El Estado (ene-feb. 1960)

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HON. LUIS A. FERRE

Next Governor for Puerto Rico. - Próximo Gobernador de Puerto Rico.

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Director Propietario: Luis López Tizol

Suscripción Anual

Apartado 893

1.60 - pago por adelantado

San Juan, Puerto Rico REVISTA BIMESTRAL DE ORIENTACION ESTADISTA

San Juanj Puerto Rico - Enero-Febrero, 1960

Número 68 72..

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SIMBOLO Y ESPERANZA Puerto Rico tiene la inmensa fortuna de contar

las dichas entonces por el hombre a quien Puerto

entre sus líderes máximos con un hombre que, no necesitando vivir de la política, se dedica a ella en sus altos niveles morales, con absoluto des prendimiento, como quien ejerce un sacerdocio para bien de la humanidad.

Rico entero tiende su mirada llena de esperáñ¿as.

Ferré practica lo que predica, y levanta con sus obras y con su verbo monumentos a la riqueza como instrumento de progreso social.

Al advertir a los capitanes de industria que no

La persona es Luis Alberto Ferré, identificado

tienen el claro concepto "de que el dinero no es

durante más de 35 años con el desarrollo indus

nada más que un medio y no un fin, y que el tenerlo apareja una responsabilidad y no un pri vilegio", les dijo además que no podrían ellos por

trial de Puerto Rico, entregado en cuerpo y alma a la tarea ímproba que se resume en cinco pala bras: "forjar un Puerto Rico mejor", mejor en lo económico, mejor en lo espiritual, mejor en lo cultural, y mejor en lo político.

mucho tiempo conservar sus fortunas en una so ciedad que exige imperiosamente que se establez ca la igualdad de oportunidades como meta de sus actividades políticas y sociales.

Desde el año 1929 Luis Ferré viene tremolando

la bandera de la dignidad obrera; en aquel enton ces bullían en su inente proyectos de mejora so cial, y proclamó la nueva actitud industrial en que se basa el enorme progreso económico de Estados Unidos, actitud que no considera al empleado co

mo un objeto de explotación a quien puede mal tratarse, sino como una parte consciente e inte grante de la organización patronal.

En aquel nuevo orden de cosas asi proclamado por Luis Ferré lo encontramos en el año 1929 re cordando al capital que el empleado tiene derecho a recibir "una parte correspondiente del benefi

cio obtenido"; hablando de fondos de pensiones, de asistencia médica, de dietas durante enferme dades, de medios para que los obreros sé provean de sus casas; de préstamos para necesidades ur gentes; de cooperación para obtener condiciones

de vida higiénica para los obreros y empleados; y de distribución anual de parte de los beneficios excesivos que obtengan las corporaciones.

No eran meras teorías, meras palabras huecas,

La obra bienhechora de Luis Alberto Ferré es

tá a la vista, y sobre ella se enastan los pendones

de la libertad económica y de la libertad, de la verdadera libertad política de los puertorriqueños.

Son los estandartes de "una verdadera sociedad

democrática rica en bienes materiales, fuerte en su estabilidad social, dinámica en la potencialidad

de su crecimiento, y feliz en sus ansias de supe ración. Una sociedad en la que el capital habrá hallado una misión elevada, de alta categoría mo

ral y en donde el obrero habrá,realizado su sed de justicia sin haber rendido un ápice de su de recho a la libertad".

Enseñoi-ea todo este luminoso progi-ama, evan gelio de la justicia social que Ferré viene predi cando desde hace 35 años sin vacilaciones, sin desmayos y sin claudicaciones,, la bandera del

hermoso ideal de igualdad política para los puer torriqueños dentro de la federación de Estados

que constituyen la gran nación americana, cu ya ciudadanía ostentamos. Igualmente, durante treinticinco años, Luis Alberto Ferré, viene de-

EL

ES TA D O -P UER TO

RICO

mandando la estadidad para Puerto Rico, desde un punto de vista patriótico y desde un punto de vista práctico.

co de libertad que es Estados Unidos de América".

Esa lucha de Ferré por la redención política de la patria puertorriqueña, se há desarrollado siem pre en el plano del civismo, de la cultura, de la fraternidad y de la cordialidad, con profundo res

por un plato de leptej^S, declara al mismo tiempo

peto a la opinión ajena y libre de odios y prejui

Cuando Luis Ferré condena el servilismo de los

que pretenden rendir la dignidad de Puerto Rico

que "ño se es verdadero ciudadano americano si no tenemos bien arraigado en el corazón y en la conciencia el sentido de la igualdad; y los ciuda danos americanos de Puerto Rico n& podemos

cios.

conformarnos un solo minuto coii^una Situación

De la independencia ha dicho Luis Ferré que es fórmula digna de resolver el problema político

de inferioridad".

La prédica de Ferré, su evangelio político, pren de con vigor en el corazón de las multitudes puer maneras como puede y tendrá que resolverse eltorriqueñas, y es estandarte tremolado con en problema político de Puerto Rico". de Puerto Rico; que es "una de las dos únicas

tusiasmo por la juventud, que con fuerza avasa

Y dentro de ese respeto a la opinión contraria,

la palabra de Luis Alberto Ferré adquiere con tornos patricios y es verbo de esclarecido con ductor de pueblos:

"Los compatriotas que aspiran a la indepen dencia no proceden de mala fe; proceden de bue

lladora en respaldo del ideal de estadidad, cierra filas gloriosamente en torno del líder ponceño cuya ingente tarea se encamina a elevar a Puerto Rico a esa plena dignidad de estado federado "con iguales responsabilidades, e iguales derechos en la obra portentosa y noble," patriótica, sensata y

na fe; no obstante ser solución de dignidad para

única de asegurar para la patria chica un brillan

el problema político de Puerto Rico, no es la fór mula que daría a los puertorriqueños la felicidad a que legítimamente aspiran y que ya han visto realizada en la mayor parte del territorio ameri

te porvenir económico, al lograr, en su día, la

cano".

Dicho esto, Ferré enmarca valientemente el por venir de Puerto Rico en la estadidad, que es "la independencia garantizada dentro del amplio mar

condición de estado federado.

A la conquista de ese ideal marcha jubilosa la

comunidad puertorriqueña, hombres y 'ñiujeres que con su brazo, su mente y su espíritu forjan el nuevo Puerto Rico al amparo de la gran -deniocracia americana. Y Luis Ferré es el líder indis cutible de esta jornada redentora.

EL RON DE VERDAD

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Cuando el mayor de los buq,ues para el tendido de cables en el mundo, el "Monarch", pasó frente a El Morro recientemente, estaba a punto de terminarse el tendido del nuevo doble cable submarino entre Puerto Rico y los Estados Unidos.

Gracias a este cable, usted podrá llamar más fácil y clara mente a la mayoría de los teléfonos del mundo por el nuevo ser vicio telefónico internacional. Usted marcará el "08" y la opera dora marcará directamente el número que usted desee en el ex terior.

La Radio Corporation of Puerto Rico—subsidiaria de la International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation y empresa hermana de la Telefónica—conjuntamente con la American Te lephone and Telegraph Company, han invertido $18,000,000 para instalar este sistema de cables y establecer el servicio de discado

directo entre la Isla y el 90/1 cíe todos los teléfonos en los Esta dos Uni^dos y el Canadá.

Le invitamos a que sea uno de los primeros en usar, el nuevo servicio internacional. . . ¡ fácil, claro, rápido y económico!

Nuevas Tarifas Reducidas de Teléfono a Teléfono desde Puerto Rico.

Por ejemplo, a: Miami

New York San Francisco

Día $5.50

Noche y Domingos $4.50

6.50

5.50 6.50

7,50

Estas tarifas (sujetas a la aprobación final de la C. F. C.) cubren los primeros tres minutos. — Tarifa nocturna comienza a las 6:00 P. M.

PUERTO RICO TEIEPHONE COMPANY (jmpoMúy 'Teiefómccü

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

RICO

OTRO DE LOS GRANDES DISCURSOS PRONUNCIADO POR NUESTRO QUERIDO AMIGO Y LIDER POLITICO EL DR. LEOPOLDO FIGUEROA EN EL HEMICICLO DE

NUESTRA CAMARA DE REPRESENTANTES CON MOTIVO DEL RECHAZO O SEPA RACION DE LOS JUECES ROMANY Y LA COSTA. Copiado del Diario de Sesiones del Miércoles, Marzo 18, 1951), páginas (>20, 621 y 622.

Sr. PRESIDENTE: El turno del señor Figueroa.

Sr. FIGUEROA: Señor Presidente.

Sr. PRESIDENTE: Compañero representante Figueroa.

Sr. FIGUEROA: Compañeros de Cámara: Ante todo las gracias a los Compañeros que me hacen

la deferencia de haberse quedado a oír a pesar de haber terminado ya el turno propio de debate y labores de la Cámara, y quiero anticiparles que si

alguien tiene que irse, en lo que a mí concierne, está excusado, porque no intereso personalmente molestar a alguno oyéndome, y no tengo otro in terés sino que quede ratificado en el récord lo que una vez dije en el Senado de Puerto Rico.

"Figueroa combatió el rechazo de jueces La Costa y Romaní.

Reiteró que la ley reorganizando la Corte de San Juan no era sino un medio de castigar a am

bos políticamente, separándolos del cargo.

"El siguiente discurso fue pronunciado,—^leo de "El Mundo" de marzo 30 de 1946—.

DR. LEOPOLDO FIGUEROA

Nuestro viejo líder y legislador viejo.

de manera fulminante, a dos jueces honestos, pro bos, contra quienes no se puede señalar ninguna mácula que haya mancillado su nítida toga de

"El siguiente discurso fue pronunciado por el

magistrados de la ley, en su augusta y recta mi sión de impartir justicia.

Dr. Leopoldo Figueroa, en el Senado de Puerto Rico, con motivo del rechazo por dicho cuerpo, de los nombramientos de los jueces de distrito de

protesta, el atropello judicial que significa la

"En efecto, al vosotros consumar con nuestra

San Juan, Marcelino Romany y Ricardo La Costa:

aprobación del P. del S. 509, hacíamos el siguien te voto explicativo, que tomamos del acta de la

"No tiene ningún mérito en la vida, llamarse vaticinador de un hecho, después del hecho reali zado, sin antes haber vaticinado la realización del mismo. Así, no constituye adivinanza alguna el determinar el sexo de un ser, si se expresa éste con posterioridad al acto del alumbramiento. El mérito lo constituiría si esto fuere posible, deter

sesión de hace menos de veinte horas:

minarlo mientras el feto vive en el claustro ma terno.

"Esto último es lo que ha pasado con el alum bramiento de ese monstruo legislativo que se lla mó P. del S. 509, el cual vaticinamos, tenía por móvil su aprobación el destituir legislativamente.

