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Title: Space Oddities An archipelago of 10 heterotopic enclaves in relation with micro-cultures in an unknown city of Bangkok

Author: Dalia Puodziute Student number: r0600373 Student e-mail: dalia.puodziute@kuleuven.be

Academic Promotor: Tomas Ooms Faculty of Architecture KU Leuven Campus Sint-Lucas Ghent

International Master Program: Science in Architecture: Resilient and Sustainable Strategies

University: KU Leuven Campus Sint-Lucas Ghent Faculty of Architecture Hoogstraat 51, 9000 Ghent, Belgium

Date: 17th of June, 2019

© 2019 by Faculty of Architecture, KU Leuven campus Sint-Lucas, Hoogstraat 9000 Ghent, Belgium

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Table of Contents:

Chapter No.1 An Odyssey of Deviating Paths 1.1. Unknown City …………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 1.2. An Object ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………9 1.3. Micro Expedition of CO2 and Particulate Matters ………………………………………………………………..9 1.4. Religious Ambience ………………………………………………………………………………………………….19 1.5. Khôra. Territoriality …………………………………………………………………………………………………..21 Chapter No.2 Perceptions of Cemeteries 2.1.Contrasting Notions Through the History …………………………………………………………………………29 2.2. A Border Between Two Worlds ……………………………………………………………………………………..31 2.3. Enclaves in Contemporary Cities …………………………………………………………………………………..35 2.4. Temporality and Permanence. San Francisco - Colma Case …………………………………………………….37 2.5. Heterotopia ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………41 2.6. From Anthropological Place to Non-Place ………………………………………………………………………..41 2.7. Paradise. Terrestrial Garden. Axis Mundi…………………………………………………………………………..43 2.8. Bangkok Soil Composition.Flooding situations…………………………………………………………………..47 2.9. Narrative - Synthesis -Reflection. Exemplar Cases of Cemeteries ……………………………………………..49 2.10. Soundscape and Behaviourology …………………………………………………………………………………51 Chapter No.3 Cultural Appropriations of Local Heterotopias and Public Spaces in Bangkok 3.1 (Non)Intentional Public Space. Indoor. Outdoor………………………………………………………………….53 3.2. Cemeteries of Bangkok / Microcosms / Experimental Grounds .……………………………………………….59 3.3. Situatedness. Comprehensive City Planning. Macro-Cultures………………………………………………….63 3.5. Sited / Nomadic / Cyber Micro-Cultures…………………………………………………………………………..68 3.6. Reality Check………………………………………………………………………………………………………….71 3.7. Traditional Drawing Projections. Drawing Projection Methodologies…………………………………………77 Chapter No.4 Eerie Cemetery Space With a New Twist - 10 Manifestos 4.1.Urgency and Potential ……………………………………………………………………………………………..…83 4.2. 10 Urban Laboratories - ‘The ___ Garden’ / ‘The Garden of ___’………………………………………………86 4.3. Conclusions ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….190 List of Sources ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 195 Bibliographical List………………………………………………………………………………………………………198 Consulted Professionals .………………………………………………………………………………………………..198

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| Fig.1 A timeline of essential words, expressions and references in a sense of entanglement. Produced by the author. |

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Chapter No.1 An Odyssey of Deviating Paths I perceive this Master Dissertation as a sequence where at certain points there were decisions to be made and paths to neglect in order to continue to the point for the final outcome. The way it all started might seem thematically different from the point this odyssey took me at the very end but allow me to narrate and guide through all of it from the very beginning.

1.1. Unknown City 2nd of August 2018. For the very first time, I landed on the terrain of Asia at Suvarnabhumi Airport in Bangkok, Thailand. The continent of Asia was completely terra incognita to me as well as the real tropical climate which hit from the very first breath - humidity, heat of 33° and all kinds of odours were intensively present telling the stories of different localities. The smell of the water was infusible in almost every street revealing the proximity of the groundwater and network of canals (khlongs), the horrible smell of burning liquid mixed with pleasant smells of food suggested the vastness of Thai street food culture and the smell of car fumes pointed out the problems of extreme traffic conditions. After living in Bangkok for almost 141 days the city still remained ‘unknown’ due to continuous rapid sprawl happening constantly, metabolism within the urban pattern and the process of gentrification which the city is experiencing at the moment and highly saturated dynamics and vibrancy of the street culture where artefacts of everyday life are inscribed within the public spaces. ‘ The Unknown City is an intriguing title for a collection of chapters on the city: the city is saturated with people, their movements; millions of eyes watching the world . . . surely the city is well-known? Surely, there are no places in the city that are unknown. On the other hand, no one knows everything about the city. The question is, then, how—and why— particular urban spaces become known and unknown.’ (1 - Reference in p.195) The concept of unknowingness remained through the whole development of the project. Not being able to come back to reconsult the locations provoked to project to a remote location by collaging my own memories, observations and later gained knowledge of the sites resulting in a creation of memory of a city which will always remain unknown.

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| Fig.2 What is this particle? Captured by the author. |

| Fig.3 Are you aware of what you breath in every minute? Bangkok air sample. Captured by the author. |

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1.2. An Object What is this particle? Are we aware of what we breathe into our lungs every few seconds? Dependently from the location on the globe the air consists of various gasses, predominantly around 78% of Nitrogen (N2), 21% of Oxygen (O2) and all the rest is constituted by toxic gasses and particulate matters such as Argon (Ar), Carbon dioxide (CO2), Neon (Ne), Helium (He), Methane (CH4), Hydrogen (H2), Krypton (Kr), Ozone (O3), Nitrogen dioxide (NO2), Hydrocarbons (HC), Carbon Monoxide (CO), Sulphur Dioxide (SO2), Formaldehyde (CH2O), Chlorofluorocarbon (CCL3F), Mercury (Hg) and various bacterias, viruses and fungus. In the locality of Bangkok the measurement of air quality index (AQI) is at high importance due to unhealthy conditions which restrict inhabitants from certain activities outside during certain moments of the year. The main pollutants in the air of Bangkok are particulate matters (63%), ozone (15%) and nitrogen dioxide (NO2). (2 Reference in p.195) The air becomes a definition of the urban condition. When breathed in, particulate matters get stuck in the lungs, through time cause various diseases and even lead to death. But where do those particulate matters and CO2 come from?

