Winter 2012
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After the TUC demo... After N14...
WE’RE BACK: WHAT NEXT? Hundreds of thousands protested on the TUC demonstration in October. �ey showed that the movement against the cuts has recovered from the sell-out of the pensions dispute in December 2011. On this basis, and with serious further work, protests and a day of co-ordinated strike action are a serious possibility. But those hundreds of thousands of marchers (and millions more working people like them) are now asking one simple question: what next? An answer is in part provided by the day of strike action centred on Spain, Portugal and Greece on 14 November. �is marks the single greatest co-ordinated day of protest since the international day of anti-war protests on 15 February 2003. �is protest will not involve the same numbers but is the �rst serious co-ordinated response by organised labour to the global economic crisis. One day strikes won’t stop austerity on their own. In Greece there have been 17 one day general strikes. But for Britain it would be an enormous step forward if there were a one day strike of this kind. �e TUC has voted to examine the possibility. But anyone with any knowledge of current union strength knows there will need to be a great deal of work done for this call to meet with success. Unions will need meetings, workplace by workplace, section by section, to win the argument. Joint union and anti-cuts campaign rallies must be held in every town and city. Mass lea�eting and postering, online campaigns and much more will be necessary to build the momentum. Rhetoric is one thing; e�ective, organised and successful action is another. �at battle can be won. But it is not won yet. �e Coalition of Resistance (CoR) is a broad united campaign working to create a society-wide atmosphere in which such action would be successful. CoR placards were widespread on the demonstration, underlining the popularity of the ‘no cuts’ stance in opposition to Ed Miliband’s speech, which reinforced the message that Labour would make the same cuts as the government but more slowly.
© Jess Hurd/TUC
BY JOHN REES
�e simple, clear demands of the People’s Petition Against Austerity launched by CoR in the Guardian is already gaining thousands of signatures. It is an essential campaigning tool in the �ght for further action. �e People’s Assembly due to take place early 2013, which is part of the Coalition of Restistance strategy, can also become an important united
rallying point. �ese are real, concrete initiatives which can underpin the more radical forms of action needed to break the ConDem government. SIGN THE PETITION HERE go to: coalitionofresistance.org.uk
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OBAMA WINS...BUT HAS HOPE GONE? BY SANUM GHAFOOR Barack Obama’s second term was won with a much reduced majority. Where did the hope go? In 2009, Barack Obama won the U.S presidential elections with a substantial majority against former Republican president George W. Bush. Obama had the highest approval ratings (76%) since John Kennedy. The first African American president, Obama seemed to many to be the change the United States wanted and needed. However, Obama’s approval ratings began to slowly disappear. As soon as he came into office, his administration offered a great deal of ammunition to their critics. From his handling of the economy, to his refusal to pull the troops out of Afghanistan and Iraq as early as promised, the Obama administration brought about much disappointment to Democrats and gleeful delight to Republicans. The decline in poll ratings is partially due to his track record in foreign policy - it’s far from the change he promised prior to his presidency. Having pledged to close the Guantanamo Bay prison within his first year, today it remains open with over 160 prisoners still detained. The escalation of drone strikes under the Obama administration exceeds that of his predecessor George Bush six times over, resulting in four times as many civilian deaths. Obama’s ‘success’ in Iraq and his labelling of Afghanistan as ‘the good war’ has angered many of his supporters - it is clear he failed to ‘win the hearts and minds’ of many Afghans, Pakistanis, Yeminis, Somalis and Iraqis. Obama’s history with dictators and tyrants is much the same as the British government ‘you’re a bitch, but you’re OUR BITCH’. Until the uprising in Egypt, Obama considered Hosni Mubarak a dear friend and great ally and even went as far as dubbing him ‘a force for good and stability in the region.’ In the same way, though currently critical of the Syrian regime, Obama
