Their crisis is capitalist Our solution is socialist Communists warn against complacency
THETORY government is a crisis government living from scandal to mistake, from cock-up to conspiracy. Johnson’s ‘faked up’ levelling up strategy and his self-made disaster-prone administration scared Tory MPs into thinking they would lose their seats.
When the Establishment coup deposed Tory backswoods’ heroine Liz Truss it showed just where the deep power of our bourgeoisie lies and how ruthless our ruling class is when things get out of control.
We now have a government that big business and the banks, the security establishment and the markets want.
We have had three prime ministers and four chancellors without an election. The transfer of office from one administration to another was carried on in seclusion with the indulgence of two unelected heads of state over the heads of the people.
Rishi Sunak’s government is not only led by parliament's richest man, it is run in the interests of Britain’s super rich.
While the wealth of the few hundred thousand of the richest people balloons, millions of working people and their families face a chill winter of rising prices, runaway energy bills and price inflation.
The unaccountable Bank of England has pushed up interest rates and dashed the housing hopes of millions with a mortgage famine and mounting mortgage rates.
The big business media, the Times, the Telegraph, the Financial Times – backed up by the BBC – tell us that Sunak and Hunt plan spending cuts and tax rises of up to £50 billion year on year.
Of course these measures are presented as inevitable. The blame is placed on the tanglefoot economics of Kwasi Kwarteng and the arrogance of Liz Truss.
But this crisis is capitalism’s long-time crisis
made out of austerity, privatisation, NATO’s provocation and a decade of wage freeze and rooted in the inherent contradictions of a system that has been in perpetual crisis since the 2008 financial meltdown
Much blame is put on the costs of Covid but the example of China, Cuba, Vietnam and other South East Asian states shows the coronavirus crisis could have been managed without the immense human costs people in the Western capitalist world endured.
Our trade unions are beginning to put up a real fight for pay and are winning big battles. Our demonstration on Saturday 5 November will show solidarity with every worker on strike, the many working families enduring frozen pay and benefit cuts, the many on NHS waiting lists, the people, young and older trapped in housing insecurity or homeless.
It is not only for democracy that we call for a general election now but for a chance to fight for abetter life than that imposed on us by capitalism’s crisis.
The government want cuts in public spending that will degrade our already desperately under-funded public services, social security, health and education services.
It is planning to meet our inevitable resistance with a new batch of repressive laws including legal limits on trade union activity, strikes and protest with new police and public order laws,
With the Tories deeply divided and their 80-seat majority looking rather ragged it should be Labour’s chance to challenge the Tory policies. But Labour’s front bench doesn’t disagree on the essentials of the Tory approach to public finance and stays mostly silent on these attacks on our freedoms and living standards.
The 5 November demonstration, the many strike movements, the rising tide of community action and protest, the threat of rent strikes and tenants action are signs that the fight back is gaining strength.
THECOMMUNIST PARTY has warned the labour movement against complacency after the Tory Party's slump in the opinion polls and the fall of Liz Truss
The Bank of England, the City of London and its financial markets sacked Truss because she had no coherent, credible strategy for subsidising big business profits from a fresh round of severe public spending cuts', young communists’ leader Johnnie Hunter told the late October meeting of the Communist Party’s political committee.
As Rishi Sunak moved into Number Ten, Johnnie Hunter said that the change of prime minister had showed who really runs Britain.
‘Far from being wise, moderate forces for stability, these casino capitalists were prepared to create contrived chaos in the bond and currency markets in order to replace Britain's shortest-serving prime minister with its richest-ever one’ ‘As in the 1960s and 1970s, these same forces would turn ruthlessly on any Labour
government that puts the interests of working people and their families above those of monopoly capital and the super-rich.’
Britain’s Communists said the struggle facing the working class and peoples of England, Scotland and Wales was against not only the Tory government but against a vicious ruling class offensive to slash living standards, public services and trade union and civil liberties.
The Communist Party urged trade unions, the labour movement and the left not to underestimate the capacity of the Tories and their business and media backers to spread lies and divisions between now and the next General Election.
‘Our response must be to support and spread industrial action, turn out in our thousands for the TUC-backed demonstration in London and local picket lines on 5 November and to demand positive left and progressive policies from the Labour Party leadership’, said the Young Communists’ leader.