1.3. Micro Expedition of CO2 and Particulate Matters In the locality of Bangkok there are several sources of CO2 and particulate matters pollution. The highest percentage is released through the burning processes in the engines of the cars and spread daily in the roads and highways. In industrial areas, factories contribute to the pollution as well, although the catastrophic amounts of CO2 are being released into the air during the early spring months when in the eastern part of Bangkok farmers burn sugar cane fields. The thick smog covers Bangkok during that period causing serious and sometimes deathly conditions. Thai government is taking several actions in order to cope with the disastrous problem by closing schools, giving free respirators to the residents, using water cannons and even releasing silver iodide material from helicopters in the clouds to provoke rain which would capture particulate matters from the smog and pull particles down from the air to the ground.(3 - Reference in p.195) Although those are not the only sources of CO2 pollution in the city. Thailand being a religious country with Buddhism as a dominant religion perform cremation processes in the vast majority of Bangkok’s temples that are allocated in the central parts of the city as well as in other districts that are full of residents, workers, and travellers.

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| Fig.4 Compressed CO2 from ~ 25 000m2 of air. Captured by the author. |

| Fig.5 Particulate matters from ~ 25 000m2 of air. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.6. Spatial dispersion of CO2 and Particulate Matters in the area of Bangkok. Air as a definition of urban condition. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.7. Spatial dispersion of CO2 and Particulate Matters in epicentre of Bangkok with focus on traffic and crematoriums. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.8. Origins of CO2 and Particulate Matters in Bangkok: a) Factories b) Traffic c) Burning Sugar Cane Fields d) Cremation Processes. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.10. Religious Ambience: a) Monk dressed in traditional saffron robe b) Traditional House for Spirits + Pink Fanta, incense and flowers c) Hundreds of Temples d) Abandoned Sathorn Unique Tower - the presence of superstitious beliefs reflected towards the abandoned structure.

Produced by the author. | | Fig. 9. Previous page. Skyline of Bangkok - air pollution, Chao Phraya river, abandoned Sathorn Unique tower. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.11. Burial Rituals in Dominant Religions Worldwide: a) Christianity (32%) - Burial in a Coffin (optional body embalming, increasing popularity of cremation), b) Islam (23%) - Natural Burial in the Soil (cremation is forbidden), c) Hinduism (15%) - Cremation, d) Buddhism (7%) - Cremation.

Produced by the author. |

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1.4. Religious Ambience One cannot un-notice the high saturated presence of religion while wandering the streets of Bangkok.

Various aspects and elements of spiritual beliefs are present in every district no matter if it is a historical oldtown, residential districts or newly skyscraperized commercial regions - Theravada Buddhism is materialized almost everywhere. More than 400 temples (Wat) scattered in the city of Bangkok reveal the dense allocation of them in the urban pattern where monks wearing bright orange (saffron colour) robes could be seen praying and living their everyday lives as any other of more than 8 million Bangkokians. Every man in Thailand is required to become a monk before the age of 20 meaning that the boys must shave their heads, wear saffron colour robes and are expected to perform rituals and prayers for approximately 3 months which will provide them with good karma and prepare them for further life. Theravada Buddhism is not only a religion but more as a way of living and thinking - a philosophy to be revealed throughout life in various conditions and situations. Thailand is also known to be a territory which is inhabited by various typologies of spirits. Before building a new structure in the territory - the spirits living on that land must be provided with the new place for them to live and not to cross with the lives of the people who will be living in that territory. In order to please the spirits and live in harmony with them - the spirits are provided with a small House for Spirits which is a miniature shrine placed on the pedestal of more than one metre high - ornamented with small sculptures and covered in bright colours. The positioning of House for Spirits in the new territory is also an important aspect since they must be allocated in the place where the shadow of the new building will not cast upon. New inhabitants must pay respect to the spirits by bringing them incense, water, flowers and pink ‘Fanta’. Why specifically pink ‘Fanta’? Historically the donation for spirits used to be blood although in the modern life the blood has been substituted with strawberry flavour liquid to resemble the colour. The phenomena of pinkcoloured ‘Fanta’ adds up to the overall understanding of superstitious beliefs of Thai people and the modernification of certain rituals. The spirits are very strong and they must be taken seriously in Buddhist religion by paying respects to them on a daily basis to guarantee the harmony between two worlds since the presence of unfriendly spirits are believed to be con-sequencing in the fates of territories. As an example the ghost-tower Sathorn Unique which was left abandoned in the 80% of it’s completion in 1997’s when Asian financial crisis struck Thailand is believed to have become abandoned and unfinished due to the fact that the new structure casts a shadow upon the temple on the other side of the street and is built on an ancient burial ground. All the superstitious beliefs projected on the famous ghoulish skyscraper monument become one more verification of the overall ambiance of religion and spirituality hovering in Bangkok. (4 - Reference in p.

