redscare
Taking the union’s campaign forward Communists within PCS have been a strong but critical friend of the national campaign from the outset. However, it is clear from our analysis of the latest phase of the campaign this spring, and the dynamic behind the national consultation exercise over the summer that, there is much to be done in order to secure progress on our key objectives. Before stressing the political and industrial elements of our campaign that we believe are required and should figure in discussions across the left (inside and outside of PCS), during the consultation exercise, at Left Unity Conference and in the run up to next year’s ADC there is a key factor that must be addressed. Simply put many parts of PCS have yet to adopt the organising agenda meaningfully and with the required level of discipline. Many Branches for example do not have active Branch Committees and lack the networks to communicate urgent industrial messages across their workplaces; deliver action at relatively short notice and otherwise promote national initiatives at a local level. Notwithstanding facility time cuts which have resulted in fewer reps with less time to engage with members, the hostility of the environment we find ourselves in demands that organising short-comings are addressed rather than tolerated. If we are to stand a chance in the battles
ahead this must be addressed. There must be a bigger focus on building branches to be effective at campaigning and organising. This requires a fundamental revision of the structure of PCS, allowing more focus on organising but not merely in a tick box exercise for the ‘Count me in’ campaign, rather a fully focused organising model on developing campaigning and fighting branches. PCS needs to look at its resource, from top to bottom, and change the focus of its operations. Build membership levels and participation rates, build effective branch communication systems, build a culture of organising across all roles. Communists have argued that one form of action is not a substitute for another – we need to bring all forces into play if we are to oppose austerity and the impact on our class. We need the big demonstrations such as the 29 September in Manchester. We need to build on the great Peoples’ Assembly Against Austerity where over 4000 people agreed to organise in their towns and communities – PCS can play a big part in mobilising both for the demonstration against the Tories and in using its network of activists to build local Peoples’ Assemblies. Communists in Broadening the Battle Lines argued that unions should organise generalised industrial action against government austerity – this would include a
Communists in PCS campaign special General Strike. PCS can play its part in this of course. Firstly we can organise in our own Industry. We recognise that attempts to identify industrial targets within every respective group and national branch within the union has led to dilution in many areas with hastily developed plans which do not have the industrial leverage to hurt the employer. But there is a number of key programmes the government is seeking to implement that are totally reliant up on the compliance of PCS members for their delivery, we should target those programmes and change our focus to where we can actually hurt the employer. To narrow our target list but strengthen our activity should be more effective, easier to communicate to members, and have demonstrably better results. This should be supplemented by cross-union action and a levy of members to build up a strike fund for the battle ahead. Finally a key part of the ongoing campaign must be recognition of the requirement to repair relationships and speak to other public sectors unions –. We should build on the joint agreement with Unite where we can. But this requires local government and education unions working alongside PCS. To truly defeat this government we need to build wide alliances that have the trade unions at their core. H
Bill Greenshields provides a sweeping analysis of the current crisis of capitalism, the class war being waged by the ConDem coalition government and the steps that need to be taken to build a People's movement in response. £2 from www.communist-party.org.uk
Europe of the bankers and big business
Root and branch, the European Union is an apparatus of monopoly capitalism. It is organised in such a way that it cannot be substantially ‘reformed’ in the interests of workers or the people generally. Ruling classes across Europe are using the EU in every way possible to enhance their interests and maximise the exploitation and oppression of working people . We already have the judgements at the EU Court of Justice, undermining national collective agreements negotiated by trade unions, allowing employers to import cheap, super-exploited labour from across the EU . In July 2009, the European Union Commission’s economic and financial committee (ECOFIN) instructed EU member state governments to plan for spending cuts from 2010. It also stipulated that such cuts should be linked to ‘labour market reforms…
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Morning Star Daily paper of the left £1 from your newsagent www.morningstaronline.co.uk www.communist-party.org.uk www.solidnet.com 21centurymanifesto.wordpress.com revolting-europe.com
to facilitate appropriate wage setting and labour mobility across sectors and regions (of the EU)' . The following year ECOFIN declared Britain’s budget cuts ‘not sufficiently ambitious’ … and so the story continues. Of course, such messages are welcomed by the British capitalist class and its government. They are determined that we should accept them meekly . It should not be forgotten that the founding Treaty of Rome (1957) provided for the creation of a ‘free market’ for goods, services, capital and labour across Europe. That means the freedom of big business to maximise profit, free from any controls by democratically elected national governments. Article 98 of the 2007 EU Lisbon Constitutional Treaty (200) confirms that ‘Member States and the Community shall act in accordance with the principle of an open
market economy with free competition' . Of course, every now and then the EU leaders have to make a show that there is a ‘social Europe’ in which social justice prevails. In February 2013, therefore, a heads of government summit decided to limit bankers’ bonuses to no more than their annual salary (or twice that if shareholders approve) . It was largely a fraud, to fool people that something was finally being done . But without a cap on salaries or other incomes, the banks can simply award their directors and top dealers more in salaries, pension entitlements and free or cut-price shares. And higher salaries will mean higher bonuses! At the same time, the measure could establish the principle of dealing with bankers’ bonuses on an EU-wide scale, with a view to creating a level playing field between Frankfurt, Paris and relatively unregulated London . This was too much for Cameron who, along with LibDem leaders Nick Clegg and Vince Cable, had promised do do something about fat bonuses . On behalf of the British government, he opposed it and hopes to amend the regulations before they become EU law in 2014 . Nonetheless, it is significant the British government and the EU have to claim to be doing something about the corporate tax dodgers and fat cats . They know that there is growing anger and hostility among working people and their families, who oppose such blatant unfairness and inequality. The Tories, LibDems and EU bankers and bureaucrats know that they cannot simply ignore such opposition . What could we achieve with a sustained and militant movement that understands why this crisis has arisen and why workers are under attack; that opposes all austerity and privatisation; and that unites around a positive economic and social programme for the future? H
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