual anchor and a sense of belonging where we are. For over forty years, Jan Gehl has developed methods to study urban quality. To understand why some places seem to work better than others we have to understand how we as human beings function, understand how our senses work, their limits and possibilities, particularly what we perceive at walking speed of 5km/h. Our senses influence how we respond to the scale and form of a space as well as to other people in that space. (ref. Gehl 1971/ The quality of the environment at eye-level is critical for making places which people enjoy passing through and spending time. Places which are made up of smaller components, such as smaller plots, can make for more satisfying sensory experiences and therefore are more attractive. Why should this urban phenomenon be of particular relevance today? Current planning thinking encourages us to make places denser and more diverse to make them more sustainable. We do this in order to reduce sprawl into the natural or agricultural landscape and to make better user-base for public transport as well as other needed urban services. We need a model for building healthy and sociable places, close-knit and in particular walkable communities. However the current planning enthusiasm for denser and more diverse places amongst professionals and decision-makers is not met with enthusiasm from the public, who perceive this kind of change unattractive and sometimes threatening. Urban places made up of smaller plots are interesting not just because they are examples of mixed-use and higher density – they are also often very popular as places to live and work. Additionally they allow change to take place over time, at a pace in tune with change in communities. In this way, a plot-based approach can be a realistic and palatable solution to future urban development on an ever urbanizing and more crowded planet. The urban tradition There is a tradition of building in an urban way, with self-contained settlements, which are both dense and diverse. The complex requirements of human activity are accommodated on a small footprint with minimal infrastructure. Characteristic of Scottish towns and villages are simple street plans delivering infrastructure (carriageway and utilities) to self-contained plots in the most frugal way. Common aspects of traditional urban environments are joined-up buildings, vertical layering of different functions, complex entrance arrangements (multiple access points allowing multiple uses on the same plot), outbuildings and inhabited roofs (accommodating expansion and change of use), as well as useful public and private outdoor spaces of human scale (smaller) and with comfortable microclimate, in-between. How we generally build today The picture of today’s urban development is very different from the urban development and High Streets of old, as building plot by plot or house by house is very rare. The generally accepted rules of planning efficiency and building economy favour development block by block or estate by estate or even campus by campus. Unlike the organic response to change in “plot by plot” development, a major problem with the block, the estate and the campus is that they “start finished”. Although there seems to be abundant space in such arrangements, either in the middle of the block or around the pavilion buildings, change and expansion is difficult as there is no clear structure for this to take place. The original design is often seen as being complete from the start. Therefore any subsequent change, in use or in the physical structure is perceived as detrimental, since any changes perceivably affect the surroundings both visually and physically. Therefore this type of development makes the inevitable process of change and need for growth and adaption much more difficult to accommodate. Buildings should be a response to life, activities and needs. It is therefore surprising that so much of today’s building stock is produced speculatively, without any consultation with the end users, using

old prototypes and in very large quantities in the same place, when people and their lifestyles are all so different and the needs of a functioning society are so diverse and constantly changing. Most of today’s urban development can be characterized as large-scale, “all planned at once”, containing a limited product range, often produced by single developer, mono-functional in use, all based on short-term economies of scale and assumptions of profit. The scale and layout of such developments with generally higher and bulkier blocks with larger spaces in-between means they often have a poor microclimate in the public spaces and their physical monotony means that there is not enough sensory quality to make walking or spending time outdoors an attractive option. The lack of mixed use means that there is a poor spread of activity and occupation throughout the day (raising issues of security and safety) and there is simply a lack of reasons for being there. All of these put together mean that there is much less sense of place. This in turn affects social networks and the development of community, because people simply don’t meet in the first place, and in the longer term as people are less satisfied with their environment they are less likely to spend their lives in the same place. Ultimately places which people value less in social terms, lose value in economic terms. It would seem that most of the new places we build today aren’t perceived as attractive places to spend time nor do they offer a wide enough range of activities to keep us there. They don’t seem to be able to respond to change nor do they seem to offer a longer term, sound economic investment. The potential of the individual plot

Image 4: A Plot Can Be More Than A House A house can be much more than a house – or more accurately a plot can contain much more than a house – if it is allowed to. The small, independently controlled plot offers the opportunity to address a wide range of lif3 aspects and accommodate and adapt to these needs locally and spontaneously. The plot has the potential to be its own micro-environment. By considerate massing of its buildings, human activity can take place more comfortably and flora and fauna can flourish. It can address ecological challenges locally, accommodating nature, allowing better local food production, collecting and storing energy and resources in situ.

The plot has the potential to be a micro-community which allows for more complex living arrangements. It might just be a family having a granny flat – with the significance of a subtle degree of independence and inter-dependence - the ease of access coming and going without disturbing, sense of identity which comes from having your own door. On a slightly larger scale it could be a group of households with a space in common to interact in (everyday encounters, shared activity, common focus) along with the social benefits of informal neighbourly care (e.g. during illness, having a spare key, keeping an eye on the children or an elderly person). The plot has the potential to be a micro-economy. It can allow small businesses to operate independently with own-door access to business premises – shops, offices, workshops and storage. By allowing sub-letting of accommodation for living or working the plot can generate income for the owner or occupier. By allowing growth over time, additional buildings can add considerable value at relatively low cost. The nature of plot development The way the plot is developed, in terms of the actual layout and massing of the buildings on its surface, is vital to how well it accommodates denser and more diverse uses, as well as change and expansion. (image 5 . diagram building to plot edge, positive space) The most important aspect is the placing the buildings on the edges rather than in the middle of the plot. In this way the buildings define the property spatially, creating “positive” (contained) outdoor spaces, offering privacy and protection from the surroundings as well climatic shelter. This approach allows the maximum potential of the plot area to be developed as well as greater diversity of useful space inside and out. Building to the edge allows direct access between the private spaces and the public realm – making for easier flexibility and change of use. The enclosed spaces have better micro-climate with more sheltered conditions for plants to grow and for wildlife habitat to thrive. This shelter can also allow social habitat to flourish, not just because the protected micro-climate makes it more pleasant to spend time out of doors, but the sense of a common heart, a space shared with a limited number of users can create a sense of belonging. (diagram image 6 common heart) The privacy afforded by such lay-outs allow more intimate activities to take place while at the same time protect neighbours from potentially disturbing activities. (image 7 diagram privacy protection) These aspects are important because they make the sustainable challenge of density and diversity in the built environment more acceptable and more livable. Building to the edge allows joined up buildings, in turn creating a greater urban system which enables complex symbiotic relationships to take place. Building to the edge of the plot seems to be the very essence of urbanism, in thousands of years of human settlement. On a wider scale MIGHT SMALLER PLOTS MORE SUSTAINABLE? When applied across a larger area of a whole settlement, smaller plots also offer sustainability in environmental, social and economic terms. The multiplication of these independent entities makes for an organic system, which can allow a very wide range of activities to co-exist side by side while allowing continuous and spontaneous adaption, change and inward growth. Over time this can evolve into greater and greater complexity of social and economic structure, making for places which can sustain and regenerate themselves. (image 8 Mosaic of plots) ENVIRONMENTAL BENEFIT Building a place plot by plot is more responsive to climate because small, local adaptations to improve solar access and provide protection from the wind are possible. By creating a more continuous roofscape thanks to a built mass with more joined-up buildings and outbuildings, there is an aerodynamic benefit with reduced turbulence. This makes both for more useful outdoor spaces, inbetween the buildings, both public spaces such as streets and squares but also private courtyards and gardens, because they offer greater comfort. Additionally by clustering buildings, the resulting moderated micro-climate can save energy, providing warmth in colder climates, saving on heating costs and cool in hotter climates, saving on airconditioning costs. The small scale approach means better, natural light can be introduced exactly where it’s needed, making for further energy savings. The better outdoor climate as well as the proximity of different uses (which the smaller plots allow) makes walking a realistic option in everyday situations thus saving energy, by reducing or eliminating the need to use vehicles or even to travel elsewhere. Additionally the quality of the pedestrian

environment, because of variety of experiences and potential encounters makes walking more attractive. The compactness possible with the plot-based approach requires less infrastructure such as utilities and road surface, saving on both initial energy and material investment and over time on maintenance. As the plots can accommodate growth internally, there is less need for more infrastructure in the future. This is also has a significant economic impact. SOCIAL BENEFIT In social terms, places built up from individual plots can respond better to individual as well as community needs. The independent plots give individuals more influence over their immediate environment and more freedom in their daily lives. Individual adaption and personalization increase the likelihood of satisfaction, giving the dwelling or workspace people want, adapting and fine-tuning it to their specific needs. The more people invest in their own spaces and the more satisfied they are with these spaces, the more inclined they will be to identify with and care about the local community and environment, because it has a direct influence on their own place. The flexibility and room for inward growth the small plots allow, mean greater likelihood that people will be able to and want to continue living in the same place longer which contributes to a more stable community in the longer term. The greater diversity of activities which the smaller plots allow, means the greater likelihood of human activity or presence at different times of the day, week and year which in turn promotes local community, as well as having particular benefits in terms security with less likelihood of crime. Places built up of many small plots can have a significant effect on quality of life. The kind of places which evolve can have considerable health benefits as the “fundamentals” of fresh air, exercise and meeting people more likely in an attractive environment and friendlier community. Saving time from not having to make frequent trips elsewhere can also be seen as a significant improvement to life quality. Quality of life can be improved with the daily convenience of proximity to a wider range of useful commerce, services and trades, culture and educational opportunities as well as having acquaintances friends and family members nearer. Accommodating different social groups and activities in close physical proximity can make for more frequent spontaneous and unexpected encounters in public spaces. Apart from the immediate attraction and enjoyment of life in the streets, this paves the way for more inclusive communities and accessible resources and ultimately greater democracy. ECONOMIC BENEFIT In economic terms, the plot-based approach offers a more financially flexible model, savings in building and maintenance costs, and greater and more stable property value. Additionally the complex systems which emerge from whole urban areas made up of smaller plots can make for self-sustaining local economies. Developing plot by plot is more financially sound, as the investments are smaller (and more predictable) while the product is better adapted to the market at that particular moment. The potential for subletting of residential and business premises within a property can generate additional income and be seen as an insurance policy in harder times. The possibility for inward growth allows for increasing the property value (more useful m2) without the expense of buying more land and investing in new infrastructure. The joined up approach can make for savings in material and energy, both in construction costs, running costs and maintenance. For example less infrastructure is required, less exposed outside walls, lower heating costs from better massing, better care/self maintenance because people care about the place. Apart from the economic savings on maintenance when people take care of a place because they appreciate it, these places have greater and more stable property values. The “location, location, location” that estate agents frequently refer to is about perception of a place. Places with unique local identities and which people perceive as being attractive are more valuable. The diversity of activities accommodated in an area with multiple small plots reflects on local spend and local jobs. Simply, a good starting point for economic activity and employment is premises where these can take place. Combined with spirit of local community and acquaintance, as well as walking and public life there is greater potential for local business to survive and thrive and for employment (and empowerment) of local people. The ease of adaption of buildings within the plot, both physically (in particular own-door access) and socially/legally (for easy decision-making) allow for greater spontaneous change – making it easier for businesses to be established with less up-front investment. Home workplaces can be seen as particularly sustainable as they allow 24/7 inhabitation,

as well as contributing to stable communities, reducing the need for transport and offering better quality of life. On a municipal, regional or national level, the potential economic savings for society because of improved physical and mental health, self-policing and self-nursing, less travel and sprawl, more robust local business and markets are considerable. Ultimately these can translate into major savings in taxation and public expenditure. Returning to Linlithgow High Streetâ&#x20AC;Ś.

Urban intensities of Reuse & Creative Milieu Dr Davisi Boontharm Senior Lecturer, School of Architecture and Built Environment', Deakin University, Australia d.boontharm@deakin.edu.au Project Associate Professor, Leading Graduate School Science for Development of Super Mature Society, Keio University, Japan davisi@educ.cc.keio.ac.jp Keywords : Creative milieu, Urban Requalification, Urban regeneration, Reuse of non-pretentious architecture, Small dense urban form, Sense of Place, Experience and feeling. Abstract One of the approaches to achieve sustainable future is that city should make use of its own existing resources and reduce environmental impact. This paper advocates the urban retrofit and adaptive reuse as solutions to sustainable future city. The emphasis of this paper is on the process of reuse and its contribution to creative milieu. It discusses the characteristic of creative milieu in three Asian cities (Tokyo, Bangkok and Singapore). Taking in consideration that it is extremely difficult to measure creativity especially in the urban reality. Creativity can also be perceived through experience and feeling. Therefore, through the qualitative approach, it attempts to identify the urban situation and the condition where and how creative milieu flourish. The focus is on the practices of reuse of non-pretentious architecture and ordinary building stock which are primary resources that allow the process of bottom-up creative reuse to happen. The idea is to conceptualise and visualise the urban intensities of creative milieu and the process of urban qualification. It will discuss 1) what kind of intensities present in creative milieu and 2) how to capture those intensities. Examining creative milieu in the three different cities, the paper also advocates that places which nurture creativity are contextual and cultural specific. The common urban character of creative milieu is the existing urban spaces as useful resources which challenge small scale creative interventions to happen. The theoretical framework that supports the analysis of creative milieu is the interplay between creativity, consumption, reuse and sense of place where the production of meaning is at the core. The project is inspired by the pioneering work of Jane Jacobs (1961), her axiom that â&#x20AC;&#x153;new requires oldâ&#x20AC;?, and her emphasis on mingled, fine-grained buildings of different age because they have the potential for different economic yields that nurture diversity. The framework for this research is based on a set of inter-related theories : 1) resource approach and urban regeneration theories, which see pieces of architecture as integrated urban artifacts (Rossi 1991), capable to store and to disseminate the collective memory of the city. The recognition of architecture as cultural resource should not be restricted to heritage buildings, but extended to all types of buildings. 2) theories which address reuse culture. Practices of reuse recognize the multiple meanings embedded in second-hand objects (Gregson and Crewe 2003), stressing their symbolic and sign values, in addition to the commonly recognised economic and use values. (Baudrillard 1998). The meanings in reuse comes for reasons: from an appreciation of the historical significance of the artifacts, and from an imaginary potential of what the artifact could become (Gregson and Crewe 2003), where the latter needs involvement of a creative mind. 3) theories of value and creativity, which see creativity as an ability to produce new value, which is culturally rooted. To be considered creative, in addition to the expected novelty, an idea has to be

contextually appropriate, recognized as socially valuable, in some way to some community (Sawyer, 2003). Such creativity can be identified by detecting the energies of synthesis, both in the process (of making) and in the product itself, and in the ways in which those energies translate (or get translated by creative agents) into the quality-designed objects or spaces (Negus and Pickering 2004). 4) theories which dialectically relate creativity and consumption. Consumption is characterised as ʻusing up', or destruction (consumere), simultaneously being a completion, a fulfilment and creation (consumare) (Patterson 2006). The consumare itself is necessary to support the flow of creativity (as a person, as situation, as process and as a product). Consumption can easily degenerate into banal consumerism but, on the other hand, there is positive consumption, responsive to creativity, as accepted by society. Creativity needs to be integrated in the everyday of any social system. To sustain the process of its perpetual emergence, it critically depends on creative consumers. Richard Florida sees creative consumers and creators as active members of a creative class (Florida 2002). Landry, more helpfully, goes beyond by proposing an inclusive “creative milieu” (Landry 2002), where hard and soft infrastructures combine to create place for a possible creative city. For Asian contexts, Lim specifies that creativity can be neither directly transferable from one place to another, nor imposed by the authority. He advocates bottom-up initiation, which capitalises on urban spaces of indeterminacy, and which should not be only consumption driven and imposed by authority (Lim 2003). 5) finally, theories of place and place-making. The above ideas and concepts developed around reuse and creativity are all interdependent. Creativity sustains the process of reuse and recycling of existing urban resources, needed to make products truly culturally sustainable. That subtle process needs local initiatives to sense and to identify creative places, as their creative milieu. Local creativities of this kind flourish within their own, local contexts, thus getting embodied in urban artifacts and building upon an already established repository of collective memory. For the discussion on Mn'M symposium I propose to use three case studies from three cities (Tokyo, Bangkok and Singapore) and identify the urban requalification that creative milieu has produced. Tokyo : Nakameguro Typical pattern of urban development of Tokyo is characterised by high-rise and bigger scale commercial buildings located near the railway stations and along the main streets. Almost all buildings along the Meguro River are residential, with their typologies ranging from mansions to individual houses. Nakameguro has a wide range of residential types, and that diversity contributes to an overall, recognisable and distinctive residential atmosphere. In some parts of Nakameguro, especially along the Meguro River, small interventions in existing ordinary buildings are becoming the true focus of attention. The edges of the main streets of Nakameguro are dotted by big scale commercial architecture. The organic character of the street network and gentle slopes at the back create a picturesque environment. Many inventive ideas of reuse and recycling of space in ordinary buildings are flourishing in this back area on smaller streets of Nakameguro. Fumihiko Maki stresses that this quality of the innermost area, is a very Japanese oku, culturally specific multilayered, dense spatial composition (Maki, 2000). Physical expressions of reuse practices provide an interesting contrast in comparison to the ambitious, new architecture. The key observations of creative milieu generated by the reuse in Nakameguro are: 

 

Creative milieux in Nakameguro are managing to generate high level of authenticity by the reuse of existing buildings. While the buildings along the Meguro River look generic, their new, creative occupants respond to the uniqueness of the environment, with results radiating difference, spontaneity and seeming randomness. One can recognize individual contributions of each participant in the process of creative requalification. while those small incubators of creativity may be at distance from each other, one still has a feeling of walking within a single milieu, which offers surprising discoveries, nodes of difference. an increasing numbers of retail activities in the area are about vintage cloths and objects (zakka), to the extent that this area becomes one of key metropolitan centres of the naturalvintage trend.



in these precincts there are many examples of very small creative insertions, which requalify the apartment spaces, most commonly at the ground floor or half basement levels. That, significantly, reminds of the original creative practices within the famous Omotesando Dojunkai apartment block located in Harajuku. open spaces of the promenade along the Meguro River actively contribute to the quality of requalified interiors, inviting interaction between the new uses and the public. Small interventions, such as benches, chairs and publicity sign boards of the shop facilitate communication and create pocket-space and impromptu activities. Low vehicular traffic makes an important contribution to the overall feeling of safety and slowness. some of the examples of both spaces and practices of reuse and recycling in this are extremely small in scale practices. That phenomenon, which is usually the result of economic conditions, adds to the uniqueness of the area and the above mentioned feel of authenticity.

figure 1 : creative reuse in nakameguro Bangkok : Chatuchak weekend market and Rodfai night market The inclusion of this market precinct of Bangkok into this investigation of creative milieu may be unusual. However, because of its impact on Bangkok and beyond, the Chatuchak as a phenomenon has to be included in discussion of incubators of experimental creativities. The thirty years of Chatuchak offer a single, long story of perpetual reuse, recycling and requalification marked by an increasing role of creative reuse. The planning of Chatuchak is simple, with a single aim: to maximize usable space. The 8,800 stalls are arranged in a repetitive manner, which makes both organization of space and disorientation easy. Markets are rarely about architectural form, they are mostly about the layout: functional trading spaces, displays, and ways in which merchant/clients (or public/private) interface. They provide the high density and intensity of encounters, which facilitate competition. Functional requirements for the original Chatuchak market were basic: flimsy steel pipes used for columns, simple pitched roofs covering whole rows of stalls which each measured a modest 2.5 x 2.5 meters and were accessible via minimum-width alleys of about 1.5 meters. As in any urban space, the complexity of the market as use facilitates and allows expressions of all sorts of life Creativity exercised within Chatuchak shows several important dimensions:  

the zones occupied by designers were spontaneously carved out from the overall space, gradually establishing a new, distinct character. the ways in which the stalls in those areas are used changed, from standard market practices (where the focus was on items for sale) to new modes that emphasised the quality of space



itself. The focus is on originality of display, skilfully themed to express the quality and distinction of the goods on offer. the commodities offered here self-consciously emphasize innovation and creativity. They get changed at the rapid rate, with new inventions offered on a weekly basis. The most creative designer becomes recognised as a trendsetter, whose successful product gets copied. This harsh, competitive environment contributes to the number of high-quality ideas and products offered, and increases the pace of innovation. standard market alleyways offer little excitement. However, those in the creative sectors project their creativity into surrounding open spaces, making the alleys themselves stand out and, thus, attractive. Much effort goes into requalifying the interaction between the stalls and the circulation spaces.

The expansion of Chatuchak market took different forms. The State Railway of Thailand (SRT) has leased several pieces of land for developers to built many variations of the same theme as Chatuchak market, they were situated around the original market. However the most fashionable and popular one is Rodfai night market which was originally the extension of the antique zone of Jatujak market. A group of antique traders pioneered this project. They initially occupied the SRT land near Chatuchak market for many years and eventually moved towards West and clandestinely ended up renting the old SRT's warehouse. They also organized the lease of the spaces in front of the warehouse for other sellers. This market is specialized in antique and vintage objects, however other types of business such as fashion and food also joined. It opens only during the weekend from early afternoon till midnight. This movement can be considered as bottom-up adaptive reuse since it hasn't initiated by the SRT and no clear conservation plan for the heritage building. The warehouse space both inside and outside is transformed by the occupants themselves. The requalification process of old space for new uses is tremendous. It confirms the power of “market phenomena” in Chatuchak area which is capable to be creative over time.

figure 2 : creative reuse in Chatuchak market and Rodfai market Singapore : Haji Lane Situated at the edge of Kampong Glam, a defined enclave for Malay and Muslim culture, Haji Lane used to be just another hidden laneway. Haji Lane is 220 meter long, and flanked by 85 two-storey shophouses. As they face two streets, Arab Street and Haji Lane, the shophouse of this lane are of a distinctive type. In terms of its width, Haji Lane should be considered the back alley, but, unlike most Singaporean shophouses, the façades facing this “backside” are just as elaborate as the fronts, with a proper five-foot-way. Haji Lane is characterised by the variety of its shops. Small boutiques and restaurants occupy both ground and upper floors. They all aim to stand out, capture attention, and generate as individualized a presence as possible. That variety establishes a feeling that the Lane, although small, offers space for never-ending exploration, in which the scenes unfold not only

spatially but also in a fast tempo, with noticeable changes to settings and offers presented each day. Many new ideas became possible in Haji Lane because that space was not classified as the core of a heritage enclave. The shop owners used that opportunity to reuse, recycle and reinvent their everyday milieu and push the Lane to develop on its own accord. That made this small precinct unique in Singapore. Although the home-grown fashion entrepreneurs and related sub-culture activities of Haji Lane generated its distinct sense of place, this setting could not escape the iron rule of the market. As a creative milieu, Haji Lane had just a short life before gentrification took over. Today the rents have gone up and spaces are in high demand there. The area became exclusive and only major entrepreneurs can afford the rents. That has inevitably altered use patterns and caused an overall transformation. The example of Haji Lane thus demonstrates both the optimism that small, bottom-up initiations and local quality can be attractive and successful even within highly-regulated contexts, and a warning about the vulnerability of fashion-led creative milieus, where shifts towards the generic seem unavoidable.

figure 3: creative reuse in Haji Lane Discussion What kind of intensities that urban requalification has produced? 1) the step-by-step place-making ritual Based on the findings from Tokyo, we can claim that creative practices need to be expressed simultaneously through process (the search for proper space; zooming in from district to building and the incubator of creativity itself), the imagining of a transformed space, design, execution and products. The most important part of the process of place-making is a place's discovery by public. An experience of the place as novel and original is essential; the place needs to simultaneously communicate both the local (established, or traditional) identity and something additional. This is a complex process which brings together the energies of creative practice and creative consumption, ideally completing the loop of creation, desire and satisfaction. The urban setting of Tokyo favours this kind of process, with an amazing density of eager creators and finely-profiled groups of creative consumers. They are all local and rooted. Within their symbiotic interactions, small details get borrowed from abroad (products, design patterns or practices), but the creative efforts are by locals for the local. Bangkok (discussed here on the basis of Chatuchak Market) has a profoundly different physical setting, based on relentless repetition of a modular form over a large area crafted as a monotonous maze. That monotonous framework, overlaid with very loose controls, proves to provoke an exuberant creativity. The experience of Chatuchak market is a long game of hide and seek, combined with the thrill of things and places lost and found. One of its enclaves became a

dense and intense playground for creative people, where creative producers and creative consumers meet. As for Singapore, the whole stretch of Haji Lane was a pleasant surprise. The creative pioneers have discovered this hidden lane and made it truly precious. The place was activated and became transformed. Although that led to a predictable end, even the ephemerality of the creative interlude provides a lasting legacy, a moment with a myth-making potential in the history of the city. 2) the need for non-creative surroundings Distinction comes from difference, and the character of creative milieux across all three cities presented in this paper capitalizes on their juxtaposition against mundane surroundings. That is a relative quality, where two identities complement each other. The creative activities explored in this essay never dominate. They underline the mundane, and stress the quality and the necessity of ordinary and everyday needs. 3) the importance of small The smallness, for instance, relates closely to an overall urban culture of Tokyo. In Bangkok, the market stalls are all small, that restricted space enables them to generate an intensity of creative interventions which would otherwise be impossible. In Singapore's Haji Lane, the typical shophouses are the smallest typology. The smallness also refers to scale of interventions, as even the mid-size and larger buildings get activated by small scale use and spatial provocations. 4) pedestrian friendliness Human scale, access and safe walking are among the key qualities of the analyzed creative precincts. The character of creative milieus demands experiencing them at a slow pace which facilitates encounter and enhances discovery. 5) the transient nature of creative milieu Attractiveness which and vulnerability towards â&#x20AC;&#x153;Market's ruleâ&#x20AC;? make creative emilieu prone to gentrification. References Baudrillard, Jean. 1998. The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures. London: Sage Publications. Florida, Richard. 2002. The rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Book. Gregson, Nicky and Crewe, Louis. 2003. Second-Hand Culture. New York: Berg Jacobs, Jane. 1961. Death and Life of the Great American Cities. New York: Modern Library. Landry, Charles. 2000. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. London: Earthscan. Lim, William S.W. 2003. Alternative (Post) Modernity. Singapore: Select books. Maki, Fumihiko. 2000. Selected Passages on the City and Architecture. Tokyo: Maki and Associates. Negus, Keith and Michael Pickering. 2004. Creativity, Communication and Cultural Value. London: Sage. Paterson, Mark. 2006. Consumption and Everyday Life. Abingdon: Routledge. Rossi, Aldo. 1984. The Architecture of the City. MA: MIT Press. Sawyer, Robert. Keith. 2006. Explaining Creativity : The Science of Human Innovation . Oxford: Oxford University press. http://travel.cnn.com/bangkok/shop/photo-gallery-bangkoks-newest-retro-night-market-dalat-rot-fai543266