PHIL KATZ IS THE COMMUNIST PARTY DIRECTOR OF COMMUNICATION
ENGLISH DEVOLUTION
Developments this summer and autumn illustrate important questions about regional policies, democracy, devolution, intervention and decision-making across Britain. In this piece Rob MacDonald argues that there are distinct regional variations in the popular understanding of dervolution. He compares recent developments in the North East and the North West and reviews the situation in Teesside and Greater Manchester and highlight how regional devolution projects and arrangements can vary.
less able to defend their interests. But the reverse is also true. Enhanced democratic arrangements would allow ordinary people to protect and enhance their interests.
I want to focus on two regions of northern England which have devolution deals with the government.
One is the Tees Valley in the north-east and the other is Greater Manchester in the northwest.These are two regions that I am familiar with. In my view, they illustrate the variety of devolution developments which I believe progressive movements need to be aware of.
Other regions may have other arrangements. I'd encourage people everywhere to consider and compare these with their own regional circumstances. My aim is to enhance our understanding of developments wherever we are. This is not a definitive list. It’s a contribution to the debate we need.
Region under scrutiny Redcar and the Teesside region around Middlesbrough recently featured in a special report in Private Eye that raised questions about regeneration and freeport plans at the huge former Redcar steelworks site, described as the largest industrial site in the UK.
when the old Cleveland County was abolished. Previously, the short-lived Teesside County Borough operated in the late 1960s and 1970s.
Tees Valley Mayor Ben Houchen, a Tory, was first elected in 2017 and re-elected in 2021. He is the chair of the South Tees Development Corporation, the first Mayoral Development Corporation outside London.
As mentioned earlier, he is closely associated with major economic and infrastructure interventions. These have included buying a Teesside Airport near Darlington for £40million from the Peel Group and redeveloping the former Redcar steel works site including creating a freeport. He also has plans to invest in expanding railway stations in Middlesbrough and Darlington.
For clarity, this is not an endorsement of Ben Houchen or his policies. But it is an attempt to show he has captured the public mood for major economic intervention. We need to understand the huge significance of these projects to his region, along with looking at any alleged shortcomings, and try to reflect these in our engagements with the public.
There is no doubt that Ben Houchen has captured the public appetite for major regional interventions. Whether this continues under the new government remains to be seen.
SOME English devolution deals include massive interventions into regional economic and infrastructure projects. Meanwhile, others so far appear focused on arguably lower-profile schemes, such as bus services.
Because of these regional variations, public engagement, resonance, support, opposition or indifference to devolution projects and regional mayors can vary from place to place.
This subtlety and variety is important to appreciate. As I’ve argued in previous Morning Star articles, local circumstances, geographic identities and other nuances need to be fully understood by progressive politics so we can fully engage in public discourse in an informed way and be able to refer to local cases – rather than only applying a general, one-size-fits-all critique of all regional devolution developments.
While general, overall criticisms may ultimately be valid, our campaigns can be much more credible and resonant if we truly reflect what’s happening in the regions and the complexities of public opinion. Society contains many contradictions and certain political traditions, such as Marxism, attempt to acknowledge this. So it may be that there are elements of regional devolution projects which are worth acknowledging carry some public support – while also pointing-out what we believe are the weaknesses or failings.
But first, a quick reminder of some recent events.
The Labour Party is reportedly considering policy recommendations in a report by former Prime Minister Gordon Brown to devolve new economic powers, including taxation, to English regions, Scotland and Wales, and to replace the non-elected House of Lords with an elected chamber representation nations and regions. Mr Brown’s constitutional review includes proposals covering future democratic, economic, constitutional and regional mayoral powers, The Guardian recently reported.
Elsewhere, the Conservative Party held its leadership contest and new Prime Minister Liz Truss has formed her government. How this effects government regional policy such as Levelling-Up remains to be seen. (I write this amid the fall-out from the government’s September 2022 mini-budget).
Will the Levelling-Up agenda continue? Time will tell. Elsewhere this autumn, Conservative regional mayor Ben Houchen in the north-east of England is behind the
current demolition of the monumental former Redcar steelworks blast furnace. The vast former Redcar steelworks site has gradually been demolished over the past year or so and is being prepared as part of the UK’s biggest industrial zone complete with freeport plans on sites next to the River Tees and North Sea. Overall, there are 4,500 acres of land and part of it is now branded Tees Works. It includes other plots of land and also the deep-water port of Teesport. A modern port, Teesport is reportedly the third-biggest in the UK and among Europe’s top ten. It handles cargo so the general public is less aware if it because it does not have passenger ferries. The River Tees around Middlesbrough also has other ports, wharfs and jetty facilities serving British, European and global shipping. Cargo can include containers, bulk and raw materials, and manufactured products such as cars.