195)

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| Fig.14. Current border of city proper of Bangkok metropolitan area. Circle indicates the very beginning of city development and zone of the first physical khĂ´ra determined by defence wall of Bangkok in both banks of Chao Phraya river. Produced by the author. | | Fig 12. Page 19. Repetition. Wat Arun - Temple of the Dawn, Bangkok. Captured by the author.| | Fig. 13. Page 20. Multi-level traffic in Bangkok streets - BTS skytrain, taxis and motorbikes. Captured by the author.|

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| Fig.15. KhĂ´ra of Bangkok. The actual territorial boundary dispersion in the year of 2019. Produced by the author. |

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1.5. Khôra. Territoriality.

The old parts of Bangkok city were surrounded by defence wall - clearly defining the first border which drew the beginning of khôra - Greek terminology for the territory of ancient polis outside the city proper. The term has been used in philosophy by Plato to designate a receptacle, a space, a material substratum, or an interval.

From the territorial point of view in the case of Bangkok, the defence wall was a first phase of providing a strict and physical boundary from where khôra took place. During the continuum of the city development such a strict physical presence of the boundary vanished and became identifiable by the collision between suburbia and the nature. Throughout the phases of Bangkok’s development and Chinese community immigration to work in the construction of the city, the boundary where the city defines the beginning of khôra became as a live organism changing and expanding almost daily. Hereupon, a similar concept of the rapid urban sprawl remains till nowadays with all the ongoing constructions of glittery skyscrapers.

Undoubtedly every contemporary city contains different phases and different typologies of khôras meaning that there might be a possibility to give each city a topology (graphical diagram) describing it but it might be impossible to conclude them all into one axiom - a statement that is taken to be true and accepted by everyone since there is no clear unified identity of khôra nor through different phases of its’ development neither in comparison between different metropolises. Although one exception probably exists from the territorial point of view allowing to make a statement, that khôra might be the place / space / matrix for something that is not needed anymore in the city, for someone that does not participate in the city anymore.

Through the development phases of cities and their khôras, cemeteries and burial grounds used to be positioned in the area outside the polis, in the periphery of development of the city at-that-time. What nowadays are considered as ancient historical cemeteries once were situated outside the wall or territorial border of the city and later were absorbed by the urban sprawl. At present, developed urban areas are rapidly running out of cemetery spaces and contemporary burial grounds are being placed in rural areas far away from the city centres even outside the line of contemporary city proper territory or even occupying nearby smaller cities or satellite towns forming new necropolises. Just the same way as it happened in Bangkok - the first Royal Thai cemetery was located just outside the first city defence wall, later when Chinese community moved to Bangkok, their religion cemetery has been placed outside the development of the city at-that-time and later has been absorbed by the further growth and nowadays, new burial grounds for the minorities of religions in Bangkok are being offered far away from the city in the rural lands or even in the satellite city of Chon Buri. The cemeteries became as markers of different development stages and khôras containing specific cultural information and even reflecting a perception towards human life.

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| Fig.16. KhĂ´ra. Current boundary of the city proper in relation with allocation of cemeteries. Christianity religion. The cases of Brussels and Paris.

Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.17. KhĂ´ra. Current boundary of the city proper in relation with allocation of cemeteries. Islamic religion. The cases of Beirut and Cairo.

Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.18. KhĂ´ra. Current boundary of the city proper in relation with allocation of cemeteries. Hinduism. The cases of Mumbai and Ahmedabad.

Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.19. KhĂ´ra. Current boundary of the city proper in relation with allocation of cemeteries. Buddhism. The cases of Hong Kong and Tokyo.

Produced by the author. |

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Chapter No.2 Perceptions of Cemeteries 2.1. Contrasting Notions Through History An understanding of cemetery space as a territorial enclosure where specific rituals are being performed in different cultures, religions and countries is definitely a very specific element varying in an array of different ways. But what was the evolution of burial methods from the very beginning, how cemeteries became cemeteries and how are they perceived retrospectively? The perception towards cemeteries had a few shifting moments throughout the history. Ancient religions who lived approximately 150 000 years BC didn’t bury the deceased at all. Instead they had a wide variety of other typologies of body disposal such as leaving bodies in caves, placing in trees, releasing to the water, leaving in the mountains, performing cremation or in some cultures even cannibalism was a part of the ritual. The very first burials in the ground have been found to have been performed approximately 120 000 BC although the bodies were firstly not even buried in a pit but placed on the ground and covered with soil forming a small hill. The very first communal burials were recorded in 10 000 - 15 000 years BC that were allocated along with permanent settlements forming necropolises - cities for the dead. In some cities, communal burials were organised underground forming catacombs such as in the case of Paris where catacombs were constructed in certain areas under the ground of Paris. Before and during medieval times in Europe majority of burial grounds were allocated in the churchyards which were lively places used for markets and fairs, farmers even allowed their cows to graze the lawns of the churchyards since they believed it will impact the sweetness of the milk. The term ‘cemetery’ originated from Ancient Greek which means ‘sleeping chambers’ and they were allocated on the edges of the cities. In the period between 1760 and 1840 with the industrial revolution and growth of population and deceases - the notion of cemeteries dramatically twisted - they were believed to be contaminated areas that bring death to the living and since then burial grounds were formed in rural areas outside the city to prevent the deceases from the bodies to contaminate the soil and the groundwater and prevent the living ones from infections. At the end of 19th century, the notion of cemeteries experienced another quite drastic moment but in this case, they were romanticised and perceived more like public parks and areas of greenery in the cities. (5 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.21. A Border between two worlds - strict wall, water enclosure, mental perception of the enclosure, inclined wall, enclosure formed by surrounding buildings, dispersed line. Produced by the author. |

| Fig.20. Page 28. A timeline of shifting perceptions of cemeteries. Produced by the author. |

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2.2. A Border Between Two Worlds Until this point, the word cemetery has been used as a global definition of a place which is obviously different from its surroundings, although there are different terminologies to define the spaces for the afterlife.