An audience waiting for the left BY COUNTERFIRE As Europe’s economic miseries deepen, the public mood is shifting dramatically against the ‘free market’ system. In May the Pew Global Attitudes Project revealed that since the financial crisis hit Europe in 2009 there has been ‘a fullblown crisis of public confidence’ in the economy, the EU and Euro, and the free market. Despite majority backing for the system in Germany, Britain and France, in crisis-stricken southern Europe support has crashed to below 50%. Only 2% of Greeks are happy with their ‘national condition’. In Spain, 10%. Only 30% are happy with the state of things in Britain; around 70% worry they will not have enough money to live
comfortably (Yougov.co.uk) In his 2011 study ‘The Crisis of the British Regime,’ Adrian Cousins revealed that survey evidence for the last 25 years indicates ‘a substantial decline in confidence in parliament, national government, politicians, political parties, the banks, the press and to a lesser extent the police.’ All this with up to 90% of cuts yet to come! Unfortunately, industrial action is at an historical low despite last year’s excellent mass strikes. But at the same time the amount of people taking part in protests has rarely been higher. Over 3 million protested between 2000 and 2005. Over half a million protested at last year’s TUC demonstration; up to 300,000 did this year. Between 1981 and 2006 the number
of people who consider themselves left wing shot from 5 million to 7 million. Nearly 2.5 million young people self-identified as left wing; 750,000 as far-left. Many of these people are not in trade unions. But they have a taste for politics. 56% of young people say they have an interest in politics, but dismiss Westminster as ‘unrepresentative.’ To rebuild the trade union movement we must start on the streets where people are most confident. To raise workers’ confidence to meet the level of anger against austerity will require strategy and a willingness to go out and connect with a new audience for radical politics. Evidence suggests such an audience is not only out there, it’s waiting for the left to get its act together and engage with it.
remains silent on the human rights record of his allies in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. Alongside dissatisfaction with the president, the speed with which the Republican Party began to politically recover was unusually rapid. With the ‘grassroot’ Tea Party getting excess amounts of coverage, especially from the ‘fair and balanced’ Fox News, and the Birthers, those who claim Obama is not a citizen of the United States, the right is a powerful political force. The Republicans began their number one goal - not to reduce the debt, not to protect citizens against ‘terrorist’ threats, not to deal with climate change but as Mitch McConnell, the US senator from Kentucky, boasted, ‘to ensure Obama remains a one-term president.’ Running against the likes of Michelle Bachman, Newt Gingrich and Hermain Cain, it’s easy to see how Romney won - he won by default for looking the most like a president and for acting seemingly less barmy than the others. The first presidential debate helped his image greatly as Obama allowed flip flop Romney to look like a credible opponent and president. The third debate showed that though both parties have opposing views on some issues, in terms of foreign policy both candidates sing from the same hymn sheet. In the case of Iran, Romney echoes Obama’s cry for war and talks at great lengths about the need to ‘impose new sanctions’, and to ‘tighten the sanctions we currently have’ against Iran. Both candidates are itching for a war with Iran - it’s merely a question of when. As regards Israel, it’s difficult to tell who loves Netanyahu more - with Obama declaring ‘Israel is our greatest ally in the region” and Romney claiming ‘If Israel is attacked, we have their back - militarily,’ it’s obvious why both candidates failed to mention the plight of the indigenous Palestinians. Americans - at least black, Latino, women and poor Americans - voted in the greatest numbers for Obama. They voted for what they hope would be the lesser evil. But whether Obama will be the same or better than a Romney Presidency is in the hands of the people who voted for Obama, not the president himself. If they turn the majority anti-war sentiment in the US into a political movement, then US foreign policy can be forced into a less aggressive posture. If the millions who are hurting economically rebuild the unions and echo the anti-capitalist sentiments of the Occupy movement then the US elite are in trouble. The hope now lies outside establishment politics, not in the White House.