Debate about standards at lightly-regulated freeports and other associated topics are now under-way and Private Eye magazine recently turned its attention to some Teesside developments. More on this below.
Nearby, environmental concerns have been raised about the deaths of thousands of North Sea crabs and crustaceans along the Teesside and North Yorkshire coast to Whitby. Critics blame dredging of the River Tees for stirringup old industrial waste. The government agency DEFRA has carried out a review and said an algal problem killed the crustaceans. The debate continues.
Local fishing fleets have formed the North East Fishing Collective and commissioned experts at Newcastle, Durham, York and Hull universities to test crustaceans. Their early report, just published, suggests a toxic chemical may have killed the sea creatures.
Meanwhile in another development this autumn, the Communist Party is asking its districts to consider a survey with questions and ideas for a future federal, devolved Britain. This is part of the party’s new Progressive Federalism Commission’s work seeking to identify and assist opportunities for positive change in post-Brexit Britain.
The Communist Party seeks fundamental, revolutionary change. But the path to progress includes engagement in circumstances we find now, including local and national English, Scottish and Welsh constitutional politics. Established local and national government has been weakened, meaning ordinary people are
Questions included national and local democratic scrutiny of decisions concerning the Redcar site, land sales, the awarding of redevelopment contracts to private businesses, and the balance of powers between local councils, the Tees Valley Combined Authority, the regional Tees Valley Conservative Mayor Ben Houchen and others.
All parties concerned with the Redcar site say they are following the rules. But Private Eye suggested developments there illustrate the government’s ‘over-promised and illconceived’ ideas for post-Brexit and freeport arrangements.
Freeports are proposed for regions across Britain. Freeports have been debated elsewhere, such the West Lancashire Borough Council debating Liverpool City Region freeport this summer. Concerns were raised about potential fracking, workers rights and business displacement, with firms abandoning existing locations for the new freeport sites. However the Liverpool City Region Mayor made reassurances that good standards would be protected. The Labour group at West Lancashire Council subsequently accepted the reassurances following a full council debate.
The public probably does not realise that each freeport can potentially cover multiple locations including inland sites. For example, the Liverpool freeport plan currently covers locations across the wider north-west including Salford in Greater Manchester – more than 30 miles from Liverpool.
So, many of the questions raised by Private Eye or by West Lancashire Council may be relevant to other English regions too.
Despite such concerns, it is also important to understand that public opinion, interest and goodwill towards some regional schemes may be high.
On Teesside for example, Conservative Mayor Ben Houchen has been elected twice by the region’s voters. Many people want the new combined regional authority and regional mayor to deliver major regeneration and infrastructure projects.
North-East England – Teesside seeing large-scale interventions
In the north-east, Tees Valley Combined Authority was launched in 2016. It represents five local authorities – Middlesbrough, Darlington, Stockton on Tees, Hartlepool and Redcar & Cleveland. The area has a population of around 700,000.
The region had been without a single authority covering all the area since 1996,
This summer, Ben Houchen criticised the Conservative Party leadership contest for failing to discuss regional policy and levellingup. He has also called on candidates to support a five-point levelling-up pledge.
Former chancellor and Tory leadership candidate Rishi Sunak visited him at Teesworks. (Similar type of calls for levellingup and greater devolution were made by some other regional mayors too during this summer’s Conservative leadership contest.)
At the former Redcar steelworks site, the new Teesworks site is being developed. This is described a s the UK’s largest industrial zone at 4,500 acres. It is located next to the North Sea and River Tees estuary, ports, railways and roads. Plans include a mix of industries including carbon capture, low carbon and green energy developments.
But these have also raised unexpected issues too. Dredging of silt from the River Tees to deepen ports near Teesworks has been blamed for the deaths of thousands of crabs and crustaceans which were washed-up along the east coast of Teesside and North Yorkshire in the past year.
The issue has raised alarm, debate and some protests across the region, from people on Teesside to fishing fleets in Whitby. This issue highlights the complexity of these big developments and public opinion. Many local people felt something environmentally was seriously wrong yet also want to see industrial regeneration and new jobs.