Churchyards, cemeteries, burial grounds, mass graves, war cemeteries and pantheons - all of them serve the same purpose in general - to contain the interments of the deceased although those pieces of land are perceived differently according to the parameters such as physical distinctions, purpose and ownership, site’s interconnectedness with individual or collective identities and also the levels of sacredness existing within the space. How different combinations of those factors make a cemetery a cemetery and how do we perceive the border between two worlds - the living and the ones who have already lived?

The typology of churchyard is strictly connected to the location being one of the first collective burial typologies - they are allocated within the territory of the church, surrounded by parameter wall. The entrance to the churchyard in some cases, especially in England are marked by the lych-gates that also hold a purpose as a temporary shelter for a coffin. In comparison with other typologies - churchyards are significantly smaller in size usually even called ‘Gods acre’. Due to the limited area for the burial ritual - multiple burial rituals used to be performed in the churchyards and the land was re-used which resulted in the limited ability to express the identity of the buried person, as well as the re-use of land is reflected in the landscape. The inability to show off the status and identity of buried person became one more reason to switch to another typology of burial ground. (6 - Reference in p.195) The typology of cemetery has significantly different characteristics, firstly due to the location since they are allocated mostly near the settlements at the edge of the city and are substantial in size in comparison with the churchyards. They strictly have a gate structure with symbolic meanings and an established perimeter defining the boundary between the sacred space with a special purpose and the surroundings. The space of cemetery usually has a strict planning system managed by the authorities and also serves a purpose of demonstrating a degree or civic pride - or even becomes some certain microcosm - a reflection of society. Each individual has a personalised grave marker which declares the status of the deceased person and reveals the grief of relatives.

Cemetery space is perceived as a sacred one, although with shifting generations the old cemeteries are allowed more than the ones that are still in use. (7 - Reference in p.195) Another typology is burial ground which might seem to be referring to all types of burial spaces although it refers to smaller and less formal sites. Burial grounds are usually associated with exclusionary practises, for

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| Fig.22. Model typologies of cemeteries and use of land a) Pantheon - Royal Thai cemetery b) Columbarium - Wat Soonthorn Thammatan.c) Cemetery - Chinese + Christian d) Cemetery - Muslim(reuse of the same land for new burials) + Chinese. Produced by the author. |

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instance some cemeteries contain a specific section for religious and ethnic minorities that are called burial grounds. As in the typology of cemeteries - burial grounds are also surrounded by defined boundary and contain personalised grave markers. The main goal of this typology is to meet the needs of minority which might be placed in a context of different ethnicity or religion.(8 - Reference in p.195) Mass graves have significantly different categorisation since they are burials on a large scale where death took place on such vastness that it became impossible to deal with the remains of each individual separately. This type of burial is mostly associated with the cases of tragedies such as mass deceases and disasters. The organisation of this type of cemetery is completely different since the boundary is poorly exposed, incomplete or absent and there are no individual grave markers. The sacredness of the site is not as highly exposed as in the case of churchyards or cemeteries but might increase in the level of sacredness through the shift of time and might even become a places of historical importance. In some cases the typology of mass graves were perceived as the punishment for the poverty, for example in XIX century in England there used to be mass graves where burials were performed without proper rituals and the graves were unmarked - those spaces were called potters field and through the time became abandoned to other purposes of land use. (9 - Reference in p.195)

Although it might seem similar but war cemeteries have slight difference in comparison with mass graves. War cemeteries are allocated in the area where the war took place. Each grave has an individual grave marker with the personal information about the soldier, the site is marked with the boundary and has infrastructure. The sites are at high historical and political significance recalling the particular catastrophe. (10 - Reference in p.195) The last typology Pantheons are way smaller in the scale and are perceived as the commemoration of nations heroes. In some cases, the sites do not even contain the interments but the main purpose of the pantheons is to pay honour for the important people and they mostly become sites for pilgrimage or even death tourism where travellers come to visit the graves of famous people. (11 - Reference in p.195) The way we perceive different typologies of cemeteries reveals the importance of those sites and become the reflection of the mindset of the particular culture of the particular historical episode. The border between two worlds separating the area of spiritual and historical meaning becomes a focal element in the contemporary urban situations as well as it used to be retrospectively. - ‘A secure boundary had a dual purpose: protecting the dead from disturbance and - increasingly in the 18th and 19th century - sequestering the dead from the living.’ (12 Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.23. Ungers Oswald Mathias . ‘The Green Archipelago’. 1997.Berlin, Germany. |

| Fig.24. India - Pakistan enclaves. Matryoshka-doll principle. |

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2.3. Enclaves in Contemporary Cities With the increasing populations and sprawl of the urban pattern, the new cemeteries had a tendency of being positioned at the new edges of the cities. The spaces of the old cemeteries became absorbed by the fast growth, resulting in the situation of exclusion from its surroundings. The spaces for burials became stigmatised places avoided by the surrounding vitality which led to the abandonment of them. In contemporary cities old central cemeteries together with the newer ones form a collection of islands formed by exclusion - some certain enclaves in an urban pattern. Cemeteries as an exclusionary practises become a unified ensemble of the same - they all hold the same pragmatic purpose of containing the interments of the dead and social purpose of reflecting the society of certain timeframe and monumental purpose of commemoration of the relatives and significant people which makes them an archipelago of the same yet scattered in different locations, therefore, addressing different urban conditions and timeframes. The notion of archipelago as Rem Koolhaas expresses is separateness but also a larger entity of something.(13 - Reference in p.195) The joint project of his with Oswald Mathias Ungers in 1977 called ‘Berlin as Green Archipelago’ focussed on the enclaves in the German capital envisioned as an islands belonging to an archipelago of architectures. The goals of their project was to preserve the fragmented nature of the discovered islands, create or emphasise a strong identity within the city, complete them with the architectural intervention and focus on the remaining fabric of the city that would be allowed to deteriorate and slowly turn into nature around enclaves. (14 - Reference in p.195)With this set of islands, Berlin would have become a testing ground for an alternative model for urbanism. Another inspirational example of enclaves happened between India and Bangladesh - approximately 160 territorial enclaves have been formed during the conflicts between two countries on both sides forming even matryoshka-doll principle of enclaves where for example Indian territories contained within Bangladeshi territories which in turn were situated within Indian land.