'Hemos votado contra el proyecto del Senado 509 'Para reorganizar la Corte de Distrito de San

Juan', basándonos en que dicho proyecto no obe

dece a otro móvil que el de infligir, la mayoría popular parlamentaria, el castigo de destitución, por vía legislativa, a dos jueces: el señor Marce

lino Romany y el señor Ricardo La Costa; uno, por haber fallado contra el punto de vista del Partido Popular, en el caso del P.E.C no obstante

haber sido sostenido por la Corte Suprema de

Puerto Rico, la de Circuito de Boston y la Corte Suprema Nacional; y el otro, por haber fallado,

EL

E S TA D O -P UER T O

también contra el criterio político partidista del Partido Popular, en el caso de la Compañía Agrí cola.

'Entendemos además, que en este caso, ha ha bido tanta festinación en la. tramitación y apro bación de este proyecto, debido a la insensata

avidez que tiene esta mayoría parlamentaria de aprovechar la ausencia en el día de hoy del Go

RICO

ces, se cumplen antes de mediar un día en que ve mos, que en tan corto número de horas, no solo se convierte en ley el Proyecto 509, sino que se envían ante este Senado para su decapitación ju dicial, los dos jueces Romany y La Costa con res pecto a quienes dijimos a esta Alta Cámara que eran ellos los móviles que determinaban la vio lenta aprobación del desgraciado Proyecto 509 del

bernador Tugwell, con el fin de que el Gobernador

Senado.

Popular interino que le ha de sustituir, pueda actuar inmediatamente, convirtiendo en ley este monstruoso proyecto 509 del Senado y así evitar el liesgo que pudiera surgir, caso de nombrarse

"Antes de transcurrir veinte horas y también como en el caso del Proyecto 509, más que altas horas de la noche, en estas primeras horas de la madrugada, vienen a la consideración del Senado también, los otros dos jueces compañeros de los señores Romany y La Costa para ser confirmados,

rápidamente un nuevo Gobernador para la Isla, pudiendo así, por este hecho fracasar la mencio nada legislación.

'Son estos, los temores que a la mayoría parla mentaria llevan a cometer la monstruosidad le

gislativa que representa la aprobación del P. del

S. 509, contra dos funcionarios judiciales probos, cumplidores y limpios de toda mácula, cuyo único delito, a juicio nuestro ha consistido, en ser am bos, fieles intérpretes de la Ley, dentro del marco de la justicia'.

"Lo que acabamos de leer, lo vaticinamos hace

menos de veinte horas; y en tan corto lapso de

tiempo pasado, sentimos el dolor inmenso y la tristeza desgarradora del alma, de ver que desgra ciadamente para el buen nombre de la Legislatura de Puerto Rico y para atropello del poder judicial

en nuestra Isla, nuestro vaticinio se cumple, con llevando este acto una pobre muestra de lo que es nuestra preparación para el ejercicio del go

así como también, el nombre del quinto juez, se ñor Marrero. Es decir, estos nombramientos que se confirman, dos son de jueces existentes y otro es el juez para la corte de nueva creación, mien tras se separan de sus cargos los señores Romany y La Costa, para quienes se levanta la guillotina política, cercenadora de sus cabezas judiciales, con el fin de servir las mismas, como cabeza del

Bautista, a la venganza del Partido Popular y al antiguo rencor el Gobernador Tugwell.

"Argumentamos entonces, también, que el ma cabro engendro del Proyecto del Senado 509, se aprobaría inmediatamente por el Gobernador, afir mando, que sería el Gobernador interino, correli

gionario de los hombres del Partido Popular, quien habría de aprobarlo inmediatamente, habida cuen ta que el Gobernador Tugwell había anunciado que en la mañana del día de hoy, abandonaría la isla.

Dijimos en aquella ocasión, que sería 'el terrible Pérez' quien tendría la triste gloria de convertir "El acto macabro legislativo que se efectúa en en ley el proyecto, pero ello no ha sido así, sin esta hora de dolor para la limpieza de los proce que esto signifique una equivocación nuestra, ya dimientos legislativos, de parte de este Senado, que no podíamos prever que el gobernador Tug bierno propio.

well pospusiera, como en tantas ocasiones, su

comprueba a saciedad lo que no hace veinte horas desde este mismo sitio augurábamos cuando di

viaje a Estados Unidos, y que se quedara para

jimos que la aprobación del proyecto reorgani

saciar su venganza, al personalmente convertir

zando festinada y violentamente la Corte de Dis trito de San Juan, tenía por propósito o móvil fundamental, único, el infligir como castigo a los jueces Romany y La Costa, la separación del cargo que respectivamente ocupan como jueces de la

en ley el monstruoso proyecto 509 del Senado, para así poner una vez más de manifiesto, su

Corte de Distrito de San Juan, porque velando por los fueros de la ley, no se habían plegado a los ile gales propósitos del Partido Popular, en relación con la 'Ley de Emergencia de Guerra y la Ley de la Compañía Agrícola'. Mis vaticinios de enton

amor a la política de contubernio y entregamiento incondicional al Partido Popular.

"No nos hemos equivocado en nada, y antes de

veinte horas, nuestro vaticinio se cumple al apro barse el proyecto que con suma e inusitada rapi dez de parte del ejecutivo y con mayor rapidez todavía de parte del Senado, lanza de sus cargos a los jueces Romany y La Costa, al pedir el Co-

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

mité de Nombramientos y seguramente aprobar este Senado, sean rechazados los nombramientos

RICO

gistrado, forzándosele a caer por estas razones, entonces, esa caída pasa a ser gloriosa, ya que

maquiavélicamente por el Gobernador Tugwell de

hay dos maneras de caer: se cae, en una sima con

los señores Romany y La Costa, para jueces de la llamada Corte reorganizada del Distrito de

s y se puede caer en una cima con c, la diferencia

San Juan.

"Ahora, quiero recoger unas palabras del dis

tinguido Presidente de la Comisión de Nombra mientos, mi dilecto amigo el senador Palmer,

quien al contestar la pregunta que le hiciera el Senador Pagán, de cuáles eran las razones que

existían para pedir rechazo de los nombramientos de los señores Romany y La Costa, le decía; 'Es

que el Partido tiene un programa político que desarrollar y estos jueces no tienen para ello la confianza del Partido'.

"Señor Presidente y señores senadores, tengo

que confesar que cuando yo oí de labios del Presi dente del Comité de Nombramientos, hacer estas revelaciones en esta sesión ejecutiva del Se

nado de Puerto Rico, sentí honda decepción, por

que vi desmoronarse el principio de respeto a los tribunales de justicia de Puerto Rico, que debe

ser profesado por todo ciudadano de esta isla, cualquiera que sea su militancia partidista. Tam bién sentí inmensa pena, al ver que las manifesta ciones del Presidente de la Comisión de Nombra

ortográfica es el cambio de la letra s por la letra

c, pero moralmente representa gran diferencia: en el primer caso, bajura, y en el segundo, altura.

"Se cae en la sima con s, cuando deshonrosa mente se es separado de una posición por algo que

mancilla la dignidad del cargo o por inmoralidad o incompetencia del funcionario, mientras que se cae en una cima con c, cuando violentamente, como en el caso de los jueces Romany y La Costa, se lanza de sus cargos a dos magistrados de la

justicia, sin que haya ningún acto que pueda macular su prestigio y sólo porque en el caso del señor Romany, éste como juez, velando por los fueros de la ley y por el respeto que ésta debe merecer desde el más humilde hasta el más en

cumbrado ciudadano, se viera precisado a mandar tras las rejas de la penitenciaria, a los hombres del gabinete del Gobernador de Puerto Rico, por ser violadores flagrantes de la ley e irrespetuosos desacatadores de la orden del tribunal que él pre

sidia. Este acto de carácter y valor del juez Ro many, le cuesta el cargo, para que así sacie su vendetta el Gobernador de Puerto Rico.

las mismas desvirtuaban lo que, como postulado

"Igual acaece con La Costa, quien, por velar por que no fuesen despilfarrados los fondos pú

de garantía al derecho de todo ciudadano, dijís-

blicos extraídos del bolsillo del contribuyente, hoy

téis estábaís dispuestos a practicar, cuando des de las tribunas públicas, en la época de las luchas

fensa de los intereses públicos.

electorales y después desde las columnas de la Prensa prometisteis, cuando también ofrecisteis

como caen los buenos; sin arrodillarse ante los

mientos del Senado no eran rectificadas, y que

'el separar, o divorciar la justicia, de la política' postulado éste también ofrecido al pueblo, no sólo por vosotros en la rama legislativa, sino además por altos funcionarios, dirigentes ejecutivos de la rama judicial.

"El rechazo de los jueces Romany y La Costa

significa la caída de dos hombres buenos, de dos funcionarios correctos, de dos jueces probos, de dos magistrados sin mancha ni mácula en su toga,

de dos puertorriqueños quienes hicieron honor a la

magistratura insular. Lo que significa un baldón legislativo para vosotros los autores y propulsores

del Proyecto 509 del Senado para ellos significa un timbre de honor, porque cuando a un hombre

paga el precio de su destitución, su gesto de de "Ambos magistrados han sabido caer de pie, hombres que se han adueñado del poder legisla tivo, para hacer de éste un instrumento de ven

ganza política, y sin venir a mendigar a los Sena dores una confirmación, a base de sometimiento.

"Los señores Romany y La Costa, caen, por tanto, noblemente; y su rechazo significa para ellos un timbre de honor, porque con el mismo se ha obrado un fenómeno análogo al de la Cruz del Cristianismo, la que antes de que el Hijo de Nazaret o Sublime Desarropado de Galilea, entre

escarnio y befa expirara en ella, se consideraba como el más infamante de los castigos, pero que

con su crucifixión. El la convirtió en símbolo de redención del género humano.

se le hace abandonar un cargo público o una po

sición política, por no prestarse a manchar su récord personal o ensuciar su toga, si es un ma

"Eso ha pasado en esta noche con el rechazo de los dos magistrados de tan alto temple moral y

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10

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

RICO

MR. LUIS A. FERRE, VICE PRESIDENT OF OUR GLORIOUS STATEHOOD-REPUBLICAN PARTY, OBJECTS CONVINCINGLY TO REPORT RENDERED BY UNITED STATES ACCOUNTANTS ON STATEHOOD FOR PUERTO RICO. Mr. Luis A. Ferré has objected the report ren-

dered by the accountants of the United States, in connection with what they estímate will be the cost of statehood for Puerto Rico, pointing out

various errors of a financia] nature and emphasizing that "the question of our status is ...first

of all, a matter of essential dignity to satisfy our own sense of self-respect."

"We understand, however, that there are three fundamental errors in these estimates. The first is that the increase in Public Relief has been es-

timated at only $5,600,000. Without doubt the fe deral economists estimated the additional funds

which Puerto Rico will receive under said program using the same limited allocation, of about six million dollars, that we now receive from Congress. If Puerto Rico had the right to extend the benefits of public relief to all persons who are now qualified for it in this is'and, as is done by the other states, the island would receive an increase of more than eighty million dollars, not the $5,600,000 as indicated in the report, and would be able to pay thirty dollars ($30) per month to oldsters and twenty dollars ($20) per month to children, instead of the seven dollars and fifty cents that it now pays.