There was also some public unhappiness with the demolition of old industrial landmarks, such as a Brutalist-style 1950s coal tower built by the Dorman Long steel firm. The tower was seen as historically and architecturally important and was listed.
Former government culture secretary Nadine Dorries was involved in the events too. But it was demolished last autumn (2021).
Campaigners felt it was important to retain some historical landmarks alongside regeneration. There was a feeling that local history is important and aspects of it need to be protected.
Elsewhere on the Redcar site is an important building called Steel House. This was built in the 1977 and was the former headquarters for the British Steel Corporation on Teeside and a centre of reseacrh and development. It still stands and hopefully has a future ahead of it. Its surrounding area is earmarked for a park-and-ride site.
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Also nearby but on separate land is the former ICI headquarters at Wilton. Built in 1976, the Wilton Centre is another important example of important office architecture and another symbol that Teesside grew significantly throughout the 1970s. These places were centres for blue and white collar jobs. Science, research and development roles aswell as steelworkers in blast furnaces and rolling mills.
Its important to emphasise the presence of high-skill research and development employment on Teesside because national media portrayals often present the region in cliches. as a sad rust-belt with only unemployed former steelworkers. The reality is much-more complex.
Yes, there are problems. But significant expertise and facilities remain. The ecomomy has diversified. Human ingenuity and spirit remains, individually and collectively. Social, economic and political change is constant. Positive change can come in the future, if our politics enables it. This is the case with other regions too.
Teesside airport and DoncasterSheffield airport
Teesside International Airport, near Darlington, had been a small but longestablished regional airport. But in recent years it was threatened with closure and there were claims that a major northern private land and property developer, Peel Group, wanted to, in effect, run it down so the land could be developed for housing or some other use.
But Ben Houchen bought the airport with public money, which has since seen airlines and services starting to return, invested further in facilities and has attracted other air industry businesses. But these are still early days and events can change quickly.
Regional airports elsewhere in the north have made the news recently with DoncasterSheffield Airport, where Peel has again been involved, as previously with Teesside Airport.
Teesside Mayor Ben Houchen has spokenout about this too. For clarity, this is a north-east Conservative politician criticising a major private business operating across the north but based in the north-west.
By the way, South Yorkshire, trade unions, civic leaders and the public have protested about Doncaster Sheffield Airport’s current threat of closure. Over 70,000 people signed a petition against the closure. Peel recently announced in autumn 2022 its intention to close the airport, saying it is unviable. A protest campaign is underway in South Yorkshire.
Of course, there is some political debate on Teesside too about devolution.
For example, Councillor Sue Jeffrey, a former Labour Tees Valley Mayor candidate and former leader of Redcar & Cleveland Council, is a keen advocate of regional devolution but has also raised concerns about democracy, public engagement, complexity and transparency of current arrangements.
She is an excellent speaker on regional affairs. She spoke at an event called Tees Politics, History & Ideas in Middlesbrough last November. Other speakers included Teesside University researchers, political activists, north-east journalists and writers. One of them charted Westminster government regional steel industry policies over the decades under Labour and Conservative governments. That story in itself highlighted the huge power of Westminster decisionmaking on the regions of England, Scotland and Wales since the Second World War, for good or bad.
Manchester’s dominance and the wider North
As part of regional awareness and debate we need to question some dominant narratives and rcase studies which have tended to dominate English devolution news and debate.
For example. we need to be cautious about the tendency for national media and national politics to present Manchester, Manchester politicians and Greater Manchester devolution arrangements as the desired models and solutions for English devolution, regional democracy and regeneration.
Manchester does not represent other places. It cannot ‘speak’ for the wider north. And there is much to be done to address
multiple problems in Manchester itself and Greater Manchester.. The region has gross inequalities and its own north-south divide.
Furthermore, Manchester is not typical of other northern towns and cities. It has less reliance on manufacturing and heavy industries. It also has northern bases for London-based institutions such as the BBC and the British Council. Its population also has close links with London, partly through business and education, with many London students at Manchester universities. Manchester and London have multiple links.
London’s influence is arguably much lesser in other northern regions. And those regions have much-lower profiles in the national conversation than Manchester.
Manchester’s dominance of the regional devolution and regeneration narrative includes the dominance of Manchester City Council, its long-ruling Labour Party leaderships, and its narratives about propertyled regeneration and being a devolution pioneer.