Approximately 50 years ago both countries finally agreed to swap back the territories to the original land while citizens of those territorial entities were allowed to choose their nationality - the actual performance of swapping happened only in 2015. (15 - Reference in p.195) This case of enclaves of different cultures and nationalities resembles the situations when cemeteries of one religion, culture or nationality are being allocated in the territory which is of a different one causing conflicts in between. For example in Belgium cemeteries for Jewish people could not be formed due to the fact that in Jewish religion the cemeteries could never be relocated which would close the possibilities for land repurposing.

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| Fig.25. San Francisco Calvary cemetery in 1930s (Colma Historical Association) |

| Fig.26. The relocation process of San Francisco cemeteries (Colma Historical Association) |

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2.4. Temporality and Permanence. San Francisco - Colma Case.

A grave is perceived as a permanent place for resting of the human bones in perpetuity. At least it seems to be that way, on the other hand, is it really a permanent place? With the conflicts between the family members, shifts in historical contexts or any other conditions, the internments of relatives might be relocated to another place if the family wishes and the religion allows. Those are the occasional and singular events of relocation being performed under certain circumstances. What about the cases of mass relocation which are suggested and initiated by the urban planners and governments? This theme becomes highly relevant up-to-date problem in contemporary urban conditions where cemetery spaces become abandoned due to lost generational connections and rising value of the land due to surrounding developments and infrastructures and become a focal potential area for new developments. In many cities, people might not even be aware that they are living their everyday life in spaces and buildings that previously were renowned as cemeteries or burial grounds. The practise of relocation of cemeteries becomes gradually more frequent act in the contemporary cities since the old cemeteries allocated in the central historical parts become irrelevant for the citizens due to the shift in generations.

In the case of San Francisco city, the concerns from citizens about the cemeteries started in 1900 when new burials were banned in the existing graveyards. Without any investment soon they became abandoned and turned into ruins where gravestones were violated, all worthy materials were stolen and the spaces even became popular for late night meetings, crime and sexual assaults. Soon they became a spaces of bad reputation and the concerns about health took the stage, citizens started to show their voice with headlines such as ‘Cemeteries must go!’ in local newspapers. In between 1937 and 1940 followed the process of mass relocation on a vast scale - the works of exhumation started in 4 largest cemeteries: Laurel Hill, Calvary, the Independent Order of Odd Fellows and the Masonic Cemetery. All of them together took an area of 60-70 square blocks of the city that were repurposed to become an area for University of San Francisco.

Approximately 150 000 bodies in total have been exhumed, transported and re-buried in the nearby satellite town or necropolis called Colma. It costed 10$ for one body to be moved and if families did not contribute the bodies were buried in mass graves and the tombstones were recycled to become an ocean defence path in Colma. Nowadays, 1700 residents live in the town with 70% of the land dedicated to cemeteries. The locals never miss a chance to make jokes about the purpose of the town and the current situation - ‘It’s great to be alive in Colma!’. (16 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.28. a) first cemetery lands in central parts of the city b) lost relations, filled lands of the first cemeteries require to provide new lands for new generations c) same principle spreading through different generations d) every human being related to cemetery space in one way or another Produced by the author. | | Fig. 27. Pages 38-39. Infinite concrete burial vaults in new necropolis of Colma city.|

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2.5. Heterotopia Nowadays the cemeteries are understood as heterotopias or the ‘other’ spaces where a certain behaviour is required since they are disturbing, contradictory or transforming, they are places within places - some certain microcosms. According to Michael Foucault, the strange heterotopic cemetery spaces within the urban pattern have a connection with all other places in the city, since everyone has relatives in them, but at certain moment ancient cemeteries loose any relations with the living and become strange bodies and certain enclaves in the city. The similar principle is expanding radially to another cemeteries throughout the change of time resulting in lost connections to those territories that become space oddities in the urban pattern. (17 - Reference in p.195)

2.6. From Anthropological Place to Non-Place According to Marc Auge: ‘...if a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational or historical, or concerned with identity will be non-place’. In this sense, it means that from the moment the cemetery is not important to anyone and has no relations with any other person - it transforms from anthropological place to a non-place creating a potential to be re-used for another typology of function or being transformed into public park space embracing the nature of it. (18 Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.29. Athanasius Kircher ‘Terrestrial Paradise’ 1975 |

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2.7. Paradise. Terrestrial Paradise. The Garden.

In most of the cases, cemeteries are considered as sacred places clearly of the different atmosphere from their surroundings that suggest a connection with afterlife of a human and beliefs of the journey of the soul. In religious framework the afterlife of a human is mostly referred to the concepts of Hell and the opposite - the Paradise. The notion of paradise varies in between different cultures yet it is commonly perceived as a place of delight, exceptional happiness, calmness, harmony, peace, prosperity and light, it is associated with holiness and is perceived as a ‘higher place’. In Jewish, Cristian, Islamic religions paradise is considered as a promised land for the righteous people as a reward in their afterlife for who they were while living earthly life.