Understanding Vernacular Landscapes as Spatialities and Temporalities of Urban Intensities Heide Imai, Assistant Professor, Hosei University (This is a Draft Version, please do not quote) In most cities, public bodies are concerned with social, economical, cultural and political integration of marginal urban areas. One of the main strategies to achieve this purpose is to consider culture as one of the main engines of great urban transformations to support the realization of different scale urban renewal projects. As these occur in form of new urban entertainment, economic and cultural clusters in both central and marginal urban areas, a re-evaluation of cities cultural heritage and vernacular landscape is necessary. One of the reason is that in the context of radical urban transformation, new urban inequalities and intensities emerge which have to be approached and studied making use of methodological innovation and imagination. This paper will focus on the urban intensities and everyday practices of in/exclusion of vernacular urban places that are especially the subject of effects of globalization and rising inequalities. The main interest of the paper is develop a better understanding of the following three issues from an empirical and theoretical point of view. As a first issue, this paper is aiming to understand everyday practices of in/exclusion and significant features of urban diversity and intensity introducing an innovative approach to study urban intensities. Secondly, the paper aims to reflect critically on the commodification of vernacular urban places to understand how the branding of cultural heritage is affecting the urban future of specific cases. Finally, this paper is approaching the claim for ‘new geographies’ of imagination and epistemology in the production of urban theory in discussing vernacular places as spatialities and temporalities of urban intensities to understand the dynamic future of these urbanities and the production of space in the 21st century in general. Introduction Commodification, In/Exclusion and Vernacular Quality of contemporary Landscapes In the competition to secure investment for urban revitalisation projects, derelict neighbourhoods in bigger cities and smaller towns both feel the increasing need to think about their image as tourist attraction and sources of profit, thus how to welcome new marketing ideas (Trueman and Cook, 2006). With the incorporation of private investment and companies who provided new ideas for the tourist marketing, more and more communities became the new object of consumption, commodity and commercialisation, being re-discovered, re-interpreted, re-appropriated, re-developed, re-invented and re-branded in new ways (Kolb, 2006; Donald, Kofman et al., 2009). The promotion of different localities was done in designing new attractions, e.g. retro-chic harbour districts, industrial loftapartments or event-based passageways, as found in New York, London or Amsterdam, which in turn increased their symbolic and economic value (Zukin, 1995). In this context, for example Orbasli (2000) argued that “[...] 19th century industrial ‘heritage’ centres are beginning to look very similar with their newly laid cobbled streets, catalogue ‘heritage’ street furniture, retro architecture and chain retail outlets [...] For the tourist industry, history has become a product that can be marketed, sold and recreated. (Orbasli, 2000, p. 2). Thus, Orbasli stated that the heritage sector which claims to preserve traditional or vernacular urban places draws increasingly on ideas of tourist marketing producing increasingly blurred, synthetic and interchangeable places (Orbasli, 2000). This results, instead of the urban revitalization of historic districts, in the gentrification, commodification and in some cases ‘disneyfication’ of urban areas, (Relph, 1991; Zukin, 1995). In this context, it is important to consider that historic districts are not fixed in history, as they are socially, culturally and architecturally rich urban places and function as centres of everyday exchange and encounter, junction of a diversity of ideas, cultures, people, political and economical forces as well as good and services (Steinberg, 2008). Moreover, historic districts are lively and inhabited urban neighbourhoods which need revitalization projects with an understanding of each unique case and identity (Williams and Stimson, 2001). In consequence, “the complex challenges and processes of urban revitalization call for issues to be clearly identified and fully understood before they can be tackled in an interdisciplinary, democratic way in order to transform historic districts into more congenial living spaces.” (UNESCO, 2008)p.5)

Summarizing, it is important to balance between the need of urban revitalization, preservation of a historic district and promotion of historic urban areas for economical or social reasons. Nevertheless, as suggested by Paton and Johnson (Paton and Johnston, 2006), it is even more important that approaches react flexible to change and desirable futures arising from current constellation of forces as through these events new synergies are created (United Nations, 1994; Paton and Johnston, 2006). Examples and Case Studies Ichibangai District, Kawagoe, Saitama Kawagoe is a traditional commercial town located in the south western part of the prefecture Saitama, stretching over an area of 109km2. Belonging to the Greater Tokyo Area, and being as a satellite town (eisei-toshi) located ca. 30km outside of central Tokyo, many people commute from Kawagoe (Mizoo, 2000). The city is also the governmental, commercial and business centre of the south western Saitama Prefecture, and core city (chūkakushi) designated by the Japanese national government. Historically, Kawagoe was conveniently located connecting Edo (now Tokyo), Kamakura and Joshu. During Edo (1603-1867), the city was flourishing and became known as Ko-edo (Little Edo). After the Great Kawagoe Fire in 1893, many houses were reconstructed to house kura-zukuri style shops forming the historic townscape for which Kawagoe is known until today (Hohn, 2000, p. 481). The traditional shopping street Ichibangai and its neighbouring area are known for their historical merchant houses (Figure 1), but there were no previous attempts to preserve this traditional cityscape as a whole. After first single attempts in the 1970s, a group of local shop owners launched the Kawagoe Kura no Kai in 1983, a local group to preserve the local streetscape (Tsunoda, 2005). The local group initiated the Machinami Kihan (Standards for House Conservation) to maintain the warehouses and to revitalize the businesses. As a result, the Kawagoe municipality started to officially recognize the work of the local machizukuri (town planning) group and support these initiatives (Mizoo, 2000). Mizoo (2000) summarized the measurement as ‘1) providing a subsidy for the restoration of buildings; 2) enforcing landscape regulations; 3) constructing small parks along the street; 4) laying a more attractive pavement; and 5) burying the electric power lines’ (Mizoo, 2000, p.90). Kawagoe City Branding Campaign and its promotion as backdrop for the NHK Drama ‘Tsubasa’ (2009) In relationship to the PR campaign to promote Kawagoe on a national scale, one part of the tourism development plan aims to promote Kawagoe as location for a variety of television productions, documentaries and advertisements (Kawagoe City, 2007), p. 47). Thus, in 2008 the NHK decided to produce its 2009 drama series ‘Tsubasa’ in Kawagoe (Todayama and Sakaguchi, 2009). The area around Ichibangai Street was chosen as the backdrop for the 80th NHK Morning Drama (Figure 2), which can be considered as specific branding strategy increasingly used in local areas (Rausch, 2008). During the broadcasting of the drama, Kawagoe experienced an increase in daily tourists of 30% to 50%, depending on the facility (Kawagoe City, 2010). Kawagoe’s mayor Kawai Yoshiaki replied in an interview conducted during the shooting of the NHK drama on the question which effects he is expecting from the shooting of the drama that he hopes that different urban redevelopment projects will benefit from the production. Particularly, he stated as the city is planning to expedite the development and preservation of different film sets, as for example the development of the Kagamiyama Brewery into an Industry and Tourism Centre (Ko-edo Kurari), it is important to continue the promotion of Kawagoe as tourist attraction at the national and international level (Ichikawa, 2009, p.22). Sawara District, Katori City, Chiba Sawara in Katori City is located in the northwest portion of Chiba Prefecture about 70 kilometers from the heart of Tokyo. Fifteen kilometers from Narita International Airport, it borders Ibaraki Prefecture on the opposite shore of the Tone-gawa River. If you have time, stroll the streets of Sawara, especially in the sprawling 'suigo' district (an area that has many waterways). The streets remain much as they were in the Edo period, providing a terrific sense of nostalgia. People in the Edo Period used to say, with respect, "If you want to see Edo, why don't you visit Sawara? Sawara-Honmachi is more prosperous than Edo." The homes of merchants, whose businesses flourished due to the fluvial transportation to and from Edo, stand its 500-meter length along the Ono-gawa River flowing to the

Tonegawa River. The scene closely resembles the Edo of several hundred years ago. The area has therefore been designated a national preservation district for an important group of historic buildings. The area contains buildings from the latter half of the Edo Period to the beginning of the Showa Era. The structures will surely attract your attention, including the 'kura-zukuri' (warehouse) style merchant houses and Western brick buildings. One of these is the former home of Tadataka Ino, who was the first to complete a map of all Japan at the beginning of the 19th century. The 100 to 200-year-old buildings along the street include many furniture stores and general stores that have been operated as family businesses since those days. One can also enjoy another view of these "living streets" from excursion boats on the river (Machinami, 2013). Degree of Commodification With the opening of the Sawara Museum designed by Kengo Kuma, the city also started to attract more international tourists to the area, expanding their preservation and conservation efforts. In such places as Sawara, townscape preservation in the first instance means preserving the traditional atmosphere, as its especially attracts visitors to the city, but it is in this context important to question the efforts and whether all residents and participants agree with the approach taken by the city government (Okazaki, 2001). Bukchon Hanok Neighbourhood, Seoul Seoul Bukchon Hanok Village is the city’s last neighborhood with a high concentration of traditional homes, called hanok. Just 30 years ago, there were over 800,000 hanoks in Seoul, but today only some 12,000 remain with 900 concentrated in Seoul Bukchon Hanok Village. Hanok are typically single-story structures made of clay, wood and stone with ondol heated floors topped by curved tile roofs called giwa. In this part of Korea, they usually take the shape of the Korean letter geok or deegut, which create a central courtyard. In the cold north they are often square shaped to help retain heat, while the warmer southern region’s hanok can have an open “I” shape. Today there are about 2,300 homes in Seoul Bukchon Hanok Village, but back in the day there were probably no more than 30 villas here. But when Japanese annexation ended the Joseon Dynasty in 1910, social and economic forces conspired to divvy up the old villas into hundreds of compact lots. Unfortunately, what remains is only about 40% hanok and very few of them date from the Joseon period. Most were mass-produced in the 1930s, and space restrictions required shorter roof eaves and the average hanok in Seoul Bukchon Hanok Village is only about 25 pyeong in size (about 83 sq. meters or 900 sq. feet). Nowadays Bukchon is famous for its fusion of historical building and new style eateries, creating a mix which is attracting especially young people and a growing number of tourists (Yun, 2011). Degree of Commodification The increasing popularity of the hanok is perhaps best reflected in government efforts to reconstruct and remodel the vernacular houses in Bukchon (North Village) of Seoul. Bukchon, located in the historical center of Seoul, refers to an area between the Gyeongbokgung and Changdeokgung palace complexes. Its name comes from its location being north of the Cheonggye River, which divides the historic part of Seoul into two parts. The relative concentration of vernacular dwellings in the area has prompted the city government to remark that “the area can be called a „street museum in the urban core‟ with many historical spots,cultural heritages, and folk materials. Efforts to remodel deteriorating hanok dwellings in the area in order to restore the historical character of Seoul were materialized in the Bukchon Hanok Regeneration Project in 2000, which received the UNESCO Asia-Pacific Heritage Award in 2009. Different degrees and expressions of Urban Intensities - Likely and desirable futures arising from current constellation of forces. Open Words In the discussion about the revitalisation of traditional urban environments, different scholars reflected on the concept of authenticity . Sharon Zukin resonates the concept in her book ‘Naked city: the death and life of authentic urban places’ (Zukin, 2010) when she argues that “authenticity could become a potent tool to combat the recent negative effects of upscale growth if we redefine it as a cultural right to make a permanent home in the city for all people to live and work…”(Zukin, 2010, p. xiii). In contrast, AlSayyad expounds the concept in relationship to tradition and heritage arguing that too

often traditional urban environment are marketed, packed, imagined and consumed. Thus, the ‘authenticity’ of traditional places becomes a product of a global economy, causing conflicts over everyday life places and the displacement of ‘tradition’ as a physical point of reference when discussing the modernisation of historic districts (AlSayyad, 2001). Furthermore, in ‘The End of Tradition?’ (AlSayyad, 2004) AlSayyad quotes Upton who argued that "we should turn our attention away from a search for the authentic, the characteristic, the enduring and the pure, and immerse ourselves in the active, the evanescent, and the impure, seeking settings that are ambiguous, multiple, often contested, and examining points of contact and transformation – in the market, at the edge, in the new and the decaying" (Upton, quoted in AlSayyad, 2004, p.10). Thus, instead of relying on a static concept of tradition, scholar should challenge the term in times of globalisation in for example re-evaluating its use in questioning how the promotion of alternative forms of tourism in historical environments can offer new possibilities but also chances of resistance (AlSayyad, 2001; AlSayyad, 2004). In summary, urban studies are increasingly multi-disciplinary, and contexts, views and focus are varied according to different cases (Graham, 1997, Kent, 1990; Soja, 2001). Yet the study of the vernacular landscapes in global cities, combining spatial, social and cultural studies in a qualitative approach, is a neglected area of research, despite the fact that it is central to understanding the complex relationships between the local and global (Gehl, 1996, Marcus and Francis, 1998). Furthermore, some studies on vernacular landscapes may help us to understand social relationships within physical properties (Jacobs, 1993, Sorensen, 2007, Williams and Stimson, 2001, Sloman, 1999), yet few have answered questions on how the vernacular landscapes adapts over time to different uses and affects of global change. The interdisciplinary study has drawn on urban theory, anthropology and architecture to develop an understanding of vernacular places that facilitates different realities and other narratives of the contemporary city. Nevertheless, the research is not arguing to focus only on the social processes within urban space, but on the city as a whole, including spatial, economical and social aspects. This is an understanding that asks to approach the configuration of the city as a product of innovative and cultural practices. Thus, the research is not offering new assumptions on the diversity and complexity of the city but tries to understand urban space as new geographies of urban theory focussing on daily processes and small-scale events, which shape the socio-spatial configuration of the vernacular landscape and its cultural context (Robinson, 2006). By focusing in future research projects on a variety of vernacular landscapes in diverse cultural and contested settings, the attempts made by researchers as e.g. Öncü and Weyland and Lee and Yeoh to recognize vernacular, marginal and derelict as one part of the global discourse (Lee and Yeoh, 2004, Öncü and Weyland, 1997) could be supported and strengthened, in measuring and analysing next to the current status quo, processes and structures of political power and economic struggles of vernacular places, thus offering a deeper insight in the mutual process of forgetting and remembering places (Markusen, 2004). Finally, urban planners could gain deeper insights into how to support spontaneous developments and create meaningful places by focusing on projects that combine spatial and social research and analysing different forms of traditional and new public spaces and how they succeed or fail to create diverse forms of social interaction. Additionally, the analysis of cultural and psychological meaning of vernacular landscapes can complement the field of urban theory and practice, as the development and future of diverse places cannot be determined beforehand but just closely looked at and accompanied. These and similar issues can form parts of future research, taking this research as a source of inspiration or starting point for a counter discourse.

Exploring public-private-space interfaces in 3d Hong Kong and Tokyo Hendrik Tieben, Associate Professor School of Architecture, The Chinese University of Hong Kong The project “Measuring the non-measurable” raised the question: How can intensities of high-density cities be measured? And, why should we be interested in urban intensities in the first place? Urban intensity triggers our emotions when experiencing cities and places. These emotions can be excitement, joy and surprise; create engagement, compassion and identification, or on the other hand, can be pressure, fear, isolation or disengagement. Thus urban intensity – while difficult to capture – strongly affects our quality of life. Essential for the degree of urban intensities experienced, are interfaces organizing the relationship of between public and private space. Their articulation facilitates or obstructs social interaction; and their specific design can express local culture and individual taste as well as stimulate our senses. How we experience urban intensities depends further from different circumstances: as much as we sometimes may enjoy load music and bodily contact, while in other situations we might not find them tolerable, if we are not given free choice. Public-private-space interfaces can allow experiences of: - Aesthetic and sensual attractions - Communication and exchange - Discovery and surprise - Personalization and self-realization - Privacy and protection - Social interaction The different partners of the Mn’M project investigated relationships between public-private-space interfaces and urban intensities along public street spaces. This study starts with the exploration of interfaces in the three-dimensional city. In Hong Kong and parts of Tokyo, many people spend a significant part of their daily time in multilayered spaces of infrastructures, commercial buildings, in transitional zones of office and residential towers while only occasionally setting foot back on public street spaces. With the extreme density of these cities, the organization of public-private-space interfaces becomes particularly crucial for the quality of living as well as for finding niches for microeconomic opportunities and self-realization. Based on the high investments needed to build high vertical structures they are financed and managed by large corporations and government authorities. In traditional cities, individuals and communities had an immediate influence on the design of the transition between public and private spaces, thus regulating the desired degree of privacy and social interaction as well as express their cultural preferences and individual tastes. Tokyo still has many neighborhoods with low individual buildings, offering the qualities resulting from the co-creation of districts by the effort of different residents. However, in the three-dimensional city, decisions about the quality of space are made from a distance and often in view of profit maximization, efficiency, security, or only the lowering of maintenance costs. In addition, in these parts of the city the pressure on street spaces increases, with the higher demand for traffic movements and higher rents. Following the analyses of Post-Marxist urban theorist Alexander Cuthbert the capitalist vertical city is all but a place of exploitation. Constant Nieuwenhuys’ New Babylon project and Rem Koolhaas’ Delirious New York allow us to imagine, however, three-dimensional urban spaces also as places with the alternative potentials to escape from daily routines, follow our desires and find self-fulfillment.

Constant Nieuwenhuys, New Babylon, 1968 The following text discusses observations made during dérives through four districts in Hong Kong and Tokyo. Starting point of each dérive was a mass-transit station; following the important role of these public mass-transport nodes for the movements in these cities and their vertical expansion. Particular attention was given, to interfaces as niche spaces, carved out by individuals with their own creativity to create spaces for self-realization and interaction, despite the high density, spiraling land costs, and strict management rules. The four dérives were recorded with mobile GPS devices, capturing horizontal and vertical movements (although the vertical movements remained difficult to track with precision). The GPS devices recorded also the locations where photos were taken. This would offer the opportunity to capture visual clues attracting our attention and help navigating through the three dimensional city. In the four dérives, movements were directed towards specific vertical spaces, and thus don’t represent people‘s everyday journeys. Experiments with local residents and GPS recorders would give better insights about their perception and navigation through these spaces. In any case, the dérives showed already, the intensive use of many upper floor spaces of these cities. In both cities, the newest large-scale developments were becoming more similar. The dérives drifted for instance through the International Finance Center (Hong Kong), Langham Place (Kowloon), Queen’s Square (Yokohama) and Akihabara UDX (Tokyo). These projects are all closely connected to the public mass transport and similarly branded interiors. The boundaries filtering visitors, office workers and residents, are shifted in all buildings to upper floors, keeping several lower levels accessible to the general public. Like in most suburban malls, there were no explicit entrance controls. The expensive interiors, high prices and visual presence of guards may nevertheless push less affluent social groups not to stay longer.

Akihabara UDX Complex, Tokyo At Hong Kong’s International Finance Center, the main attention of the design is given to the interior spaces of the mall, car park, metro exits, and office lobbies. Street spaces, bus stations and footbridges are treated as pure circulation spaces. However, this created the opportunity to use these spaces on Sundays, when the bank offices in area are closed for the gathering of foreign domestic helpers, which come here to picnic and chat, on one of the city’s most expensive pieces of land. Due to the spatial separation of the footbridges from the interior mall space, both can exist as parallel worlds, without experiencing negative interference. The vertical malls Langham Place and Queen’s Square in both cities use large vertical atriums with steep escalators to connect up to 15 commercial levels. The diagonal movement on the escalators through atrium spaces creates an intensive sensation of awe based on the verticality. Outside of the Queen’s Square, a large wheel, offers visitors another opportunity of vertical excitement. In these spaces the sensation of modern vertical metropolises are re-staged. Hong Kong is well known for its verticality, which developed related to its scarce space and steep natural topography. One of the most famous inspirations for the vertical malls the city’s Central Escalator system in SOHO, which however differs from these large on-off developments, by linking different topographical levels of a vibrant and diverse city.

Spaces on and around the Central Escalator Hong Kong After completion of the escalator in the 1990s the surrounding buildings started to transform their uses, while their low structures were kept. Despite the high land prices here continue to exist niche spaces for small eateries and shops on the different street levels and on the upper floors of the older shoptenement houses where little individual shops and DIY workshops can be found. Each rent increase causes another small store to move but still some remain. These buildings next to the escalator were originally used in the upper floors for housing. Thus their staircases are narrow. Shopkeepers started to decorate landings with art works and plants. Doors originally leading to residential flats are today left half-open inviting visitors to sneak-in. The decoration of the shops plays with the ambivalence between domestic and commercial space, thus inviting visitors to stay. If we compare the districts Akihabara (Tokyo) and Mong Kok (Kowloon) we find several differences, despite their similar bustling life. In Akihabara, the access to upper floor shops is clearly indicated. Vertical shop-houses and blocks were designed as multistory commercial buildings. Thus their staircases, escalators and elevators are positioned well visible behind the entrance facades. Abundant signs inform visitors about the offerings of upper floor shops. From the vertical access elements visitors immediately arrive in the shops without transition zones, allowing for the maximization of display space.

Upper floor stores in former shop-tenement houses along the Central Escalator (Hong Kong) In contrast, visitors in the large building blocks from the 1960-80s in Mong Kok have to pass through narrow corridors, leading to dark lift lobbies and to the upper floors. Outside of the buildings, large neon signs may indicate shops and restaurants, but once in the elevator indications are often missing. In contrast to Akihabaraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s commercial buildings, these large blocks were designed to maximize functional flexibility. Buildings of this generation and standard in Mong Kok are mixed-use but with no effort in providing separate access systems for the different programs. Thus one can find on the same upper floors guesthouses, massage parlors, restaurants, and private family homes. Akihabara and Mong Kokâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s three-dimensional labyrinths allowed the development of particular youth cultures, which spill out to the open streets of the districts and find refuges on the upper floors where rents remained cheaper. Here the vertical spaces of the city indeed sometimes offer qualities of a New Babylon as spaces for experimentation, gathering and self-fulfillment beyond the daily controls of society. These spaces particularly contrast to the life worlds created in Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s new towns, where spatial organization and strict management rules allow neither shops, workshops or cafes in upper floors of residential towers, street shops are rare and public life ends strictly at the property line.

Drift through vertical shop-house in Akihabara Potential for further research The here discussed districts of Hong Kong and Tokyo offer examples of complex three-dimensional urban spaces. And their organization and mode of operating raises many questions related to the experience of urban intensities and public-private-space relationships. Especially Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s threedimensional urban spaces offer little clues to visitors how to find particular destinations. The little effort to give visual help is as surprising as the large amount of people, which nevertheless can be encountered in these spaces. This leaves us with the questions: Do these places avoid visibility to cover up their potential semi-legal existence? Do shop owners prefer to cater only to smaller numbers of customers as a way to cope with an otherwise overcrowded and impersonal city, and find ways to facilitate more substantial personal interactions? Or are more indications not necessary as customers enjoy the path finding and surprise discoveries as parts of their leisure activities? Or is the navigation through the three-dimensional city already entirely organized via online guides on smart phones, which have in deed high popularity and may transform our traditional way of navigating, experiencing and organizing the city?

Draft paper for MnM 2013 Symposium

Edges of Intensity: Redesigning the Urban Block Jorge Almazán

Spaces designed today will be lived and experienced tomorrow. The future is the realm of design. At the same time, only designs that learn from the existing urban conditions can succeed. For this final symposium “Future Intesities” this paper aims to overcome two conceptual oppositions: design vs. research, and Western vs. Eastern urbanity, by showing specific urban projects based on lessons learned from the Japanese city but adapted to Spanish urban conditions. By combining research with urban design, the possibilities for designing future intensities will be explored.

“Vertical green cities,” again?

An increasing number of Japanese cities including Tokyo are implementing policies to reach the model of the “compact city” by rising the population density. However, there are different ways to distribute the same density and allocate open spaces on a site. Each configuration of built mass has consequences in the quality of urban life produced in the open spaces between buildings (Fig.1). Tokyo has been developed based on low-rise highcoverage typo-morphologies of single-family houses, but since 2000 there have been multiple redevelopments based on high-rise low-coverage typologies: the “tower mansions,” as popularly known in Japanese. Land developers like Mori Building, actively defend the idea of transforming Tokyo into a ‘vertical green city’. Although these high rise residential buildings have been criticized for their environmental (wind turbulences, shadows), and social impact (loss of community and local neighborhood shopping streets), similar the criticism can be found back earlier since the first opposition to modern planning. The ideas on “vertical green cities” started to circulate with Le Corbusier’s urban proposals. Modern architects designed high-density residential areas based on free-standing high-rise slab blocks and towers, which left green open spaces between the buildings. From the 1960s on strong criticism raised against this model for its irrationality (L. Martin) or for its destruction of liveliness (J. Jacobs, R. Koolhaas). This criticism lead in Europe to a re-establishment of the traditional urban forms: the ‘grid and courtyard’ city model of enclosed urban forms –streets and squares– and perimeter blocks around a central ‘courtyard’ became the

by-default standard. At the same time, Tokyo followed a deregulated, developer-driven pattern of growth. Additionally, recent events after the Tohoku Earthquake have revealed the vulnerability of residential towers in relation with electricity, water and gas supplies (called “lifelines” in Japanese) in case of disaster. In spite of all this criticism, the “tower mansion” model dominates the new developments of Tokyo. It seems crucial for the Japanese city to develop medium-rise, medium coverage residential typo-morphologies. The city of Madrid offers a great variety of these types, designed according to the post-modern revival of the perimeter block. Many of them, by prominent architects, have received architecture prizes. Although these designs offer great architectural ingenuity as objects, they show a complete neglect of urban intensity. Japanese cities, dominated by plot-by-plot development, achieve at the scale of the small single-family house an emergent order of well maintained urban spaces and vital communities. But when the same logic is applied to skyscraper developments the need to think the urban block scale becomes urgent. MusashiKosugi, an on-going development in Kawasaki City, is one example. In Europe, the post-modern reaction against modernism brought about a come-back of the 19th century perimeter urban block, but in many cases, contemporary urban conditions have not been addressed and the new urban developments are as dull as the modernist slabs-and-tower complexes. The PAUs (Plans of Urban Action) developed in Madrid before the real-state bubble burst in 2008 are examples of a reductionist application of perimeter blocks without the potential to activate public space (Fig. 2 to 7). What follows are several design suggestions based on the block scale, examples of how design can be a tool to research future “urban intensities.” In spite of the complexity of the contemporary city and the apparent impossibility to suggest general rules, this designs aim at establishing a design theory. In this sense, the designs presented here aim to resist both the neoliberalist design logic, where the architect became a mere “design consultant”, and also the withdrawal of urban designers and architects into the private realm of subjectivity and personal branding. This projects are

offered as a trigger for discussion, in order to achieve a minimum inter-subjective agreement among designers, a minimum synthesis to guide future action, even if partial and limited. This collective agreement seems to be an indispensable step to join forces and build a collective body of thought and actions to claim the “right to the city,” and the role of architecture design, and counteract the urban speculation bubbles created by global capitals.

Urban blocks: Four Proposals Calahorra: Filigrane Blocks

A large new development area was planned in the city of Calahorra (La Rioja Region, Spain, 2007). Examining the existing urban tissues we opted for a new urbanism based on small units creating interstices of several sizes. The goal here was not to define buildings, but rather to define an experience of urban tissue. The size and height of each built unit was designed according to the public space to be created. Building and void were treated as a unit. We propose an urban texture which is as different from the preexisting textures as much as they are among them (medieval city, modern expansion, sprawl). Urbanity is created by density -determined by the Municipal Master Plan- and diversity, a rich and wide range of relationships and gradients between private and public, individual and collective spaces. The projects creates an intricate net of relationships that recovers the small and the intermediate scale: a fine-grained fabric, a filigrane urbanism.

Elda: Inhabited Park

Residential substance can be added in strategic sites to add “eyes on the street.” A marginalized sector of the city of Elda was designated for redevelopment. We aimed not only at keeping the existing population on site, but also at increasing it in order facilitate urban intensity. Housing was integrated in the area as part of the park, so that the park would change from a dangerous area to a lively public space. The zoning of the site, dividing it into two intervention areas: landscape and dwelling. We aimed to overcome this zoning by combining both interventions: an inhabited park that establishes a symbiotic relationship. The housing benefits from its privileged location in a green and iconic topographic area, the park benefits from the presence of housing and their inhabitants. The site is composed by three clear areas: to the South the Numancia district, a consolidated neighbourhood that requires to be revitalized specially around the area of the San Miguel Hill, its heighest and more visible point. To the North, the topographic landmark of the Tafalera hill, a neglected area that needs to be recovered for the city by enhancing its landscape features. Between the Northern and Southern hills, a small valley currently occupied by the marginalized neighborhood. This slum was planned to be demolished

and the project offered housing for reallocating the population on the site. The three areas described above required different responses, its character had to be enhanced rather than flattened and unified. Accordingly we proposed three different ways of intervening, all of them closely interconnected by new and renovated roads and paths. In the Numancia district, where demolishing is not permitted, we proposed strategies for urban renovation that will catalyze gradual change in the area, such as infill housing and recreational programs, re-pavement of streets and new routes connecting with the city centre. In the Northern Tafalera Hill we propose an urban garden, which includes a hillside-housing area. In the valley area we create a new boulevard that connects with the currently neglected Vinalopo Riverside Park. This boulevard integrates trees, paths and housing in small towers. Our proposal included therefore two strategies for social regeneration: on one hand densification, since we expand the available land for housing to the hillside and increase the total number of housing to allow any inhabitant to live here (not only rellocated slum inhabitants). On the other hand, the proposal includes three types of housing: the existing low houses of Numancia, the hillside housing of Tafalera and the mini-tower housing of the valley. This diversity will attract different inhabitants and will contribute to change the marginalized profile of the area into a new character of innovative dwelling, a new urbanity that overcomes traditional zoning separating “landscape” and “housing.”

Cerdanyola: Micro-blocks in Macroblocks

The master plan was the by-default grid with perimeter blocks, a type of plan which has been in use in Spain since the 1980s with very negative consequences for the public space. The relentless concentration of commerce in few units of large area wipes out the traditional street shops which gave animation to the street. The characteristic blocks with private collective patios that are systematically proposed in this type of plans aggravate the situation since they absorb the activity and animation into the patios. The resulting public spaces lack the required urban intensity. We proposed to combine two centrifugal and extrovert typologies to ensure appropriate responses to the site edge and to activate public space. Facing the wide avenues we propose metropolitan high-rise buildings façades, protecting well lit and ventilated dwellings. Behind the high rise buildings, a low and compact residential mat of courtyard houses. A hybrid urban morphology that ensures not only sufficient density but also the necessary urban intensity that enables meetings and interactions to happen in public space so that this site does not become another bedroom suburb.

