Goup Publication - Anissha, Jess, Kelly - Fincina Hopgood

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Group Publication: Design

Anissha Vijayan (3278826) Jessica Mills (3283178) Kelly Bartholomeusz (3284766)

Tutor: Fincina Hopgood, Wednesday 1.30 Lecturer: Brian Morris

R M I T U n i v e r s i t y – C O M M 2 4 1 1 : C o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s


Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010

Group Publication: Design Introduction Design is an important aspect in any city. It sells the city, as well as attracts tourists, but most importantly, it communicates a message to people all over the world. The three artefacts chosen for this assignment are Coops Shot Tower, the Entrance to Chinatown on little Bourke Street and Moving Galleries. These artefacts represent different times of Melbourne; starting from the 1890s, when the Shot Tower was built, to the escalation of multiculturalism which was when the Chinatown Entrance was built, to modern day Melbourne, represented by Moving galleries. These show the evolution of Design in Melbourne. Still, they interpellate the same messages to its audiences.

Melbourne Central Shot Tower

Fig 1: Coops Shot Tower in Melbourne Central (Photo taken by Anissha Vijayan)

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Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010 Architects and city planners designed urban Melbourne around its existing histories. Melbourne’s heritage sites, and old buildings are integrated into the modern city; and the incorporation of the Melbourne shot tower into the Melbourne central design is no exception. The 50-meter shot tower was completed in 1890. The building was to be demolished in 1973 but was saved, and integrated into the design of the Melbourne Central Shopping centre. The tower spewed out six tones shot each week until the demand for lead shot decreased in 1961. Today, a museum exists inside the tower about the history of the shot tower. The shopping centre, Melbourne central serves many purposes, from shopping, to offices, to transport. It houses a busy train station, and some of Melbourne’s finest fashion. As Freestone says the new Melbourne is manifested from its old, and modern buildings (2010). This shows that Melbourne is proud of its history, and metaphorically, and literally builds around its past, showing that it continuously moves forward. Design is an aesthetic language. A language is a method of communication between people. Design definitely fits into the definition- again relating to the concept of interpellation. A design is usually a redesign, and usually within a context. Hence a design is never from scratch; when architects design a building the message must come through. Melbourne Central architects (Kisho Kurokawa, Bates, Smart & McCutcheon, Hassel Pty. Ltd) believed in the ‘symbiosis of history and the present’ (Fishlock 2000). The concept and goals of architects are particularly important in understanding the messages the architects wish to convey to the public (Fishlock, 2000). This relates to the idea of interpellation; when a building ‘hails’ its audience. In the case of the integration of the Coops Shot Tower into the contemporary designs of Melbourne Central, the building communicates to its audience that Melbourne’s history and past means a lot to its people. Thus, implying that old Melbourne plays an important role in defining, and shaping the new, modern and urban Melbourne; they send out a message of fusing Melbourne’s past history with its current and future society. This is reflected in the fact that the Shot Tower is now a museum. According to Freestone, by integrating Melbourne’s heritage buildings into modern day Melbourne, more distinctive landmarks can be created (2008) – these landmarks are associated to Melbourne’s history. Melburnians have given meaning to these landmarks, showing that they have fit into their surroundings. This Artefact relates to the other artefacts in this publication through design. Similar to the Moving Galleries as well as the entrance to Chinatown, the shot tower symbolizes the foreword progression of Melbourne’s multiculturalism and history. In COMM2411 – Communications and Social Relations| 3/8


Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010 relation to the moving galleries, the shot tower represents Melbourne’s past, whilst the moving galleries symbolises ‘urban Melbourne’. To compare the shot tower to Chinatown, they both represent Melbourne’s history, and the fusion of other cultures with the Australian/western culture.