The word Paradise has reflected in a few European languages, for example in Latin - ‘paradisus’, Italian ‘paradiso’, German ‘paradies’, French ‘paradis’, Greek - ‘paradeisos’, although the root of the word derives from the Old Persian compound term ‘pairi-daêzã’ in which ‘pairi’ has a literal meaning of the word ‘around’ and ‘daêzã’ directly means ‘ a heap’ or ‘a pile’. The second part of the combined term has also originated from the words ‘dezh’ or ‘diza’ that have a meaning of ‘fort’ or ‘enclosure’ in the modern Persian language. There is also a similarity in the Indo-Iranian language where the word ‘dhaizh’ has an original meaning of ‘constructed out of earth’. The genesis of the word Paradise clearly suggests more a political and territorial value which later has been used for religious meanings as a deviation of the terminology. (19 - Reference in p.195) The paradise has been represented in number of artworks through different historical moments starting with Hieronymus Bosh famous painting ‘Terrestrial Paradise’ dating back to 1490’s which is a part of series of paintings called ‘Four Visions of the Hereafter’. The art-piece depicts the nature filled scenery with the mountain and the Fountain of Youth on top of it clearly defining the elements of earthly paradise - the presence of nature and water - the elements of vitality. In this sense, the paradise has the overlapping features of the garden. Therefore, another significant graphical representation of terrestrial paradise is the artwork ‘Arca Noe’ conducted by Athanasius Kircher in 1675. An image illustrates a walled enclosure between two essential water bodies in Mesopotamian - Persian territory - the rivers of Tigris and Euphrates confluencing in the centre of territorial square-shaped boundary facing cardinal directions and bringing vitality to the Tree of Life positioned in the middle. The clear and strict boundary condition of the paradise territory has allied connections with the land of cemetery which also defines the other typology of the space - the sacred space which rigorously defines the enclave and the difference of its surroundings.

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| Fig.30. Axis Mundi. The Tree of Life. Microcosm of the Life of Human Body and Soul. |

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Axis Mundi. The Tree of Life.

Axis Mundi or The Tree of Life being the focal point of the Terrestrial Paradise brings the notion of being the mediator between Earth and Heaven. The tree itself becomes as the microcosm - a small scale model or reflection of the perception of human life circle and the transition between different worlds where a human is participating as a body and a soul. The roots of the tree penetrating deep into the soil represent the connection with the underground, the underworld and the connection with hell and is mostly associated with the concept of retrospection of human life. The trunk of the tree and the axis above the ground speak for the earthly life of the human on the surface of the ground and is reflecting the present while the branches of the trees reaching up to the sky reflect to the celestial world and the concept of the future. All together the three different notions contribute to the model of understanding the circle of human life and also have deep connections with the pre-Christian religions such as Paganism which is an old polytheistic European religion with tight connection to natural elements where lives of people was organised in tight connection with earthly rhythms and were perceived through the lens of natural world and it’s elements. In Buddhism and Hinduism, the concept of Axis Mundi is also applied to the human body perceiving it as a connection between heaven and earth regarding to the body as a temple - a mediator which is activated through the prayer. (20 - Reference in p.195)

The connection between human body and mind with the tree is a repetitive concept through different religions suggesting the origins of this concept coming from the very beginning of civilisations when humans were in close proximity with the natural world. The understanding of the life circle of the human and perceptions of the afterlife in connection with the natural world and symbols of vitality reflect in the notion of paradise. In that sense the territory of the place of burial which most commonly is a garden or a park reflect the traditional image of the paradise full of greenery and nature - the space of cemetery becomes as an earthly embassy of celestial paradise in the afterlife of the human.

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| Fig.31. Geologic map of Lower Central Plain of Thailand (Sinsakul, 2000). |

| Fig.32. Bangkok Soil composition - fertile upper layer, grey clay, ground water, sand.

Produced by the author. |

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2.8. Bangkok Soil Composition. Flooding situations.

Considering the notion of paradise from the perspective of the primal terminology of it being ‘constructed out of earth’ brings focus to the understanding of soil composition in the locality of the project. To understand the soil layers in the territory of Bangkok it is at high importance to consider the general allocation of the city in the context of Thailand. The city of Bangkok is allocated in the central region of Thailand near the Chao Phraya river approximately 20km from the Gulf of Thailand - this combination of conditions reveal that majority of the area of Bangkok is just 1-2 metres above the sea level and is vulnerable to flooding situations.

The close proximity to the water is not the only factor making the territory of Bangkok prone to flooding, the specific climate in this area of Thailand also contributes to the risk of flooding situations.

The climate in the area of South East Asia is tropical savannah meaning that there are only three seasons per year - hot season from March to June, rainy season from July to October and cool season between November and February. The overall average temperatures in Bangkok reach approximately 30°C and two of the seasons are known for extreme levels of humidity. During the tropical rain season Bangkok suffers from heavy rain situations that flood areas of Bangkok and in the perspective vision the global warming condition might become even more severe. To cope with such situations of overflows the municipality of Bangkok is taking actions in providing public spaces in a way to contribute to the risks of flooding, such as the case of ‘Chulalongkorn University Centenary Park’. The park is designed in a way to mitigate the critical conditions caused by the climate change, to be precise the park is formed in a way collect the water as a rooting system with the slope from one side of the territory to another side where the retention pond is capable to contain the excess water. Bangkok being not porous city anymore, mostly heavy paved creates the effect of urban heat island with the lack of greenery spaces to absorb the water and cool of the territories. Such actions as the ‘Chulalongkorn University Centenary Park’ are extremely important statements and attempts to start reacting to the shifting conditions of the climate as well as rapid growth of the city itself. (21 - Reference in p.195) The accelerated urban sprawl is another condition which participates as an important factor in flooding situations. The soil composition of Bangkok consists of fertile upper soil layer, grey clay, high level of ground water and sand layer meaning that the composition of geological compound creates complex situation for new high-rise constructions. The process of gentrification happening in extreme speed with heavy volumes being built almost every month the soil of Bangkok is not capable of staying in the same position - the city is sinking a few centimetres every year. The result of excessive process of gentrification cause the unbuilt areas such as parks and cemetery spaces to remain on the same level though in the context of sinking surrounding volumes they slowly become earthly elevated islands in the urban pattern.