Barcelona: Solar slabs on urban podia

The plan for the new La Sagrera district aims to reconnect the northern area of Barcelona by creating a new park over the existing railways. Until now these railways have divided this part of the city into two segregated parts. Our site, located on the northern tip of the future park, needed a special effort of reconnection. The site faces disconnected, isolated and monofunctional urban precincts of industry, residence, park, and shopping. Our project created a permeable edge that links these urban conditions to allow social, commercial and natural flows to interact. The project integrates the required green spaces along these flow lines as linking boulevards, where vegetation and urban public space coexists. The tertiary program, located on service podia along the boulevards, activate the built edge with shops, cafĂŠs, workshops and cultural facilities housed in a flexible and neutral structure.

The residential program, located above the podia and orientated to the south, takes full advantage of the benign Mediterranean climate. Each housing block contains terraces and porches, and an inclined street that offers an additional transversal connection. To pursue the goal of energy self-sufficiency the apartments are designed to make full use of bioclimatic and passive design measures for energy saving, such as solar heating in winter and cross-ventilation in summer. Additionally, each urban block works as a energy production unit, generating solar energy by integrating photovoltaic louvers in the south faĂ§ades and rooftops. The project thus enhanced permeability of social and natural elements, both at the urban and the architectural scale, to serve as a seed of urban regeneration for the district and as a model of energy self-sufficiency for Barcelona.

Fig.1 Same density in different typomorphologies (Source: Andrew Wright Associates, cited in Rogers and Urban Task Force, 1999, p. 62)

Fig.2 New housing project in Carabanchel (Madrid) on the left, by S-M.A.O. Lonja de la Seda Street. September 2013 (photograph by the author)

Fig.3 Row houses in Carabanchel (Madrid) showing a more lively edge to the street. Alzina Street. September 2013 (photograph by the author) Fig. 5 Housing project in Carabanchel (Madrid) by Dosmasuno. La Peseta Avenuef. September 2013 (photograph by the author)

Fig. 4 New housing project in Carabanchel (Madrid) on the right, by S-M.A.O. Alzina Street. September 2013 (photograph by the author)

Fig. 7 Housing project in Carabanchel (Madrid) by Aranguren+Gallegos. September 2013 (photograph by the author)

Fig. 6 Housing project in Carabanchel (Madrid) by Thom Mayne Morphosis, seen from Morales street. September 2013 (photograph by the author)

Residential units: mixed family types and slope streets

Patio space: Semi-public space, urban farming and rainwater collection

Ground floor: Commercial and common spaces, local facilities

Fig. 8 Barcelona. Urban block: program layers

Underground: Parking, energy and water treatment installations

Fig. 9 Cerdanyola. Micro-blocks (left) nested in macro-blocks (right)

Fig. 10 Calahorra. Urbanism of interstices

Fig. 11 Elda. Housing integrated in a park to avoid the marginalization of the area

Exercises in Urban Reconnaissance. An attempt at a rhythmanalytical approach to the urban. Lorenzo Tripodi, PhD â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Tesserae Urban and Social research, Berlin Draft version, not to be quoted Abstract Starting from a personal point of view, from the perspective of a researcher in urban studies who develops a parallel activity in film making and a leaning into activism, this presentation aims at delineating the practice of urban reconnaissance as an attempt to develop a rhythmanalytical approach to the urban. We follow here, once again, the suggestions of Henri Lefebvre, which at the end of his monumental career, after ponderous epistemologies of spatial and political dimensions of (urban) life, delivers an agile little book, almost in form of aphorisms, to call for the ultimate necessity of grasping the city wholeness through the understanding of rhythm(s). In Ă&#x2030;lĂŠments de rhythmanalyse, ideally the forth volume of the Critique of Everyday Life, Lefevbre pushes himself to invoke the creation a new professional figure, the rhythmanalist, listening to city's noises, murmurs and as well silences. Recognizing in Lefebvre's words many of the instincts and principles guiding my steps in the urban territories, I will present the book project which I am currently editing on the practice of urban reconnaissance, taking the form of a series of exercises to disentangle the complexity of urban structures and rhythms. Reconnaissance is a term employed mainly in a military context. It reflects the necessity of a deep knowledge of the field of operation in order to dominate it strategically. But deeper than that, reconnaissance has its etymological origin in the latin re cognoscere, knowing again, that gives the sense of how the knowledge of a place is essentially resonance, recognition of patterns, rhythms and recurrences which are primarily known to our body. Introducing my work. I am an architect, with a phD in Urban planning; my main research topics are on public space issues, media and participation, urban regeneration and European urban policy, modernism and urban peripheries. In parallel, I developed a career as a media artist, film maker and performer, mainly under the collective signature of the ogino:knauss project, that I co-founded in 1995. Deriving from this experience, I found myself also in the role of a political activist for social and spatial issues, struggling for defending the social role of urban spaces, for granting independent media and information channels, and the struggle to defend the commons. These three perspectives or identities finally sum up in being a citizen, having spent the majority of my life in three intriguing and very different cities as Napoli, where I was born and raised, Firenze, where I studied and started my professional an artistic activities, and finally Berlin, where I am living since some years. From the multiple perspective of an academic researcher, a film maker and an active citizen, exploring and analyzing cities has always been my main activity. This is what I have done in practical terms all along my life, what I have been reflecting about. As a researcher, I have been enquiring aspects like the alternative geographies of immigration, occupied spaces and temporary autonomous zones, appropriation practices of public space, and the transformation of the urban landscape deriving by new media diffusion. Inspired by the situationism, by the theory of the derive I have been practicing alone or often together with fellow psycho geographers or students groups the art of getting lost in the city, trying to grasp deeper or less immediate meanings and forms of the urban reality. Together with oginoknauss I have practiced a steady research on innovative forms of representation for the urban transformation for the increasingly more complex, intricate and multicultural reality of contemporary cities. Recently I decided to embark on the project of an anthology of modes to explore and represent the urban, which I defined exercises in urban reconnaissance, drawing on the many practical experiences done so far. This is the very empirical experience I want to propose to you today, hoping that this could help focus on the fascinating topics of this conference. However, before discussing with you this project, I would like to take a short digression towards the work of Henri Lefebvre, which has always been an essential point of reference for my work. Although I

have been quite familiar with his work all along my scholar experience, in particular with that milestone of urban studies that is the Production of Space, and many other writings on cities like la Revolution Urbaine and the Right to the City, it is only more recently that I discovered his last book, “Elements of Rhythmanalysis”. This has been sort of an illumination, mostly because in Lefebvre’s words, so clearly exposed that I could never hope to equal, I recognized principles and instincts that have been guiding my personal attitude towards the city. So, very shortly I would like to do homage to this little treasure, as a main theoretical reference for what I have been developing essentially as an empirical, practical experience in exploring of the global urbanizing world. Elements of Rhythmanalysis. At the end of his monumental career, after ponderous epistemologies of spatial and political dimensions of (urban) life, Henri Lefebvre delivers an agile little book, almost in form of aphorisms, called Elements de Rhythmanalyse. In this book, ideally the forth volume of the Critique of Every Day Life, the not concealed ambition of Lefevbre is nothing less than to found a new science, the analysis of rhythm. Lefevbre pushes himself to invoke the creation a new professional figure, the rhythmanalyst, listening to city's “noises, murmurs and as well silences”, using his senses to grasp and disentangle the complex polyrhythmia of life. I must add that Lefebvre never specifically address his book, and the science he pleas for, specifically to understanding cities. He elaborates about a discipline interested in understanding rhythm in itself. But if we look at this project as a consequence of the entire Lefevbrian career and as the accomplishment of the Critique of Every Day cycle, it is clear that Rhythmanalysis constitutes an essential complement to his foundational spatial epistemology and his positioning the urban in a key role to understand capitalist production and reproduction of social relationships. From his balcony on place Rambouteu, inspired by the view on Beaubourg’s life, listening to the city’s breathe, he writes notes on the city inspired by music, by a musical sentiment. The parallel of music with the urban field is in my opinion extremely effective to understand the problems tackled by this conference, the dialectics between measurable and non-measurable dimensions and phenomenologies generating urban identities and intensities. Music can be widely described and analysed in quantitative terms, by measuring frequencies, wavelengths, tones, harmonics, chords. It is a fully graspable phenomenon in terms of physics, mathematics and even geometry; but nevertheless all this measurable knowledge can hardly contribute to acknowledge or create great music. There is still a talent or genius that escapes any formula, that makes a great musician, that is necessary to produce beautiful music, even to train an ear for music. Similarly, cities can be described and examined according to plenty of measurable parameters, but no matter how complex and refined sets of data you can assemble and analyse, there is always some overall character, call it intensity, quality, essence that escapes any simple reduction at an objective and countable explanation, and calls for different senses, languages and approaches. I am not saying such a quality or essence is obscure or ungraspable. On the contrary, everyone is potentially able to get it. Everyone has the capacity to perceive the harmony, the positive energy, the beauty - or vice versa, dystopia, conflict, deprivation in urban space. Potentially everyone, educated or not, urban scholar, practitioner or common citizen has the capacity to get it. Even a traveller landing in a totally new place is able to get an immediate impression of the place which is generally more correct than misleading… if he has been able to preserve or cultivate that sensibility, that instinct which is the object of this presentation. We perceive the city, its mood, its energy, its appeal, its success. I think this sense, this capacity is exactly what Lefebvre proposed to cultivate and develop through his new science of Rhythmanalysis. At the beginning of his book, in the chapter entitled Critique of the Thing, Lefebvre makes this observation about the concept of rhythm: “Is there a general concept of rhythm? Answers: yes, and everyone possesses it; but nearly all those who use this word believe themselves to master and possess its content, its meaning. Yet the meanings of the term remain obscure. We easily confuse rhythm with movement, speed, sequence of movements, objects (machines, for example). Following this, we tend to attribute to rhythms a mechanical overtone, brushing aside the organic aspect of rhythmed movements.” (p.5) In a similar way, everyone seem to possess the meaning of city: architects who dominate spatial design, are convinced that their practice can solve all the equations necessary to produce an

harmonic city; planners think their set of rules sufficient to govern the good city; statisticians assume their numbers to be able to represent all the essential parameters; and so, engineers, politicians, citizens, they all know what a good city is and how should it work. Rather, it is in the linguistic paradox of confronting their languages and representations of the city, in the reduction to one common discourse that lies al the political substance of the urban question. Here comes the provocative proposition of Lefebvre for a discipline of rhythmanalysis, the analysis of rhythms in all their magnitude “from particles to galaxies”, with a transdisciplinary character. A discipline “with the objective, among others, of separating as little as possible, the scientific from the poetic” (p.87). The portrait of the Rhythmanalist is that of one stroller “with his thoughts and his emotions, his impression and wonders (…) more sensitive to times than to spaces, to moods than to images, to the atmosphere than to particular events, he is strictly speaking neither psychologist, nor sociologist, nor anthropologist, nor economist; however, he borders on each of these instruments in turn and is able to draw on the instruments that the specialist use. (p.87) I an not going into discussing in deep Lefebvre’s book, which is already synthetic, dense and poetically written so that you can really read it in one breath. It is actually difficult to summarize more than he already did. I just want to quickly pick up some elements of his discourse on rhythm that I think are relevant in our reflection about understanding, measuring, representing cities, starting from this list of categories and oppositions which he quotes as indispensable to the unfolding of the discourse (p. 9): repetition and difference mechanical and organic discovery and creation cyclical and linear continuous and discontinuous quantitative and qualitative First Lefebvre points its attention to the constitutional opposition of repetition and difference. “No rhythm” he writes” without repetition in times and space, without reprises, without returns, in short, without measure. But there is no identical absolute repetition, whence the relation between repetition and difference ” (p.6) No rhythm without repetition. But at the same time, repetition engenders difference: in very simplistic terms, 1=1, but the second terms is different if not because it is the second. Thus Lefebvre points out at how those couples in a dialectical relation engender triads: dialectics means that from the relation between two elements always derives a third element. As in Hegel’s “thesis, antithesis, synthesis”, Marx’s “economical, social, political” , or to stay in our field, “melody, rhythm, harmony” which he translates also as “time, space, energy”. To understand rhythm, from repetition and difference we come to measure, that magical word that brings us together today, which Lefebvre defines an “apparently enlightened but in fact obscure notion. ” and then continues: ”What makes the measurable and the non-measurable? Isn’t time, which seems to escape measure on account of its fluidity, that which measures itself: the millionths of seconds in the cycle of galaxies, the hours in the seasons and the month? Why and how? Would the spatialisation of time be a preconditional operation for its measurement? (…) The element trough which we come to measure is the body. Human body, our body, social body maybe… In the second chapter of the book, called The Rhythmanalyst, a Previsionary Portrait, he deepens this double role of the body, of sensing device and of measure unit: “The body consists of a bundle of rhythms, different but in tune. It is not only music that produces perfect harmonies. The body produces a garland of rhythms, one could say a bouquet, though these words suggest an aesthetic arrangement, as if the artist nature has foreseen beauty, the harmony of the body (of bodies)- that result from all its history. What is certain is that harmony sometimes (often) exists: eurhythmia. The eurhythmic body, composed of diverse rhythms – each organ, each function having its own – keeps them in metastable equilibrium, which is always understood and often recovered, with the exception of disturbances (arrhythmia) that sooner or later become illness (the pathological state)”. (p. 20)

We are introducing then some more essential concepts, a new triad I would say, composed of eurhythmia, isorhythmia, arrhythmia. A triad that is equally important to understand the city as a harmonic composition of different rhythms, some constant and repeated, some evolving, discordant, finally tending to the pathological state of decay, disruption, disharmony. Still the measure of the urban polyrhythmia is in the body, in human body, in our body. But I think is time to close this digression on Lefevre with a last quote: “The rhythmanalysts calls on all his senses. He draws on his breathing, the circulation of his blood, the beatings of his heart and the delivery of his speech as landmarks. Without privileging any one of these sensations, raised by him in the perception of rhythms, to the detriment of any other. He thinks with his body, not in abstract but in the lived temporality.” Exercises in urban reconnaissance We come finally to my book, that is an in progress operation and will be publicly launched in few weeks, published online with a weekly rhythm, one exercise per week, for the use of every urban flaneur, and finally gathered in a printed limited and numbered edition for those few still appreciating the smell of paper and a good care of inking. Reconnaissance is a term employed mainly in a military context. It reflects the necessity of a deep knowledge of the field of operation in order to dominate it strategically. But deeper than that, reconnaissance has its etymological origin in the latin re cognoscere, knowing again, that gives the sense of how the knowledge of a place is essentially resonance, recognition of patterns, rhythms and recurrences which are primarily known to our body. This project is the fruit of a daily practice of exploring cities and the very idea of city itself. It is the result of an obstinate flanérie into the urbanised world, a personal diary filled with curiosities and practical investigations into the substance of the urban condition. The book is presented in the form of a collection of exercises for reading the structure, or conversely the rhythm, of the city. If originally I conceptualised my research essentially from the spatial perspective of the planner and architect as analysing the form of the city, its morphology, therefore its structure, in the course of my wandering the inseparable nature of time and space, or the consistency of rhythm and structure, emerged as an evident truth. To a significant extent rhythm and structure are synonyms, both composed of repetitions and differences, of repetitions that become differences. Rhythms and structures are both to understand as relations between parts. 32 exercises, maybe more, as every day I come to some new idea, and I have already a dozen more candidates… #1 Liquid City #2 Material City #3 Membrane City #4 Inhabited city #5 Name City #6 Public City #7 Infrastructure City #8 Underground City #9 Border City #10 City of Forms #11 Memory City #12 Transforming City #13 Spontaneous City #14 Conflict City #15 Power City #16 Flowing City #17 Program City #18 Rhythm City #19 Ordered City #20 Market city #21 Culture City #22 Net City

#23 Layered City #24 Text City #25 Data City #26 Ruled City #27 Sound City #28 Art City #29 Fading City #30 Nature City #31 Surveillance City #32 Narrated City Initially, those exercises have been gathered in random order, reflecting the variety of approaches we can think in order to read the city. I gathered many of them for the first time during a workshop I led in Aosta, proposing to each participant to pick up one exercise from a basket and then move all together through the city, each one taking note of a different aspect of the urban structure, to confront together in the end about what city each participant had been observing. Since then I have been refining and translating the exercises, and I’ve got also to order them according to some arbitrary logic. Therefore, now they are listed grosso modo starting from the more material, primal, essential agents producing urban space, through more definitely social and political processes and negotiations, to end up towards more semantic and representational configurations of the urban. (Which by the way, reminds us of the unavoidable spatial triads of Henri Lefebvre, for instance the distinction among lived, conceived and perceived space…) Each exercise considers the necessity to maintain a holistic gaze on the complexity of urban existence, while urging to adopt precise vantage points and perspectives to bring depth and contrast to the vision. Every chapter begins with a different definition of the word ‘city’. True and complex, every single definition is also simultaneously partial and unable to fully explain the sense of the city. They serve as a starting point for an exercise proposed to the reader. The challenge is to observe, assess and represent a piece of the city from a specific perspective, singling out particular rhythms concurring to the production the whole urban eurhythmia. Finally, every exercise is accompanied by notes and graphic elaborations from the author’s travelogues. They are fragments from a divagation around the global city, attempts at capturing the city’s breath, and at the same time, fragments of a biographical account of interests and passions, lived and productive times. Some of those explorations have been fully developed, while others are merely a draft or something imagined. I will present in the following some of these exercises, still in an in progress state of elaboration #1 Liquid City. The city is a lymphatic system; it is a structure of liquid flows. Its populations are composed primarily of water. There is no settlement without water, all cities develop where waters spring or cross; their form is determined by how water is distributed, appropriated and accessed. Exercise: track the water course on your path. Analyse where the water follows the natural direction determined by the territory and where it is artificially addressed. Check where rain is channelled and what slopes determine its direction. Try to assess the underground course of water, where water plunges and where it emerges. Check all devices and technologies connected to the distribution of water. Identify the main nodes of its distribution. Deduce the existence of discrete systems of liquid flows, precipitation, potable water, sewage… Are there cisterns, reservoirs, tanks? Pipelines, pumping systems, water purification facilities? Public fountains, lavatories, water closets? Investigate the public or private nature of water in the city; who runs the infrastructure; who stands to gain from its distribution; who owns it and who pays for it. Who is granted access to water and who is denied it? Try to retrace a complete cycle of water from rainfall to domestic water to sewage. How and where is the cycle closed off? How far does the lifecycle of water extend beyond the scale of the city? Water is the primal element determining the morphology of every city, as well as influencing economy and politics, as the latter is in great part determined by issues of distribution and control of resources. We chose here to work on Berlin, acknowledging the fundamental role of water management in shaping form and character of this city. Berlin has a slow pace, relaxed, somehow placid character. The way water flows through the city influences its overall character, even from a social and

anthropological point of view. There are cities with a torrential character, there are swampy cities, there are arid or tempestuous cities. Investigating their fundamental relation with water, we can roughly divide cities in two categories: cities which struggle to draw water in and cities who struggle to pump water out. Berlin’s technical challenge, as in Venice, Rotterdam etcetera, is essentially to drain the excess of water in order to settle foundations, consolidate soil and preserve buildings from go rotten. The funny huge coloured pipelines used to drain building sites are a landmark of Berlin, and they essentially mean work in progress, transformation, regeneration, displacement… following the proposed exercise, we left one of those pipes to guide our steps across the Ostkreuz neighboutrhood. #3 Membrane City. The city is a structure of separations, comprised of natural, artificial or legal diaphragms that serve to filter our accessibility to different places. It is shaped by closures and openings, obstacles and interruptions, walls and doors, fences and passages, prohibitions and privileges. Exercise: trace a straight line on a map connecting two distant points in the city. Try to follow the line as closely as possible, moving in accordance with natural and artificial obstacles and restraints, rules governing access and the legal status of the places to be crossed. Reflect on the nature of these obstructions: are they derived from natural conditions or have they been artificially created? Who created them? Are they the same for everyone? To what degree does the design of the city help overcome obstacles, and to what degree does it create them? Calculate the difference in length between the abstract straight line and the actual path required to travel between the same two points. Consider how this difference depends on different areas of the city, periods of construction and design concepts. Triangolazione has been the first exploration project of the Cartografia Resistente workshop in Florence. In 2004 we traced a triangle on the map, connecting three emblematic spots of the WestNorth periphery of Florence, the new development of Novoli (former Fiat Factory), the Ikea and the Sollicciano Prison. Three places representing an interesting combination of powers and symbolisms, but which could be also considered as a total pretext. The idea was to try to follow as faithfully as possible the straight line drafted on the map, dealing in practice with all the implicit limits of the territory, with all its natural, legal and psychological borders, confronting all sort of obstacles that one can run into walking through the city. The attempt to follow an abstract line on the field becomes a way to read the fragmentation, the parcelization and the chaotic distribution of internal borders of the city. The route has been accomplished in four full days walking. Participants took note of the experience in different ways, writing, taking pictures, capturing sounds or videotaping. A variety of impressions and unexpected discoveries, places, characters and signs inhabits the territory; details vary from the minimum scale to the huge; turns, dead ends, divagations and recognitions; incoherencies, ruptures, connections and disconnections. The city appeared in its unboundable and multifaceted nature. A choral narration has therefore been weaved, starting from single contributions, from personal impressions, using a Wiki as a notebook, connecting text with images and other files uploaded on the internet. An open, dynamical narrative developed, open in progress, progressively enriched adding comments, digressions and links. To tell a linear course in the city evolves rhizomatically, connecting categorically similar objects and images, opening up internal links to related topics as well as enabling related external links in the internet. Starting from the specificities we run onto in the concrete explorations, we identified general phenomena and topics triggering new classifications: this consequently engendered new clusters of pages in the hypertext and new layers in the map. Starting from a very practical, linear, contextual experience of the city, we ended with tackling a complexity of different aspects and implications composing the urban reality. The analytical categories initially adopted in the website multiplied through the practical confrontation with the territory and generated subcategories: in addition to linear paths of explorations, to punctual places traditionally indexed in alphabetical order, and to general topics, we individuated, for instance, “hot zones”, areas of the city particularly affected by transformations and conflicts. The observed transformations led us to ask who was producing such transformations: we therefore started a classification regarding the so called metro-political relations, gathering information about economical and institutional stakeholders as well as grassroots organisations and all kind of subjects participating in transformative and discursive actions about the city. In other words, from a first direct observation of phenomena captured in contact with the urban surface, we started to question which forces where behind them, and tried to make manifest obscured influences transforming the physical and social landscape of the city. The hyper-textual structure of the Wiki helped to emulate the hyper-textual nature of the city, and the ease of the system in creating new pages and new links allowed to

reproduce its multifaceted complexity of relations, even at risk of reproducing also its chaotic, labyrinthic, ultimately unspeakable character. The results of this experience have been since then elaborated in several forms. An exhibition took place at the Elettro+ social Centre in 2005, then in Genua the following year, than again in 2010 CartografiaResistente participated to an exhibition presenting a new exploration on the same places, checking transformations occurred during five years. #6 Public City. The city is a system of public spaces essential to the existence of anyone's private sphere. It is a connective fabric based on shared resources, a commonwealth built through collective care. Exercise: As you cross the city scope out the nature and use of its public spaces. Ask yourself which spaces are public, and what makes them so. Is it a matter of property, a normative status or a cultural factor? Is it a consequence of their morphology or accessibility? How much habits and practices influence the public status of a place? To what extent are public spaces accessible to everyone and connected as part of a comprehensive structural system? Try to imagine what public is represented by a particular public space and how such a space is shaped by a specific public. Can you identify a scale, a different gradient in the public nature of spaces in between the pure dichotomy of public/private? Is there a way to measure the intensity of public life in different spaces? This exercise has been recently accomplished in Belgrade, precisely in Novi Belgrade, as the first survey for a possible next episode of the documentary film series that we are realizing with oginoknauss,: a project investigating the modernist ideology, the urban spaces produced towards its principles and the everyday practices of reappropriation and transformation inhabiting them. Starting to explore a new city built from scratch in the post war era with the aim to become the capital of a new state, the Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia, we decided to focus on public space as a foundational element of the landscape. A city totally planned and built from public powers, with the main objective of becoming the administrative core of a nation, on a field recovered from a marsh through voluntary work, and finally characterized by huge open and permeable spaces. #8 Underground City. The city is an excrescence, an outgrowth whose roots penetrated deeply into the ground. If urban life is manifest primarily overground, its functioning is intensely dependent on subterranean facilities, networks and engineering systems. Lying just under the surface, sunken in the soil, they are barely visible or perceivable and often unnoticed by its inhabitants. Exercise: choose a primary urban axis linking a central and a peripheral location; follow this route and take note of all elements, whether functional or semantic, indicative of the presence of subterranean networks and infrastructures. Check the access points to these networks, enumerate the various typologies indicated: underground systems, water, sewage, telecommunication, transportation and ventilation. To what degree is their presence evident and explicated; what efforts have been made to disguise them? Are the codes and representations of these systems understandable for the general public or reserved for a specialised elite of technicians? Is any public data regarding those systems available to the general population? Are these networks accessible or secured? Who manages these infrastructures; are they public or private companies? New York grid reveals on its skin the signs of the complexity of networks lying buried in its underground. Like an urban dermatologist, we search on the skin of the city symptoms of its inner functioning, of flows and metabolisms happening behind the visible surface. #24 Text City. The city is a text, written and endlessly re-written by the everyday life of its inhabitants, as well as by the strategies and norms of institutions and powers. Exercise: Detect and transcribe all the textual elements you encounter in the urban landscape, regardless of their nature and origin - signage, bills, addresses, ads, technical specifications, graffiti just sample the sequence of typesets you capture as you move. Read the entire text as a possible urban narrative, the tale of an urban wandering. “Dal Testo al Contesto – Paesaggio Ritmato” is a project realised by Oginoknauss for Osservatorio Urbano – Lungomare. The group has crossed the city of Bolzano from the city border to the central station recording all forms of text displayed on the cities surfaces and transcribed as a long written period, producing a non-sensical, surreal text which nevertheless can be correctly considered as the narrative of an urban course, or a literal urban reading.