For decades, the city council, led by former long-serving Labour leader Sir Richard Leese and former chief executive Sir Howard Bernstein, set the tone for Manchester politics and messages to the rest of Britain. The council’s property-led focus seemed unchallenged for decades, with a few exceptions. The Labour Party in Manchester, both councillors and local party members, collectively supported the consensus for years.
Occasionally, the media has raised some serious questions about this property-led approach, especially the lack of affordable homes. Real progressives should make themselves aware of the wider debate.
Greater Manchester outer boroughs Arguably, central Manchester’s huge growth has weakened outlying borough’s economies, political life, council leadership, local pride and confidence.
There are often feelings in the poorer boroughs of being left behind, of resentment, powerlessness and embarrassment about the state of their home towns. Too many young people refer to their unfashionable home towns as ‘crap’, ‘shit-holes’ or ‘dead'.
Greater Manchester tram lines offer greener transport. Clearly the tram network is important in many ways and an achievement. But there are also fears that the tram network assists the economic power of the city centre by moving people, jobs and businesses into central Manchester. I’ve heard stories about the loss of staff and local professional services – such as solicitors, accountants or architects –relocating from outlying boroughs into central Manchester.
Is this what we aspire to with regional development? Surely not. This illustrated the complexity of regional developments and public opinion. One the one hand, most welcome a modern tram network. On the other hand, people see local life, pride and ecomomies suffering.
The sheer power of Manchester has, I believe, had serious consequences at many levels. Yet progressive voices of friendly criticism or alternative proposals seem rare. Unravelling public support for the good aspects of Greater Manchester from the bad is very difficult. The city council narrative that Manchester is a buzzing, tolerant, liberal metropolis of equality and opportunity is really strong. Business and alternative counter-culture is often combined.
For example. An apartment block is named after The Hacienda nightclub. An office block is called No 1 Tony Wilson Place. A major new £168 million arts and concert venue is called Factory International after Factory Records. Sited within the new First Street property development is an arts centre and a statue of Friederich Engels, brought to Manchester from Ukraine. And the opening of the new 6.5acre Mayfield Play Park (arguably a green drop in an ocean of property development) is met with almost universal aclaim. Some might argue this mish-mash of developments and references is typical of Manchester. Perhaps. But it also makes a progressive critique of contemporary Manchester regeneration and politics challenging.
To question the property-led regeneration consensus risks being seen as a kill-joy. To
query the dozens of skyscrapers and apartment blocks rising in the city centre risks being seenas anti-modern or anti-change.
Yes, high buildings and modern architecture can be exciting and beautiful. But we need to consider multiple factors including affordable housing, the value of old and new architecture, the need for public spaces and other facilities. There are other approaches to architecture, planning, cities, towns and regional development in northern Europe which do not replicate New York, Dubai or Shanghai models. Progressives need to engage in debates about planning and architecture.
In so many ways, Greater Manchester politics is crying-out for knowledgable, alternative, progressive voices.
There may be similar cases of big-city domination in other regions too? Does Birmingham dominate Walsall and Wolverhampton, help or hinder the wider Midlands? What about Nottingham and Derby? Bristol and the west? London and Manchester’s dual dominance seems to drownout all other regional discussions.
So, for many reasons, alternative models for regional progress, democracy and regeneration need to raised.
Where does economic power lie in Manchester?
In Greater Manchester, the Labour regional mayor, Andy Burnham, has been associated with attempts to re-regulate bus services, tackle homelessness and with his anger at the Westminster government’s pandemic lockdown system of local tiers last winter. But he is lessassociated with economic intervention. His remit includes police, fire and planning responsibilities. But not the economy.
Interestingly, the economic and business role at Greater Manchester Combined Authority, which consists of ten borough council leaders, lies with to Bev Craig, the new Leader of Manchester City Council. Again, Manchester City Council arguably continues to dominate the economic debate at Greater Manchester Combined Authority.
The national media often portrays Andy Burnham as ‘King of the North’. But his really major achievements are, arguably, debatable. His regular high profile is significantly linked to his past role as an Westminster MP and ongoing debate that he might one day lead the national Labour Party.
Although public support for him has generally been high, it may be superficial. His popularity is partly-based on factors such as his affable personality and that, so far, he has mainly been associated with uncontentious issues, such as bus regulation or finding shelter for the homeless. Who would argue with these types of topics?