"In the second place, the payment of Federal Income Tax by corporations which now enjoy a tax exemption without doubt has been included in the report as a loss of revenue. This is not correct, because the Government of Puerto Rico (loes not receive at present these taxes. On the other hand, under the Statehood Bill which would

be submitted by Puerto Rico, these companies now enjoying a tax exemption would continué to enjoy said tax exemption until the expiration of the term for which such exemption has been granted.

"In the third place, the research has not taken into consideration the benefits that Puerto Rico

would receive by refining all of its sugar crop, which would give us a substantial income of va rious millions of dollars.

HON. LUIS A. FERRE Acting- President of Puerto Rico's Statehood

Republican Party

"Briefly, ve will wait until the report is publishtd in all of its details and will point out its

faults to the congressional committee, during the public hearings it will hold in Puerto Rico in this month of December.

"It is proper to remember that the reports of the accountants of the Federal Government were also adverse to the admission of the state of

Alaska. However, Congress adopted the necessary steps, including an appropriation of $27,500,-

000, so that the state of Alaska may gractually adapt its economy to the new condition of a state withing a reasonable period of time, and there is no doubt that Congress will do the same in the case of Puerto Rico.

"Lastly, "says Mr. Ferré, "our política] status

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12

EL

ES TA D U -F U E R T O

RICO

EL SEÑOR LUIS A. FERRE VICE-PRESIDENTE DE NUESTRO GLO

RIOSO PARTIDO ESTADISTA REPUBLICANO OBJETA EN FORMA CONVINCENTE EL INFORME RENDIDO POR LOS CONTADORES DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS ACERCA DE LA ESTADIDAD PARA PUERTO RICO. Don Luis A. Ferré ha objetado el informe ren

dido por los Contadores de los Estados Unidos, en relación con lo que ellos calcularían el costo de la Estadidad para Puerto Rico, señalando varios errores de índole financiero y recalcando que "el asunto de nuestro status ... es primero que nada una cuestión de dignidad esencial para satisfacer

"En resumen, esperaremos que el infoiTne se publique en detalle y señalaremos sus fallas ante el Comité del Congreso durante las vistas públi cas que se celebrarán en Puerto Rico en diciembre próximo.

"Es bueno recordar, que los informes de los contadores del Gobierno Federal también fueron

nuestro sentido de respeto propio".

adversos para la admisión del estado de Alaska.

"Entendemos, sin embargo, ha habido tres erro res fundamentales en estos cálculos. El primero

Sin embargo el Congreso tomó las medidas nece sarias, entre ellas una asignación de $27,500,000 para permitir que el estado de Alaska vaya ajus

es que el aumento en la Asistencia Pública ha sido estimado en $5,600,000 solamente. Induda blemente los economistas federales calcularon los fondos adicionales que Puei'to Rico recibiría den

fando su economía a la nueva condición de esta

tro de dicho programa, mantenieníU igual la asig

de Puerto Rico.

nación limitada, de aproximadamente seis mi llones de dólares, que hoy recibimos del Congreso.

do durante un período razonable de tiempo, cosa que no hay que dudar también se haría en el caso

"En definitiva', agrega don Luis A. Ferré, "el asunto de nuestro status no es únicamente una

Si Puerto Rico tuviera derecho a dar ayuda de

cuestión económica. Es primero que nada una-

asistencia pública a todas las personas que cuali fican aquí como lo hacen los demás estados, po

cuestión de dignidad esencial para satisfacer/' nuestro sentido de respeto propio. En segundo^ lugar es necesario resolverlo para lograr nuestra;; representación en el Congreso y nuestra estabi-íi lidad política, condiciones esenciales para invitan; la inversión amplía de capital americano en nue-;, vas industrias que estimulen nuestro desarrollo económico y terminen nuestro grave problema de desempleo. En tercer lugar ,es necesario para que no continuemos dependiendo de una situación de privilegio económico a costa de una inferioridad

dría recibir más de ochenta millones de dólares de aumento en esta partida y no $5,600,000 como

indica el informe, pagando treinta dó'ares ($30)

mensuales de ayuda directa a los ancianos y vein te dólares (20) mensuales a los niños en lugar de los siete dólares cincuenta centavos que hoy se les paga.

"En segundo lugar, el pago de Income Tax Fe deral de las corporaciones exentas de contribu ciones indudablemente que ha sido incluido en este informe como una pérdida de ingresos. Esto

no es correcto porque el Gobierno de Puerto Rico no recibe hoy estas contribuciones. Además, bajo el proyecto de estadidad que Puerto Rico presen

taría, estas compañías que gozan de exención contributiva continuarían gozando de dicha exen

ción hasta la expiración del término del período de exención concedido.

"En tercer lugar, el estudio no ha tomado en consideración los beneficios que Puerto Rico re cibiría al refinar todo su azúcar, lo que nos daría

un ingreso substancial de varios millones de dó lares.

política como reclaman los líderes del Estado Li

bre Asociado, ya que estas condiciones de des igualdad o privilegio, no pueden perdurar mucho tiempo sin crear graves y peligrosas tensiones que pueden resultar en seria crisis de carácter político.

"Como hemos dicho repetidas veces lo que está ante la consideración de nuestro pueblo, no es si la estadidad ha de costar algunos millones más o menos—después de todo un pueblo que gasta cien millones de dólares al año en juegos de azar no debe preocuparse porque tenga que hacer una pe queña inversión en lograr su sobrania. Tampoco estamos discutiendo si es que la estadidad habrá

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

RICO

de tardar algunos años más o menos en lograrse.

Todo esto es secundario. Lo importante es que so

pueblo es el de convertirse en un estado federado

le conceda al pueblo de Puerto Rico la oportuni

tanto el Congreso como el pueblo de Puerto Rico tomen las medidas y den los pasos necesarios pai-a la consecución de este propósito en el más breve plazo posible."

dad de manifestar cuál es su voluntad en relación

con su destino político mediante un referéndum

o plebiscito y que si el deseo expreso de nuestro

—como tenemos la convicción habrá de ser—que

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16

ESTADO-PJIEBTO

PLENA CONFIANZA

Lo que está ahora en la voluntad manifiesta del pueblo es otorgarle su confianza plenamente al Partido Estadista en 'os comicios próximos. Y

RICO

—usar en los puestos de prominencia a personas que no estén demasiado identificadas con un pa sado fuertemente independentista.

Como sobre un tablero, se medita en un movi

nosotros no debemos conformarnos con tener sim

miento de fichas. Del círcnh) íntimo de La For

plemente una mayoría. Nuestro deber, para con el destino de Puerto Rico, es trabajar incesante mente por que esa mayoría sea tan impresionan te que no quepa duda en la mente de nadie sobre los verdaderos sentimientos de nuestro pueblo.

taleza podría surgir la figura que sustituya a

Esta responsabilidad nos crea por lo tanto una situación de reto a nuestras propias almas.

Fernós, de la Secretaría del Trabajo podría sur

gir un nuevo líder legislativo. Se calculan los votos que podrían retener o reconquistar deter minados candidatos que se piensa que no serían abiertamente objecionables a los votantes que an sian la Estadidad.

AHORA ES DIFERENTE

La única manera en que podemos perder las

próximas elecciones, para desgracia de Puerto Ri co, sería que nuestro partido ahuyente los sufra gios con actuaciones erróneas, que demuestre ineptitud para gobernar y pequeñez moral o inte lectual para servir de intérprete a las ansias del pueblo.

Hasta la fecha hemos ido ganando cada día en

la conciencia pública. Nos hemos ido haciendo acreedores a la fe del pueblo.

Las elecciones de 1960 serán distintas a todas

las que ha librado hasta ahora el partido del gobieimo, porque no estará combatiendo meramen

te por su perpetuación en el poder, sino por su vida. Lo; ejércitos que no pelean por un ideal se desbandan a la primera derrota. Ellos no pue den sufrir una primera derrota. Sería la primera y la final y decisiva.

Mientras el partido del gobierno logró —aún a base de engaños— dar la impresión de que era

Pero la lucha no ha terminado aún. Tenemos

que ana izarnos a nosotros mismos, examinar nuestras actuaciones y planes, tomar todas las precauciones para evitar destruir cuanto se ha logrado.

GOBIERNO SE DERRUMBA

El gobierno, a través de la información que re cibe de sus hombres, está completamente entera

el campeón de los pobres resultaba invu'nerable

Ahora ya se ha demostrado con documentos que

les ha pedido dinero a las corporaciones (y que mándose las manos lo ha recibido) bajo la ale gación de que es para que no suba el salario mí nimo a $1.00 la hora si triunfa el Partido Esta dista.

A] partido del gobierno ya sólo le queda seguir

do de la desesperada situación que atraviesa. Sus dando tumbos por los caminos ante el desprecio, propios números, que tanto pavor le han produ la incredulidad o la indiferencia de los espectado cido, son correctos En lOóó, a través de las pro

pias informaciones secretas que recibía el Partido Popular, supe yo mismo, aún antes que por in formes de nuestra propia gente, el incremento fantástico de nuestro partido, cuando los demás

—y aún los mismos Populares para efectos de propaganda lo negaban. Se repiten ahora os he chos.

El supremo liderato del gobierno sabe ya el desastre que le espera y está febrilmente mani obrando para ver de detenerlo. Su primera fraca sada intentona para salvarse fue la estratagema

de Cidra con que quiso de algún modo agarrarse a las faldetas de nuestro ideal. Pero está pla neando insistir por medios más efectivos. Ahora mismo está considerando las ventajas y desventa jas de cambiarle la fachada a su propio liderato.

res, hasta su final caída.

DEVOCION AL IDEAL

La situación que tiene por tanto ante sí, y den tro de sí mismo, el Partido Estadista es de tan e.xtraordinaria importancia que reclama de sus

hombres y mujeres la más profunda devoción a su ideal y la más inflexible determinación a re

alizar cuantos sacrificios sean indispensables pa ra reafirmar nuestra victoria.

Es un momento supremo en que cada actuación

cuenta, en que cada voluntad cuenta, en que cada voto cuenta.

Es un momento en que lo único que importa es el triunfo del ideal y el triunfo del pueb'o. Los líderes no contamos para nada, excepto para la donación generosa de todo nuestro esfuerzo

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

In our opinión the Commonwealth government with its high sounding translation into Spanish as "Associated Free State" has been very detrimental to the good relations between South Amé

RICO

17

The United States would receive a big surprise as to the result of the plebiscite which will show

that the inmense majority oí the Island wants to become a State of the Unión.

rica and the United States.

In fact, we honestly believe that it has stirred South América against the United States.