The Entrance to Chinatown

Fig 2: Chinatown Entrance (Photo taken by Jessica Mills)

This artefact is an example of communication design as the arches symbolise Chinese culture to all people passing by, as juxtaposed with skyscrapers and western strip shops the entrance to Chinatown really stands out. The distinct Chinese architecture consisting of colourful mosaic tiles and complex Asian patterns are displayed on the arches at the entrance to Chinatown. The arches form a portal to the narrow street framing the neon signs that bear Chinese language symbols and the windows of the shops that display Asian trinkets and COMM2411 – Communications and Social Relations| 4/8


Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010 exotic foods. The stationary figures of spruikers at the entrance to each restaurant stand out against the stream of passers by. Immediately you become aware that you are entering into a part of the city where the culture is vastly different. These arches with their bright red neon lighting entice both Chinese immigrants and Australians (from various different cultures) to enter Chinatown, to come and embrace Chinese culture and heritage in the middle of the thriving metropolis that Melbourne is today. The purpose for framing Little Bourke St with these traditional Asian arches was to transform Chinatown from ‘a bachelor society in which women functioned solely as concubines or prostitutes’ (Rooney 2007), into a popular tourist destination. The fact that the arches are so distinct, bright and traditionally oriental makes it easy for tourists navigating Melbourne’s busy streets to find Chinatown. The symmetrical pillars and parallel beams, which make up the stunning entrance, are ascetically pleasing to visitors and Melbournians alike and the arches are often subject to holiday shots for the family album. The arches have helped Chinatown grow into a family-friendly area, which contrasts to the picture of Chinatown as a poor, seedy, migrant quarter painted by Rooney (2007). The Entrance to Chinatown symbolises Melbourne’s multiculturalism as the design of the arches showcases architecture that would be part of the ‘cultural norm’ (Man Kong Lun 1991) in China. The arches represent how Melbourne has embraced Chinese culture by allowing the design of Melbourne to not be purely European, but rather a mish mash of east meets west as seen in the placing of the arches on one of Melbourne’s busiest streets. Chinatown’s prominent position in the middle of Melbourne’s central business district, close to many of Melbourne’s theatres as well as some of Melbourne’s most popular stores and boutiques makes the Chinatown arches one of the most well-known landmarks in Melbourne. The Entrance to Chinatown was built during a time in which Australia was embracing immigrants, encouraging them to achieve a ‘bicultural identity’ (Lu 2001). This means that immigrants were experiencing the Australian way of life, but they were also still practicing their own cultural rituals. This parallels to the city of Melbourne which through embracing Chinese architecture as seen in the arches is also becoming a bicultural city with no defined image for visitors to see. Rather Melbourne is a complex city with influences from China, Europe and of course leading Australian architects. Melbourne design has also been influenced by the past as seen in the shot tower, which later became the focal point of Melbourne Central. The Moving Galleries in contrast are an example of how design is being influenced by rapidly advancing technology. All of these influences are what makes the design of Melbourne so interesting and also so spectacular as no two streets look the same.

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Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010 Â

Moving Galleries Victoria

Fig 3: Advertisement for Moving Galleries (Photo from Moving Galleries Victoria. (Reproduced for educational Purposes Only))

Moving Galleries Victoria is a design initiative with sponsors including the Committee for Melbourne, Metro Trains and Creative Spaces, and encourages people to think of stations and trains as places of wellbeing. It allows writers and artists to submit works that can be displayed on trains for commuters to view (Village Well 2006). This initiative encourages community participation and communication between people. The art, such as the above installation piece, broadens consumers’ minds as to what design can include. In a society undergoing globalization these works create feelings of community and identity (Scanlon & Mulligan 2007). The idea for Moving Galleries was taken from similar successful projects in cities such as London and New York, which are renowned as design cities (Rhodes 2009). Moving Galleries seeks to make art and design more accessible to the general public, in contrast to the many hidden and exclusive galleries that exist around Melbourne. Designers are often faces with the task of reconciling contradictions in society. Scanlon & Mulligan discuss the way in which people are increasingly responsible for