The intensity of the small and the production of smallness in the urban character of Nezu and Sendagi Milica Muminovic Visiting Junior Research Fellow, Faculty of Science and Technology, Keio University Introduction Smallness of elements in built environment represents an important quality which characterises urban precincts in Tokyo (Kaijima, et al. 2006; Kitayama et al. 2010; Radovic, 2008; Radovic and Boontharm, 2012). That peculiar smallness is present at all scales, from the interior of a house to the urban scales of the streets and neighbourhoods. The research on this particular urban character focuses on the measurements and classification of the elements and their sizes (e.g. Kaijima and Tsukamoto, 2002; Kaijima, et al. 2006) or on descriptive explanations revealing the qualitative aspects of those elements. This paper aims to analyse smallness in its complexity and to address both qualitative and quantitative aspects smallness. The paper develops a method to measure and visualize the smallness based on the relationships between elements of built environment. The selected case study is attributed with that particular sense of small in its urban character (Muminovic, 2013; Radovic, 2008). The chosen precinct is core area of Nezu and Sendagi precincts, part of larger area known as Yanesen. It is located in central area of Tokyo and characterised with predominantly low-rise dense residential buildings, adorned by the network of quiet roji (lanes), local commercial shothengai areas, small but ubiquitous greenery, tiny shops and galleries (Waley, 1991; Radovic, 2008). Methodology and methods The methodology is built upon assemblage theory in which assemblages are wholes whose properties emerge from the interaction between parts (DeLanda, 2006:5). The definition of place as an assemblage (Dovey, 2010) allows us to illuminate place and its urban character through the relationships between elements rather than only through elements themselves. This has an implication in our understanding of the urban character and need to analyse it in its complexity. Urban character is built upon both tangible and intangible elements of place but due to the interactions between them cannot be reduced to them. The characteristics of elements in assemblage can be divided in two groups: expressive (qualitative) and extensive qualities (Delanda, 2002:163). Extensive qualities of elements of assemblage are defined in the way those elements occupy space; they are based only their physical characteristic. Expressive qualities define their endowed characteristics, based upon the relationships between all the elements in the assemblage (for example a house may be defined as small in one assemblage but it can be also defined as big in another; depending on the size of other houses in the assemblage). This paper focuses on the analysis of elements of built environment in terms of their expressive characteristics of small. Those characteristics are dependent on the relationships between elements of the assemblage. Following the Deleuzeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (1994: 28-30) definitions of importance of the difference in itself, which is not simple otherness but the state of determination, the paper proposes the use of difference between elements of built environment in order to analyse their relationships. Elements of built environment are defined following Conzenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (1960) approach in which streets and street system, plots and plot system, building footprint are essential elements where the morphogenesis and character of urban landscape is observed (Ibid: 5). All the elements of built environment (streets, blocks and building footprint were mapped and measured using map based on the data from Center for Spatial Information Science (cSIS) The University of Tokyo. In order to analyse the expressive character of small the paper proposes statistical method based on standard deviation and mapping. Standard deviation shows how much variation there is among the data from the average (mean) of all those data. Thus it is used in order to show the difference of size of each element from the average size of elements of built environment. In this analysis standard deviation is applied as classification model and calculated in ArcGIS 10 program. The standard deviation classification method was applied for defining the classes of sizes of elements of built environment (streets, blocks and plots or building footprint). ArcGIS calculates both the mean and standard deviation of data. The brakes between the classes are created with equal

value ranges that are proportion of standard deviation (intervals of Â˝ standard deviations and using mean values and standard deviation from the mean). The classes are showing the proportional distance of standard deviation from the mean (n Std.Dev.). That means that the class containing the smallest and the biggest elements of the built environment also represent the elements that have the biggest difference from the average size of all elements in the assemblage. The classes calculated by this method are showing the structure of assemblage based on the relationships between elements of built environment. The reason for choosing to show elements in terms of the classes of sizes is due to the complexity of the results as well as that classes define how different the elements are from the average of the whole assemblage-thus explain the part of their relationships. Standard deviation was calculated for each group of the elements of built environment (streets, blocks, building footprint) separately. Blocks and building footprint were calculated using the data of 2 their area (m ) and streets using the width (calculated from the private area of plots on both sides of the street in meters). The analysis is thus based on the quantitative data (measurable- size of each separated element) and by using standard deviation it aims to show some of the qualitative aspects (expressive properties of small) in their complexity-based on the relationships between elements. In order to show the relationships between groups of the elements (streets, blocks, building footprint) the paper uses mapping of the elements and overlapping those maps. The classes of sizes were calculated and each of the elements of built environment is shown on the map. Three maps (of streets, blocks and building footprints) were overlapped with same level of transparency (50%). This analysis defined the intensity of small or big. If elements of built environment that belong to the same class of size are positioned in the same area then those elements are creating the zone of intensity of small and big. Various shades of grey are creating various intensities of small.

Fig. 1. The spatial distribution of classes of sizes

Analysis and results The analysis based on the standard deviation method has shown five classes of size for each group of the elements of built environment (streets, blocks and building footprint). Most of the elements of built environment belong to the first two classes of sizes, that is, the elements are dominantly small (Fig. 1). The spatial distribution of the classes shows that there are local non-coherences created by tendency of clustering of the elements which belong to the smallest class size. However, those noncoherences are equally distributed in whole area of Nezu and Sendagi.

The relationships of the elements of built environment between the groups of streets, blocks and building footprint were shown based on the spatial distribution of classes of sizes (Fig. 2). The results show that the smallest and biggest elements of built environment have tendency of clustering in space producing particular non-coherences. The clusters are creating zones of intensity of various degrees of small and big with blurred boundaries between them.

Fig. 2. The zones of intensity of small and big

Discussion note The intensity of small in Nezu and Sendagi is not based on the quantity of smallest elements of built environment, but on the heterogeneity of various zones of intensity of small and big. The urban character is not produced by repetition of the same small elements. There is a slight difference in terms of their extensive qualities that produces possibility for the expressive qualities to be perceived in space. Thus, both extensive (measurable) and expressive (qualitative) are producing the smallness in urban character of Nezu and Sendagi. Dominant elements of built environment belong to the classes of sizes of small. That contributes to the perception of the space having the urban character of small. The non-coherences created by clustering of the smallest and biggest elements of built environment affect the intensity of the perception of the space. In that sense the smallness is produced in the relationship between elements of built environment and the perception of them. The contrast between big and small is important element in the process of sensing the space and shaping the urban character. Thus local noncoherences produce difference in degree (dominantly small but heterogeneous) and not the difference in kind (only big and small). Remarks The complexity of urban character demands a complex approach to its analysis. This paper address only one part of that complexity related to one aspect of the urban character in Nezu and Sendagi based on the relationships between elements of built environment. The analysis was built on the relationship of one element to the average of the whole assemblage, and not to each element of

assemblage separately. The complexity in results challenges the possibility to analyse, measure and visualize the complex systems. The example of analysis of the smallness of elements of built environment based on the relationships presented in this paper has shown that the more complex analysis becomes it demands more descriptive and qualitative interpretations. It raises the questions of our possibility to deal with the complexity in terms of quantitative analysis. 6. References Conzen, M. R. G. (1960), 'Alnwick, Northumberland: A Study in Town-Plan Analysis', Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), 27, iii-122. DeLanda, M. (2002), Intensive Science and Virtual Philosophy (London and New York: Continuum) 242. DeLanda, M. (2006), A New Philosophy of Society- Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity (London- New York: Continuum) 142. Deleuze, G. (1994), Difference and Repetition, trans. Paul Patton (New York: Columbia University Press) 350. Dovey, K. (2010), Becoming Places, Urbanism/Architecture/Identity/Power (London and New York: Routledge) 201. Kaijima, M. and Tsukamoto, Y. (2002), Pet Architecture Guide Book: Living Spheres, Volume 2 (Tokyo: World Photo Press). Kaijima, M. Kuroda, J. and Tsukamoto, Y. (2006), Made in Tokyo (Tokyo: Kajima Institute Publishing) 191. Kitayama, K., Tsukamoto, Y., and Nishizawa, R. (2010), Tokyo metabolizing (Tokyo: TOTO Publishing) 143. Muminovic, M., Radovic, D., and Almazan, J. (2013), 'On innovative practices which contribute to preservation: the example of Yanesen, Tokyo', Journal of Civil Engineering and Architecture, 7 (3), 328-40. RadoviÄ&#x2021;, D. (2008), Another Tokyo (Tokyo: University of Tokyo CSUR and ichii Shobou). RadoviÄ&#x2021;, D. and Boontharm, D. (eds.) (2012), small Tokyo (Tokyo: Flick Sudio and IKI). Waley, P. (1991), Tokyo: City of Stories (London: Weatherhill) 270.

Intensity without Density Intensity in a low density European context. The case of Lille Oriol Clos This paper raises more questions than answers. It testifies to thoughts and ongoing studies to establish a territorial project for metropolitan Lille. 1. 2

In Paris there are 2.5 million inhabitants in 105 Km , perhaps the highest metropolitan density in 2 Europe. Barcelona has 2.5 million inhabitants in 180 Km ; density 13,900. In Lille 2.5 million spread in 2 1,500 Km ; density 1,700, eight times less. The central area of Barcelona, dense and continuous, with 2 1.8 million inhabitants in 110 Km has a density of 16,400, not much higher than the whole agglomeration. However, densest areas of Lille, distributed on various nucleuses, home 450,000 2 people in 70 Km ; density 6,400, four times higher than that of the entire metropolis widely extended. These figures, much simplified, explain different metropolitan organizations in Western Europe. Based on similar economic, social and productive features these so far data produce diverse territorial shapes. Barcelona is a continuous and structured city with high capacity to concentrate urban life and activity. This compact city model, potentially environmental friendly, can host multiple uses at the same place. It is an example of so called â&#x20AC;&#x153;qualitative densityâ&#x20AC;? to achieve high levels of urban intensity. In Lilleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s case, discontinuous and dispersed, intensity derived from density, quantitative and qualitative, seems more elusive. Simplification that relates intensity and density is not able to understand Lille. Qualitative factors of territorial form, patterns of formation and potentiality of urban fabrics to evolve are excluded in understanding analysis. We need an ecological approach, cultural dimension of spatial urban knowledge that we call eco-urbanity. From a morphological point of view, Barcelona and Lille are two extreme cases of the complex urban system of Western Europe. In this major socio-economic and cultural area, communications and infrastructure networks, production systems, balancing preservation of natural spaces, even life forms, establish uniform guidelines for implementing large scale territory. Within this framework, occupation and distribution of population and its derived urban forms that constitute the materiality of urban space are diverse, adapted to particular historical, anthropological and geographical conditions. It is not the subject of this paper to review the increasing phenomena of complex relations as a basis to considerer Barcelona and Lille as European metropolis. Socioeconomic analyses recognize in both areas a high level of exchange, and a large territorial scope of this exchange. Spatial structure configured in both cases is very complex, with potential to be fully integrated as a part of the European metropolitan system. 2. From this approach to metropolitan structures as a complex system of exchange, Lille can also be considered as part of a "galaxy" of metropolis, galaxy some authors recognized the real huge metropolis of this part of Europe: the North Western Metropolitan Area (NWMA), established around Bruxelles, inserted between the metropolis of London, the Dutch Randstad, the Grand Paris and the Ruhr area. In this cross-border region there is one of the largest urban concentrations in the world, polarized around some compact mid-size nucleus, disseminated on an extended system of canals, highways, roads and footpaths and on a dense railway network. Topography of land does not result in major ways. Climatic conditions are homogeneous. There are no natural boundaries but struggles for limits, political, administrative, religious, linguistic, ideological, have historically marked it. This territory, for its central position between large concentrations of population, is a place for trade, production and raw material processing, local and abroad.

Dispersion of urban fabric in small low density centres is the characteristic most visible of territorial occupation shape. This territory is structured around a system of nearby medium size towns, former political, administrative and market centres. Currently, in some cases, these little towns acquire a new role in the system, unbalancing the whole. Bernardo Secchi has studied this urban morphology in different parts of Europe (Lille and Brussels among others): "città diffusa”, diffuse city, a form of dispersed urban fabric, compounded by historical and social position of people who have been modelling it. Impact of industrialization in nineteenth century and subsequent processes of desindustrialization have unbalanced the system that now is trying to re-establish an adapted urban organization for the XXI century. It is not a homogenous territory but a territory discontinuous, built on and around weak lines of "concentration and support”. We can highlight two features: the low density of the whole and the high linear contact between built space and vacant space (agricultural and natural), quantified by an index of contact length (Paris: 0,5 m/inhabitant; NWMA: 3,5 m/inhabitant. Secchi-Vigano, 2012) 3. How to assess and achieve intensity level necessary to identify urban conditions for these metropolitan fabrics in this context of low density? It is confronting the reality of metropolitan Lille, low quantitative density, to a qualitative determination of density resulting from other known models of high quantitative and qualitative density. This requires to study and to define indicators of urban intensity tighter to a cultural and ecological vision of Lille and its metropolitan area. Current situation of energetic, economic and environmental crisis questions models that have supported development of cities throughout the twentieth century. Paradigms of compactness, balance, centre and periphery, concentration and homogeneous distribution of streamlined services, mass collective transport, preservation of natural areas, should be reviewed. We do not know how and what new paradigms for cities will emerge from crisis, but Lille, where basis on concentration principles seems unsuited, can become an opportunity to face coming urban evolution. Lille, as a dispersed metropolitan organization, can increase its resilience based on closer, and therefore better use, resources and can break the in one direction association of density and sustainability terms. It is an association of concepts that relates concentration of services and hard transport infrastructures with territorial development, far from current investment and environmental sensibility. Numerical parameters of classic urban analysis give us, for the case of Lille, an approach of what might be called a “reference of contemporary density", always related to a large scale understood, based on an increase in intensity of relationships and on an unbalanced distribution of densities, -population, production, uses, services-, polarized by scattering metropolitan territorial factors. This "reference of contemporary density" should be supported on the questioning of two paradigms on urban intensity: - Mixing of uses “or” more single function juxtaposed fabrics. - Concentration and compactness “or” polarized urban sprawl. Simple functional organization. Spatialization vs specialization When there is enough space available, without constricting topography, tendency is to disperse uses in a mono-functional shape. It produces a mosaic, homogeneous, or a patchwork, uneven, specialized areas mostly for a unique urban function, randomly juxtaposed by location laws difficult to analyze. Tendency to specialize metropolitan territory in demarcated areas is the result of: - Reductionism strictly economic from operators who are trying to be compatible the explosion of metropolitan locations with proximity as a value. - Metropolitan basis closed on itself for activities that must be located: residence, commerce, industry, leisure, services... - Planning tools based on zoning approach from the majority of current urban regulations. The result is that has been called the economy of archipelago, based on networks and poles, set in “logic” enclaves, specialized districts adapted to every scale of activity. We need to transit from a scheduled specialization, defensive, to an intelligent specialization, active. Metropolises, social,

economic and cultural areas of life based on so called “half-day proximity” are adapted answers for this approach. It follows an organizational structure of space, mosaic or patchwork, avoiding mono functionality as a material to establish basis for contemporary city, despite the risk that this could lead to social segregation. Dispersion. Homogeneity vs polarization. We are confronted to "build" new territories to break the model pursued (never reached in Lille) of a compact centre and a periphery structured on some infrastructures, especially for transport. It must be noted that some current basic paradigms of concentration of human activities is breaking. New paradigms based on a dissemination concept are gathering strength: - To decentralize production and distribution of energy in a flexible network. - To disperse locations of workplaces to short trips. - To solve locally the entire water cycle. - To fairly structure contact between the “urban”, full, and the “rural-natural”, empty. - To balance impact and negative effects from compactness (congestion, heat islands, pressure on environment ...) - To reduce economic and ecological weight of the "infrastructures of concentration". As Mirko Zardini said, perhaps the highest density of relationships that can mean high levels of urban intensity is not a prerogative of the compact city model. This intensity can be found in a city "just” denser, based on a multiplicity of situations without restriction limits as that we can find in a metropolitan dispersed organization. 4. In this way, which we have interpreted as a weakness, the not coherent scattering can become a force for progress in intensification of territories on morphological existing basis, not continuing consuming “free-empty” land. Lille should be understood as a metropolitan mosaic of simple functional medium size pieces, distributed in a balanced shape. Dispersion is recognized as a positive value and tends to intensify polarization around points and along lines of tension to achieve a mixed city, qualitatively dense, catalyzed by infrastructures structuring the territory and balanced, in distribution and size, on a “mono functional” metropolitan mosaic. Lille is in a good position to consider changes in its "low intensity mono functional mosaic" to new forms of urbanity based on knowledge and acceptance of urban fabric characteristics and on potentiality to stimulate these urban fabrics to achieve good levels of intensity. Territorial project becomes the only way to approach knowledge and intensification of the particularities of the whole. This intensification should occur around concepts associated with mobility. As Manuel de SolàMorales said, a city is a succession, system, network of intersections that are embodied in corners which constitute the essentiality of urban space. It is in “corners”, in large meanings of this word, where urbanity converges. We should understand density and frequency of "corners" as an indicator of urbanity. This “focused” point of view opens two ways to consider in urban analysis: - Urban practices based on time approaches (daily banality and other cycles of urban life) and on smart management and open governance, to plan future of cities. - Material condition of urban space must be understood for people as a value. Physical contact, touch and sight, sound (and smell), constitute a material urbanity, or an urban materiality, we need to establish an image for cities. A third vision must be integrated in urban analysis: environmental impact. Ecological footprints, energy production, biodiversity as a value, are many approaches around a central question for next coming future of cities. Urban practices, materiality and environment define an idea of urbanity which requires a support infrastructure: public space. Public space as the backbone of urbanity is an accepted notion at city scale, proximity, but it is so much difficult to be understood as this at metropolitan scale because difficulty to associate urban landscape with large territories. Metropolitan public space must not be understood on a large shape approach but based on metropolitan praxis:

pathways, structural axis, stations, commercial facilities, referential images, integration of infrastructures, visibility of utilities, industrial “heritage”, landscape network, etc... 5. This paper only questions acquired paradigms on urban planning and present tendencies to answer, focusing cultural approaches for coming metropolises: - balanced simple functional mosaic as a shape for large scale territories - Sprinkle in “crossings” on a metropolitan network as a support to crystallize intensity - Urban practices, proximity and materiality, three points of view for an eco-urban vision Some questions arise to follow this started way: - Which is (are) the size (s) of the simple functional mosaic-patchwork pieces? - What is the lowest level of functional simplification that urbanity can support? - How edge tensions generate a complex link system? - Why transitions, or splits, are necessary if continuity is no longer a value? - How to structure a metropolitan territory without new networking infrastructures? - Which could be planning tools to achieve a strategic territorial project? They are all pertinent questions for the case of Lille.

In praise of Grotesque Urbanities: Decoding [De]formative Forces within Tokyo Rafael A. Balboa PhD candidate, The University of Tokyo. Department of Engineer, Faculty of Architecture. Kengo Kuma Laboratory.

Ilze Paklone, PhD Student, The University of Tokyo. Department of Urban Engineering. Yukio Nishimura Urban Design and Conservation Laboratory. Abstract There is a defiant social fascination embedded in the idea of grotesqueness, morbidly derived from the abnormal deviation of our own humanness. The city regarded as the ultimate extension of the human body amplifies many of the forces deforming and reforming it. In the following paper we will draw attention to the idea of urban grotesqueness as a relevant category within the social imaginary of the monstrous. Considered as one of the most paradigmatic megacities in Asian scene, Tokyo is continuously mutating the existing urban fabric to cope with the forces affecting its morphology. From a bottom-up approach, extensions and aggregations on each building emerge spontaneously and cluster into larger structures that self-organize independently from the host structures. We propose to read some of the extensive mechanisms and forces involved in Tokyo’s urban growth through a metaphoric argument, using the aberrant figure of the ‘Prosthesis’ and its grotesque relation within the body. Prosthetic sprawl in the contemporary architectural discourse trigger questions: under which urban conditions this phenomenon is originated and what can we learn from such impromptu aggregations? We will address these urban aggregations in buildings as ‘prosthetic impulses’ resulting from two fundamental axis: A relaxed coding system that has allowed semi-regulated urban growth on the one hand and a hybridized cultural process that intensified after Meiji Period on the other. The idea of seeing aggregations in buildings as prosthetic impulses opens the possibility to read current urban growth phenomenon in Tokyo as an indigenous ecology. A city image that is constantly mutating from the smallest scale ends up creating a grotesque assemblage of parts, yet bringing a diversified experience for the citizen. The image of a monster like Frankenstein reminds us about Tokyo and certain collective fascination for the grotesque rooted in result of the collection of parts, but also in the sum of all as a novel otherness. Finally as Alberto Manguel recounts, this monster fascinates us due to both, its cosmopolitanism as the recipient of materials coming from the entire world, and its foreignism as the totality of the parts constitutes an unknown creature yet to discover.

Key Words: Prosthetization . Grotesqueness . Aggregations . Hybridization . Fragmentation

There is a defiant social fascination embedded in the idea of grotesqueness, morbidly derived from the abnormal deviation of our own humanness. The city regarded as the ultimate extension of the human body amplifies many of the forces deforming and reforming it. In the following paper we will

draw attention to the idea of urban grotesqueness as a relevant category within the social imaginary of the monstrous. While grotesqueness is not a universal value, our notion of it is always bounded by a cultural veil, and in the exercise of arguing about it in relation to Japanese cities it emerges the debate about the differences that separate West from Orient. Edward Said defines the term “Orientalism” from a different perspective, acknowledging that it is rather an authoritarian notion to represent the Orient from an Occidental perspective. Hence Jun’Ichiro Tanizaki’s celebrated book In Praise of Shadows debates the different sensibilities that exist between Western and Japanese spatial aesthetics almost as complementary opposites. We will aim to praise another side of contemporary urbanism, that of the city as a monster speaking its own language in its own sophistication. Grotesqueness denotes in principle an aesthetic value closely related to the observer, hence we will pursue to construct a broader discussion by introducing the figure of the ‘prosthesis’ as a positive urban metaphor. We will not only elaborate from a theoretical approach on the aberrant aesthetical relations it establishes with the human body, but also on the connection with the notion of a hybrid culture existing in Japanese thinking after Meiji Period and reflected directly as a contemporary urban phenomenon in Tokyo. Supported also by observations in the city, it will be argued that the fragmented nature of the city and the autonomous character of each building are triggered partly by city regulatory policies. The sum of all these aspects has empowered the interests of the private sector and the phenomenon of building prosthetization. 1. ‘Prosthesis’ as an urban metaphor Contemporary cities are continuously regenerated and re-composed by appropriating and customizing the existing structures to the ever changing demands and necessities of humans. Some of these recomposing patterns emerge spontaneously as self-organizing micro-scale addings and extensions to the existing buildings that eventually aggregate into larger structures. The figure of the prosthesis as an exogenous adding to the human body conveys primarily a regenerative process, which demands necessarily adaptation to a specific environment. These aggregations, both in the human body as in the urban fabric, hybridizes some of their organizational and performative aspects, but also conveys a new ‘grotesque’ nature different from the original structure. Urbanity has been described as a ‘continuous polysemy’, bounded in a complex and perpetual evolutionary process. Beyond an attempt to decode some of those semantics, the use of a metaphor can bring an added meaning to a current urban phenomenon. Aristotle argued that a metaphor ‘consists in giving the thing a name that belongs to something else,’ implying a transgression of the categorical order of things. Along this document we will read some of the extensive mechanisms and forces involved in urban growth as ‘prosthetic impulses’ resulting from a semi-regulated growth and hybridized cultural process in some specific areas within central Tokyo that amplify such phenomenon. 2. Grounding the prosthesis into Japanese tradition It is intriguing to think how Japanese culture that has revered nature and constructed aesthetic values around simplicity and subtle beauty has turned its main city Tokyo into something alienated from such ideas. Recomposing patterns from micro scale addings and extensions to the existing buildings of the current day Tokyo are related to the long established Japanese aesthetical discourse. The origins of traditional Japanese architecture are based in the rational evolution of small components, such as slender pillars set into a grid which led to modular system thinking (tatami mats, sliding partitions) always related to human scale. Larger aggregations of such elements prevailed even for villages. Japanese architectural styles were based on everyday activities rather than monuments and the creation process always started from the parts. Japanese aesthetical discourse also suggests certain ambiguity, irregularity and perishability in recognition and use of spatial patterns, resonating with an idea of architecture as a temporary transient abode and evolution of urban spaces as continuous renewal and change of spatial elements. Another aspect of Japanese aesthetical discourse is the pursue for refinement and precision, when reflecting the reality around and constructing new one. Such reflections respect a sense for the unusual and surprising, and thus may also appear humorous and grotesque. The manner of viewing in Japan being closely related to designing or constructing incorporates the idea that all views may be framed or that all views are partial. The viewer is invited to sort and create hierarchies of many visual elements by himself, since the fragment of something may represent the whole entity in Japanese aesthetics. A good example could be found in the way a common meal (teishoku) is served, not as a linear event as in Western cultures, but as a collection of flavours and

shapes, opening the possibility to sort components accordingly to individual choice. The threshold of what can be portrayed beautifully and what is considered conventionally beautiful or ugly becomes ambiguous. In the same manner, when producing urban environment, there is a resemblance to the disparate fragments and chaos. In such eccentric practices grotesqueness emerges. 3. The tradition of hybridized culture and Tokyo A unique feature of Japanese culture is its capacity to mince, juxtapose and hybridize layers of strong tradition overlapped through history with foreign elements. The contemporary material culture is partly permeated by such idea of hybridization. During the Edo period (1603 1868) the city experienced a distinctive in-volutionary process, restating their own culture rather than connecting to others, fostered by land-lock policies (sakoku). The limited cultural exchange contact was kept mainly with the Dutch and the Chinese. Much of the current intensity in terms of condensed population and commerce emerged during the golden age of the Edo Period (Genroku), when a real sense of urban lifestyle and entertainments detached from everyday duties (ukiyo) started to flourish. Licensed pleasure quarters, entertainment and commercial districts marked the beginning of such singular city. The contemporary tradition of micro-scale addings and extensions to the existing buildings is embedded into the culture of entertainment, what Jinnai Hidenobu mentions as urban theatrical space of the commoner’s city. Such areas released constraining social bonds of commoners’ districts in Edo and became a place for free activities. The billboards and innumerable banners in front of the theatres or other facilities, usually even hiding the buildings themselves, were essential elements of entertainment centres of Edo. Only starting with Meiji period (1868 1912) Japan re established trading with other cultures. Wide spread and rapid exposure to Western culture and a desire for novelty without giving up well rooted tradition led to a hybridized culture, where local and western ideas became ‘prosthetized’. The knowledge of Western artefacts was rather fragmented and detached from the original context of purpose and usage. Instead of seamless fusion of cultures, as was the case of harmonious accumulation of Chinese and Korean cultural elements, the result was the juxtaposition of disparate elements. During the 1930’s the rapid urban growth and social changes led to the concept of ‘eroguro-nansensu’, contraction for the anglicisms: erotic, grotesque and non sense, which characterized the period. The notion of grotesque was associated with malformed or obscenely criminal. As Miriam Silverberg remarks, it was also related to social inequities and ensuing social practices of those living within a consumer culture. Therefore, Tokyo’s spatial evolution, which embedded long standing Japanese tradition of pursuit for beauty, cosmological and social order during Edo period, was rapidly driven towards what might be regarded as a grotesque hybridization. During 1960’s the city expansion was redefined through the analogy of metabolic process. According to the manifesto of the Metabolist Group, they wished to find in their proposal ‘not the static relation of growing city with suffocated human but the sympathizing correspondence of the new space with human’ and an implicit blind faith to design and technology. Many of their ideas would be set in practice during the World Fair of Osaka in 1970’s and resound formally in many of the buildings produced in the coming years, especially during the period of Japanese highest economic growth (Bubble period) from mid 80’s to beginning of 90’s. Many of the buildings that have survived the Japanese voracious real-estate market are still subject of critics for their lack of coherence and collage of styles and materials. Edo and also contemporary Tokyo has been regarded as a collection of villas and no matter how much the parts are emphasised, they do not add up to one whole. Tokyo spreads at the sum of its parts, not as a measured whole, its ecology responds to something more complex than a collage city. The somatic metaphor has more sense if the city is regarded as a ‘body of bodies’, where subtle relations in the micro scale components create a fragmented urban experience. 4. Methodological approach towards documenting temporary small scale aggregations in Tokyo Fundamental question nestles into how to register and map visually temporary occurrences in the city, such as small scale aggregations, as they are not systematically documented into standard GIS databases or tracked through methodological series of photos. Three areas in Tokyo around train stations of Shibuya, Shinjuku and Ueno were chosen to conduct an experiment towards systematic documentation of temporary small scale aggregations at the specific moment of time. Visual survey w as conducted through systematic series of photographies, later relating them to available GIS data of basic building patterns in the chosen areas. The intensity of aggregations (or prostheticity) in the chosen areas was mapped into the plan projections by using colour gradient to indicate lowest and

highest number of aggregations. The intensity of aggregations (or prostheticity) in the chosen areas was mapped into the façade projections by positioning circles of various sizes to indicate approximate position and size of the aggregations. The functional typology of the aggregations was mapped into the façade projections by outlining their respective contours and introducing specific symbolic coding to indicate their function. Series of photographies were used to differentiate and characterize aggregations by: Indicators related to the measurable magnitudes and physical characteristics: (1) Typology of elements by their relative position on building; (2) Topology of elements by their dimensions; (3) Topology of elements by their visual appearance; Indicators related to the functional characteristics: (4) Typology of elements by their function; (5) Elements dispersion in accordance to the function(s) of the building; (6) Visibility (eye level, below eye level, above eye level); (7) States of elements’ dispersion in the chosen fragment of the street; (8) Elements dispersion vertically (how dispersion changes in relation to the floor level); (9) Elements dispersion horizontally (how dispersion changes in relation to the distance from station or other important point of interest). Typology of elements by their relative position on building distinguishes aggregations on façade, rooftop or in front of the building as free standing aggregations. Topology of elements by their dimensions distinguishes small, medium and large scale aggregations, ranging from one dimension being approximately 60cm up the indefinite larger sizes of the aggregations. Topology of elements by their visual appearance is directly linked to the indicator of dimensions and distinguishes aggregations by their dominant colours, style, brightness and illumination, materials or shapes. Indicators related to the measurable magnitudes and physical characteristics provide statistical data for qualitative analysis, such as discussing visual aesthetical preferences for temporary occurrences in the city and thus partially giving insights into formation of distinct visual identities. Typology of elements by their function distinguishes between aggregations, which visually amplify functions of the building, and aggregations, which act as infrastructural aids of the building. Elements dispersion in accordance to the function(s) of the building distinguishes aggregations by their position at eye level, below eye level or above eye level and is explicitly linked to the Visibility indicator, which establishes range of visual perception in near, medium or large distances. States of elements’ dispersion in the chosen fragment of the street characterizes the organization of elements as being random, gradient, accumulated, pattern, biomodal, patchwork, striated, loose grid, mosaic, linked assemblies, collision (indicators are derived from the characteristics used by Allen (1997, 1999, 2000, 2009) to describe field conditions as new strategies to tackle entropy and complexity of contemporary urban environment and by de Jong (2004) to describe characteristic density patterns of spatial elements in the city). Elements dispersion vertically characterizes how the indicators, which characterize the aggregations by their functions, dimensions and typical appearance, can be correlated to the position of the aggregations in accordance to the floor level. Elements dispersion horizontally characterizes how the indicators, which characterize the aggregations by their functions, dimensions and typical appearance, can be correlated to the distance from station or other important point of interest. Indicators related to the functional characteristics provide statistical data to differentiate diversity and significance of functions in the buildings in correlation to their visual manifestation – small scale aggregations. Conclusions While suggesting to consider the evaluation of some of the current urban conditions through alternative lenses as grotesqueness, we are also sneaking a peek to what is already the future of urbanism. Prosthetization is already a significant urban phenomenon in developing countries and if we consider the fact that in those urban practices is the very subject of study for the coming years, we might start by reconsidering the potentials of such non-controlled/planned trends. The idea of seeing aggregations such as billboards in buildings as prosthetic impulses opens the possibility to read current urban growth phenomenon in Tokyo as an indigenous ecology. A city image that is constantly mutating from the smallest scale ends up creating a grotesque assemblage of parts, yet bringing a diversified experience for the citizen. Many of the forces shaping urban centres in

developing countries have already evolved from such semi-regulated urbanism and the phenomenon of micro-scale interventions. Urban planning regulations are meant to control, to allow or restrict urban development. The case of semi regulated urban growth in Tokyo shows, that city as a system may be fragmented, functional or disfunctional locally, but as a whole it is always in equilibrium. The image of a monster like Frankenstein reminds us about Tokyo and certain collective fascination for the grotesque rooted in result of the collection of parts, but also in the sum of all as a novel otherness. Finally as Alberto Manguel recounts, this monster fascinates us due to both, its cosmopolitanism as the recipient of materials coming from the entire world, and its foreignism as the totality of the parts constitutes an unknown creature yet to discover. Notes I