In sound justice to the true loyal American citiiens of Puerto Rico Congress should not con-

sider such a controversial and separativo piece

A plebiscite should be held, the sooner the better, under the supervisión of the United States Congress and sepárate from the General Elections

of legislation as is the so called Femós-Murray bilí.

to determine whether the Island wants to become a State of the Unión or not.

Thank you.

COOOCXJOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

6

SANTISTEBAN CHAVARR! & CO. SUCS. TEJ IDOS

AL

POR

MAYOR

Tetúan 252 - Teléfono 2-4932

SAN JUAN

PUERTO RICO

6o0000000000000000000000000000000000000000cx)000000cxx)000c>000OOOOOOOOOOOOOGOOOOOOOO QOCJOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOPOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

CLINICA

DR. SEIN

JOSE A. SEIN, M. D.

Tiene el placer en notificar a sus compañeros de la Clase Médica, amigos, organizaciones obreras y demás favorecedores que ofrece los servicios de Hospitalización Médico-Quirúrgicos de obstetricia y ginecología en su CLINICA

DR. SEIN

Ave. Ponce de León 1822 - Pda. 26 - Santurce, Puerto Rico - Tel. 2-5615 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOGOOOOOOGOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

EL

18

E S TA D O -P UER T O

RICO

Partido Estadista Republicano

Número 37-5Í)

Noviembre 9, 19r>9

Carta del Presidente

LA GRAN RESPONSABILIDAD Correligionarios y conciudadanos: El Partido Estadista se enfrenta en estos mo

mentos a una de las responsabilidades más gran des de la historia política del país desde que en Puerto Rico se organizaron los primeros partidos políticos en 1899, luego del cambio de soberanía —la responsabilidad de prepararse para recibir la confianza pública en las elecciones de 1990, pa sar a ser gobierno en 1961, e implantar la Esta-

didad luego en el más breve plazo posible.

Las elecciones de 1960 serán de una importan cia trascendental. En realidad, serán de carácter decisivo o casi decisivo.

En menor escala, las de 1956 tuvieron también un carácter decisivo En aquéllas el pueblo es cogió el contendiente que habría de enfrentarle al gobierno en 1960. Si hubiese mantenido el segundo puesto el Partido Independentista, estas elecciones de ahora serían decisivas o casi decisi-

vas entre la Independencia y el presente status.

AVANZA LA ESTADIDAD

El pueblo, sin embargo, para sorpresa de los in crédulos de aquel año, seleccionó la Estadidad pa

HON. MIGUEL ANGEL GARCIA MENDEZ

ra enfrentársela en 1960 a un gobierno sin idea

Presidente de nuestro siempre glorioso Partido Esta dista Republicano. Senador y Portavoz de nuestra

les.

minoría en el Senado.

Quizás nuevamente haya incrédulos esta otra vez que resulten sorprendidos por los resultados.

más inevitable de lo que de hecho lo es ya. El Partido Popular no resistiría una victoria por un escaso número de votos. Se desintegraría ense guida. El Partido Estadista pasaría así al poder, como consecuencia de esa desintegración, antes

Sin embargo, la verdadera situación es ésta: Lo menos bueno que podida ocurrirle al Partido Estadista es que pierda las elecciones por un pe queño margen de vot(^, en cuyo caso, el adveni

de las elecciones de 1964.

pospuesto, pero la Estadidad triunfante, ya que

Pero eso, según dije, es lo menos bueno que puede ocurrir dentro del triunfo que tenemos por

el crecimiento enorme de nuestros votos la haría

delante.

miento de la Estadidad quedaría temporalmente

. -'..'-Áx K.

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

RICO

Statehood-Republican Party

19

No. 37-59

Letter from the Chairman

November 9, 1959

THE GREAT RESPONSIBILITY Fellow citizens aiid colleagues: The Statehood Party faces at present one of the greatest responsibilities in the political history of our country; one of the greatest responsibili ties it has faced ever since the first political par tios were organized in Puerto Rico in 1899, after

the change of sovereingty had taken place—the responsibility of getting ready to accept the people's confidence in the 1960 elections, of becoming

number of voters for Statehood would render it

more inevitable that it already is. The Popular Party could not stand winning by such a small margin of votes. It would disintegrate immediately. The Statehood Party would then assume power, as a result of said desintegration, before the 1964 elections. But, as I have already pointed out, that is the worst that could happen to us within the triumph that we have before us.

the governing party in 1961 and of establishlng Statehood within the shortest possible period of time.

The 1960 elections will have a far-reaching im-

portance. In fact, these elections will have a decisive or quasi-decisive character.

In a lesser scale, the 1956 elections also had a decisivo character. It was then that the people

chose the opponent that would have to face the

government party in 1960. Had the Independence Party held second place, the 1960 elections would be decisivo or quasi-decisive between the status of Indpendence and the Island's present status.

STATEHOOD GETS AHEAD

The people of Puerto Rico, surprised many unbelievers, however, by choosing Statehood to oppose a government without ideáis.

Perhaps there will still be unbelievers who will continué being surprised upon learning about the results won.

FULL CONFIDENCE

What is now plainly evident is that the people are ready to place their full confidence in the hands of the Statehood Party in the coming elec tions. And we must not be satisfied by simply getting a majority of votes. It is our duty, as far as Puerto Rico's destiny is concerned, to work ceaselessly, and to make that majority so impressive, that there will be no doubt whatsoever, in anybody's mind, as to what the people's true feelings are.

The only way in which we could unfortunately lose next elections would be by scaring voters away through erroneous behaviour, which could reveal inability to govern, and through revealing ourselves morally and intellectually too small to become the interpreters of the people's most anxious desires.

However, the struggle has not ended yet. We must analize ourselves, examine our procedures, in order to avoid destroying whatever we have won.

However, the true situation is this: the worst that could happen to the Statehood Party would

Up to now, we have been winning ground as far as the public conscience is concerned. We have

be losing by a small margin of votes, in which case, the advent of Statehood would be temporarily postponed; however, it would be a trium-

made ourselves worthy of the people's confidence, of the faith they have placed in us. But we must take all sorts of precautions to avoid doing away with our winnings.

phant Statehood since the huge increase In the

20

EL

E S T A D O - P U E R T O ,R I C O

THE GOVERNMENT IS GOING DOWNHILL

documentatioH,. it'has beqrt. prpyed, that said go

According to the information received from the government's men, said government is completely aware of the desperate situation it is in.

money contributions ■ (even though it has burned its hands upoñ"ddíhg so) under the allegation

The figures that have so astourídédMÜ, are

vernment pai'ty, has askedj the corporations for ■ that it wa^,(|one tq avoid the mínimum wage to go up to $l;bo iipon'^e succes¿ of the Statehood

right. In 1955, through the secret information- ■ Party.

received by the Popular Party itself, I learned, even before hearing about what our own people were getting, how our Party was growing;'■ in spite of the fact that the Popular Party denied' said growth, for the sake of propaganda, of course. Now, history repeats itself.

The government's supreme leadership already. knows the defeat that is awaiting them, and is feverishly maneauvering to stop that defeat. The first attempt to do so, was made at the Cidra meeting, when the government's supreme leader ship tried to hold on to our own ideáis. But, it is trying to use even more effective methods.

Right now it is trying to change the outward look of its own leadership, placing in key posts, people not entirely identified with a strong independent past.

They are using the method followed by those who play checkers and medítate in front of the checker board before they make any move. It is most probable, that from the cióse circle of La

''

-

From now on, the government party can only take falso stops in the face of the contempt, the

unbelief,' the indifference, of the onlookers, who will witness' its final collapse; .

. . ..DEVOTION TO AN IDEAL

The Statehood Party therefofe, faces a situa tion that is éxtfaordinarily important; said si tuation is pf küch a nature that it requires the

Party^s '^en and wdmén tb be profoundly devoted to the Párty's ideal—to the fully determined to make the sacrifices needed to assure the State hood Party's victory.

1^6 havé reached the time when every step coiints, When évery decisión counts, when every vote counts.

We havé reached the time when the only thing that is important is the achieve the success of the Party's ideál, the people's success. Leaders

should not: cdunt; unless it be to offer, to give their full and' gérierous cooperation to the efforts

Fortaleza itself, they will choose the person who ■ • will substituto Fernós; it is most probable, that. being made. from the Labor Department a new legislativo fiWe have reached the time when our Party gure will m.ake bis appearance. They are already should avoid bickerings, prejudices, contempt, figuring the number of votes that could retain or

vain ambition, personal identification with impor

reconquer definite candidatos that are believed

tant positions. Absolutely everything should be

to be not openly objectionable to those who go

placed at the Party's and the people's service.

for Statehood.

We must prove to the people, again and again that the confidence they have placed in our Party

THINGS ARE DIFFERENT NOW

The 1960 elections will be completely different to those held by the government party until now, because the government will not be fighting simply to stay in power; it will be fighting to sur-

is not'ill-placed.'

SHAME!

So that our aim will become a reality through the irnpressive majority. we anxiously hope for, vive. The armies that do not fight for an ideal that is, our Party's success, and the admittancé

are easily dismembered once they get their first

defeat. The government party cannot undergo a first defeat because it would be not only its first, but its last and decisivo defeat.

While the government party could give the impression —even if it was accomplished through deceit— that it was the poor people's champion, it appeared to be invulnei-able But now, through

of Puerto Rico .as a State of the Unión, we must

set. an example of unlty, justice, moral integrity, humility, good government. We must put aside the honors that accompany success and we must think above all, about what else it is that we can do to achieve said success.

This is the spirit that must prevalí in all ranks, from the President to the mmst humble corporal.

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E S TA D O -P UER T O

RICO

21

Statement of Charles H. juliá December ó, 1950

On behalf of San Juan Lodge No. 972, Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks Before the

Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, House of Representatives, United States Congress The Order of Elks is an organlzation of funda mental Americanism.

Some of the principies objectives of an Elks Lodge are, to quicken the spirit of American patriotism and to foster Americanism.

PTi

Linking the destiny of our Order with the destiny of our Country, we have made its Flag the symbol of the crowning virtue.

The American flag is the principal emblena on our Altar, for the Order of Elks is distinctively American.

Obedient and loyal to the above mentioned principies, we, as American citizens and as members of the Order of Elks, feel very preoccupied concerning the approval in any way of the FernósMurray bilí which tends to sepai'ate Puerto Rico more and more from the mainland.

We recognize the good luck of the present local government in having received more millions from Federal funds than any other local govern ment in Puerto Rico ever received.

We accept the progress of the Island that the members of the local government in Puerto Rico kave achieved in twenty years with those millions which have poured in from Washington. However, the Comomnwealth government has increased its activities to anti-Americanize this Is land during those twenty years.

First, by its declaration of war against the English language.

Second, by stressing too much a false and narrow regionalism, instead of the great progress of the island in its political maturity under Ameri can Institutions.