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Firebox: the new centre of sedition BY FEYZI ISMAIL Since opening a month ago, Firebox has lit up King’s Cross and its environs, and has had rave reviews in the Guardian, the Independent, Time Out, New Internationalist and the Camden New Journal. Described as a recreation of the eighteenth century political coffee house, Firebox is fast becoming an important meeting place for the left and the movement. When Tony Benn cut the ribbon at the launch he said it was a significant moment, and all those who are fighting for justice would need Firebox in the future. Andrew Murray from Unite, the biggest trade union in the country, welcomed the café and event space as exactly the kind of imaginative project the left should be involved in. The reviews were no less enthusiastic. ‘It beats Starbucks any day’ said the Guardian’s Patrick Kingsley, and comedian Steve Parry wrote in the New Internationalist that ‘In an era when coffee shop culture is dominated by sterile homogenized clone cafés serving up empty consumerism’ Firebox is ‘unlike anything I’ve come across before.’ A range of campaigning groups - from Coalition of Resistance to World Development Movement to Verso Books - have hosted meetings and discussions at Firebox, and the likes of Tariq Ali, Seumas Milne and Lindsey German have spoken to packed audiences. Tariq Ali was part of a student event, Marxism and the Movement, and spoke about imperialism, the Arab revolutions, and the complexities of the Syrian opposition as links with the US and its allies are strengthened. Seumas Milne focused on his new book The Revenge of History, a collection of articles that analyse the failure of neoliberal politics and point to why we should be optimistic about the possibilities for a revitalised left. Milne interrupted his talk to congratulate Firebox.
On Halloween, Lindsey German discussed the origins and myths of witchcraft through an analysis of the oppression of women over the centuries. Other events have included Nina Power on police and protest, and a discussion with Mike Berlin on his research about the Partisan Coffee House, established in 1958 by Eric Hobsbawm and Raphael Samuel, and which briefly became a hub for a radical new left. The enthusiastic response to Firebox shows the need for a left wing café and event space in central London, one that has the potential to become a centre for organising and political debate in the movement, and one that draws new people into the movement. As Firebox develops it will host exhibitions, more film screenings, a weekly review of news highlights on Saturdays, and much more. Counterfire has been central to the success of Firebox, from organising key events to launching an appeal for donations. This appeal has gone out to trade unions, members of the public and everyone who supports Firebox. If you haven’t been approached and would like to donate, please do get in touch. Firebox needs your money to keep going, but we need your ideas too. If you want to hire the space, share your skills or organise an event, then Firebox needs your help to thrive as a centre of sedition. Visit fireboxlondon.net or email info@fireboxlondon.net.
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Kick profit out of education When hundreds of thousands of students occupied and demonstrated in 2010, it changed the nature of arguments around austerity and protest forever. A�er almost every mass action in the last three years, opposition to the government’s austerity programme has risen - but never more dramatically than a�er the National Union of Students (NUS) last marched. Now a�er over 18 months of maddening inactivity, the NUS have called another demonstration in London on 21st November. �e protest will give voice to growing anger among students against the creeping privatisation of higher education, elitist tuition fees and the unsurprising failure of ‘the Millionaire Coalition’ to tackle youth unemployment. �e NUS has its limits, set by a leadership which has refused its natural role of building militant resistance to the decimation of British universities. It has also failed to unite meaningfully with the wider trade union and anticuts movements, as evidenced by its lukewarm support for the TUC demonstration on 20th October. �is intermittent and sectional action against education cuts has severely weakened the student movement. What is critical now is for the new generation of activists created in 2010 to argue for what the NUS has failed to: universal solidarity. �e attack on education cannot be viewed in isolation from the attack on healthcare, welfare and democracy. Only organisations that recognise this, like the Coalition of Resistance, have the potential to pull together a
© Pete Riches
BY MYA POPE-WEIDEMANN
mass movement with the strength and breadth to oppose austerity. Universities have always been a central battleground in the �ght for democracy because the expansion of education, when it leads to organised participation of students in politics, poses a signi�cant threat to the ruling classes. It was a leading factor in the growth of the civil rights, anti-war and other progressive movements in
the 1960s. �e national de�cit remains lower now than during the post-war expansion of education and introduction of the NHS. But now when the capitalist system is again in crisis, the recession is being used to legitimise the retraction of those rights. We must �ght for them together or lose them all. �e NUS demonstration presents a unique opportunity to bring together
diverse elements of the movement and breathe life back into the UK student movement. What we can achieve will depend on our ability to persevere and to recognise that we are one struggle, opposing one system. While resistance rages from Portugal to Greece, here the advocates of austerity are waiting for us to accept defeat. Show them not to hold their breath.
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