The word ‘grotesque’ derives from the Italian ‘grottesco’ in reference to Latin ‘grotto’ and Greek ‘krypte’, meaning a small cave or hollow, hidden place. The meaning of the word ‘grotesque’ has originated from describing decorative paintings of Domus Aurea, (Latin, ‘Golden House’) the unfinished palace complex started by Nero after the Great Fire of Rome in AD 64. Since the palace was meant for entertaining, the surfaces of the spaces needed to express dense richness, extravagance, surprise, combining into one pattern animal, human, and plant forms. Rémi Astruc has argued that there are three main tropes of the grotesque are doubleness, hybridity and metamorphosis. Beyond the current understanding of the grotesque as an aesthetic category, he demonstrated how the grotesque functions as a fundamental existential experience. Moreover, Astruc identifies the grotesque as a crucial, and potentially universal, anthropological device that societies have used to conceptualize alterity and change (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grotesque). Ricardo Pita, ‘The Notion of Urban Landscape and Typology of Urban Open Space’, in Quaderns d’Arquitectura y Urbanisme (Barcelona: Urban Lanscapes, Collegi d’Arquitects de Catalunya, 2001), introduction. iii Aristotle and Richard McKeon, ed., The basic works of Aristotle (New York: Random House, 1941), 1476. iv Yūichirō Edagawa, Japanese identities: Architecture between Aesthetics and Nature (Tōkyō: Kajima Shuppankai, 2009), 11-23. v Donald Richie, Tractate on Japanese Aesthetics. Berkeley (California: Stone Bridge Press, 2007), 18. vi Ashihara Yoshinobu, The hidden order (Tokyo, New York: Kodansha International, 1989), 59. vii Mitsukuni Yoshida, ‘The Heritage of Japanese Design’, in Japan Design: the four seasons in design, eds. Ikko Tanaka and Kazuko Koike (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1984), 6-12. viii Donald Richie, ‘The Japanese Way of Seeing’, in Viewed Sideways (Berkeley, California: Stone Bridge Press, 2011), 76-81. ix Mitsukuni Yoshida, ‘The Hybrid Tradition’, in The hybrid culture: what happened when East and West met, ed. Joshida Mitsukuni, Ikko Tanaka and Tsune Sesoko (Hiroshima, Japan: MAZDA, 1984), 7-13. x Jinnai Hidenobu, ‘The Cosmology of a City of Water’, in Tokyo: a spatial anthropology, ed. Jinnai Hidenobu (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 66-119. xi Ibid. xii Yoshida, ‘The Hybrid Tradition’, 6. xiii Miriam R. Silverberg, Erotic grotesque nonsense : the mass culture of Japanese modern times (Berkeley : University of California Press, 2006), 30. xiv Kiyonori Kikutake, et al., Metabolism: Proposals for New Urbanism (Bijutu Syuppan Sha, 1960), 10. xv Jinnai Hidenobu, ‘The Rhetoric of the Modern City’, in Tokyo: a spatial anthropology, ed. Jinnai Hidenobu (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 119 171. xvi William Coaldrake, ‘Order and Anarchy’, in Tokyo: Form and Spirit, ed. Mildred Friedmann (New York: Abrams, 1986), 72. xvii Alberto Manguel, The Library at Night (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 312. ii

Bibliography Akashi, Tatsuo. Urban Land Use Planning System in Japan (2nd edition). Tokyo: Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), 2007.

Allen, Stan. ‘From object to field’. In Architecture after Geometry (Architectural design profile, 127), edited by Maggie Toy, 24-31. London: Academy Editions, 1997. Aristotle, and McKeon, Richard. The basic works of Aristotle. New York: Random House, 1941. Coaldrake, William. ‘Order and Anarchy: Tokyo from 1868 to the Present’. In Tokyo: Form and Spirit, edited by Mildred Friedmann, 72, New York: Abrams, 1986. Cybriwsky A., Roman. Tokyo: the shogun's city at the twenty-first century. Chichester, New York : J. Wiley & Sons, 1998. Davison, Graem. ‘The city as a natural system: theories of urban society in Early nineteenth century Britain’. In The pursuit of urban history, edited by Derek Fraser, and Anthony Sutcliffe, 349370. London: E. Arnold, 1983. Edagawa, Yūichirō. Japanese identities: kenchiku o tōshite miru Nihonrashisa = Japanese identities: Architecture between Aesthetics and Nature. Tōkyō : Kajima Shuppankai, 2009. Hidenobu, Jinnai. Tokyo : a spatial anthropology. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995. Kelly, Kevin. ‘Cities Are Immortal; Companies Die’. Viewed 24 June 2013, <http://www.kk.org/thetechnium/archives/2011/07/cities_are_immo.php>. Manguel, Alberto. The Library at Night. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006. Melosi V. Martin. ‘The Historical Dimension of Urban Ecology: Frameworks and Concepts’. In Understanding urban ecosystems: a new frontier for science and education, edited by Alan R. Berkowitz, Charles H. Nilon, and Karen S. Hollweg, 187 201. New York: Springer, 2003. Kikutake, Kiyonori, ed. Metabolism: Proposals for New Urbanism. Tokyo: Bijutu Syuppan Sha, 1960. Pita, Ricardo, ‘The Notion of Urban Landscape and Typology of Urban Open Space’. Editorial to Quaderns d’Arquitectura y Urbanisme, No. 228. Barcelona: Urban Lanscapes, Collegi d’Arquitects de Catalunya, 2001. Richie, Donald. A Tractate on Japanese Aesthetics. Berkeley, California: Stone Bridge Press, 2007. Richie, Donald. Viewed Sideways. Berkeley, California: Stone Bridge Press, 2011. Rowe, Colin, and Koetter, Fred. Collage City. Cambridge, Mass.; London, Eng.: MIT Press, 1883. Silverberg R., Miriam. Erotic grotesque nonsense : the mass culture of Japanese modern times. Berkeley : University of California Press, 2006. Tanaka, Ikkō, and Koike, Kazuko. Japan Design: The Four Seasons in Design. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1984. Yoshida, Mitsukuni, Tanaka, Ikkō and Sesoko Tsune. The hybrid culture: what happened when East and West met = za haiburiddo karuchā : higashi to nishi no deai. Hiroshima, Japan: MAZDA, 1984. Yoshinobu, Ashihara. The hidden order: Tokyo through the twentieth century. Tokyo, New York: Kodansha International, 1989.

‘Invisible private’ to trigger public A case study in Kizu river promenade design project in Osaka Ryoko Iwase, Principal Architect at RYOKO IWASE, Japan / Assistant at Keio University, Japan, info@ryokoiwase.com Abstract: this paper aim to introduce the winning proposal for a competition, Kizu river promenade design project to explain a design methodology to activate public of the area where locals have their poor interpersonal relations and to be a trigger for the weak community of the area. Many Public spaces, such as parks, promenade, square, have been designed by following a set of guidelines that by government. However, we can see many of them are used by few people and stay empty. This fact tells that the ‘Public space’ can be for nobody.

In private space, there are a lot of the examples to show the private items (in use) can color the surrounding space such as many beautiful flowerpots along streets and facades, By referring to these private explains, the ‘kizu river promenade project ’ has been designed as a public space to activate the ‘communications’ there. The Private items had to be ‘invisible’ in the public space. The project is in the residential district in Osaka and it has been designed as a space to trigger to create the ‘communication’ between the locals, between people and nature, between people and culture etc.. For instance, by setting up the series of the terraced field where the locals can grow plants. The private of these plants are ‘invisible’ to public, although its presence is very strong mentally to the locals who are using the field. Keyword: public space, invisible private, design, local, communication, urban agriculture

1. Site: Public Space in Residential area along river ‘Kizu river promenade project’ has started as a design for the open competition by Osaka prefecture government in September 2012.

Fig.1 Site map of the project

Fig.2 Site (1793, 2012)

The Competition requires designing the promenade with public space of 3400sqm which dimension is 240mx150m in the residential area. By taking advantage of the great access to the river the area had been developed as a commercial area for timber and ironmongery goods for last 200 years. However, along with the transition of the industries, the business fell into a decline and it has little relation to the water nowadays (Fig.2). Even the huge storm surge barrier was constructed for security reason that block the communication between the town and water. By losing the meeting space of the town, the relations between locals are getting weaker and weaker. Therefore, the main concept of the design was set to activate lost ‘communication’ between the locals, between people and nature, between people and culture etc. 2. Reference: Private items to color the street Many Public spaces, such as parks, promenade, square, have been designed by following a set of guidelines that by government. However, we can see many of them are used by few people and stay empty. This fact tells that the ‘Public space’ can be for nobody. When we walk in an unfamiliar region, we are often attracted by the unique things to the region. In the residential district, the living things ‘in use’ that comes from the local lives create unique landscape in the area. Fig.3 is a series photos that I took when we made during the first derive to check the site. Although there is few people in the streets, that was showing the big presence of the lives there. Therefore, this ‘private small green’ got a big reference to the design of the project.

Fig.3 Private items color the street in the project site 3. Design As previously mentioned, the design concept set up to activate lost ‘communication’ between the surroundings there and it was applied ‘(1)Physically’ and ‘(2)Mentally’ as below: (1)Physical activation: Terraced garden landscape against the huge storm surge barrier (2)Mental activation: Terraced field where the locals can grow plants

Fig.4 Terraced garden landscape

Fig.5 Various use of the terrace

(1) Physical activation: by creating terraced garden landscape over the huge storm surge barrier, the boundaries between water and city is made softer (Fig.4). The steps composed the terraced are designed for other activities: People can choose the place to sit or making maket or making music along the promenade (Fig.5). (2) Mental activation: by creating Terraced field where the locals can grow plants, the place is designed as a space to trigger to create the ‘communication’ between the locals, Here, the private of these plants are ‘invisible’ to public, although its presence is very strong mentally to the locals who are using the field. They can be linked through the process to use the shared specs. (Fig.6)

Fig.6. The process to link the locals 4. Vision The project is now on the process of designing and going to be open to the public partly in 2014. We are parallel working on the local workshop to discuss how to proceed to the project. The local involvement is very important: the space needs to be activated in use, and to be maintained well for longer period. Here I showed the one project to explain the methodology to activate public by using ‘invisible private’.

Fig.7. Drawings with pictures 82

Measurable and non-Measurable Intensities Satoshi Honda Department of Applied Physics and Physico-Informatics, Keio University. Honda@appi.keio.ac.jp 1. Introduction The IKI Mn’M project has been executed by researchers in the fields of Art and Science, namely, architects and engineers. Science Council of Japan has proposed that science consists of the cognizing science which is for Science and of things being and the designing Science which is for Society and of things to be. Figure 1 shows the academic schematics of Sciences, Art, and Engineering. "Measurable" belongs to the field of science normally. In Metrology, measurement is defined: the process of experimentally obtaining information about the magnitude of a quantity(VIM[1]). On the other hand, in Social Sciences and Psychometrics, it is defined: the assignment of numerals to objects or events according to some rule, which includes the measurement of knowledge, abilities, attitudes, personality traits, and educational measurement, and is primarily concerned with the construction and validation of measurement instruments such as questionnaires, tests, and personality assessments. Our IKI Mn’M project should consider both measurements. History of measurement is continuing challenges to increase the accuracy and trueness and/or to extend the measurand, namely challenges to measure unmeasurables which cannot be measured before. The "non-measurable", coined by Darko Radovic, includes unmeasurables as a proper subset, while Engineering in Fig.1 targets unmeasurables. In order to show the trueness and the validity of measurement results, it is required to give a result with a stated uncertainty. For that we need - A good enough definition of the quantity - Well defined measures, i.e. Quantities and Units - Traceability - Methods to control and estimate the uncertainty. Consequently, the IKI Mn’M project to measure the non-measurable needs to specify: - what we want to measure? - what will be the measures for them? - Are those measures common and defined well? - How to control and estimate the uncertainty? In the following sections, we consider above requirements. 2. Measurable Quantities in Physical Systems We classify physical variables into two types: intensive and extensive. The property of an extensive variable (e.g., volume, mass, energy, enthalpy, electric charge, etc.) depends on the size of the system. each extensive variable, such as volume has a complementary intensive variable, pressure. On the other hand, the property of an intensive variable (e.g., temperature, pressure, density, specific heat, electric potential, etc) does not depend on the size of the system. In general, the ratio of an extensive variable to another one is an intensive variable. For example, mass (extensive variable) divided by volume(extensive variable) gives density (intensive variable). In Engineering field, energy flows between elements or systems are crucial and described in terms of a pair of variables: through and across variables that are abstraction from electrical voltage and current, respectively. The product of a corresponding pair of through and across variables gives instantaneous energy flow. These variables satisfy the following laws[2]: (a) Kirchhoff’s generalized vertex laws: the algebraic sum of through variables acting at a point in a physical system is zero. Namely, div j = 0. (b) Kirchhoff’s generalized circuit laws: the algebraic sum of across variables round any closed circuit of a physical system is zero. Namely, rot e = 0. These laws express conservation of energy.

Fig.1. Academic schematics.

Fig.2. Example of an intensity in E-field.

3. Measurable Intensities in Field of Engineering Figure 2 shows the example of an physical/engineering intensity, where the electric discharge between the terminal and the mechanical bolt is generated with applying high voltage between them. The intensity in Engineering is defined as the power transferred per unit area, that is the energy flow 2 2 per unit area or unit solid angle, and measured with [W/m ] , [W/str], or [W/(m str)]. While the energy 3 density is the stored energy per unit volume, and measured with [J/m ]. Intensities are used in Electromagnetism, Optics, Photometry, Astronomy, Seismology, Acoustics, and so on. Besides energy flow, we sometimes refer to the field intensity as spatial gradient of the potential field, which is measured with [V/m].

Fig.3. Brain activity in EEG and MEG.

Fig.4. MEG analysis of brain activity.

The word “intensity” is sometimes used for “strength”, “amplitude”, “magnitude”, or “activity”. Figure 3 shows the methods to measure brain activities. Brain function is complex of activation of nerve fiber network. When nerve fibers are excited and activated, electrical currents are induced, which can be measured outside the brain as electric potential (electroencephalogram: EEG) or magnetic flux density (magnetoencephalogram: MEG). The example of the analysis of brain activity with MEG is shown in Fig.4, where the brain activity of visually evoked field in time and space is displayed. The spatiotemporal localization of the activity is determined with the signal intensities([W]). Spontaneous activities such as alpha, beta, gamma, and theta waves reflect the mental state, and can be used to evaluate various mental states 4. Non-Measureable Intensities in IKI Project Unlike the above mentioned intensities, the urban intensity is nonmeasurable, and/or may not be defined as any quantity at present. In the last symposium, seventeen architects reported what intensity they are interested in as an urban intensity [4]. Those are: {small invitations of everyday} {public/private interface} {transactions} {exchanges} {flows of desires} {(expressions of very Japanese) local culture} {multiscalar (well)being} {empathy} {sense of belonging to a community} {human/space interactions} {imbalances} {inter-cultural/generational/gender subjectivities} {relationships between inner energies and physical transformations} {intermediacy} {tolerance} {heterogeneity} {behaviour(s) and their meanings}. In the end of symposium, Mn’M derive team members proposed the ingredients/attributes for a working definition of urban intensity as follows:

{value-neutral} {emergence} {in diversity/difference (of scales)} {sensually complex, human} {in adaptive/ transformational capacity} {(necessity of) delight} {potential} {activity} {inhomogeneity/randomness}. From Mnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;M books[3][4], we have picked up the following phrases which support the above definitions: "discontinuity creates intensity", "sudden change in continuous landscape=intensity", "potential difference for intensity is at the edge of heterogeneous", "population density + connection across multiple scales = intensity", "intensity emerges from interactions between differences", "different kinds of densities create the feel of intensity", "urban intensity is vivid, qualitative category". These definitions suggest something opposite to rigid, fixed, static, homogeneous, uniform, etc.

Fig.5. Intensity of human experience

Fig.6. Intensity depends on distance Fig.7. Intensity depends on peripherals 5. Scientific and Engineering Tools for Mnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;M In this section, we introduce tools to analyze ideas proposed by the IKI team members in the last two symposiums. (1) Image processing: In [3], Z.Djukanovic introduces an intensity of human experience with Fig.5, which is counter part of Fig.2. Intensity exists between fingers. Space alone, however, brings no feel of intsnsity. We can evaluate the feel of intensity on various distances and scales as shown in Figs.6 and 7. We can quantify this intensity with distance and peripherals with image processing technique. This can be done for the other urban pictures which stimulate our feel of intensity. (2) Signal processing: D. Boontharm utilized a pulse chart to analyze intensity in streets [3]. Once we have a set of pulse charts as signals, it can be analyzed with the standard signal processing methods to evaluate so called heart rate variability (HRV). It measures the fluctuations in heart beat signals in frequency domain, and is considered to reflect the mental stresses and awareness or drowsiness. (3) Fractal analysis: K.Dovey introduced multi-scalar assemblage analysis[3] and many architects mentioned scalability in [3]. Since fractal geometry is one of the standard tools in architecture[5][6][7], we do not duplicate

the expression of fractal geometry here. It is feasible to correlate the change in the fractal dimension with the intensity from the above mentioned aspects of the intensity. (4) Spatial statistics: R.Paloscia introduced SNS-based “emomapper”[6] that measures and displays emotional intensities in urban places. Spatial statistics method can be applied to evaluate so-called emo-cloud description. (5) Statistical approaches Statistics have been essential in architecture. There are a lot of analyzing tools for qualitative evaluations based on questionnaires: semantic differential scale method, caption evaluation method, individual and common scales method, graphical modeling, structural equation modeling (SEM), multivariate analysis (FA, PCA, ANOVA, etc.) , and so on. T.Kojima and his coworkers have applied these statistical methods for the evaluations of buildings and concert halls[8][9][10][11]. 6. Conclusion We are now up to the second stage where the collaboration of architects, architectural engineers, and engineers is activated by the mutual understanding through the last symposiums. Jiyugaoka-project will be fruitful with this real collaboration.

Fig.8. Psychological evaluation of stain on the impression of building exterior[9] References: [1] BIPM, VIM3: International Vocabulary of Metrology, 2012 http://www.bipm.org/en/publications/guides/vim.html [2] Finkelstein, et al., Fundamentals of transducers, in Handbook of measurement science, vol.2, [3] Mn’M Workbook 1: Intensities in Ten Cities.2011 [4] Mn’M Workbook 2: Tokyo Derive.2012 [5] C.Bovill, Fractal Geometry in Architecture and Design, Springer, 1996 [6] http://emomapper.com [7] D.H.Zanette, et al., Role of Intermittency in Urban Development: A Model of Large-Scale City Formation, Phys.Rev.Lettrs.,Vol.79, no.3,1997. [8]http://www.toshisaisei.go.jp/05suisin/hokuriku/04suisin/h16/06.html [9] T.Kojima, et al., Psychological evaluations of stain on the impression of building exterior, Part 2: th Research and analysis using “Individual Scales” and “Common Scales”, Proc.29 The Behaviormetric Society of Japan, 2001(in Japanese) [10] T.kojima, et al., Model building of musicians’ evaluation of acoustics in concert halls on the individual-scale method – Analysis on evaluation structure by structural equation modeling -, Proc. Architectural Institute of Japan, D1, 2007 (in Japanese) [11] K.Ueno, et al., Experimental study on the evaluation of stage acoustics by musicians using a 6channel sound simulation systems, Acoust. Sci. & Tech., vol.24, no.3, 2003.

Design Derive Satoshi Sano, Principal Architect, Eureka The boundary of architectural Space and urban space is vague. Huge building that has complex functions/uses is one self-contained city?? On the other hand, small architecture of one-room shed is very urban because it works relying on its surrounding urban spaces. Thus, it seems insignificant to contrast architectural space and urban space. However, it’s easy for me to think about space comparing architectural space and urban space since I’m designing architectures at ordinary times. Let me start this essay with regarding an architecture as the model of urban space. Derive in the library My university professor, architect Nobuaki Furuya designed a unique library (un-built project for a competition in 1995). The library has a unique system of the way of returning books. A visitor can return books to any bookshelf that doesn’t have to be the shelf where the book originally located. Thus the library is out of classification and arrangement. I tried to create the space that is surrounded by the books randomly placed as it happens. Those books are many kinds of different categories, various contents. But there is only one similarity – those books were collected by the people who like the space. The books brought by the people who like to sit on the roof top should be very different from the books brought by the people who like to sit in the basement. Furthermore, the books will be always changing. They would say “There were many rd rd interesting books on the 3 floor last year, but nothing interesting on the 3 floor recently...”, “There are many interesting books on the roof top now!” etc. Many kinds of small unique spaces would occur in this library. (Nobuaki Furuya, 2004, unauthorized translation by the writer) In this library, all books have IC tag. If you want to find one specific book, you can find the bookshelf where the book is currently located by searching it on the computer. If you come to the library for some reason, you would walk and search the books that might interesting to you, or you just derive in the library. This idea has been realized in actual urban spaces. If you would like to go to French restaurant, you can find it on the internet, French restaurants located near from where you are. If you haven’t decided what to eat, you are just wandering in the street looking for something to eat. Now, let’s make a simple and cursory comparison of city and library. City is composed of the town blocks and the transportation infrastructures, and town blocks are composed of the buildings. Library is composed of the bookshelves and the passages and halls, and bookshelves are composed of the books. Needless to say, what characterizes this library is “book”. This library is not composed of the bookshelves filled with classified books, it’s a chaotic mixture of books. The essence of this library is that each books are regarded as self-directive elements. It’s not the mass of classified books. The special characters of this library are the five keywords below. Discovering the space The layout of the unclassified books requires a user to search the actual place and books. That leads to unexpected discovery. And it also enables people who have specific purpose to select various routes to reach it. Customizable space Once you find your favorite place, you can customize it. After that, other users customize it in different ways, and it would get more characteristic and more comfortable for people who like the place. Fluctuate elements The books in this library are in a state of flux. Books are movable elements, and the person who took a book from a bookshelf might return it in the same bookshelf but might bring it to another bookshelf. It’s always changing. You would discover something new/different each time you visit. Irregularity in density

One place might be filled with plenty of books, and another place might be almost vacant. One bookshelf might be full of coffee-table books, or small paperback books only. Irregular density is more natural and more comfortable than constant density of the books stacked regularly. Self-directive small elements Books are small and carriageable. Small elements are easy to be changed or modified, smallness enables the space to be updated/renovated. It’s not unique to this library, but books are different each other and each books are self-directive. Books don’t have to be in bookshelf, don’t have to be in a library. Book works as a book. It works self-directively and activates the surrounding space. The library elicits different characters from each books by not classifying books. Thus, the library would have many kinds of different places, and it leads to space diversity, sense of place. Visitor of the library could search/select places using one’s senses. Selectivity and sense of place are one of the characters of good urban spaces, but the urban space that is composed of zoned/classified town blocks tends to lack selectivity and sense of place, like the library composed of classified bookshelves. Public / Private interface in residential area In any cities, we can find certain diversity and selectivity in the space of commercial areas. But it’s often difficult to find it in residential areas, especially in new residential areas. I (as an architect who designs mostly residential architectures) would like to think about residential areas, how to find/create selectivity and sense of place in residential areas. The keyword is the interface of public and private. Japanese houses originally had sense of openness. It doesn’t have specific one entrance, the boundary of inside and outside is vague and there are many places to get in. And also Japanese houses had many spaces for others. The interface of public and private was vague and complicated. We could find the interface not only in the house itself, but also in the alley in front of it. Some densely populated wooden building districts still have the interface of public and private. But it’s difficult to find the public/private interface in new residential area. Those area is almost 100% private, totally even conditions. I think the first step to get the characters that the library mentioned above has is to break the 100% private condition in residential area. That would lead to the space characters of Discovering, Customizable, Fluctuate, Irregular, Selfdirective and Small spaces. Those special characters would break the 100% private condition, and the interface of public and private would occur and vice versa. Among the most important are finding self-directive / small elements, and inserting those elements in urban spaces. That is to focus on each small elements that compose the totality, by not focusing/planning its totality only. In particular, not focusing the totality of residential area/zone but the each individual buildings. Furthermore, not focusing the building but each individual spaces and elements. Furthermore, not focusing the space and elements but the space in-between the spaces and elements, relationship between those. Derive in designing From the position of the practicing architect, here I’m trying to find the public/private interface and selfdirective smallness not in the existing spaces but in the process of designing. Nevertheless, we have to see the totality somehow in the first phase of designing. We could start with small elements but it’s impossible to ignore the totality completely. Even the library mentioned above has the totality as “library”. At the first step, it is designed as a big architectural box that stores the books, the inside space has several zones, books are classified and stacked methodologically. However, the contrast between the totality and the individual elements occurs repetitively in several design phases/scales. Taking a library as an example, Building (totality) vs Floors (elements), Floor (totality) vs Zones (elements), Zone (totality) vs Bookshelves (elements), Bookshelf (totality) vs Books (elements), and so on.

Among the most important is to plan/design the individual elements not as subsidiary elements. That is to deal with it as self-directive elements in the each design phases/scales. This way of designing/thinking might disrupt the totality. But that creates the intensity of public/private interface, and the discovering, customizable, fluctuate, irregular and self-directive spaces.