Third, too much meddling in Latin American

affairs through other channels but the proper channels of the nation's Department of State, and too much indifference for the great valúes, spiritual and social, of the United States. This Island

SENATOR CHARLES H. JULIA

San Juan, Puerto Rico

should be looking, primarily, towards the United States and not towards South América.

The leaders of this local government have not only confused some of the people on this Island

by making them believe that we are an indépendent and sovereign Nation under Public Law 600 or the Commonwealth, but they have also con

fused South América and many people in the United States with their theory of two citizenships, two National Flags and two National Anthems.

As to the dissimilarity of culture, ideáis and language, this is something that only bothers Governor Luis Muñoz Marín and a few other poets and dreamers cióse to him.

EJ

22

E S TA D O -P U E R T O

RICO

CARTA DEL PRESIDENTE ...

Es un momento en que, en nuestra colectivi

Este es el espíritu que tiene que prevalecer des de la Presidencia hasta el último soldado de fila.

dad, no debe haber discordias, ni recelos, ni ren cores, ni prejuicios, ni ambiciones, ni vanidades, Si no demostramos ahora cohesión, altura de ni personal identificación con los puestos.. Todo, espíritu, visión amplia, tolerancia, sinceridad, y, absolutamente todo, debe estar al servicio idel ' sobre todo, humildad profunda y disposición a to partido y del pueblo. Tenemos que corroborarle dos los sacrificios y a todas las renunciaciones al pueblo, una y otra vez, que no va a depositar que todavía sean menester ante el altar de nuestro r.ial su confianza al depositarla en nuestro par

ideal amado, entonces, con toda franqueza se lo

tido.

digo a mis amigos, no seríamos dignos de recibir ¡VERGÜENZA!

"a confianza que el pueblo quiere otorgarnos

Para que se haga realidad sin falla alguna,

Esa es nuestra actitud. Esa es nuestra norma.

por la mayoría impresionante que ansiamos el

triunfo de nuestro partido, y con éste, nuestra

admisión como un estado más de la Unión^ tene mos que dar ejemplo de armonía, de justicia, de probidad, de buen gobierno, de humildad. Tene mos que olvidarnos de los honores del triunfo y pensar qué más podemos hacer o dar para asegu

Y, afortunadamente, ésa es también la actitud y la norma de toda la colectividad. No se trata,

pues, de un llamamiento, sino de un recordativo.

Cordialmente les saluda.

Miguel A. García Méndez

rarlo.

■"•y

★

LETTER FROM THE CHAIRMAN ...

from the highest position, to the rank and file.

If we don't show now, that we are united, that we have a hight spirit, broad visión, tolerance,

■sincerity, and above everything, humility, and willing readiness to make the necessary sacrifices, then, I frankly say to all my friends, that we should not be worth to get the confidence that the people are willing to place in us.

That is OLir attitude.

That is our standard.

And, fortunately, that is the attitude and the standard of everyone in our Party. This is therefore, not a cali to order, but a reminder.

Cordially yours, Miguel A. García Méndez

E L

E S TA D o -P ü E R T o

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23

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS

STATEMENT OF JORGE LUIS CORDOVA IN BEHALF OF CITIZENS FOR STATE 51 Read by: Enrique Córdova Díaz RE:

H. R. 9234

86th Congress First Session

Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee:

I appear in behalf of Citizens for State 51, as a substitute for the President of the organization,

Jorge Luis Córdova, whose health does not permit him to be here.

The danger which the Feimós-Murray bilí poses to Americans in Puerto Rico, and the amazing statements which the Governor was making about Puerto Rico in Washington, galvanlzed citizens here into action. Through one new organization,

Citizens for State 51, a group of citizens proceeded to awaken the people, and especially the advó cales of statehood, non-Republican, as well as Republican, to the need for public expression of their

an organization of citizens who advócate state-

views. The reaction of the plain man in the street has been impressive, so impressive than on september 11, 1959 the Governor was forced to ac-

hood for Puerto Rico. It is non-partisan, the

knowledge publicly and formally in Puerto Rico

Citizens for State 51, as its ñame indicates, is

principal reason for its existence being, perhaps, (he has not yet corrected himself abroad) that to show that the statehood movement in Puerto Rico is much greater than the local Republican Statehood Party, which is the only one of the

three parties here to carry the statehood banner at this point. I might Ínterject here that in

Puerto Rico, as in many of the States, a number

the statehood movement is quite substantial, substantial enough to forcé him to make a public pronouncement seeking to offer a sop to state hood advócales in the hope that at least those in his own party will be persuaded to go along with a refurbished Fernós-Murray bilí, H.R. 9234.

of people will be discovered who would rather be found dead than voting Republican. Many of these are statehood advócales.

Heretofore Governor Muñoz Marin, the proponent of the bilí under the consideration of your

Committee, has sought consistently to establish outside of Puerto Rico, by dint of constant repe-

Let me quote parts of the Governor's state ments to his own political pai'ty, made on September 11, 1959, translated into English: "The people of Puerto Rico needs a sense of tranquillity, of serenity, as to its future ...

tition, the notion that the gi-eat majority of the

'The great political creation of the Free

people of Puerto Rico reject both statehood and

Associated State, of the will toward perma-

independence, and are ecstatic over what is called

nent unión with the United States on the

the "Commonwealth" in English and the "Free Associated State" in Spanish. He succeeded in

basis of that creation, should have produced

persuading himself, to the extent of proposing the original Fernós-Murray bilí (H.R. 5926) and

pressing the Congress for its immediate consid

this serenity. We sincerely and profoundly believed that it had produced it. It is evident that for a number of our compatriots it has

Murray bilí, to the effect that the statehood issue in Puerto Rico is fictitious, and that only a few

not produced it. The new political status, cenceived to serve the spirit and the economy of Puerto Rico, created the conditions for that tranquillity to exist. Bul parties adversai-y to ours, and forces contrary to those of the pleople of Puerto Rico whom we

politicians keep it alive.

represent, have brought back to public life

eration and even went so far this spring as to make a statement to the press in Washington, as

part of his propaganda in favor of the Fernós-

24

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

tñe sterile and very dangerous debate regardmg our political status, which we should have overeóme ...

"This is not the moment to point out in

greater detail the motives of such parties and forces. We have done it in the past; we

shall do it again at the proper time. Suffiee it now to acknowledge that the tranquillity which should exist does not exist."

RICO

all the solvent communities of American citizens.

dodge our share of the taxes? And once we are

able to share, aníJ do share, in the expenses of our national government, what can our great leader find wrong in our participating in the go vernment of the nation in the same manner as the citizens of the States of the Unión? Yet he

does find something seriously wrong in all this, wrong enough and serious enough for him to announce forcefully, and quite unnecesarily, that

Or, to put it in our own words, the Governor's

if and when Puerto Rico becomes wealthy enough

tranquillity had been seriously disturbad, and a very dangerous situation has been created by the

to withstand the horrible burden of statehood, he will still oppose it. Why, we wonder?

citizens of Puerto Rico who have dared to debate

A study of the substituto Fernós-Murray bilí, and of the original bilí, far from solving the puzzle of the real reasons behind the Governor's position

our political status, guided by sinister forces which the Governor has not yet identified. In order to face this grave crisis which the Gover nor realized on September 11 that he confronted,

on statehood, only serves to raise similar nues-

tions. The bilí seeks to have Congress declare,

he offered these sinister forces a sop, which ma-

and our electoi-ate confirm, that as a result of

gically made its appearance in Congress on the following day, September 12, with the filing of H. R. 9234, proposing, among other things, that once the per capita income in Puerto Rico equals the per capita income of the least opulent of the

the Constitution of Puerto Rico and its approval

States of the Unión, the debate on statehood, now sterile and extremely dangerous, may be reopen-

ed, presumably under fertile and non-explosive circumstances.

But the Governor made very olear in his state-

by the Congress, Puerto Rico and the nation havo

nothing in common other than citizenship, defense, raarket, foreign affairs, a pious "dedication" to certain fundamental principies which aic not defined, and most important of all, the currency, the American dollar. At present your currency, that is, the mainlander's dollar, is shared in common by you and by us. The proponents of the bilí regret that our own currency, our own

ment of September 11, as he has recently made

dollars, we can not now share with you, but they

olear on other occasions in Puerto Rico (but never

are proud to state in the bilí that they have every expectation of being able to share a few of our dollars with you some,time in the future, and

in Washington or elsewhere on the mainland, to our knowledge) that even after Puerto Rico reaches the state of opulence which he considers essential for Statehood, he will still be against State hood. In other words, his fundamental objection to Statehood is not based on economic grounds. He has some other deep-seated objections. What can this be? Why should this great leader of a community of American citizens fight against the attainment by the citizens of that commu

nity of the full measure of rights and responsibilities enjoyed and borne by other communities in the nation? We now bear in Puerto Rico all

the responsibilities of American citizenship except the payment of most Federal taxes. And we enjoy al) rights of American citizens save the vi

tal right to particípate in our national government. Assuming we can afford to pay Federal

wish to reserve the privilege of determining just when such sharing may commence, and how many dollars are to be shared, all without unseemly interference from Congress.

Article III (d) of the bilí merits special attention. It purports to grant power to Puerto Rico to tax goods manufactured in Puerto Rico for

shipment to the mainland, provided the tax is no higher than that levied on like goods manufac tured for consumption in Puerto Rico. It further provides that goods manufactured in Puerto Rico and shipped to the States may be taxed by Con

gress, but only in an amount equal to the difference between the Puerto Rican tax and the tax imposed by Congress on like articles of domestic

taxes, which the Governor supposes we can not

manufacture, if the Federal tax be higher. In other words the proposal is that Puerto Rico grant

do at this time, yet expects us to be in a position

the Congress permission to tax Puerto Rican rum

to pay at some future date, why should we, of

and cigars consumed by citizens of the several

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

RICO

25

States, and to keep the i'evenues produced by

outright grant, a gift, of these moneys to Puerto

such a tax, provided that the amount of the tax

Rico so that a civil goveimment could be set up and

that Congress may impose ,or the imposition of any tax at all by Congress, shall be governed by

the citizens of Puerto Rico from their fellow citi

the Legislature and the Governor of Puerto Rico.

zens in the States, reached a high of $65,000,000

paid for here? This grant, this outright gift to

Let US compare this amazing proposal with the existing sítuation. At present Puerto Rico has unquestioned power to levy excise taxes on its manufactured products. And at present Puerto Rico wisely refrains from levying any excise tax

nor Muñoz Marín's program, notably the socalled 'Operation Bootstrap". It has been running in the neighborhood of twenty millions dollars

on its exports. The Puerto Rican alcohol and to

per annum in recent years. Why does the Go-

per annum during the war years, and has been

a very vital factor in the development of Gover

báceo taxes, for instance, are limited to goods

veimor now propose a change in this situation,

consumed in Puerto Rico, whether manufactured or imported here, and do not apply to rum or cigars manufactured here for export to the States or to foreign countries. But the Federal excise tax on alcohol and tobáceo products, which does not apply to alcohol or tobáceo consumed in Puerto Rico, does apply to Puerto Rican rum and

and what is the change that he pi'oposes? Does his bilí suggest that the grant be reduced, or eli-

Puerto Rican cigars consumed in the States, as it applies to Cuban rums and cigars, to Canadian and Scotch whiskies, to Kentucky spirituous liquours and to Pensylvania cigars consumed in the States. That is, the Federal excise tax on

spirituous liquors and tobáceo products is a tax borne in effect by the citizens of the several

States (and not by citizens of Puerto Rico) for the privilege of purchasing liquor and tobáceo. The

tax is exactly the same whether the liquor or cigar is from Puerto Rico, Kentucky, Cuba, Great Britain or Russia (there is of course an additio-

nal import duty in the case of foreign spirits or

minated, because of the enormous difference between Puerto Rico's revenues in 1959 and in 1900?