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Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010 their own identities and sense of self due to rapid globalization and a society constantly in transit (2007). “Gemeinschaft communities” are described as communities with strong relationships, based on mutual interests and obligation. These are being replaced with “Gesellschaft communities” in which people are more mobile and self-interested. MGV tries to ‘reconcile’ these distinctly different communities by encouraging these “Gesellschaft communities” to retain some “Gemeinschaft” qualities. Simply providing talking points for commuters, giving individuals a feeling which to identify or providing inspiration for a person’s own art can allow for “inclusion-at-a-distance”; that is, communication though not in the typical face-to-face sense. The “impersonality” of large chains and corporations is being combated by initiatives such as MGV, which aim to give large characterless spaces such as trains life, purpose and context for commuters (Scanlon & Mulligan 2007). Empty Melbourne trains (particularly at night) are also thought of as some of the most dangerous places in Victoria (Village Well 2006). MGV uses design to change this view, as trains may come to be seen as places of expression and identity rather than crime and violence. Moving Galleries design attempts to counter the effects of the privatization of the Melbourne railway system on stations, trains and commuters. The privatization of the railway network in 1999, including reduced railway staff caused many to view stations and trains as places without authority or custodianship (Village Well 2006). MGV, along with many other initiatives in and around trains/stations aims to create a sense of custodianship in these otherwise empty spaces. Melbourne is now being compared to ‘design cities’ such as Barcelona and London in terms of the quality of the street art (Rhodes 2009); a desirable linkage for Melbourne despite the criminality often associated with this art. The connection showcases Melbourne as a cosmopolitan and culture-rich city that keeps pace with the “global cities” of today. Moving Galleries Victoria aims to enter these ranks and to be seen as a part of Melbourne’s vibrant design community. Rhodes (2009) explores Melbourne as a city of world-class arts, cultural institutions and worldrenowned artists, many of which are scattered throughout hidden galleries and studios in nondescript buildings. Projects such as Moving Galleries aim to take design from alleyways, back buildings and basements, and place it in everyday contexts such as trains. This is part of a strategy to make Melbourne’s “accessible culture” even more accessible to ‘regular’ people, for example, workers and commuters.

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Tutor: Fincina Hopgood Lecturer: Brian Morriss Assignment Task #3, Semester 1, 2010

References: Fishlock, S 2000, Melbourne Central: 211 La Trobe Street, Melbourne, Walking Melbourne, viewed 12 April 2010, <http://www.walkingmelbourne.com/building_profile.php?ID=279>. Freestone, R 2008, City Planning, The University of Melbourne, viewed 12 April 2010, <http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00352b.htm>. Hubbard, P 2006, ‘Cities from Above and Below’, in The Everyday City, Routledge, Oxon, p. 96-111. Lu, Z 2001, ‘Bicultural Identity Development and Chinese Community Formation: An Ethnographic Study of Chinese Schools in Chicago’, The Howard Journal of Communications, vol 12, pp 203-220. Man Kon Lung, C 1991, ‘Communication and Cultural Insularity: The Chinese Immigrant experience’, Critical Studies in Mass Communication, vol 8, pp 91-101 Rhodes, S 2009, Going to the Wall: Touring Melbourne’s Street Art, the Age Newspaper, viewed 14th April 2010, < http://www.theage.com.au/travel/going-tothe-wall-touring-melbournes-street-art-20090730-e34v.html>. Rooney, M 2007, ‘Cosmopolitan Bohemians and Bachelors: Chinese Enclaves in Late 19th-Centurary Australia and the United States’, Antipodes, vol 21, no 2, pp 141-146 Scanlon, C & Mulligan, M 2007, ‘Arts, Agency and Community Engagement’ Identity, Security, Community, Vol. 3, pp.72-80. Village Well 2006, Train Stations as Places for Community Wellbeing, VicHealth, viewed 14th April 2010, <http://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au/~/media/ProgramsandProjects/PlanningHealthyE nvironments/Attachments/Train_Stations_Community_Wellbeing2.ashx>.

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