The (re)production of (multiple) commercial ‘intensities’ in the cultural interstices of “most visited” Bangkok and “most liveable” Melbourne Sidh Sintusingha, Senior Lecturer, University of Melbourne Introduction: Deleuzian intensity emerges from encounters with difference in the Babhian faultlines of public spaces Identifying the public-private interface as the realm (increased) density potentially translates to urban intensity and quality, the two-year old Mn’M project offers the ripe venue for cross-cultural comparisons (à la Homi Bhabha’s "interstitial perspective") as the Deleuzian differences rub-off, tease and seduce in the intellectual and spatial encounters in Tokyo. This essay offers a discursive, speculative discussion on how this phenomenon plays out in Bangkok and Melbourne framed through the inter-layering of the Lefebrvian production of space and the Deleuzian differences in (re)producing intensities and subjectivities. The paper aggregates this phenomenon through the components of ‘form’, ‘space’ and a ‘cast of subjectivities’ – such as of the ‘local’, ‘the migrant’, the ‘middleclass’, the ‘tourist’, the ‘urbanist’ etc. – variously assumed by the author. The main hypothesis is that while in (eroding) old fragments of Asian cities, particularly in cases highlighted in Mn’M Workbook01 such as Bangkok, the informal ‘domestic (lived) private’ overflows into the ‘public’ (and vice versa) yielding organic, spontaneous intensity, in Melbourne it is the formal ‘corporate (conceived) private’ that colonizes the ‘public’ yielding planned, manufactured intensity (or a manufactured lack of it in both city’s urban sprawl). In Bangkok, with a relative weak top-down planning and design practices, places often evolve bottom-up through socio-spatial layering and negotiations (a small distributed/subsistent/‘sufficient’ profit approach). In Melbourne ‘places’ seemed to be consciously planned and designed towards the goal of asset appreciation (gentrification) in full collusion of the corporatized private middleclass subjects, who benefits financially and in terms of 1 “liveability” , yet the increased densities from the neo-liberal urbanism practices also yields new intensities in both cities. The method applied is inspired by Mn’M02 and takes an “essayist” approach and is based on the author’s years of virtual and real ‘desiring’ and ‘driftings’ in both cities and claims to be a (re)production of their ‘lived spaces’ (and blessed with the curse of dwelling in the cultural interstice, often misunderstood and underappreciated in both cultures). It is inspired by the Radović “freedom” from the academic strictures/conventions that, he argues, utterly fail to capture the multivalence and intricacies of the “fires” of intensity and urgencies for a new urban paradigm. Accidental and purposeful layering of difference and intensities in the commercial strips of Bangkok and Melbourne I advocate for comparison studies – especially in the context where we, as urbanists, seek ‘new’ articulations of the public-private interfaces that manifests multiple, ‘desirable’ densities/intensities. We want to know how it emerges; what conditions and ingredients come together or are assembled to create urban intensities; how it can be choreographed; and ultimately how to ‘plan/design’ for it etc. As an offspring of lived spaces past and present, specifically the two urban conditions of Bangkok and Melbourne - both ever evolving to the whims of neo-liberal investment forces, I utilize my ‘spatial biography’ to speculate, untangle these issues. Diverging from Babha’s opposition to binaries as this a comparison exercise, I frame Bangkok and Melbourne as representations of urban conditions of (self-colonizing) ‘developing’ and (post-colonial) ‘developed’ economies and, consequently, urban conditions. It is in the urban spaces of each city where I locate Babha’s “faultlines” where “identities are performed and contested” (in Perloff 1998). While both cities are highly globalized and enthusiastic participants in the ‘borderless’ economic flows, a key differentiation here is the manifestation of ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ (where the public/private interface is arguably at its most ambiguous and, perhaps, enthralling) economies in the urban realm. At a cursory glance, one can observe that the formal-informal couplet manifests vividly, foregrounded in public spaces in a socio-economically stratified Bangkok in contrast to the relatively ‘flat’ middleclass Melbourne – where informality is subtle/concealed/backgrounded. However ‘loosened’ the uses of public spaces have been purposefully conceived/perceived to be in Melbourne over recent years, 1

Both as quality of life indicator and marketing tool.

lived spaces are still highly regulated and controlled. The inherently free-flow looseness of Bangkok’s spaces manifests its own localized rules (and rates) in the multiple shadows of the informal economy. In this context, the reactions to ‘neo-liberalism’ also provide another point of contrast. While the globalized forces of neo-liberalism have drastically transformed and homogenized their ‘formal’ cityscapes in the past decades (evidenced by the mushrooming of higher density residential developments in both cities; the multiple forms of malls in Bangkok). In Melbourne, ‘resistance’ is in the form of systemic societal collaboration with those forces that, through planning and design 2 processes, translate to gentrification and capital accumulation to property owning middle-classes . Consequently, to apply the Occupy Movement’s language, the “99%” also benefited. In Bangkok, ‘resistance’ is spatial via the practices of the informal economy which has deep synergies, intertwinedness with the formal economy (e.g. lower paid employees of the formal sector are consumers in the informal economy) yet sustaining a parallel capital distributive ecosystem, ultimately resting on the country’s still significant (also transformed and transitory) rural-urban economy (that 3 subsidize workers with cheap, good food ). While the private, free-market driven practices of the informal economy is consistent with the broad principles of neo-liberalism, it is tempered by ‘bounded’ geography, biases for the very fine (human) scale, flexible flow of labour between multiple economic sectors, and, with the ingredient of time, the accumulation of social capital. At a national-regional scale, this is further exacerbated/enhanced by the cultural porous conception to political borders, layering another subculture of ‘illegal’, informal foreign migrants (new participants in the exploitations/benefits of the urban economy) upon those of the rural migrants’ previous and ongoing appropriations, colonizations and localizations of the city. This is in strong contrast to the highly selective (mainly favouring the skilled middle-class), “stop the boat” political choreography immigration policy of Australia – yet, one that sustains its high-income, high-cost of living characteristic. In the relatively ‘borderless’ free-flow of labour, Bangkok is more consistent with neoliberal practices than Melbourne and the systemic inequity reproduces differences and intensities. These productions of intensities are fundamentally driven by and mitigated by commerce. Bangkok’s vendor streets/markets can be characterized as ‘sufficient profit’ (not merely subsistence), fine-scaled practices – Melbourne mainly of the, relative to Bangkok’s, oriented towards the medium to large commercial entities. In Bangkok, it is a case of ‘self-management’ of the spaces and micro-spaces, in Melbourne it is through the tools ‘planning’ and ‘design’ towards value-enhancement (ultimately monetary) of the precinct/suburb. Reading further, Bangkok ‘civicness’ can translate as ‘access to the city’ and social mobility for the low income and lower middle-class groups (while acknowledging the very real threat from the often 4 non-state violent forces of (again neo-liberal) displacement and eviction ). One can argue that this over-stretched application of ‘civicness’ is inaccurate and controversial as these spaces are wholly commercialized. Yet allowed time, it provides the framework to for the accumulation of ‘social capital’ 5 and localized ‘commercial communities’ in the tradition of old guilds and marketplaces (which, again, problematizes the notion of ‘public’). In many cases, the fluid and mobile vendor streets are often more resilient than the fixed private, older typologies of shophouses, residential neighbourhoods that are easily displaced/transformed by the densified high-rises, malls and heavy rail infrastructure. In the case of BTS Skytrain in Sukhumvit, this results in the vertical socio-economic stratification of space – offering the middle-classes and higher more consumptive choices and the others more aspirations/opportunities (Fig 01).

Credit Suisse 2013 Global Wealth Report noted that Australians are the world’s second wealthiest people measured by average wealth and the richest based on median wealth. It also noted that Australians have the “…a much higher level of wealth held in property and non-financial assets – 58.5% compared to the world average of 45% and just 38% in the US” (whether the price is inflated has been debated over the years). http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/oct/09/australia-worlds-richest (accessed 9 Oct) 3 And arguably a factor for the country having some of the lowest unemployment rate in the world. 4 In the video “Two Street Vendors in Bangkok [Informal City Dialogues]” http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uv0XfRovxjY (accessed 9 Oct) it is noted that “Bangkok still has no consistent policy regarding vendors… and much or their activity remains legally ambiguous.” The video also highlights that the participants in the informal economy ranges from rural migrants to the (foreign educated) upper middle class (and even European expatriates, see: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6yPRUR135aY) 5 The world-famous Chatuchak Market has been relocated four times in its ~60 years history – perhaps assuming a totally different character in each phase, regardless of the name.

Fig 01 A new mall project by the BTS skytrain displaced shophouses. Vendors sell to construction site workers. In Melbourne’s commercial strips, ‘civicness’ are spaces for pedestrian-consumers of fixed business allotments – perhaps, surprisingly, not unlike the homogenized mall-scapes it differentiates/contrast itself against (despite the CBD versus suburban urban morphologies and typologies). Essentially both rely on the creation of private, active commercial edges and highly pedestrianized corridors (fed by either car parks or mass-transit nodes). Still the open spaces of the CBD offers ‘neutral’ spaces in the private/public interface that allows for safe, civil/non-disruptive, and fleeting protests– and some ‘recreation’ respite from consumption activities. This is consistent with mall spaces and Parkinson’s (2013, p.696) characterization of public spaces in liberal democracies that “…privileges the needs of casual, accidental crowds over organised, purposive groups of democratic claim makers.”

Fig 02 Choreographing the 24 hours city: rd Melbourne White Night festibal (23 Feb 2013)

Fig 03 Protesting the Sudan regime (5 Oct 2013). As virtual society is highly splintered, nodal urban spaces are still critical for democratic expression and protests, however circumscribed. On the issue of residents versus tourists, the ‘rational’ Economists Intelligence Unit, top-down expert model ranks Melbourne #1 for “livability” while the ‘emotional’, ‘democratic’ popular model ranks 6 Bangkok#1 as the “Best city” (for tourists) and “most visited city” . Is this a manifestation of different production and types of ‘intensity’ (some speculated above) – one conceived by designer/planner meticulously choreographing the city as staged performances; another reproduced through the 7 collective expression of the local’s and visitor’s collective desires ? Yet it is not a simple matter of Melbourne’s spaces as the model for ‘sustainable’ positive intensity for residents (aesthetically perceived hybridized) and Bangkok’s as positive intensity for visitors (performative lived hybridized) 8 but sensory abusive city to the middle-class residents .

Based on votes from the members of Travel & Leisure and Master Card Worldwide Traveller′s Choice Destination awards 2013 7 Where even the darker informal economy of sex tourism seem to have more ‘meaningful’ transactions. See documentary in http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6k6R43x6gfg 8 Virabongsa Ramangkura, a senior advisor to the government, noted the irony that Bangkok is “popular for visitors but unlivable for the locals” in http://www.matichon.co.th/news_detail.php?newsid=1376560988&grpid=&catid=02&subcatid=0207 (accessed 15 Aug)

The secret of intensity for the ‘new urban paradigm’ is the participation of differences and the hybridization of the mind (subject)? In the prologue of M’nM Workbook01, Radovic poses the question “what makes cities cities?” The pitfalls of neo-liberalist driven urbanism towards advancements through themes of urban intensity and cultural specificity to a “…much needed paradigm shift” (p.4 and p.5). He continues in the introduction suggesting new ways of looking at “urban quality” yet stressing the limitations of language to fix meanings – “to address qualitative phenomena such as urban intensity”. This essay is a reflection expressed in one of the “multiple Englishes” on the “urbanological and philosophical discourse on intensity”, tackling Deleuzian differences within the urban landscape frame, where I situated Babha’s cultural fault line, that reproduces the dialectic couples. Yet this ‘fault line’ is also of my subjective mind, nurtured by the hybridized existences. While I maintain that ‘intensity’ is highly subjective (in the case of this essay, consistent with most ruminations on the topic, a middle-class gaze) while subscribing that it is re-produced through encounters with ‘difference’. In this framework, Melbourne provides a model for the top-down designchoreographed of apparent differences while Bangkok offers a much more laissez-faire, timeintensive model characterized by varying degrees of participation and performances of differences (despised and/or enjoyed by varying degrees of ‘local’ or ‘visitor’; ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’). They are ultimately diverged reproduction and manifestation of neoliberal economic practices. Perhaps Barcelona provides a ‘middle path’ case where ‘intensity’ can be ‘facilitated’ but requires the ingredient of time and patience (slower profit and slow design?) and a specific, inclusive design/planning culture (but that is being tested by a neo-liberal ravaged economy). References Perloff, M. (1998). Cultural Liminality / Aesthetic Closure?: The "Interstitial Perspective" Of Homi Bhabha. in http://epc.buffalo.edu/authors/perloff/bhabha.html (accessed 2nd August, 2013) Parkinson, J.R. (2013). ‘How is space public? Implications for spatial policy and democracy.’ Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy. 31: 682-699 Radovic, D., (Ed) (2013). Mn’M Workbook 1: Intensities in Ten Cities. Tokyo, Flick Studio Radovic, D., (Ed) (2013). Mn’M Workbook 2: Tokyo Dérive – In Search of Urban Intensities. Radovic, D., Ed. Tokyo, Flick Studio. Sintusingha, S. and Mirgholami, M. (2013). ‘Parallel modernization and self-colonization: Urban evolution and practices in Bangkok and Tehran.’ Cities. 30(1): 122-132 Sintusingha, S., Polakit, K., and Bruch, R. (2010). "Urban Dynamism, a Contrasting Experience: Street Life in Unplanned Bangkok and Planned Melbourne." Nakhara: Journal of Environmental Design and Planning. (06): 93-106

100

101

102

103

104

105

Factor Analysis of Well-Being and its Application to Community Design Takashi Maeno, Masao Saeki and Yui Shinoda, Keio University Abstract In the present study we first surveyed numbers of researches in relation to peoples’ happiness (wellbeing). Then we show that goods in relation to happiness can be divided into positional goods and non-positional goods. The former does not last for long periods. On the other hand, the latter does. We then conducted a factor analysis of non-positional goods in relation to happiness. As a result, four factors were obtained. Those are 1) Having purpose and learning new things, 2) Gratitude and kindness among people, 3) Positive and optimistic attitude, 4) Keeping one’s own pace for independent behavior. Then we have proposed a framework that can be used for urban, policy, service and product design considering factors of happiness. In future work, it should be used for real design for making people happier. Introduction There has been increasing numbers of researches on well-being (happiness) since 1990s mainly by psychologists and economists. One of the reasons of the increasing numbers of researches in this field is that people are noticing that economical wealth is not the only way for people to be happy in life in this modern world. Many of the researches are on the relationship between well-being and facts. For example, 1) women are slightly happier than men, 2) healthier people are happier, 3) increase of income makes human happier when the income is less than $75,000, 4) knowing various people makes human happier compared with knowing numbers of people, 5) having purpose in life makes humans happy, 6) believing religion makes people happy, 7) optimists are happy, 8) kind people are happy, 9) gratitude makes human happier, 10) creating beautiful things makes people happier than looking at beautiful things. Researchers on regional difference of happiness are important topics as well. It is interesting that many things are in connection to well-being. However, no research has been done to take an overlook at well-being from a systemic point of view. Hence, in the present study, the result of factor analysis is shown. It is shown that four factors of happiness are found in relation to non-locational goods. Then we show that four factors can be used for community design through workshops. Result of factor analysis Goods are classified into positional goods and non-positional goods. Goods are not necessarily physical things. They can be abstract concepts. The positional goods include money, things and fame. One’s positional goods can be compared with others’ because those position can be measured by its amount. Nettle (1995) has shown that happiness by obtaining those positional goods does not last for a long time. However, happiness given by non-positional goods continues for a long time. The nonpositional goods include love, health, autonomy, social embededness, and quality of environment. Kahneman has shown that it is a “focusing illusion”. It seems that happiness comes to you if you obtain positional goods. So people wish to get those positional goods. However, when they obtain the positional goods, happiness fades away very quickly somewhat like an illusion. Focus for happiness is not at the adequate place. That is why it is called the focusing illusion. Hence, we have conducted factor analysis of non-positional goods in relation to happiness. First, we have surveyed researches on well-being that shows the relationship between happiness and various factors. Factors are limited to non-positional goods related to the state and characteristics of mind because those are only goods that people can directly treat. Peace, safety and health are excluded because they are not state or characteristics of mind even though those are important factors for happiness. Then we have made a questionnaire for asking those questions to 1500 Japanese through use of the internet. Titles of those questions are shown at the left hand side of Table 1. Then we have conducted a factor analysis using the software SPSS. Result is shown in the Table 1. As shown in the table, we obtained four factors. Looking at the table we named four factors as follows: 1. Having purpose and learning new things (focusing into self) 2. Relationships, gratitude and kindness among people (focusing into relationship among others)

106

3. Positive and optimistic attitude 4. Keeping oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own pace for independent behavior It means that numbers of factors shown at the left hand side of the Table 1 are united into four fundamental factors that show the happy state and characteristics of peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mind. Table 1 Results of Factory Analysis by Principal Factor Method Factors

Commu-

nality

Competence

.739

.231

.192

.068

.641

Meaning in Life

.722

.356

.290

.112

.745

Mastery

.696

.278

.340

.015

.678

Self-Actualization

.676

.246

.375

.135

.677

Self Esteem

.644

.381

.323

.033

.666

Autonomy

.638

.269

.142

.039

.501

Thought and Religion

.606

.235

.156

.289

.531

Sense of Societal Demand

.602

.233

.261

.244

.545

Hope

.587

.479

.327

.055

.684

Personal Growth

.570

.488

.143

.120

.599

Kindness

.539

.492

.054

.026

.536

Work Motivation

.526

.330

.069

.199

.431

Purpose of Life Clarity

.493

.321

.324

.115

.465

Preference to make someone happy

.415

.734

-.019

-.002

.712

Gratitude

.259

.729

.172

.127

.644

Love

.301

.656

.315

.054

.624

Humor

.279

.586

.200

-.150

.484

Positive relation with Others

.302

.509

.372

.314

.587

Savoring

.473

.480

.350

.203

.617

Optimism

.245

.216

.622

.136

.512

Self-Acceptance

.438

.361

.556

.266

.702

None of Affair

.227

.007

.529

.476

.557

Switching Minds

.366

.204

.423

.293

.440

Self-Concept Clarity

.018

-.021

.114

.693

.493

Social Comparison

.101

.044

.083

.538

.308

Factor Loadings

6.214

4.122

2.438

1.604

14.378

Cumulative Contribution Ratio

24.856

41.344

51.094

57.511

107

Social System Design based on Four Factors of Happiness Authors have been conducting a project based learning (PBL) in the master course education of the graduate school of System Design and Management, Keio University established in 2008 (Ishii, 2009, and Kohtake, 2010). Workshop-style ideation by group of people is powerful when we want to obtain innovative and creative ideas. We propose a framework for generating ideas used in the PBL style workshops for designing urban area, community, services and products which are directly in relation to humansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; happiness. Motivation is as follows. Great number of systems have been designed including urban area and products that are created for humansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; happiness. However, happiness itself was not analyzed well. Hence, it was not quantitatively clear if the designed system was really affecting humansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; happiness. Having clarified important factors of happiness, it should be utilized for designing systems that are really useful for humans to be happy in life. Figure 1 shows the proposed framework of ideation using factors of happiness. It is simple. Four factors of happiness are shown at the top. Other important factors such as safety, health and convenience can be freely added as shown in number five at the right hand side in the Fig. 1.Then member of the team conduct a brainstorming using label sheets such as Post-its.

1. Having purpose and learning new things

2. Relationship, gratitude and kindness among people

3. Positive and optimistic attitude

4. Keeping own pace for independent behavior

5. Safety, health, convenience and other important factors for happiness

Fig. 1 Framework of ideation considering factors of happiness

Fig. 2 Social System Design Workshop using Four Factors of Happiness Figure 2 shows a picture of brainstorming in our lab (Human System Design Laboratory). Figure 3 shows the result of brainstorming for twenty minutes.

108

Fig. 3 Results of brainstorming As a result of workshop we obtained numbers of ideas. Examples of ideas for urban design is as follows: 1. Having purpose and learning new things: make a free school, teach and learn together, seniors teach the young and kids, internet college, learning café, dream support with town people 2. Relationships, gratitude and kindness among people: open first floor in each buildings, SNS for sharing kindness, natural town, social connection spot, outdoor lunch day, say hello to everybody 3. Positive and optimistic attitude: open spaces in each building, broad sky, high ceiling, smile, SNS with only positive words, stay hungry, stay foolish, not uniform chairs and tables in parks 4. Keeping one’s own pace for independent behavior: life without clock and watch, diversity of people, understand difference each other, slow food and slow life, encourage having philosophy Those are just an example of initial trial obtained in or lab. This framework should be used in the real urban planning, policy design, service design and product design. Conclusions First we have conducted a factor analysis of non-positional goods in relation to happiness. As a result, four factors are obtained. Those are; 1) Having purpose and learning new things, 2) Gratitude and kindness among people, 3) Positive and optimistic attitude, 4) Keeping one’s own pace for independent behavior. Then we have proposed a framework for urban, policy, service and product design considering factors of happiness. In the future work, it should be used for real design for making people happier! References (1) Daniel Nettle, Happiness, The Science behind Your Smile, Oxford University Press, 2005 (2) Daniel Kahneman, et.al., Would You Be Happier If You Were Richer? A Focusing Illusion, Science, Vol. 312, No. 5782, 2006, pp. 1908-1910 (3) Kosuke Ishii, Olivier de Weck, Shinichiro Haruyama, Takashi Maeno, Sun K. Kim, and Whitfield Fowler, Active Learning Project Sequence: Capstone Experience for Multi-disciplinary System Design and Management Education, Proc. International Conference on Engineering Design, 2009, pp. 57-68 (4) Naohiko Kohtake, Takashi Maeno, Hidekazu Nishimura and Yoshiaki Ohkami, Graduate Education for Multi-Disciplinary System Design and Management, Developinf Leaders of LargeScale Complex System Design and Management, Synthesiology, English Edition, Vol. 3, No. 2, 2010, pp. 124-139

109

Future urban intensities / Temporality Takumi Saikawa, project manager in Kengo Kuma and Associates The sustainability is one of the themes of thinking about the future urban intensity of Tokyo. The sustainability of the building in a city is studied and practiced in these years, especially after the 3.11 East Japan Earthquakes. Concern about the environmental problem, food problem, and energy problem, these are caused by the increase of big city’s population. There is a big contrast between big cities and countryside. One possibility to resolve these problems is to make small economical activities in the local area, and make balance of produce and consumption. And the other side, in Tokyo, “reuse” and “renovation” of buildings are having attracted attention over the years. These are important concept for permanent buildings to extend building life as long as possible and less energy consumption for the sustainability of the city. In this point, I would like to focus on a temporal architecture. The sustainability of the city is not make only by the long life building, temporality is important to support human activity in big cities and countryside, too. For example, in Italy, festivals are held in the center of cities and countryside during summer, they use temporal stages and tents. It brings vibrant atmosphere to the city and human life. In Tokyo, a temporal building is needed also for effective use (effective use of a lease, momentary use of the planned road site, etc.) of the unused land in a city. Highly dense and various compact cities are imagined by using effectively not the city that carries out urban sprawl but the limited land. And also temporal buildings are very important for an emergency situation. Simple and light construction system is required. After the East Japan Earthquake, many architects proposed ideas. One is to make a simple partition by paper or textiles in a big evacuation center. And the other ideas are to use trailer house or container house for the people who lost own house.

I would like to refer temporal architecture. Maybe we will be able to find many ideas for the sustainability of the city and human activities. 1. Recycling / Reuse The recycling reuse in a temporary building was able to see many examples to the exposition pavilion. They have two directivity greatly, one is reuse (reconstruction and use change) of the building itself, and another is recycling reuse of building materials. The "time" is programmed in a design process by thinking about recycling and reuse. <EXPO2000 Swiss pavilion>

It was designed by the Peter Zumthor and planned as a premise that the wood which was being used after demolition is recyclable. Since the whole building merely piles up wood and is pressing down by the rod and steel springs, a screw, a nail, a stake, and adhesives are not used. When a term (period 6 month) is completed, it dries moderate and can use the wood currently used as construction building materials.

110

2. Amusement / Emergency The ancillary function to a permanent building is one of reasons by a temporary building is needed. The house trailer as a residence for holidays, the tent for a camp, etc. give change and pleasure to our life. An emergency house protects our life instead of a permanent building at the time of a disaster. Respectively, although a use situation conflicts in the time of usual, and an emergency, both our lives are supported. < Paper shelter for refugees >

The paper shelter for refugees is developed by Japanese architect Shigeru Ban from 1994. In the UNHCR, the budget of the shelter was about 30 dollars per one, and the shelter needed to make it the minimum thing, in order to avoid that a refugee resides permanently. Even if it was cheap there to use paper and having been thrown away into it, there was a merit in that there is no damage in natural environment. 3. Permanency It is the permanency fundamentally done to a structure. Also in a temporary building, extension of life span of a building is one of the important concepts for the temporal building, too.

< Inuit's patio> An Inuit's patio can be made into the slide part shaved for moving. It is surmised that such a device was made to the severity of the natural environment that the material used as building materials and the material which makes a carrying device are scarce.

4. Permanent installation of repetitive use By being premised on repetitive use, some temporary buildings can be everlastingly established permanently. Although there are conditions that the always same place must be prepared, shortening and cost reduction of preparation time can be made possible by establishing permanently a part of foundation and structure at a preparation place.

<Tee Haus> This is a temporal tea house by Japanese architect Kengo Kuma. In this project, concrete basement is a permanent and membrane parts are an inflatable structure and setup it when tea ceremony is opened. This inflatable structure balloons up around 10 minutes. It is simple construction by using the permanent concrete basement.

5. Moving device

111

The building which thought mobility as important is positioned as a vehicle rather than the building. In that case, it becomes a building without the foundation, and damage is not given to the ground, but it is observed in that it is released also from a building law. <Markies>

The markies was designed by the Eduard Boxing in 1986. Floor area becomes large because the surface of a wall of the direction of a library temple opens by car in the residence for holidays which can be carried anywhere.

6. Reconstruction By considering reconstruction, the method of structure in consideration of an assembly and demolition is adopted. By prefabrication or pre-manufacture, time of construction can be reduced. Also economically and environmentally, it induces a merit. <Benthem House>

This project is required to transfer after five years of completion. In order to reduce the load to land as much as possible, the steel frame foundation of the space frame is used on it, the basis of the precast concrete slab of four sheets. Almost all the components are prefabricated, and it is possible to carry out to self build of the light and strong structure. 7. Local materials The time and effort of component conveyance can be saved by supplying a component required for a temporary building at a preparation place. It can prepare always anywhere like an Inuit's igloo. <igloo>

The wall of the frozen snow has high insulation properties, and can maintain the interior of a room at a comfortable temperature with little heat, such as a stone lamp. An entrance is built in the direction of a warehouse, and one step of floor of a main building is made high, and it is devised so that cold may not enter. An inner side stretches the fur of a seal and the air layer between snows plays the role of heat insulation or keeping warm. The cold open air can be intercepted by a long tunnel-like passage. Since the form of the shape of a dome is taken, the heat which went up descends downward in accordance with a wall, and it gets warm moderate. 8. Lightness It carries by a lightweight thing, it is expected that preparation, demolition, etc. will become easy, and energy saving becomes possible. On it being less and succeeding in many more, and an extreme target, it will succeed in all by nothing.

112

< IBM Traveling Pavilion>

In this building, it is possible to decompose for every component and transport by a track. It was considered as the light structure by using the polycarbonate and thin wood frame as a constructional material. This project traveled in 20 cities of Europe in two years.

Considering the future of Tokyo, it is not only effective to extend the life of a building and the complement to a life of people by a temporary building will be required. It is used also in the local small community instead of a city occurrence again. It will bring sustainability to the society and as this result; it will become attractive as intensity of Tokyo.

113

Mapping of the Body/ Direct Environment as a Representation of the City Tamao Hashimoto, Special Researcher and Part-time Lecturer, Tokyo University of the Arts 1. Introduction 1-1. Background & Aim The aim of this study is to examine the body/ direct environment through exploring a way for transcribing the city. As for the study of the city from the body environment, the topic has already been explored in the many fields including architecture, art, culture, social science, and, all these studies, whatever their scope, are based on everyday life, as a medium for representing the city. However, there is not much precedent of how these studies have been placed into practical transcription, especially. This study focuses on a practice of individual habit, like fig.1, on the assumption that it not only records the body movement, but also transcribes the direct environment of the site.