Does he in any way acknowledge the grant and thank his fellow-citizens in the States for their generosity? Not at all. This is how his collabo-

rator Dr. Fernós explains the proposed change (the folloAving quotation is taken from page 73 of Di-. Fernós' "The Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act and the Arricies of Permanent Associa-

tion of Puerto Rico with the United States", published last June):

"The purpose of the changes are: (1) To continué the protection of articles manufactured in the United States by maintaining the equality of the tax burden as between the articles produced in Puerto Rico and shipped into the United States and like articles produced. in the United States.

tobáceo). The tax borne by citizens of the States for the privilege or purchasing Puerto Rican rum and cigars is in no sense a tax on Puerto Rico or

(2) To provide for a federal tax to be levied

on Puerto Ricans. It is in truth a tax on the consumer of the rum or the cigars. Neither Russia ñor Great Bidtain, Cuba ñor Kentucky, ñor Puerto

sury.

(3) To enable Puerto Rico to apply its in-

Rico, has any right, legal or moral, to claim the

ternal revenue tax laws to such articles.

on such articles, the proceeds of which are to be covered into the United States Trea

"return" or "refund" on any such tax. And of course the tax is not 'refunded" or "i-eturned" to

Russia, or to Great Britain, or to Cuba or to Kentucky. But the equivalent of the tax borne

"This is one of the ways by which, under the px-oposed legislation. Puerto Rico would begin to share the costs of the Federal

by the citizens of the several States who consume

Unión by making dii-ect conti-ibutions to the

Puerto Rican rum and cigars is actually paid over to the Puerto Rican Treasury by the Federal

fedei-al ti-easury. This is in hai-moixy with the policy of the Commonwealth gradually to

Treasury. This has been the law since Puerto

assume, as its economy develops, a shai-e of

Rico's first Organic Act in 1900. Why are these rum and cigar moneys turned over to Puerto Rico? Solely because, in 1900, PueiTo Rico was so

the cost and burden of the fedei-al govern-

Thus,far from expx-essing gi-atitude for the grant,

destitute of revenues and sources of revenues that Congress deemed it necessary to make an

for the genex-ous gift fx-om our fellow-citizens in the States, far fx-om evexi acknowledging that it

ment."

26

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EST4Í>0-P:UERT0

is a grant or a gift, the Governor and Dr. Fernós haye dressed up this section pf Article III, and their explanation of the- purpose of the section, in the hope of persuading the Congress, the peopie of Puerto Rico, and their own good friends in Latin-America with whose judgment on Puerto Rico they seem to be so preoccupied, that. it is Puerto Rico which is paying money into the Fe deral Treasury, that it is Puerto Rico which is

being generous and offering to contribute, some

time in the indefiríite future and in an indefinite amount, to be sure, to the "cost and burden of.

the Federal Goyernment".. The Governor himself,

RICO

Let US take a brief look at the record, let us listen

to the siren song with which the Governor and Dr. Fernós lulled the members of the House Com mittee on .'Public Lands and its Senate counter-

part during the hearings on H. R. 7674 and S. 3336.

The Governor, in reply to questions of Congressman Lemke, who wás concerned about Puer to Rico's power to amend the proposed constitu tion without Congressional approval (Hearings on H. R. 7674 and S. .3336, July 12, 1949, March 14, May 16, June 8, 1950, page 33), on March 14, 1950, answered:

in his statement to the. Senate Committee on In-;

terior and Insular Affairs on June 9, 1959, stated: that the changes he advocates through Article III (d), embody his own feeling that "Puerto Rico

. "You knów, of course, that if the people of Puerto Rico should go crazy, Congress can

OLight to pay its share into the Federal Treasury

I am confident that the Puerto Ricans will

as soon as it is in an economic position to do so", and that the Legislature of Puerto Rico thought

not do that, and invite congressional legisla-

that the provisions of Article III (d) -'would be the most proper beginning for a sharing of the general burdens of the Unión by Puerto Rico."

It is submitted that the provisions of Article III (d), and the disingenuous explahations óf the

Governor and his followers as to the purpose of these provisions, are extremely iUuminating as

to the candor and good faith of the proponents of this bilí, and as to the candor and good faith, which they have exercised in the past, and can be

always get aroiind and üegis ate again. But

tioii that would take batk something that was given to the people of Puerto Rico as good United States citizens."

A moment later Dr. Fernós added, in order to allay any fears of Congressman Lemke or other members of the Committee that the bilí which

became Public Law 600 might somehow commit Congress irrevocably: "The authority of the Government of the United States, the Congress, to

legislate in case of emergency would always be there." (See same Hearings, page 33).

Two months later, in a formal statement read

expected to exercise in the future, in their atterrpts to use the Congress as a vehicle for con-

to the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular

fusing the people of Puerto Rico, and to use one Congress as a means to confuse subsequent Con-

Fernós very deliberátely assured the Senate Com

gresses.

mittee:

For instance, the Governor and Dr. Fernós

would have the present Congress, and the people of Puerto Rico, believe, that Public Law 600 and Public Law 447 created a new State, a new type of relationship between Puerto Rico and the na-

tion; that as a result of those laws Congress renounced all power over Puerto Rico under the territorial clause of the Constitution of the United

States; that this Congress, and subsequent Congresses, lack the power to take away whát the 81st and 82nd Congresses granted to Puerto Rico.

The Governor professed to be shocked when, at

the hearing of the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs held on June 9, 1959, Senator Jackson expressed the opinión that he could not accept or even understand the Governor's theory.^

Affairs on May 17, 1950 (Hearings, p. 4) Dr.

"As already pointed out, S. 3336 would not change the status of the island of Puerto Rico relativo to the United States. It would

not commit the United States for or against any specific future form of political formula for the people of Puerto Rico. It would not

alter the powers of sovereignty acquired by the United States over Puerto Rico under the terms of the Treaty of Paris."

These are not isolated statements, taken out of context. It is interesting to compare them with what the Governor later told the people of Puerto Rico, and now seeks to tell the present Congress, regarding the effect of Public Law 600, and the importance of Congress' keeping faith with what he now, in all his candor, assures Congress was

EL

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intended all along by the Slst and 82nd Congresses.

Gentlemen, these are but two isolated instances of the type of thing you may expect to find, and

will find, lurking throughout the bilí now under your consideration. There are many others. It is interesting to compai-e substitute bilí H. R. 9234 with the original H. R. 5926, to notice the many subtle changes in wording, the many sweeping and ambiguous statements, and to speculate on the marvelous tapestry that the Governor could weave out of this verbiage seven years from now,

were the Congress, and the people of Puerto Rico, to cióse their eyes and their minds and simply vote "YES", as that persuasive leader desires.

The Congress, of course, has one advantage which the Puerto Rican people would not have, if this bilí is approved. The Congress could approve some of its provisions and reject others. The Con

RICO

27

the Congress has been shown, there is no reason

why this matter should not be left for considera tion by the 87th Congress, and by the Legislature and the Governor to be elected by the people of Puerto Rico next year. We realize that the Go vernor of Puerto Rico is in a hurry. He has an election coming up next fall, and he is sufficiently concerned about the election to have begun his

personal campaign, over the radio and in personal visits to towns, hamlets, and rural dístricts, months ago. In his great politicai wisdom, and there is no abler politician in Puerto Rico, he apparently feels that it is important for him to retrieve some of the politicai prestige he may have lost as a result of the popular rebellion which he has been forced to confess has arisen

due to his position on Puerto Rico's status, and that the way to do this is to have Congress ap prove this bilí in some form, in most any form.

Citizens for State 51 takes no position on the

gress could add as well as subtract. But this óm

question of who should be returned Governor of

nibus bilí, this ambitious project which impinges

Puerto Rico in 1960. Indeed, the candidates have

on hundreds of Federal statutes, few of them even

not yet been nominated, although none of the

mentioned or suggested in the bilí, which encom-

likely candidates is as timid as most of the Pre-

passes hundreds of provisions on which the citi-

sidential candidates seem to be at this point.

Whether or not the Governor is correct in feeling that he is in politicai jeopardy, whether or not it is urgent for the Governor to obtain politicai help from the S6th Cóngress, we do not know,

zens of Puerto Rico might have an opinión, this bilí is to be submitted to the electorate of Puerto

Rico for a YES or NO answer. The electorate is not to have a chance to accept some of its pro visions and reject others, assuming, of course,

that the electorate has the extraordinary faculty of understanding many of the provisions which escape the grasp of most of us.

It is respectfully submitted that the Fernós-

♦ Murray bilí has indeed upset the tranquillity of the people of Puerto Rico, has profoundly upset that tranquillity, if we may borrow the term; that no reason has been shown by the proponents of

the bilí why the Federal Relations Act should be radically amended only seven years after it was

enacted; that the proponents of the bilí have particularly failed to show why this bilí should be rushed thru the second session of a Congress which is going to be extremely busy, and extreme-

ly anxious for an early adjourment; that in any event it would be unwise to submit this bilí to

a referendum of the people of Puerto Rico dui-ing the 1960 election year; that since the wise and

desirable thing to do is to postpone the submisdon of amendments to the Federal Relations Act

to the people of Puerto Rico until after 1960, and since no extraordinarily urgent need of action by

and is not for us to determine. But we submit

that the destiny of the people of Puerto Rico, the ultimate politicai status of a community of over two and a quarter million American citizens, is sufficiently important to merit quiet and delibér ate attention from the Congi-ess and from the leaders and the people of Puerto Rico, and that the consideration of this problem should not be rushed simply because it might be politically helpful to one of the great politicai figures of

América, ñor because this particular politicai fi gure enjoys a considerable degree of prestige in Puerto Rico and outside of Puerto Rico. The res-

ponsibility of the members of this Committee, and of the members of Congress is general, is not to Governor Luis Muñoz Marín. They have a responsibility to the nation at large, to their own constituents, and very especially to the disenfranchised American citizens of Puerto Rico who have

no vote in Congress and to whom this bilí purports to be addressed.