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2.9. Narrative - Synthesis - Reflection. Exemplar Cases of Cemeteries.

A place for containing the interments of the ones who are gone is not the only purpose of such spaces - they mostly speak for other mental purposes and perceptions reflecting certain concepts. The following examples of cemetery cases will open up the 3 different concepts and methodologies of projections and levels intimacy.

It might be more difficult to generate a narrative in large scale communal burial ground although private cemeteries and individual monuments have a potential of opening up the minds and reconnecting with deeper concepts. Exactly the way it was projected in the private family of Brioni-Vega cemetery in San Vito d'Altivole, Italy - a masterpiece by architect Carlo Scarpa built in 1978. The theories of temporality and permanence of human vitality and the monumentality of the afterlife in a sense of memorial are narrated through the space. A set of architectural elements in connection with the natural elements create a provocation of emotions throughout the journey in an intimate level. A narrow line of moving water suddenly ends and disappears in the green lawn provoking an understanding of disappearance of life and the permeability of the soil suggesting the reconnection with the earth. The continuity of physical space is broken - the mind is unconsciously transferred to the concepts of temporality of the human body and possible perpetuity of the spirit. (22 - Reference in p.195) The contact between monumentality of human afterlife and the landscape is at high importance in the case of Igualda cemetery in Igualda, Spain. A project by Enric Miralles and Carme Pinós completed in 1994 challenged the unusual topography for the cemetery function where the decision was to create a co-existence between the geographical location and the monumentality of the programme and purpose. The approach that ‘death is no longer a mere of antithesis of life’ was an aspirational emotion of the project questioning the position of mortality in the continuum of other people lives. (23 - Reference in p.195) The knowledge of how the living ones perceive the aspect of mortality is a complex combination in another exemplary case - San Cataldo Cemetery in Modena, Italy, designed in 1971 and yet not fully completed. The post-modern cubic shape terracotta coloured columbarium enclosed by blue metal inclined roof buildings of other columbiums created by Aldo Rossi negotiates not only the understanding of fatality but also becomes an honest depiction of contemporary world, a representation of the post-humanic city at it’s full capacity. It might be problematic to realise that this ensemble of architecture is actually not residences for the living but more of a residences for the ones who do not live anymore. (24 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.34. ‘Zero Decibel’ by Thai artist Yozanun Suntur Wutigonsombutkul | | Fig. 33. Page 48. Brioni-Vega cemetery in San Vito d'Altivole, Italy. Architect - Carlo Scarpa. |

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2.10. Soundscape and Behaviourology How do you feel when entering the space of the cemetery? What kind of feeling inhabits you from that moment? A feeling of eeriness, fear, respect, grief, melancholy or nothing at all? Of course, the feeling which overwhelms the human when entering such spaces depends on their relation to the place at that moment and hundreds of other factors although generally speaking the fact is that the emotion changes after the transition from any other spaces to the space of clearly another ambiance despite the absence of direct relation with it.

How do you behave when you enter such space? Slow down, become calm, lower the voice or do not speak at all. Certain behavior is required in such spaces which are commonly understood by humanity yet the factors provoking such behavior might not only be consciously understood but also originate from the level of unconsciousness. Sound is an element which is taken for granted and human might not pay attention to the sonic experience yet it influences the behaviourology when the sounds coming from the source reach the ears and nervous system and inhabit the body for a while creating a sonic body between the source and the listener or hearer.

The sounds in the area of the cemetery in comparison with the sounds outside that

enclosure clearly differ since the acoustic ambiance in the cemetery is more overtaken by the sounds of nature or the absence of sounds leaving just the background noise of what is happening outside. The absence of sound in the enclosed territory of the burial ground provokes to behave in the same way - to calm down, lower the voice to whispering.

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Chapter No.3 Cultural Appropriations of Local Heterotopias and Public Spaces in Bangkok 3.1. (Non)Intentional In/Out-door Public Spaces Cultural Origins of Space Appropriation In order to begin understanding how Bangkokians use public space and start estimating how communities and other users might react to the newly emerged public areas, it is crucial to analyse the typologies of public spaces existent in the city considering the hot and humid climate. The resultant feature of the climate divides public spaces into two strict categorisations - indoor public spaces and outdoor public spaces.

The climate factor causes the vast proportion of people to use indoor public spaces that mostly are large, fancy shopping malls with air-conditioning attracting a higher class of Bangkokians and tourists to spend their time wondering the corridors, shops or staying in cafes. The higher class of public space users tend to avoid spending time in the heat outdoors traveling from air-conditioned home by air-conditioned car, taxi or skytrain/metro to air-conditioned office, school, shopping mall, etc.

On the other hand, another even larger part of Bangkokians and other wonderers spend quite a lot of time outdoors, although the proper public outdoor spaces such as public plazas, squares or parks are not existent on a large scale. The typologies of plazas and public squares in Bangkok are not realistic due to the same factor of climate yet even the parks are not densely situated in the urban pattern enough - the Green City Index in Bangkok is 3,3 square metres per person, while the international standard is 9 square metres per person resulting in the situation that the percentage of greenery in relation with built areas and population should increase by 3 times to not suffocate the city with glittering skyscrapers and paving the surfaces. (25 Reference in p.195) How do Bangkokians use the green space in the city then which is low in density? According to ‘Instagram’ posts and on-site observations the existing parks are used for jogging, pic-nicks, or they are appreciated remotely just by enjoying the presence of the park nearby through the surrounding buildings.