Fig.1. Andy Warhol, ‘Dance Diagram’ (1962) 2. Forms With regards to the practice of individual habit, it would be important to deal with the ‘trajectory’ of ordinary movement. To use the words of Michel de Certeau, trajectory ‘was intended to suggest a temporal movement through space, that is, the unity of a diachronic succession of points through which it passes’. And, from the point of view, Fig.2 should be a good example that shows trajectories th of all the movements made in the space of one year by a student living in the 16 Arrondissement (the three apexes of which are School of Political Science, her residence, and that of her piano teacher). However, as Guy Debord commented in Fig.2 ‘examples of a modern poetry capable of provoking sharp emotional reactions (in this particular case, outrage at the fact that anyone’s life can be so pathetically limited)’, the linear record of trajectories of the body movement would not be enough for practice of individual habit. Because, in the process of that ‘a trajectory is drawn’, time and movement are visualized, and ‘are thus reduced to a line that can be seized as a whole by the eye’, and then, it becomes ‘a mark in place of acts’, and ‘a relic in place of performances’. Therefore, in the practice of individual habit, this task regards a ‘trajectory’ as not only a record of the body movement from one apex to others, but also a series of events spinning the difference of each apex, like ‘the form of imbricated strata’. And, through forming that, this task will try to explore a way for transcribing the city, as an emotional, ambiguous environment by combination of potential and diverse trajectories of everyday life.

Fig.2. Paris et l’agglomération parisienne (1950)

114

3. Index/ Structure

Fig.3. Activity Sign (2005) 3-1. Category 1: Layer of Ordinary Activities (LOA) as mediation In the morning, when the hour strikes at which I am accustomed to rise, I might receive this impression, as Plato says; I might let it blend with the confused mass of impressions which fill my mind; perhaps in that case it would not determine me to act. But generally this impression, instead of disturbing my whole consciousness like a stone which falls into the water of a pond, merely stirs up an idea which is, so to speak, solidified on the surface, the idea of rising and attending to my usual occupations. This impression and this idea have in the end become tied up with one idea have in the end become tied up with one another, so that the act follows the impression without the self interfering with it. In this instance I am a conscious automation, and I 9 am so because, I have everything to gain by being so. As Henri Bergson pointed out well, the majority of our daily actions are performed in this way and that, owing to the solidification in memory of such and such sensations, feelings, or ideas, impressions from the outside call forth movements on our part which, though conscious and even intelligent, have many points of resemblance with reflex acts. And, in many case, the purpose of our daily actions is led by a beacon, and it will be difficult to keep having more than one meaning. So, then, the means of our daily actions lose the importance/self-consciousness, and become to be almost transparent on the process. Therefore, if we wake up when the hour strikes by an alarm clock in our daily life, the action-wake up is one part of a series of actions led by the strikes, and if the series are quite ordinary for us, our consciousness of the part will be almost unconscious like a point of resemblance with reflex acts. Therefore, to put it simply, in our ordinary life, we form our daily actions by the ‘Idea’ that solidified on the surface of our consciousness through the ‘impression’, and I think that the relationship between the ‘Idea’ and the ‘Impression’ is translated to the relationship between ‘Self-imaging’ and ‘Massmediation’ as more current/external matters related to urban scale. As Appadurai has shown, Electric Mediation allow script for possible lives to be imbricated with the glamour of film stars and fantastic film plots and yet also to be tied to the plausibility of news shows, documentaries, and other black and 10 white forms of telemediation and printed text. And, Appadurai regarded that electric media provide resources for ‘self-imaging’ as an everyday social project, because of the sheer multiplicity of the forms in which they appear (cinema, television, computers, and telephones), and because of the rapid way in which they move through daily life routines. However, the reason that the electric media resources for ‘self-imaging’ as our everyday social project does not only depend on the sheer multiplicity and the rapid way, but also depend on the existing and repeating and automatic ‘mediation’ itself, and people depend on the ‘strikes’ themselves, and side with a script/text/context/story.

Bergson 2001: 168. Appadurai 1996: 3.

115

Fig.4. Local People’s Short Cuts at small square, King’s Cross, London, UK (2005-6) 3-2. Category 2: Re-Creation as diversion Being exhausted is much more than being tired. “It’s not just tiredness, I’m not just tired, in spite of the climb.” The tired person no longer has any (subjective) possibility at his disposal; he therefore can not realize the slightest (objective) possibility. But the latter remains, because one can never realize the whole of the possible; in fact, one even creates the possible to the extent that one realize it. The tired 11 person can not longer realize, but the exhausted person can no longer possibilize. In our everyday life, it is not too much to say that we are always dancing on the ‘authorized/exhausted dance step’ composed by some conscious/unconscious script/text/context/story through a variety of mediation. However, it will be necessity that people’s action/behaviour is solidified by the repeating/automatic on the dance step, because, by these dance step, we can keep our ‘self’. In other words, we will have to keep/make our each dance step. By the similarity/resemble/difference/conflict/reciprocity/contradiction/etc between the each dance step, we can not only keep our ‘self’, but also keep our ‘family/friend/community/society/culture’, and even our ‘enemy/rival/match’. That is to say, by the dance step, people can keep/participate/receive their everyday life. And, the exhaustion and the following absence of presumptive context of that would create a diverse quality of the city. ‘Let us suppose that people in a tribe are disciplined keep in the expressionless. In the tribe, even an expression is some kind of childish. The discipline is very strict. They do not talk about their ‘pain’. Specially, they do not talk with each other by a presumptive context. If somebody sorrows, everybody ridicule and punish him/her. Nobody has a suspicion that somebody camouflages. The sorrowful itself 12 is already some kind of camouflage.’

Fig.5. Indonesian People who are singing, eating on a walking deck, Hong Kong, China (2013) 3-3. Category 3: Composite as a scenario Furniture is tool. And, it is servant. It satisfies our necessity. Our necessity is ordinary, rule, and always same. It is always same. Our furniture is proportionate to the order, the constant, and the systematic function. 13 All the people are waiting their same necessity and time everyday all their life.

Deleuze 1998: 152. Wittgenstein 1997: 185. 13 Le Corbusier 1984: 169. 12

116

In this declaration, we can see the mechanical viewpoint for every day life and the quite positive stance for an authorized dance step, and by the following question, we can see another view. And even once we have reached the highest point of the house, as in the terrace of Villa Savoye on the sill of the window that frames the landscape, the culminating point of the promenade, here also we find a hat, a pair of sunglasses, a little package (cigarettes?) and a lighter, and now, where did the 14 gentleman go? Le Corbusier pointed out the strong trace of the ‘gentleman’ in advance, and on the site, people and furniture follow the ‘gentleman’, as his ‘servant’. Therefore, on the site, the ‘servant’ will be gave the order/position strictly. As his photograph/sketch/drawing shows, he conspired with the ‘gentleman’ and pushed forward the more ‘authorized dance step’ on the site. In Cubism, there are some categorical differences, such as the analytic, classical, and synthetic. However, the essential theme will be not only to connect with the subject and the object on the canvas/space/site but also to make ambivalence between them by using the ‘continuous repetition’. On the other hand, in the case of the viewpoint of Purism, Le Corbusier eliminated the ‘ambiguous’ of Cubism, and he attached importance to the movement itself between ‘A’ and ‘B’. That is to say, he eliminated the importance of the process itself between ‘A’ and ‘B’, and the result, he eliminated the importance of the ‘continuous repetition’. That is why, ‘A’ is for ‘B’, and ‘B’ is for ‘C’, and ‘C’ is for ‘D’ and ‘D’ is…. On the site, all the elements including ‘people’ are given the role as the ‘ordinary/usual elements themselves’ that keep an ‘order’, like ‘guitar, cup, bin, plate’ that he often drawn. As his architectural notation emphasize, the rule/patterns of people’s action/behaviour are authorized, and the process of the dance step exists on the site, just as a process. Therefore, a ‘coffee cup’ is given the position/order/process as ‘a coffee cup’, which is paradoxically a key for understanding a composite as spatial scenario of the city.

Fig.6. Shoes Mender, Flower Shop, and Fruit Shop occupied the front of FAMILY MART (20013) 3-4. Category 4: Direct Action as an in/externalization, & possibility In ‘The Manhattan Transcript’, Tschumi attempts to play with the fragments of a given reality at the same time as the rational structure of abstract concepts, while constantly questioning the nature of architectural signs. And, his transcript shows the three disjoined levels of ‘reality’, which are ‘the world of objects’, composed of buildings abstracted from maps, plans, photographs, and ‘the world of movements’, which can be abstracted from choreography, sport, or other movement diagrams, and 15 ‘the world of events’, which is abstracted from news photographs. In this transcript, the theme of the trial is how we can ‘cut off’’ the reality on a site just as it is. However, in order to abstract our everyday life, it would be useful not only to juxtapose those elements but also to overlap the more detailed micro elements. And, rather than transcript of the live elements from a strong ‘event’, transcript of that from an ‘the half-exhausted routine’ would be demonstrative for the modernity at large. Deleuze separated ‘The Exhausted’ and ‘The Possible’. Meanwhile, people’s behavior and all the live elements of everyday life have been often not differentiated, and keep the relationship between each other like ‘watercolors in water’. Therefore, wherever people live, and whatever people do, there are the half-exhausted routine, which is a key for externalizing a potential relationship between physical and social structures of the city.

14 15

Colomina 1996: 289 Tschumi 1994: 8-9.

117

Fig.7. Pedestrian, Workers, & Prostitutes (Singapore, 2013)

118

119

120

121

122

123

124

Measuring intangible values in urban heritage conservation, a case of Bangkok Wimonrart Issarathumnoon, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Architecture, Chulalongkorn University Key words: urban heritage, intangible heritage, non-measurable From the perspective of the author as a conservation architect, this paper illustrates innovative concept of urban cultural heritage which pay attention to urban qualities comprising tangible and intangible values. To understand urban qualities, various kinds of methods to measure nonmeasurable features are invented. In this study, Bangkok is raised as a good example to see how the place-based and landscape-based conservation concepts applied to non-western urban characters. Intangible urban heritage—non-measurable features Since the late 1970s, the scope of urban cultural heritage has been internationally agreed to add nonmeasurable values into heritage. Moreover, cultural qualities which are ingredients of urban intensity, especially the sense of place and the acceptance of change recognizing the relation between place and time are concerned. This new approach is different from those of previous ones that concern much on tangible heritage, such as historical monuments, buildings, groups of building, and sites. To understand the conservation concept, the two international conservation charters—including the Burra Charter of 1979, which later amended in 1981, 1988 and 1999, and the Vienna Memorandum of 2005, are studied. Burra Charter, the conservation charter of Australia, is widely accepted to be the first charter that considers heritage as place. It describes that “places of cultural significance enrich people’s lives, often providing a deep and inspirational sense of connection to community and landscape, to the past and to lived experiences.” In this charter, three key words—place, cultural significance and fabric, are introduced: • Place means site, area, land, landscape, building or other work, group of buildings or other works and may include components, contents, spaces and views; • Cultural significance means aesthetic, historic, scientific, social or spiritual value for past, present or future generations. Cultural significance is embodied in the place itself, its fabric, setting, use, associations, meanings, records, related places and related objects. Places may have a range of values for different individuals or groups: and • Fabric means all the physical material of the place including components, fixtures, contents, and objects (Burra Charter, 1999). Vienna Memorandum created in 2005 is another international charter which pays high attempt to expand the previous idea of heritage in the historic city to broad view of landscape. Under an integrated approach linking contemporary architecture, sustainable urban development and landscape integrity, the specific term historic urban landscape is used. Historic urban landscape refers to “ensembles of any group of buildings, structures and open spaces, in their natural and ecological context, including archaeological and paleontological sites, constituting human settlements in an urban environment over a relevant period of time, the cohesion and value of which are recognized from the archaeological, architectural, prehistoric, historic, scientific, aesthetic, sociocultural or ecological point of view. This landscape has shaped modern society and has great value for our understanding of how we live today” (Vienna Memorandum, 2005). The charter also defines that “The historic urban landscape is embedded with current and past social expressions and developments that are place-based. It is composed of character-defining elements that include land uses and patterns, spatial organization, visual relationships, topography and soils, vegetation, and all elements of the technical infrastructure” (Ibid). The broadening scope of heritage in the Burra Charter and Vienna Memorandum can be sum up as follow. Approach

125

Place and Landscape Under the new conservation concept, place and landscape are used for describing the sense of interrelation between cultural heritage, ecology and human being. They refer to both materialistic and non-materialistic heritage. Additionally, place and landscape in heritage conservation identify cultural specificity of place perceived by local inhabitants. Such spaces can be in various forms with unclear boundaries, based on individual perception. In that sense, place and landscape can be connected to Lefebvre’s theory, the Production of Space. They thus can be defined as spaces of representation or lived space that have been produced and modified over time through its use and invested with symbolism and meaning (Lefebvre, 1991; Elden, 1998). The qualities of urban heritage are also expressed by using the terms place identity and spirit of place. These terms illustrate specific urban characters that have been lost under development pressures. The place identity constituting physical elements, activities and meaning (Canter, 1977; Relph, 1976) are the imperative components of heritage values that should be preserved. Tangible and Intangible The new conservation connotation that shifted towards value-based management aims at protecting significances of cultural heritage, rather than concrete things. To protect overall values of heritage, tangible heritage which can be considered as measurable features and intangible heritage referring non-measurable features are considered. In Burra Charter, place includes some explicit intangible values, such as the strong association between people and their meaningful spaces. In Vienna Memorandum, some character-defining elements are based on their quality rather than quantity, for example aesthetic, spatial organization and visual relationships. In the assessment framework of historic urban landscape invented by scholars, the components of historic urban landscape can be divided into tangible and tangible features as follow: Tangible heritage including: • areas / sites with unclear demarcation of the protected area. Rather, it is more based on the significant characteristics and attributes of the place; • ensemble / complex of building (s) and context; and • object including urban elements and building elements. Intangible heritage including: • process including evolution and development; • society referring human practices, traditions, people, community; • use referring the relation with the society, use, functions and typology; and • asset referring built context, character, and period / style (Veldpaus, L.; Roders, A.R. Pereira, 2013; O’Donnell, Patricia M., 2008). Place and Time The other interesting concept associated with measurable and non-measurable heritage values is the acceptance of continuity and change. Living communities in the city creates and/or is subject to continuous processes and it brought about gradual transformation of the urban landscape and its relationship with the setting (Jokilehto, 2010). The association between place and time can be seen in the formation of the lived spaces generated by their inhabitants over time, as well as the creation of individual perception and collective memory. In other words, the interrelation of place and time and be considered as an ongoing interaction of nature and culture. Complexity The complexity of the place contributes the maintenance of the sense of place. The complexity is built from sub-cultures urban dynamics and multiple aesthetics. Vernacular local landscapes with local aesthetics and pop-cultures of ordinary life can be accepted as heritage. Methods Aiming at preserving the area with heritage cultural significances, the first method should be to identify values of place. Then, the next method should be to interpret and represent values of heritage. Identification

126

To identify the places is based on character-defining features expressing both tangible and intangible heritage. The important idea is to do not overlook normal architectures, spaces or common cultures that are not rewarded as national heritage. Additionally, the identification process should not oversimplify to pick up only simply readable urban contexts, such as remarkable buildings. The complexity, multi-layer of historical relics and cultural expression should be considered. Interpretation and Representation After choosing and expressing heritage values, the next step is to interpret and represent its values to public. We can see that this process is relevant with the representation of space under Production of Space theory. The representation of space is the space that conceived or conceptualized by planners and technocrats. It can be in several forms of conservation planning and designs. However, in these days, community involvement is significantly put in all courses of action. It is because the value identification should be based on local perception, and the decision to manage change should be made under acceptance of local inhabitants. Bangkok heritage core Urban qualities of Bangkok, which are widely seen as complex, diverse, fluid and chaotic, are appreciably stated under the new conservation concept. It is different from the previous conservation which highlighted only on valuable monuments and great tradition. The following part firstly shows the urban characters of common trok (alley) neighborhoods with meaningful representational spaces (lived spaces). Then, it draws overall images of the stated-led revitalization programs that can be seen as representation of spaces (conceived spaces). Representational Spaces—Trok Neighborhoods The trok neighborhoods are fine-grains-soft core surrounded by hard shells of shop-houses and largescale buildings. The webs of alleys are in labyrinthine forms grounded on former natural or man-made water ways and walkways which can be traced back to urban formation the in the late seventeenth century. Bangkok people identify themselves with their surrounding neighborhoods and their associated functions. They visualize their city in terms of localities and communities rather than comprehensive integrated visual schemes (O’Conner, 1990; Sternstien, 1971). Concerning urban attributes in terms of urban form and socio-cultural dimension, Bangkok heritage core can be seen in two levels. One is the layer of community networks (Indigenous communities: chumchon trok), coexisted with high cultural hierarchy of temples, palaces and noble houses. Another layer is the patchwork of named places which are generally recognized their functions and meanings by the local inhabitants (districts: yarn). They are the places where people recognized their functions, communities and historical events (Askew, 1996). Both layers—the networks of chumchon and yarn—have been perceived by local inhabitants. The perception of place can be altered depending on personal imaginary and experiences. The networks are thus in conceptual forms with vague demarcation. Chumchon and yarn can be considered as lived spaces as the inhabitants use spaces and develop the symbolic meanings and associations with place. In the sense of heritage conservation, what should be considered are specific qualities of urban Thai which provide opportunities for urban intensity. One of such urban qualities is the complexity of subcultures of various groups of people with the way of life and set of beliefs. The other urban qualities should be concerned is the tolerance. Thai urban areas provide chances for express variation of activities and urban forms. They allow people to configure multilayer of spatial usages. The unclear boundaries and the could-liked informal features in the communities provide chances to transform public domain to private domain, vice versa. Moreover, Bangkok historic core reflects urban fabrics with many layers of history and diverse tradition in modes of life (Webster, 1999). According to the specific urban characters of Bangkok heritage core as described above, it can be said that values of urban heritage of Bangkok are in complex forms of the coexistence a of materialistic and nonmeasurable heritage and the linkage between past and current features.

127

Illustration 1: The formation of chumchon (indigenous communities) and yarn (districts or named places) (Issarathumnoon, 2009)

128

Illustration 2: Trok neighborhoods, the fine-grains-soft core inside the urban blocks show complexity and liveliness.

Representation of Historical Spaces The current conservation practices in forms of stated-led revitalization programs in Bangkok show that the non-measurable heritage supporting dwelling patterns and its unique urban intensity are not properly interpreted and represented. Generally, they choose only the iconic monuments and urban spaces in relevant with monarchy and Buddhism to represent chumchon and yarn. Moreover, some programs intend to revitalize the communal areas to tourist dominated areas. One example of such state-led revitalize programs is “The Master Plan for Land Development: Ratchadamnoen Road and Surrounding Area”. Under the initiation of the NESDB (Office of the National Economic and Social Development Board), the master plan aims at representing the sites and their settings in Rattanakosin precinct into prime tourist attraction. Moreover, it tries to revitalize chumchon in the surrounding areas of Ratchadamnoen Avenue to be the tourist spot under the term living heritage. The images from the plan show that urban intensity in terms of complexity, liveliness and interconnected networks of chumchon and yarn are inefficiently represented. The other program is “Rattanakosin and Chao Phraya River Front,” supported by the Crown Property Bureau Foundation. Regarding the program, communities which are located in the riverfront areas of Chao Phraya River are gentrified and replaced by new tourist areas and infrastructures. The lively communities thus turned to be a theme park (Shinawatra (edt.), 2009). On the contrary to the representation of spaces conceived by the stated-led planning, the practices initiated by indigenous communities intend to sustain their cultural resources by maintaining religious or spiritual prescription. The indigenous practices maintain the authenticity of the spirit of place, rather than the authenticity of materials as the Western perspective (Kammeier, 2013). The recognition of chumchon and yarn are relevant with the diverse tradition, complex networks of places, contemporary functions, and nostalgic experiences.

129

Illustration 3: The revitalization program, “Master Plan for Land Development: Ratchadamnoen Road and Surrounding Area” under the initiation of the NESDB, show that they intend to build the network of iconic monuments and sites. Conversely, the networks of indigenous neighborhoods are not picked up to present. The green open spaces are created for visual vistas to the monuments and serving tourist activities.

Illustration 4: One of the images proposed by the Rattanakosin and Chao Phraya River Front Program. The new tourist commodities are replaced on Tha Tien Communities and fresh food market. The artificial floating market is created along the riverfront area.

CONCLUDING REMARKS Today, conservation of urban heritage pays an important role in maintaining non-static values. Urban intensity and complex cultural specificity of place are raised to be a part of values that should be maintained. To conduct the conservation works along such concept, we need to discover the proper tools to identify the non-measurable urban qualities which are grounded on sense of place and experiences of the inhabitants. Moreover, the other equally high importance is to reinterpret the valuable abstraction to urban design and planning. REFERENCES Askew, Marc (2002). Bangkok: Place, Practice and Representation, London: Routledge. ---------------- (1996), “The Rise of Moradok and the Decline of the Yarn: Heritage and Cultural Construction in Urban Thailand,” in SOJOURN, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1996: 183-210. Canter, D. (1977). The Psychology of Place. London: Architectural Press. Elden, Stuart (1998). “Henri Lefebvre and the Production of Space.” Department of Government, Brunel University, U.K. http://www.gradnet.de/papers/pomo98.papers/stelden98.htm. Retrieved 1 October, 2013. Issarathumnoon, Wimonrart (2009). Traditional Urban Community and It's Roles in Heritage Planning, A Case of Bangkok Heritage Core. Doctoral Thesis of the Department of Urban Engineering, Engineering Graduate School of the University of Tokyo, Japan, March 2009. Lefebvre, Henri (1991). The Production of Space. Translated by D. Nicholson Smith. Oxford: Balackwell.

130

Kammeier, H. Detlef (2013). “Heritage Conservation in Asia: Shifts and Development 1972-2012.” in Protecting Siam’s Heritage. Bangkok: The Siam Society and Silkworm Books: 281-294. O’ Conner, Richard (1990). “Place, Power and Discourse in the Thai Image of Bangkok.” in Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 78, No. 2, 1990: 61-73. th O’ Donnell, Patricia M. (2008). “Urban Cultural Landscape & Spirit of Place”. Present at 6 General Assembly of ICOMOS - Québec 2008. Relph, Edward (1976). Place and Placelessness. London: Pion. Shinawatra, Weeraphan (edt.) (2009). Rattanakosin and Chao Phraya River Front. Bangkok: Plus Press. Sternstein, L (1971). “The Image of Bangkok.” in Pacific Affairs, Vol. 12, 1971: 68-74. The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significances (1999). The Vienna Memorandum on “World Heritage and Contemporary Architecture—Managing the Historic Urban Landscape” (2005). Veldpaus, L.; Roders, A.R. Pereira (2013). “Historic Urban Landscapes: An Assessment Framework.” rd In IAIA13 Conference Proceeding Impact Assessment the Next Generation 33 Annual Meeting of the International Association for Impact Assessment. 13-16 May 2013, Calgary Stampede BMO Centre, Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Webster, D. (1999). Urban Cultural Heritage in Thailand: Development Dimension. Thailand Urban Cultural Workshop, Chiang Mai, 21-22 June, 1999.

131

The Practice, Rhythm, and Intensity of Everyday (Night)life: Perspectives from Singapore Yeo Su-Jan and Heng Chye Kiang Department of Architecture, School of Design and Environment, National University of Singapore sjyeo@nus.edu.sg | sdedean@nus.edu.sg Abstract In recent years, there has been a burgeoning of urban policies and planning strategies aimed at developing the nightscapes of contemporary cities into entertainment milieus for leisure and play. These urban spaces of nightlife consumption are lauded by neoliberal urban administrations for their economic contribution in driving employment, tourism, and civic boosterism. At the same time, however, this emphasis on rejuvenating the nighttime economy in the city centre is creating greater inattention towards the everyday nightscapes—everyday (night)life—of ordinary people. Taking the global city of Singapore as a departure point, this empirical study investigates the urban qualities of everyday (night)life by examining the practice, rhythm, and intensity of the nighttime economy in three quotidian neighbourhoods which include: (1) Lembu Square, an ethnic quarter in the inner-city; (2) Toa Payoh Central, a residential precinct in the heartlands; and (3) Holland Village, a neighbourhood enclave in the urban fringe. Adopting a three-fold qualitative approach that combines the research methods of flânerie, photography, and narration, this study conceptualizes and contextualizes the everyday (night)life from a ‘view from below’ perspective thereby providing visual and textual acuity into the neglected spatialities and temporalities of everyday places at night.

Illuminating the Ordinary and Mundane Experiences of the City at Night The nighttime city has long captivated the imaginations of storytellers, filmmakers, artists, st photographers and, more recently in the 21 century, planners and designers of the built environment. In today’s era of globalization, contemporary cities are actively being imagineered (culturally) and shaped (spatially) into symbolic expressions of modernity, wealth, and power (Ooi, 2004, p. 16-17; Yeoh, 2005). The prevalent ‘24-hour city’ place-marketing strategy, in particular, is illustrative of this paradigmatic shift in urban policy-making which aims not only to manipulate the spatiocultural landscape of the city but also the temporal dimension. Here, the nighttime becomes a ubiquitous resource for economic exploitation and financial mechanism for land valorization, thereby effectively allowing city spaces after dark to be contemporized, commodified, and controlled in multifaceted ways that would attract capital, people, and conspicuous consumption (Yeo et al., 2012). At the same time, however, this emphasis on rejuvenating the nighttime economy in the city centre is creating greater inattention towards the everyday nightscapes—that is, everyday (night)life—of ordinary people. The aim of this study is to conceptualize and contextualize the everyday (night)life from a ‘view from below’ perspective and provide both visual and textual acuity into the neglected spatialities and temporalities of quotidian places at night. In so doing, this study will open out new avenues through which to examine the (extra)ordinary urban qualities of the city at night in the conceptual terms of practice, rhythm, and intensity. Central to the development of this research framework is the concept of everyday life. Everyday life can be understood through theory and practice. The repetitious activities and habitual impulses that define our daily lives in the city can be observed, interpreted, and abstracted to form theoretical understandings about urban life and the urban environment. Paradoxically, this understanding of how everyday life manifests in the city is often secondary to the planning and design of urban spaces—too often the mediocrity of our lived experiences is believed to have insignificant impacts on larger urban processes (Crawford, 1999). However, as this study will demonstrate, theorizing the mundane modes of urban practices can help to unearth the hidden rhythms and

132

intensities of city spaces thus providing policy-makers, planners, and architects with fresh insights from which to imagine anew the built environment. In this study, everyday (night)life refers to a spatiotemporal milieu where habitual routines and repetitious patterns of social interactions, economic transactions, and spatial practices are performed on a recurring basis at night. To deconstruct these taken-for-granted rituals of everyday (night)life is to shed light on the intangible facets and possibilities of the city which, arguably, are made more visible in the public spaces of the city after dark. Here, the planning and design implications of everyday (night)life are threefold. First, everyday (night)life is a recurring rhythm performed by people in space against time and the peculiarities of this rhythm can vary not only from place to place but also hour to hour within a single location. Second, everyday (night)life is as much a temporal practice as it is a spatial one. An intimate knowledge of ‘when’ people expend and allocate their time within the city for social and economic activities can provide useful insights into ‘how’ the intensity of place can be sustained. Lastly, everyday (night)life can harness the creative potential of place because, in contrast to the formal realm of the daytime city, the perceived sense of freedom that the nighttime city affords can induce uninhibited practices and informal negotiations which help to illuminate the flexible and ludic possibilities of public space. Everyday (Night)life Spaces: Vignettes from Three Urban Neighbourhoods in Singapore This study investigates the nighttime city by adopting a ‘view from below’ perspective through the practice of flânerie (see Jenks, 1995; Jenks and Neves, 2000). In tandem with the practice of flânerie, field data informing about the spatiotemporal dynamics of everyday (night)life was also collected through rhythmanalysis. As Lefebvre (2004) explains, “[e]verywhere where there is interaction between a place, a time and an expenditure of energy, there is rhythm” (p. 15). Rhythmanalysis, therefore, is an attempt to capture the fluid qualities of the city through descriptions about the rhythms, repetitions, and routines of urban places. In this study, such narratives, or vignettes, are enhanced through additional methods of photography and qualitative interviews (see Yeo and Heng, 2013). In order to synthesize the variegated experiences, images, and stories of the nighttime city into a telling “montaged account of urban life”, three site-specific place-based settings in Singapore were studied over the course of three years (Highmore, 2005, p. 160). The three place-based settings selected for this research cut across the spectrum of urban nightscapes: (1) Lembu Square, an ethnic quarter in the inner-city; (2) Toa Payoh Central, a residential precinct in the heartlands; and (3) Holland Village, a neighbourhood enclave in the urban fringe. Although the socioeconomic profiles of these places are markedly different, they share similar physical characteristics as mixed-use neighbourhoods with vernacular shophouse architecture and street-level activity. These (dis)similarities not allow for a richer and more robust comparative analysis of everyday (night)life in Singapore but also demonstrates the potential for nightlife diversity in the contemporary city.