Fmdo. JORGE LUIS CORDOVA

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EL

ES TA D O - P UER T O

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29

IN THE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES

COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS

Statement of Enrique Córdova Díaz RE:

H.R. 9234

86th Congfess First Session

My ñame is Enrique Córdova Díaz. I am a citizen of the United States of América, domiciled

and residing in Guaynabo, Puerto Rico. I am an attorney-at-law, having practiced law in Puerto Rico consecutively for approximately 25 years.

I appear before this Committee in my personal capacity representing no one but myself.

First of all I wish to thank this Sub- Commit

tee for permiting me to present my views on H.R. -9234 known to us here as the FERNOS-BILL.

I am, and have alvvays been, a firm believer in Statehood as the ultímate final political status

for Puerto Rico and, of course, my comments on this Bill will reflect my position on this question.

I am unconditionally opposed to the passage bj' the Congress of H.R.-9234 as presently drafted.

Basically my opposition is predicated on the following broad propositions:

1. This Bill erroneously implies that Puerto

LCDO. ENRIQUE CORDOVA DIAZ San Juan, Puerto Rico

Rico is no longer a territory within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States and that a "new" nameless relationship between the Fe

deral Unión and Puerto Rico, based on an alleged bilateral compact beyond the power of Congress

in Puerto Rico reversing a historical policy with i'espect to such legislation in the territories of the United States.

to change or modify without the consent of the People of Puerto Rico, has somehow come into

4. This Bill purports to restrict the right of the Congi-ess of the United States and the People

being.

of Puerto Rico to resolve once and for all the

2. This Bill is predicated on the erroneous pre-

undecided question of Puerto Rico's final political

mise that Puerto Rico is "associated" with the Federal Unión only on the basis of common citizenship, common defense, foreign affairs, a com

status.

mon market, a common currency and a common dedication to the fundamental principies of democracy incorporated in the Constitution of the

and departs perhaps beyond return from the traditional path of territories towards Statehood without alerting the People of Puerto Rico that

United States.

such is the case.

5. This Bill tends to weaken the political bonds between Puerto Rico and the United States

3. This Bill takes a negative and clearly hostile approach to the applicability of federal lavvs

This Bill with delibérate care oniits any refe-

30

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RICO

rence to Puerto Rico as a territory of the United States and repeatedly speaks of a "compact" be-

itself to when it approved Public Law 600. This is the law that Congress expressly said, through

tween the People of Puerto Rico and the United States. The Bill is labelled "Articles of Permanent Association of the Commonwealth of Puerto

its carefully prepared Committee Report of the Honse referred to above, did not change Puerto Rico's fundamental political relationship to the

Rico with the United States", although there is

United States.

nothing permanent about this legislation as is

recognized by Article XVI which contains provisions for a change in the relationship existing between the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and the

United States.

The previsión in the present Puerto Rican Fe deral Relation Act, to the effect that Puerto Rico

belongs (and is therefore a territory or a possession) to the United States are repealed and ho statement is substituted declaring in clear lan-

Much is made of the use of the words "in the nature of a compact" appearing in Public Law

600, approved by the Congress and the subse-, quent use of the word "compact" in Public Law 447 of July 3, 1952 adopted by the Congress approving the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, with certain ammendments, as adopt

ed by the People of Puerto Rico on March 3, 1952.

However, it i.s submitted that the insertion of these words in such legislation should not be con-

proach is consistent with the party line of the

strued a; overriding the clear intention of the Congress of not changing Puerto Rico's territorial status as evidenced by the expréss and cloar lan

architects of this Bill. Ever since the Common

guage of the House Report on Public Law 600.

guage what the constitutional status of Puerto

Rico would be upon approval of this Bill. This apwealth of Puerto Rico came into being, as such,. we have been deluged here in Puerto Rico with verbal ahd vvritten propaganda to the effect that

Here let me say to the Committee that it be wfl] advised to go over the language of this pro-

po.=ed Bill with a fine toothcomb lest there may be

Puerto Rico ipso facto ceased to be a territory of a word or phrase lurking therein which may be-

the United States and that the Congress could no longer legislate with respect to the Puerto Rico's basic form of government without Puerto Rico consent or approval.

This in the face of House Report Bill on Public

Law 600, which in crystal clear language stated,

come the battlecry fqr some new, constitutional theory if this Bill should become law. Here too

I believe it is pertinent to mentíon that when Public Law 600 went to the People of Puerto Rico for approval it was süpported by advocates of

among other things, that it "would not change Puerto Rico's fundamental political, social and

Statehood and Independence alike because of the assurances that this was but a step, as indeed it was, toward full local autonomy with no basic

economical relationship to the United States".

change in status and with the doors of Statehood

U. S. Congressional Service Yol 2 p. 2682, 81st or Independence still open to the People of Puerto Congress, Second Session 1950.

Clearly Puerto Rico was an organized unincorpoiated territory of the United States before

it adopted its own local Constitution and the ñame of Commonwealth. It had thus been clas-

sified beyond a shadow of doubt by the Supreme Court of the United States in Balzac v. People of Puerto Rico, 258 US 298 and Puerto Rico v. Shell,

Rico if they elected in the future to choose either alternativo and the Congress acceded to the request. But after our Statehood votes were in,

after the Independence votes were in, both safely and irretrievably tucked away, came the deception

and the very same proponents of this Bill, led by its chief architect our present Governor, brokc faith with US and procéeded to proclaim to the

four winds that Puerto Rico was no longer a terri 302 US 253, among other cases. Indeed in the tory, that the status of Puerto Rico had changed

Shell case, Justice Sutherland in 1937 speaking

permanently into that of a "Commonwealth" baof Puerto Rico's status under the Org'anic Act of sed on a compact and thát the People of Puerto 1917, stated that by that Act of Congress a "Com Rico had voted against Statehood and against In monwealth" was created; that is a "Common dependence when they approved their local Con wealth" consisting of an organized unincorporated territory of the United States.

stitution under Public Law 600.

Fortunately the strong opposition that deveThis was the status that Congress addressed loped with respect to House Resolution 5926 pre-

EL

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31

sented May 23, 1959, of which the Bill under

cipies contained in the Constitution of the United

consideration is a modification, and the alertness

States.

of the Congress has brought about at least a reluctant acknowledgment that Statehood or In-

dependence, the only two constitutional disposi-

This is a new approach and its purpose seems

to be to lay the basis for a principie which would in time eliminate all federal functions in Puerto

tions that can be made with respect to a territory

Rico except those pertaining to the so callad com

under the Constitution of the United States, are

mon Ítems which are said to form the basis of Puerto Rico association to the United States.

still open to the People of Puerto Rico depending on the will of the majority properly ascertained for that purpose and the approval of the Con

Indeed Article VI of the predecessor Bill, HR-

5926 dovetailed nicely into this declaration and revealed its design. Said Article VI would have

gress.

Constitutionally speaking there is no doubt in my mind that Puerto Rico continúes to be an or

ganizad unincorporated territory of the United States enjoying full local autonomy under a Con stitution of its own adoption approved by the

Congress of the United States but subject, con stitutionally, to the very same powers that Con gress has always had and still has with respect to its territorios. I will on a later date submit, if permitted, a legal brief in support of this contention.

set up machinery so that, from time to time, the federal functions now being discharged in Puerto Rico would pass to the local Commonwealth government except those which would be necessary in order to retain and fullfil the natura of the association of Puerto Rico to the United States.

Thus, the purpose of this declaration was, and we submit still is, to restrict the Federal Govemment, in due time, of all of its functions here in

Puerto Rico, transferring same to the local government except those dealing with common

citizenship, common defense, foreign affairs, com If this Bill is to be approved at all, it should be clearly amended deleting all references to

"compacts" and making it clear that the consti tutional status of Puerto Rico as of the moment

is that of an autonomous organizad unincorpor ated territory of the United States. The refe rences to the allegad "compact" should be delatad

mon market, common currency and the Consti tution of the United States. The architects of

this Bill seem to be dedicated to the proposition of "mínimum federal functions but máximum fe deral funds".

The present modified Bill in its Article VI still

law shall be approved by the Congress with res

contains an enunciation of the principie that certain federal functions may in the future be trans-

pect to Puerto Rico basad on powers greater than

ferred to the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico sub

those that the Congress has with,respect to the States of the Unión except upon acceptance by the

ject to such conditions as may be prescribed by

as well as the provisions in Article IX that no

Commonwealth of Puerto Rico because such declarations are erroneous and unconstitutional and would have no legal effect whatsoever aven if

approved by the Congress and the People of Puer to Rico. This point I will elabórate in my written brief if permitted to file same.

II

The preamble of the Bill in consideration inti*oduces a new declaration with respect to Puerto

Rico's relationship with the Federal Unión. This preamble would have it that Puerto Rico's so

Congress and accepted by the Commonwealth.

What is the purpose of inserting this advance notice as to the possible transfer of federal func tions sometime in the future. Is it perhaps to cement the proposition that it is the sense of the Congress and of the Commonwealth of Puerto

Rico, if this Bill is approved that certain federal functions normally exercised in any State of the Unión will be ultinvately transferred to the Com monwealth ? If this language is approved may we not expect to hear from the proponents of this

Bill the contention that the Congress has committed itself to such a transfer of federal functions.

callad association with the Federal Unión is basad

This third paragraph of the preamble, it is sub-

on common citizenship, common defense, foreign affairs, a common market, a common currency and a common dedication to the democratic prin

guage stating in effect that Puerto Rico's rela-

mitted, should be stricken and substituted by lan tion with the United States is none other than

32

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ESTADO-PUERTO

RICO

that of an organized unincorporated territory.

Such a statement would require no further expla-

cise of federal functions in Puerto Rico even

nations, would be clearly understood by the Congress and by the People of Puerto..Rico and would not lead to new confusión, misinterpretations and ambiguities as to Puerto Rico's true constitutional status and true relationship to the United States.

out here to no greater degree than in a State of

though such federal functions would be carried the Unión.

IV

.. Notwithstanding the fact that this Bill is labelled "Articles of premanent association of the

III

\Ve have already noted that by the third paragraph of the preamble read together with Article VI of this Bill (and Article VI of the original

Bill) an intention to restriet federal functions in Puerto Rico is discerned and that that restriction

woald ultimately lead to a mínimum óf federal functions in Puerto Rico much less than those

carried out in the States of the Unión, or historically, in the territories of the United States.

Consistent with their allergy to federal functions, but not to federal funds, Article IX of the proposed Bill would have it that the statutory laws

of the United States

hereinafter enacted, shall

not be deemed applicable to the Commonwealth of

Puerto Rico unless specifically so made by Congress by reference to Puerto Rico or the Com monwealth of Puerto Rico by ñame. This reverses present law and the usual practice with respect to the organized territories of the United States.