But public support is not as strong as it may seem. Unpopular issues, such as plans to introduce Clean Air Zone road traffic charges, have led to public opinion backlashes. To be fair, it was the Westminster government which wanted local authorities to draw-up clean air systems. But in their implementation, Andy Burnham and Greater Manchester Combined Authority were exposed to public disapproval which included complaints about a lack of public consultation, especially with neighbouring northern regions outside Greater Manchester such as Lancashire.
These events challenged the narrative that Greater Manchester is a benign city-region acting in the interests of the whole north. It suggested a large, bureaucratic, enforcing administration rather than a creative political project which aspires to enable people.
Manchester was among the ‘core cities’ focused on under David Cameron and George Osborne’s Northern Powerhouse era. But times have changed. More-recent Westminster projects under Boris Johnson brought new regional mayors and devolution deals elsewhere, and new projects such as Freeports, Levelling-Up and Town Deals.
Devolution alternatives including progressive federalism There are some networks of smaller cities and local councils which are alternatives to the ‘core cities’ approach focused on the very biggest cities, which has dominated much mainstream English regional debate in recent years.
Examples include Key Cities, which has 25 local authorities including many smaller cities with a focus on urban innovation, and the UK100, which aims for local activity on climate change.
Elsewhere, the Communist Party has created a Progressive Federalism Commission to consider ideas for future democratic arrangements for England, Scotland and Wales. The Communist Party seeks fundamental, revolutionary change. It advocates a range of actions over time. The path to progress includes engagement in circumstances we find now, including established local and national constitutional politics. This forms the basis for the party’s programme, Britain’s Road To Socialism.
But the party advocates meaningful, significant change within established arrangements, including proportional representation in elections, scrapping the House of Lords, creating regional assemblies and enabling ‘popular sovereignty’ – where decision-making genuinely lies with the people, nations and regions.
Communist Party district organisations and branches are being asked to consider a range of questions and ideas this autumn. Feedback will then be used to further-shape the Communist Party’s work regarding future options for England, Scotland and Ireland.
This includes ideas on local government services, powers and democracy, scrapping the House of Lords, creating elected English regional assemblies using proportional representation, and genuinely bringing powers to people in localities and regions rather than Westminster government or other structures which are remote from popular pressure.
The party’s East of England District has recently created a fascinating report called ‘Eastern Rising'. This looks at topics in Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. It attempts to take the core principles of Britain’s Road To Socialism and apply them to life in eastern England now and how it might be in the future. It is an excellent document and wellworth reading. The hope is that other regions will look in detail at their own circumstances and attempt to set-out aspirations for the future.
Democracy in post-Brexit Britain is at the centre of the Progressive Federalism Commission’s project – not bureaucratic tinkering or dry, constitutional debates.
Democracy includes key questions of national sovereignty, public political participation, elected regional assemblies, new democratic powers to intervene in national and regional matters, and new regional taxand-spending powers. Perhaps even a highly topical debate about the monarchy?
But more-detailed proposals are needed for these topics rather than relying on vague ideas and wishes. This is especially the case for regional assemblies. Some people have suggested new English regional assemblies could be based on current TUC regions?
English assembly powers, structures, systems and boundaries need some serious thought. In Cornwall, there are also questions being raised about nationhood, a national parliament, Cornish language and culture, and other issues. There is plenty to consider.
Progressives must give consideration to new regional and federal options. There are many urgent issues at the moment, such as the costof-living crisis and industrial militancy. But other matters will need attention too.
We must have ideas for systems and structures. We already understand different types of organisations at local, regional and national levels – political parties, unions, trades councils, the TUC, co-operatives, district, county and metropolitan councils; regional combined authorities, national parliaments and governments, communes, soviets, worker-councils, syndicalism etc.
Therefore, we must be capable of putting together some serious ideas for a future federal, devolved England, Scotland and Wales. These tasks cannot be ignored.
England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland face ongoing changes, risks, challenges and opportunities. Progressive politics, especially in England, must push for new regional and national arrangements
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October 2022 | 5 SCIS
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8 | October 2022 MORNING STAR The Morning Star fringe will be in the Conference Centre room 8 Tuesday 18/10 at 1245 November Unity ONE.qxp_Layout 1 01/11/2022 10:42 Page 8