Vignette 1: Lembu Square and the Everyday (Night)life of an Ethnic Quarter in the Inner-City Lembu Square is the unofficial name for the Bangladeshi ethnic quarter in the heritage district of Little in Singapore. Here, the urban fabric is characterized by contiguous blocks of conservation shophouses in various states of (dis)repair which accommodate businesses such as eating establishments, fruit and vegetable minimarts, mobile phone shops, and electronic stores catering primarily to the ethnic needs of Bangladeshi foreign labourers working in Singapore’s construction industry. A typical day in Lembu Square begins at 8:00am with a few eateries opening early to cater to the morning crowd which consists of migrant workers, businessmen, and commuters. At 9:00am, the shops specializing in automobile accessories and parts roll up their shutters and open their doors for business. By 11:00am the core businesses comprising the minimarts, electronic stores, restaurants, and remittance companies open for the day. The daytime tempo is adagio (slow) and does not accelerate to an allegretto (moderately fast) pace until after 5:00pm (Figure 1). As the evening approaches, Lembu Square transforms into an informal street market where: makeshift stalls are assembled in residual spaces; street vendors peddle their goods in an ad-hoc

133

fashion; restaurant dining extends outdoors on foldable tables and chairs; and raw meats and fish are sold out in the open. In these hours after dark, migrant workers gather informally on the street, pavement, and kerbs where they engage in conversations, games, and economic transactions. The crowd-gatherings in Lembu Square are considerably more intense on Sunday nights when there can be hundreds of migrant workers at any one-time congregating in Lembu Square (Figure 2). At night, the crowd visibly thickens in what appears to be chaotic assemblage of pedestrians standing shoulder-to-shoulder; however, in amidst this density, there is a self-arranging of activities that give Lembu Square its hidden spatial logic. There are open spaces as well as more intimate niches where spatial appropriation has enabled social activities such as TV-watching (Figure 3) and carom-playing (Figure 4). It is the frequency of this regular crowding and the repetitive nature of the migrant workers’ nightly routines that sustain the ‘place ballet’ of Lembu Square (Seamon, 1979). In this way, Lembu Square serves as a significant ‘third place’ for the Bangladeshi community (Oldenburg, 1989) through which sites of difference, diversity, and depth can be created that challenge conventional notions of a night-out and provides opportunities for the disenfranchised to be included in the production and consumption of the nighttime economy in a global city. Vignette 2: Toa Payoh Central and the Everyday (Night)life of a Residential Precinct in the Heartlands Toa Payoh Central is a mixed-use neighbourhood located within the larger township of Toa Payoh, one of the earliest public housing estates designed and developed by Singapore’s Housing and Development Board (HDB). Here, activities of public street life can be encountered along a pedestrian shopping promenade flanked by two rows of four-storey HDB slab blocks accommodating shop units on the ground floor and residential units above. The types of businesses that can be found along this shopping promenade include: eateries; fashion boutiques; beauty salons; homeware shops; telecommunication stores; and medical clinics to list a few. The start of a typical business day in Toa Payoh Central begins at 6:00am with the opening of a kopitiam (a vernacular establishment where food and beverages prepared by individual stalls can be purchased and consumed). In these early morning hours, the shopping promenade functions primarily as a conduit for the flow of office workers commuting to the city centre, children walking to school, and homemakers marketing for groceries. The pace accelerates after 10:00am as retailers open for business. Between 12:00pm and 2:00pm, the tempo shifts to a brisk pace as Toa Payoh Central becomes populated with office workers, residents, and elderlies patronizing the kopitiam, windowshopping, and running errands. Between 2:00pm and 6:00pm, the activity level in Toa Payoh Central lulls as the afternoon passes. After dark, the urban rhythm takes on a more informal and spontaneous nuance as Toa Payoh Central shifts into a nighttime economy (Figure 5). At this time, the crowd diversifies with office workers, students, elderlies, parents, children, and young couples converging on the shopping promenade and partaking in a cacophony of activities that include: eating; shopping; strolling; peoplewatching; loitering; resting; and playing games (Figure 6). Nighttime in Toa Payoh Central not only attracts regular crowds, but also itinerant hobbyists such as a group of stargazing enthusiasts that would participate in an informal activity known as ‘sidewalk astronomy’ (Figure 7). Line-dancing is another social activity which transforms Toa Payoh Central’s formal public spaces into an informal arena for play and leisure after dark (Figure 8). Embedded in these activities are informal practices of appropriation, negotiation, and democratization performed by residents, visitors, vendors, and entrepreneurs during the laissez-faire hours of the night. These habitual practices are routine performances enacted by individuals and collectives that converge to produce a distinctive ‘place-rhythm’ (Wunderlich, 2008). Moreover, these habitual practices are invariably situated in a specific space-time context that is fundamental to the daily lives of ordinary individuals and therefore shape our experience of urban life and influence our attachment to urban places. Vignette 3: Holland Village and the Everyday (Night)life of a Neighbourhood Enclave in the Urban Fringe

134

Holland Village is a commercial neighbourhood enclave situated in the urban fringe. Occupying a peculiar niche at the geographical margin between exclusive private housing developments and government subsidized public housing estates, Holland Village assumes an urban character that is at once informal and formal, old and new, and local and global. Here, an eclectic mix of shophouse styles and businesses—which include cafés, pubs, kopitiams, houseware shops, electronic stores, pet shops, medicial clinics, and banks—lend this neighbourhood enclave its bohemian and cosmopolitan disposition. A prominent and central feature amongst the amenities available in Holland Village is the State-managed Market & Food Centre comprising individual stallholders selling fresh produce, meats, fish, cooked food, and beverages. At approximately 6:00am the automated lights at the Holland Village Market & Food Centre are triggered, illuminating the building and providing light to some of the stallholders that have arrived early to make preparations for the start of a new work day. The breakfast and marketing crowd generally tapers off by 11:00am, at which time the retail stores and restaurants open their doors for business. The number of pedestrians and cars making their way to Holland Village swells between 12:00pm and 2:00pm as people working and studying in the vicinity arrive for lunch. Once the lunch crowd has dissipated, Holland Village takes on an andante (walking) rhythm between 3:00pm and 6:00pm. Shortly after 6:30pm the internal roads in Holland Village are gated and closed to vehicular traffic, thereby creating a pedestrian-friendly environment. By 7:30pm, the tempo at Holland Village is vivace (lively and fast) as families, couples, students, and young working professionals arrive for dinner at the Market & Food Centre (Figure 9). Here, the smells of heated cooking oil, aromatic spice mixes, and undisposed refuse from half-eaten meals leave their scent imprints on the clothes of patrons, some of whom are dressed in immaculate office attire and others in t-shirts, shorts, and open-toe sandals. In this place, locals eat side-by-side with foreigners, non-residents blend inconspicuously with residents, while teenagers and the elderly alike chat amongst their company of friends. On Friday and weekend nights, in particular, Holland Village transforms into the ‘in’ place outside of the city centre where residents and visitors alike arrive to dine, shop, socialize, and people-watch (Figure 10). With the closure of the internal roads for pedestrian use, the nighttime economy expands spatially as service staff haul tables, chairs, maître d’ stands, and signboards on to the streets. This nightly ritual is a performance involving the choreographed movement of restaurant servers as they deftly arrange and place an assortment of ‘props’ that alter the physical space and visual materiality of Holland Village (Figure 11). The nightly road closure in Holland Village has also extended the availability and accessibility of the public realm to pedestrians, thereby creating a public commons used simultaneously for various activities that straddle the informal-formal binary such as snacking and drinking from the pavements as well as lingering and resting on the curbs (Figure 12). Such relaxation of social norms at night and the ‘loosening’ of spaces for creative possibilities not only facilitate the convergence of social class differences but also enable people from diverse walks-of-life to participate in the production of everyday (night)life and making of place (Franck and Stevens, 2007). The Urban Qualities of Everyday (Night)life: Practice, Rhythm, and Intensity The vignettes of Lembu Square, Toa Payoh Central, and Holland Village not only reveal the taken-forgranted rituals of everyday (night)life but also illustrate how place identity can be formed through the habitual practice, repetitive rhythm, and sustained intensity of quotidian nightscapes. Here, habitual routines such as dining, shopping, strolling, playing, socializing, and so on may at first glance appear banal and insignificant. However, a closer examination of these commonplace activities—where, when, and how they are formed, arranged, and practiced—can reveal the capacity of everyday (night)life to shape and be shaped by space and time. Moreover, the informal urban quality of everyday (night)life spaces makes possible the collective performance of “pedestrian speech acts” through which ordinary people appropriate the “disciplinary spaces” of the contemporary city (De Certeau, 1984, p. 96-97). In turn, this (re)writing of the urban ground plane through uninhibited encounters and engagements within everyday (night)life spaces makes ‘public’ once again the public realm of contemporary cities in an era globalization.

135

Finally, the habitual modes of everyday (night)life create repetitive space-time rhythms. For it is through these nightly rhythms that ordinary urban denizens participate actively in the socioeconomic production and image-making of place. Places of rhythmic vibrancy and diversity can enrich the lived experiences of and attachments to place, as they expose the extraordinariness of ordinary settings in the display of sensorial aesthetics—“a kind of visual excitement, a quality of electric invigoration” (Lofland, 1998, p. 87). As such, the habitual practices and repetitive rhythms of the nighttime milieus in quotidian neighbourhoods play a significant role in sustaining urban intensity and, hence, enhancing the vitality and identity of everyday places.

136

Figure 1 The nighttime ambience in Lembu Square. Photo by Authors, 2010.

Figure 2 Regular Sunday nighttime crowd-gathering within Lembu Square Open Space. Photo by Authors, 2010.

137

Figure 3 Public urban life in Lembu Square includes the streetside watching of Hindi films which is made possible by appropriating the shophouse faรงade for the mounting of a TV screen and speakers. Photo by Authors, 2012.

Figure 4 A game of carom at the end of a work day. Photo by Authors, 2010.

138

Figure 5 A durian vendor provides baskets in the centre of this seating area for shoppers to dispose of uneaten durian seeds and husks. Photo by Authors, 2012.

Figure 8 Nightly gathering of chess players in the void deck of a HDB residential point block. Photo by Authors, 2012.

139

Figure 6 An informal â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;sidewalk astronomyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; session attracts passers-by while a funeral wake, in the background, simultaneously occupies the same public space. Photo by Authors, 2012.

Figure 7 A self-organized group of line-dancing enthusiasts transform a public plaza into a performance stage for their informal activity. Photo by Authors, 2011.

140

Figure 9 The Holland Village Food Centre at night is a spectacle of diversity contributed by the coming together of people and informal interactions. Photo by Authors, 2013.

Figure 10 The pedestrianization of Holland Village has created an informal environment for the popular nighttime activity of promenading and people-watching. Photo by Authors, 2013.

141

Figure 11 1Holland Village’s public spaces transform at night into ‘hangout’ zones where diners, shoppers, and pedestrians become active participants in the making of street life. Photo by Authors, 2013.

Figure 12 Pets, accompanied by their owners, are frequent visitors to Holland Village at night. Photo by Authors, 2013.

142

References Crawford, M. (1999) Introduction, in: J. Chase, M. Crawford and J. Kaliski (Eds) Everyday Urbanism, pp. 8-15. New York: Monacelli Press. De Certeau, M (1984) The Practice of Everyday Life, transl. by S. Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press. Franck, K. A. and Stevens, Q. (2007) Tying down loose space, in: K. A. Franck and Q. Stevens (Eds) Loose Space: Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life, pp. 1-33. London; New York: Routledge. Highmore, B. (2005) Cityscapes: Cultural Readings in the Material and Symbolic City. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Jenks, C. (1995) Watching your step: The history and practice of the flâneur, in: C. Jenks (Ed) Visual Culture. London; New York: Routledge, pp. 142-160. Jenks, C. and Neves, T. (2000) A walk on the wild side: urban ethnography meets the Flâneur, Cultural Values, 4 (1), pp. 1-17. Lefebvre, H. (2004) Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time and Everyday Life, transl. by S. Elden and G. Moore. London; New York: Continuum. Lofland, L. H. (1998) The Public Realm: Exploring the City’s Quintessential Social Territory. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Oldenburg, R. (1989) The Great Good Place: Cafés, Coffee Shops, Community Centers, Beauty Parlors, General Stores, Bars, Hangouts and How They Get You Through the Day. New York: Paragon House. Ooi, G. L. (2004) Future of Space: Planning, Space and the City. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press. Seamon, D. (1979) A Geography of the Lifeworld: Movement, Rest, and Encounter. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Wunderlich, F. M. (2008) Walking and rhythmicity: sensing urban space, Journal of Urban Design, 13 (1), pp. 125-139. Yeo, S. J., Hee, L. and Heng, C. K. (2012) Urban informality and everyday (night)life: A field study in Singapore, International Development Planning Review, 34(4), pp. 369-390. Yeo, S. J. and Heng, C. K. (2013) An (extra)ordinary night out: Urban informality, social sustainability and the night-time economy, Urban Studies, DOI: 10.1177/0042098013489743. Yeoh, B. S. A. (2005) The global cultural city? Spatial Imagineering and politics in the (multi)cultural marketplaces of south-east Asia, Urban Studies, 42(5/6), pp. 945-958.

143

Participatory intensity Zoran Djukanović, Jelena Živković* * Assistant professors; University of Belgrade - Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade, Serbia

If Henri Lefebvre has been right when he wrote about “the city as oeuvre”, referring to the city as a work of art and urban space as a creative product and context for the everyday life routines of its inhabitants, then every citizen already is the crucial participator and creator in those processes of the production of urban space. That also means the urban intensities are the participative product of collective creativity, but in the same time the vivid context for the everyday life routines of its inhabitants. Based on our experience in our work on “Public art and Public Space” (PaPs) program in Serbia, we will try to enlighten this topic by presenting some of our “public art” works, which was developed in specific developmental contexts and was realized through participatory processes of making decision, in the goal to create particular urban intensity. Keywords: participation, public art, public space, urban intensity, urban design, making decision

The “participation” is one of very popular buzzword of contemporary practices of urban planning and urban design. It’s used very frequently, with deep (religious) belief in democracy, but with very few thoughts about what this word actually means.

Figure 1: Participation. Source: http://codesignklyngen.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/pdc_bogforside_beskacc8aret.jpg If Henri Lefebvre has been right when he wrote about “the right to the city”, then every citizen have the right to participate in decision-making processes which surrounding the production of urban space. On the other hand, if Henri Lefebvre has been right when he wrote about “the city as oeuvre”, referring to the city as a work of art and urban space as a creative product and context for the everyday life routines of its inhabitants, then every citizen already is the crucial participator and creator in those processes of the production of urban space. That also means the urban intensities are the creative product, but in the same time the vivid context for the everyday life routines of its inhabitants.

144

Figure 2: Hieronymus Bosch, “Netherlandish proverbs” (detail) If all of those arguments are truth, then any kind of urban intensity which we are able to find out in the city is the product of citizens who ever lived there, before we have noted this particular intensity. It means that intensity is referring and celebrating the past. Past is memorized and obviously readable. If all of those assertions are truth, then it could mean that it’s simple to decode the hidden secrets of those intensities. Just ask the people who coded it, who created it, who lived it and who memorized it. Accordingly, it could mean that it’s not so difficult to create the intensity in/of the city. It’s necessary just to motivate citizens to action – to live and to create. It’s look so simple. But, it’s not so simple. Especially, it’s not so simple in the frame of one specific urban design practice which is very oriented to production of urban intensity – in the field of “public art & public space” practice. Art and participation Mostly, the matter of participation is not acceptable in field of art, not at all. This is obvious question of common sense – everywhere in wide field of art personality of author is crucial, sufficient and unchangeable. If there is no the author, there is no the art. But, what about the public?

Figure 3: Public. Source: //www.caringonthehomefront.org.uk/search-the-library/civil-defence-training/: In this point of view, public is only a consumer – passive or active, but just a consumer. Public is excluded from creative process of artworks. Accordingly, it seems, the participation is not possible in field of art. If the artist have to negotiate with other participants into the art practice, it means that there is no the author, because he is not the only one who decide about final results. Then, if everybody is deciding, who is the author? If there is no author, who will give the birth to the art?! By the way: can you imagine anyone whispering to Michelangelo about better solution? One of pretty widespread mention is: “exactly where the negotiation is starting, just there the art is disappearing”.

145

This assertion is mostly true, but there is some exception. One of them could be recognized in the field of public art, because this specific artistic practice is directly related to the public realm – particularly to the public space.

Figure 4: Public space. Source: http://favelissues.com/2010/06/02/urban-cable-car-barrio-san-agustin/ Art in public space vs. public art in public space There are a number of expected roles of a contemporary artwork placed in public space. Among many of them, we would like to highlight a few which refers directly to publicity/community: marking a site of communal importance; generating a sense of pride and a feeling of “belonging to group” that are using it, by memorizing an event from their collective history; providing a communal image; making works of art more easily reachable for general public; etc. Over all, public art has the special role into arising the intensity of emotional perception and acceptance of particular context (cultural, spatial, social, environmental, historical, etc.) in which it have been placed and preserved. On this way the public art is becoming a powerful lens which focusing and celebrates the specific identity and meanings of local community for whom and with whom it was created. This is the way to have “a work of art and urban space as a creative product and context for everyday life routines of its inhabitants”. During the last century, public art have been diversified in wide range of “arts”. In the same time, public art was transformed from the “art exposed outdoor – in public space”, over the “site specific public art”, to the “community based public art” and “place making” practice. Artists have shifted their interest from the very specific public site to the very general public sphere. Today, it isn’t possible anymore just to place the artwork in public space and name it as a “public art”. If it is wished that the artwork has this kind of noble ambitions, than it has to acquire performative role in the collective imaginary and spatial experiences of the one who are using the space in which the art is placed. Actually, the artwork has to develops unarticulated relations towards the signifying practices in the social and cultural milieu they share.

Figure 5 and 6: Monument of Prince Mihailo in Belgrade, then and now. Source: (5) http://www.staribeograd.com/galerija/v/Fotografije/ and (6) http://lakiubeogradu.tumblr.com/post/37554149244

146

All of those changes have been strong motive for the artists to develop his interests toward the social themes and social and socio-cultural research. A man and a community started to be the main focus of that kind of art. As time was passed artists have been started to use participatory tools and methods for their research; firstly, as a resource for information which they use as a fuel for their artistic vision. After, they started to further develop their interests and skills - to work together with community.

Figure 7: Unfulfilled Dream of Belgrade project, Public Art and Public Space program (2009.) There are a number of expected roles of a participation in urban design and urban planning. To name just a few: promote social equity and fairness in the management of cities; allows the widest range of “votes” would be included in the final results (plan/project/option); provide the widest range of interests to be achieved; provides the broadest civil support for the decisions; achievement of the most sustainable and most diverse development solutions. Although, the public art is almost always matter of urban design, it’s belongs to the matter of public art, too. Accordingly, it’s not possible to use urban design tools on the same way in the field of public space. Because of that we are developing such a specific way to use participation in both: urban design and public art as well.

147

Figure 8: “Inside Out” project, New York. Source: http://westergasfabriek.nl/wpcontent/uploads/2013/08/ Artwork as participation Our experience in participation field has a long history, from the very beginning of our “Public Art and 16 Public Space” (PaPs) program . Many of PaPs works that we have been working on was realized on participatory way. Even the participation doesn’t work always, especially in field of art, our strong intention is to use it as often and as much as it possible. It was because we are basically working with young students whom we try to educate to this specific direction. In this aim, during the years of our work, we were developed one special model of participation – artistic event for participation activities – participation as an artwork. Example Ten years ago we have been worked at one of very specific and extremely huge project where we have been used the participation on the wider possible way. It was the “Belgrade Boat Festival”. Among the enormous number of problems with which we have been immediately faced one of the biggest was real labyrinth of inherency of different fractious institutions which would care about rivers and riverbanks. Every one of those institutions was worked separately and independently without any contact with the others. It was truly mess. Joseph Beuys has coined once a very radical motto: “Everyone is an artist”, which doesn’t speak in terms of manufacturing aesthetic objects or events, but in terms of finding a certain specific role on is to play in the creation of meaning and value in the art process.

Figure 9: Toward the River project, Public Art and Public Space program (2003.) Starting form this possibility, we have decided to create an event which have to be a good-will adventure, without any doubt. The goal was to make an event of excellence, an event which will be participatory realized as wider as possible, an event which will celebrate the place (in our case the rivers of the city of Belgrade), an event which would be out of previous experience of the city, an event which could challenge the meaning of the space (temporary at least), an event which will be unforgettable and memorable for all citizens for a long time, an event which could change and improve relation between people and the place. Likewise we were hoped, that this kind of happening should be appropriate communicative interface among those fractious institutions but ordinary people too. Finally, we were hoping that on this way public artwork should be a powerful public/private interface for all relevant actors.

www.publicart-publicspace.org

148

Figure 10: Belgrade Boat Carnival (2013.) We have been worked with literary everyone who have any kind of relation (institutional, personal, emotional etc.) with the matter of Belgrade’s rivers. We have personally invited every single of participants to do that they do the best – their own normal, daily, even ordinary activities: sailor to sailing, captain to navigate, rower to row, high-diver to high-dive, water-skier to waterskiing, fisherman to fishing and making his fishnets but also to cooking the fish soup, etc. We were hoped it will be an event of art of ordinary life. Finally, we have invited citizens of the city of Belgrade to enjoy in our “ordinary” activities.

Figure 10: Belgrade Boat Carnival (2004. – 2013.) It was an incredible work, but finally, it was incredible success: 250 boats in a carnival parade, more than 700 participants and approximately 100,000 people attended this one-day event and it was followed by more than a hundred journalists. Everyone was delighted. All participants have been so proud about their own success. They recognize that they belong to something wider, bigger and more important than they could saw before. Ten years after, “Belgrade Boat Festival” steel exists, and it is one of the most important traditional summer-happening in Belgrade. In the mean time, the intensity of the event generated a lot of various densities in it, and also generated a dense flow and activity around the area.

Conclusions Defined through cultural experience, urban intensity can be interpreted in plurality of views. Participatory public art can be used as a method/tool for examining manageability of density, intensity and public/private interface. Through participatory public art it is possible to enable becoming of space, of urbanity seen as art of living. Many of very important tools for “reading” and managing density/intensity, public/private interface are possible to reach through participatory public art and cultural dialog.

149

Some of our ideas have been realized, some of them are still realizing in some specific ways, forms and procedures. Step by step, it is visible that our projects have had and still have a deep impact in urban life of the community of the core of Belgrade.

150

Consideration of Relationship between the Scale and the Building - in case of some built projects Toshiki Meijo Kengo Kuma & Associates

From my experience that designed a part of two large-scale developments called Tokyo Midtown and Grand Front Osaka, I think that, in fact, a method to control a development which went far over the human scale sense is in detail. When we can’t recognize a scale of the whole development, the part becoming an interface of a human being and the building becomes extremely important and can control an image of the whole building. By scale given to detail, I carry out an intermediary between human and building.

In Suntory Museum of Art, we made much of two dimensions.

One is the thickness of a tile attached to a louver of west façade. We have designed a louver motif as a bowl of white porcelain, which is a collection of the museum. We thought to perform intermediation with the whole Tokyo Midtown by the delicate detail which lasted of the edge of the bowl. The tile manufacturer was not able to bake the tile of white porcelain to be used for exterior thinner than 13 mm thickness from the problem and yield strength. However, we thought that you cannot express the delicate edge of the bowl at this thickness. Therefore, we decided while securing the sufficient strength to the backing by using aluminum, and cut to 8mm thick tip. In this way, we were able to express thinness such as a paper which could not image with the building materials. ˞̩͹‫ؙ‬Їഊ ˌ͇ܽ͟೰ ͝ͅ˜ͯ‫ ̛̎ͣع‬5VǾ

̳ˎͯ‫ؙ‬Їഊ ˌ͇ܽ͟೰ ̳ˎͯ˞̩͹ ˌ͇ܽ͟೰ ᰤడᬼ๩˶͹̘

The other is about the width of a louver covering the various parts ూጐ˞̩͹ ˌ͇ܽ͟೰ ˌˠ̘˺͟͹̩͹V

ӱጦʿV ɱ˞̘̎Ừ

̖̺͒͟ᩃԊ ూጐ ˌ͇ܽ͟೰

of the interior. About the louver of the interior, I aimed at “real” and “new”

̳ͣ͹̘‫ط‬ʸɐ̼ˌˠ͚˺ V # V

Japanese-style expression not to fall into expression of the “general “Japanese style from the collection which lasted of Suntory Museum of Art. We groped for the scale relation where expression can do a real 下地:St角パイプ100x100xt3.2 指定色塗装

Japanese style in this development which many foreign architects

下地:St角パイプ100x100xt3.2 指定色塗装

下地:StFB t5x30 指定色塗装

participate.

天井ルーバー:アルミ型材 15x40@90 桐突板練付

St C-36.5x45xt3.2 指定色焼付塗装

化粧パイプ:アルミφ9 指定色焼付塗装つなぎ材:寸切りボルトM6@975

内部集成材

St C-36.5x45xt3.2 指定色焼付塗装

小口桐準不燃材練付

格子:アルミ角パイプ15x30 桐突板練付

As a result, the width of 15 mm was adopted. In Japan today, wood louver is happen to have the image of

化粧パイプ:アルミφ9 指定色焼付塗装つなぎ材:寸切りボルトM6@975

格子:アルミ角パイプ15x30 桐突板練付

Japanese commercial. (Izakaya, cafe, etc.) By adopting this width, we tried to dispel such an image, to create a delicate atmosphere with the museum collections. 下桟:St-PL t3.2 指定色焼付塗装

下桟:St-PL t3.2 指定色焼付塗装

床:樽集成材フローリングt15

化粧パイプ:アルミφ12 指定色焼付塗装

M8ボルト鬼目ナット

化粧パイプ:アルミφ12 指定色焼付塗装床:樽集成材フローリングt15

M8ボルト鬼目ナット

151

Umekita square in front of the building, has become a nodal point Grand Front Osaka and Osaka station to connect. When I saw the site first, it has become a geometric design made up of scale inhuman, I imagined what there will become leisurely space. For this square with very big scale, we took an element of nature by a smaller unit into Gurunavi and tried to give an image that is a human scale to the whole square. We decided to take the image of the stratum into Gurunavi. We stackes the plywood for constructive use of 12-mm thickness, and we made the element required for stores, such as a seat, a counter, and a shelf, making infinite form. For monochrome world of square on the front, we chose structural plywood for this project, it is because we wanted to use a material with a large impact. In order to represent the texture, it was necessary to show as a thickness of 12mm plywood. On the other hand, we needed to secure feeling of purity and delicacy as a store. By the detail of the thickness of the plywood 12mm goes are stacked with a gap, it has given the delicacy and lightness to the crude material.

On the other hand, in the building not very large, sometimes the image comes determined by not the details of each part, and of whether to introduce what basic dimensions system throughout the building. For building large-scale, basic dimensions would determine by the allocation size of the parking lot and a request from the functional aspect in many cases. It does not apply to this example in the case of housing. In residential projects, we can think of the dimensions around the life of residents.

152

In the case of Water / Cherry, the client requested us to design a new villa to be "pure Japanese style". However, there are many highly constrained in the current law to make with traditional method of a large villa, and it was not able to meet even equipment requirements. Therefore, we adopted the rigid frame structure of steel instead of wood. That we needed to think in this situation was how to make an authentic Japanese-style building from steel. As appeal to our image beyond the material, the top priority was a dimension system. The Japanese architecture, there are few differences in the east and west, but the dimension system is made the basis of the size of the Tatami. This dimension system is suitable for wooden structure, and we can say this is very human scale. In the Water / Cherry, we assimilated this dimension system and arrayed thin steel columns. To define the pitch of the column, to determine the dimension of the interior and the height of each part relative to the scale. We were able to constitute the whole building without deviating from pure Japanese-style, even if we used material and the expression that were not used in the conventional Japanese architecture .

4 1

5 8 3

7 6

1. Guest 2. Wash 3. Spa 4. kitchen 5. Library/Study 6. Main Bed 7. Bath 8. Closet

As described above, we may control an image of the whole building what kind of scale to introduce into the space, and it can have possibilities to be fixed how to mediate a big building and human space. What is the expression that is most suitable in the building? Even if it is said that a scale grasps the key to answer, it will not be exaggeration.

153