Present law provides that except as to the Internal Revenue laws the statutory laws of the United States, not locally inapplicable, shall have the

Commonwealth of Puerto Rico with the United

States", Article XVI purports to set out conditions under which such permanency would cease to be permanent. It is provided that when the per capita income of Puerto Rico as determined by the United States Department of Commerce shall equal that of any member of a State of the Unión, this whole question of the status of Puerto Rico

m.ay be re-examined and submitted to the People of Puerto Rico on the basis of a plebiscite for a final decisión by the People of Puerto Rico and the Constitution of the United States. This Ar

ticle is quite ambiguoLis but I imagine it means that at that stage Puerto Rico would choose be-

tween Statehood and Independence, or perhaps a continuance of its present territorial status, and submit its decisión to the Congreís for its approval.

This Article VI should be striken in teto since

there is no sense or rhyme to it under any viewpoint. First of all it is absolutely unfair and absurd for the Congress to propose, in effect, that the present unresolved status of Puerto Rico will

not be subject to change until the per capita in

same forcé and effect in Puerto Rico as in the

come of Puerto Rico shall equal that of any mem

United States. This has been so since 1900 and

ber of a State of the Unión. This requirenient is not realistic and may be completely illusory in that it is entirely possible, perhaps probable, that

I do not believe that our experience with federal

law has been so un-fortunate as to justify at this stage a negative approach thereto. There can be no objection to the provisión of Article IX, sub división A, that the federal laws which are to apply in Puerto Rico shall apply in the same manner and to the same extent that they apply in

Rico may make in that respect. Indeed, as American citizens we should hope that that should be

the States of the Unión. However, we cannot see

the case since we should not be interested in over-

the need or desirability or wisdom of repealing the present provisions of law that federal laws, except intemal revenue laws, shall apply in Puei'to Rico if not locally inapplicable and inserting a

taking any State of the Unión in its prosperity

new provisión to the effect that only if Puerto Rico is specifically mentioned shall a federal law apply to Puerto Rico.

This proposed change to me has no other ex-

planation except that it reveáis the antagonistic feeling of the architects of this Bill to.the exef'-

all of the 50 States of the Unión will continué to

run ahead of Puerto Rico on a per capita basis notwithstanding the great progress which Puerto

but rather in progressing together with them to

higher levels of prosperity regardless of which

State leads in that respect. This is a requirement that has never been exacted from any territory of the United States in order to become a State of the Unión or to become an independent nation.

It'Was htít'fequired of the Philliphines when they 'weré gráhted their independence by the Congrfess ahd it wás not required of Alaska and

EL

ESTADO-PUERTO

Hawaii when they entered tüé Unión, nor l have boen able to find any case where any other teri-itories of the United States were submitted to

such a requirernent as: a prerequisite to- Statehood. However, if the per capita, income is to be used as a basis, and T submit that it should not be used, the fair proposal would be to require of Puerto Rico a per capital income not less than the lowest per capita income of any territory of the United States at the time that it became a State of the Unión.

It is not sui'prising that our Governor proposes that the question of the final decisión of Puerto Rico's status should be postponed until the per

RICO

33

ámbiguity and Should alert the Peoplé of Puerto Rico with respect to its implicatións or the implications should be removed by clear language.

No electorate, no matter how intelligent, can be expected to undcVstand the implicatións and ef fects 011 the ultimate political status of Puerto Rico of a Bill which speaks of permanent" asso

ciation (which under its own terms is not per manent) sprinkles the term "compact" throughout the Bill, speaks of achieving purposes which are not expressed, establishes mínimum common

conditions linking Puerto Rico with the United States, without saying why, provides for the nonapplicability of federal law unless such laws ex-

presly mention Puerto Rico, talks about possible

capita income.qf Puerto Rico shall equal that of and future transfers of federal functions to the any State of the Unión, since he has recently pu- Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, refers to an unblicly declared, although I would not hazard an- predicable date, which perhaps may never come, opinion on what he would say today or tomorrow, for a re-examination of the 'terms of the associathat when, as and if Puerto Rico catches up with a State of the Unión, if he is then living, he would íthen vote against Statehood even though he is

tiqn'.t and may other matters which I do not have

time to enumérate, all this without clearly telling the People of Puerto Rico whether after the ap-

i'satisfied then that Puerto Rico would be econo- ,proval of this Bill Puerta, Rico,Wrill continué to be

■ mically prepafed' to tíécóme an equal member

an unincorporated temtory of the United States

PState of the Unión. Indeed this whole Bill and

and if not what it would be within the meaning

' itá'^ündeíiñed "''t)urpbsés"''m^ paragraph of the preamble should be read in the light of that. declaration •coming.-.fiwn .the lips ¡of its chief architect.

A careful analysis of this Bill will show, I be-

of the Constitution of the United States.

■ . Because of tim.e- Iimitations I have not endea-

vored to analyze each of the Articles of the proposed Bill. However, I will do so in the brief which I will file later if the §ub-Committee grants me leave to do so.

Before concluding I would like to suggest that lieve, that it tends to weaken the political bonds • between Puerto Rico and the Unitecl Stetes_^arKl_ any Bill that the Congress may approve as a •contains provisions leading away from the tradi-" result of the presentation of HR-9234, should provide that it shall be submitted to the People of .fuerto Rico for approval in a year in which ge: tioned some of these provisions such as the ,,Pí];i|píjj ' neral elections do not take place so that the Bill nimum common denominator association claüsé can be considered by the People of Puerto Rico :in the third paragraph of the preamble. I have i-also already mentioned the ahd""eveñ hos-- free ■ from partisán bias, and the usual passions itional road to Statehood. I have already men-

tile terms of the Bill with respect to federal func-

:tions, as distinguifhed from federal funds, in

and prejudices which are inevitably present duriag a general election.

iPuerto Rico. Recent and even older history shows And finallj^ I sincerely request that any legis■US that that is not the way that territories have, . lation that is adopted should contain a preamble •i-eached Statehood. This is indeed a path in the stating its purposes and clearly stating the con-

opposite direction, notwithstanding the soothing

effects which might be derived from the title of the Bill "Articfes of'permanent association. . ."

stitutional status of Puerto Rico so that the peo

ple of Puerto Rico may not be deceived as they have been deceived heretofore with statements

It is not enough to say that this Bill will ip. guy ^ to the effe.ct that the Congress in passing Public event be submitted to the electoraté "of Puerto Rico for approval or disapproval. Because of that vei-y samé réaaon 'the •■■Bilí" ffórh

Law 600 changed the political status of Puerto

Rico, that Puerto Rico is no longer a territoiy and thát the Congress cannot pass legislation with

34

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RICO

respect to Puerto Rico modifying in any way its present status or the powers of the local govern-

wíll not be possible for the proponents of this Bill to make representations (as they did with

ment without the consent of the People of Puerto Rico. Whatever action is taken by the Congress with respect to the Bill under consideration,

Public Law 6íi0) with respect to the same which are not within the intention of the Congress.

1 4. that ii. + action +• u 4- 1 • such u a manner that 4-1 4. let be taken in

Respectfully ,submitted at San Juan, Puerto

there are no doubts and ambiguities so that it

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Fiico, on Décember 4, 1959.

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ARTURO ORTIZ TORO ABOGADO

San Juan

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Puerto Rico

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GORBEA, PEREZ, MORELL, 5. en C. MANUFACTURERS OF MEN'S AND

YOUNG MEN'S CLOTHING

P. o. BOX 3152

TEL. 3-0794 SANTURCE, PUERTO RICO

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In the House of Representatives '' id^jüv'

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Monday, Japuary,. llv-1960-r

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<MMí.7.í^C)0NE3f feSEe^Jígl?,;:; J^eav^j^tev éxteiid.-,my- r;^e^T^arks:^jai• thaíRecpFd.t.-'L. inelu.de; the, following article by J. Edgar Hoover: r-.5~Adví'>ír.

MENACE OF OBSCENITY

(By J. Edgar Hoover)

I

The moráis of América are besieged today by an unprineipled forcé which will spare no home or community in its quest for illicit profits.

I am speaking of the unquestionably base indi viduáis who spread obscene literature across oiir

land through the means of films, decks of playing cards, photographs, comic books, salacious maga-

zines, paperbacked books, and other pornographie producís. These forms of obscenity indeed threaten th

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treasure—our young people.

^ While our schools, churches and youth organi-

zátions conscientiously strive to improiye ;the 'ipbrals and thinking of our juvenile citiiehs, ' forces

HOl^ JOHN EDGAR HOOVER

of evil are working on the other side of the fence tb contamínate all that we hold decent. The most

The Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation United States Department Df Justice.

disgusting part of thíisvJteBiilt: is that- óuf youfh,

the publi'o will stand. - ■Recently, we have sean considerable publicity concerning certain elements in'this médium who have sacrificed scruples on the altar of monetary gain. :

js subjected to lurid exhibitions of obscenity in many of the placea where theyi Seelreleán entei^" tiainment.

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i; Despite the splendid service rendered daily by the overwhelming majority of advertising and en-

tértainment executives, a smaíl group of opportunists in these industries are degrading América aind its youth. Our young people are literally bpmbarded with vulgar motion picturé advertisements in some newspapers; certain moyies have

tbo often made good on the provocative promises' in the advertisements; and profanity and rapacity

are the main ingi'edients,i bf pioreiaiid'^bre screen offerings. A few teléVisiorv'produeehs', tóo,' sómé-'' times break through the veil of decency as if

some of them were trying to see. )uat. how..^mi^Qh-

It is also a grevious fací that drugstores and

''sweetshops," pleasant meeting places for past generat|ons, now display publications which a few yeárs ago would have a place in only the bawdiest of gathering places. These signs fo mo ral decay, tolei'ated by adults, cannot help but de base the thinking of our impressionable teem agers. Yet, while they are impressionable, American youths are remarkably wise in recognizing

pseudo-piety in adults and; the sham of a society which condones declihing morality. In 1957 there were nearly eigh forcible rapes per..10,0,000. .inhab^^^ i.n,,the.v.y.n.ited otates. In

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La felicidad futura de sus hijos está en sus manos, AHORRE AHORA!..

¡Todo es cuestión de empezar!

Abra hoy mismo su cuenta de ahorros en el BANCO POPULAR

A

r

¡AHORRE

POR CORREO! Ahora usted puede obrir una cuento

de ahorros por correo en el Banco Popular. Simplemente, escriba en un

popel su nombre y apellido y lo dirección completa y mencione cuol os lo oflcino del Banco Popular en

lo cuol deseo que se radique lo cuento. Agregue el Importe Inicial (mínimo, cinco dóloros) y escribo en el sobre:

BANCO POPULAR

SANCO POPULAR

EL BANCO QUE SIRVE A TODO PUERTO RICO

APARTADO 752, SAN JUAN. P R.

Fundado en 1893

de ahorros con su depósito inicial

A vuelta de correo recíbiró su libreto

debidamente registrado.

MIIMIIO (COilAt INSUIANCI

COtroiAIIOH