The use of public space is not only defined by indoor and outdoor public spaces but also the public spaces in transition such as streets, sidewalks and all other micro-public spaces in between that are created by locals and not intentionally by top-down planning organisations. The culture of public space appropriation resultant in contemporary life in Bangkok has originated from indigenous culture and is reflected in 3 different typologies: forest-based culture, aquatic-culture and sidewalk-culture. (26 - Reference in p.195)

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|Fig. 36. The map of Bangkok - Krung Thep Maha Nakhon - home for 8 million people. Indications of 10 cemeteries (religion + zone), largest indoor public spaces (shopping malls) and largest open green spaces. Produced by the author.| | Fig.35. Page 52. Spatial comparison of Bangkok cemeteries and indoor public spaces. Produced by the author.|

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Forest-based-culture. The first inhabitants in the area of nowadays Bangkok and surroundings were in close relation with ecological and biological systems in which elements were integrated with higher tolerance to density and flexibility of spaces. The origination of polytheistic beliefs reflecting in contemporary life of Thais were also influenced by the tight co-existence with forest nature where natural world was perceived as an inhabitation of deities within the spaces and elements. The cacophony of sounds, diversity of odours, tastes and sights resembles the forest environment which is perceived in a similar way in the noisy streets of nowadays Bangkok - an unconscious heritage in the instincts and mindsets of Thai people. (27 - Reference in p.

195)

Aquatic-culture. The proximity to water starting from the first settlement near the Chao Phraya river to the expansion of the city and the formation of circular moats infrastructure also contributes to aquatic culture which is a specificity in the context of the city. From the dawn of the city formation the water and khlongs (canals) was a social place, a community space with floating markets and ongoing trades. A water is celebrated in various festivities such as Songkran - New Year celebration in April, which has a translation of ‘movement’ or a ‘shift’. It’s a transition phase during which people splash water on each other for the fresh beginning. Or a festival Loy Khrathong - a festival in December for paying merits for the water and rivers for rice harvest. (28 - Reference in p.195)

Side-walk-culture. In addition, another important typology existent in Bangkok culture is side-walk culture considered as an informal sector spread in the streets, sidewalks, in front of the shops or any other available pieces of territory in the public areas in transition occupied by nomadic food vendors. The food culture in Thailand is an essential part of identity although the government has tried to shut down all the food vendors in the streets in 2017 but after a while the hawkers came back to streets to prepare food for the street life. The government was given a clear proof that the food culture is the vitality of Bangkok and the powerful part of the character which cannot be excluded from the public life. (29 - Reference in p.195) In order to reach a consensus between local communities, users of public space and the public space itself in a sustainable manner the aspiration is to consider the three roots elaborated in the lifestyle of inhabitants.

The most important aspects to provide a sustainable open space is to consider the indigenous knowledge to create an integrity of religious space within the public space as a reference to forest based culture, reconceptualise and continue the aquatic culture and cherish the side-walk culture which are the characters of the public life in Bangkok’s urban spaces.

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| Fig.37. ‘The Unusual Football Field’ by AP Thailand in collaboration with CJ Worx’ in Khlong Toei community, Bangkok, Thailand. |

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In smaller communities in Bangkok where buildings are tightly squeezed one next to another suffocating in the dense urbanisation of the city every plot of land is perceived as a valuable space where micro-cultures are existent where self-consciousness of space usage is demonstrated although there are still small wastelands left in between the buildings - a ‘no-mans’ lands that were noticed by architects as a potential space to enhance relationships among the sited communities.

In the largest area of slums in Bangkok the architecture practice found out oddly shaped leftover spaces in between the buildings and with minimal intervention and funding twisted them into very unique places for playing soccer - one of the most popular sports in Thailand. The odd shapes of zigzag, trapeze, L - shape and others were used for creating a new public space for youngsters of communities who reflected about the new design as firstly it was eerie to play soccer and a bit different to adapt to unconventional football field shape though after a while they expressed that they got used to the space and it even stimulated new perceptions and experiences in strategy of the game. (30 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.38. In situ observation of 4 cases: a) Royal Thai cemetery b) Wat Soonthorn Thammathan Thai columbarium c) Hokkien Chinese cemetery + Christian cemetery complex d) Teochew Chinese cemetery + Jawa Masjid Islamic cemetery complex. Produced by the author. |

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3.2. Cemeteries of Bangkok - Microcosms - Reflection of Humankind Reflection of Urban Condition - Experimental Ground

The public space in Bangkok is not only defined by shopping malls, streets, sidewalks, khlongs and parks.

Since the spaces of cemeteries have a potential to participate in the public life as well being smaller size green areas scattered in different locations in Bangkok reflecting different historical moments. The notion of cemetery as a microcosm - a reflection of humankind is also noticeable in Bangkok cemetery cases in a sense that they mark different periods of city development and presence of different cultures that migrated to Bangkok at that time. Focussing on the 10 burial ground territories within the area of Bangkok city proper it is worth noticing that all of them are of different culture than which is dominant in Bangkok - 2 Christian, 3 Chinese and 5 Muslim cemeteries revealing the multicultural society of Bangkok. The demographical statistics according to religious beliefs in the city uncovers that 90% of population are Thais while 9% are Chinese, 0,5% Muslim and 0,5% Christian, making 10% of more than 8 million population city being immigrants of other religions which results in the situation that all cemetery spaces in Bangkok are of other religions. (31 Reference in p.195) The formation of those cemeteries during different phases of city development are reflected in the urban pattern as territorial enclaves - some of them are abandoned and covered in overgrowth, some of them are repurposed and some of the are being used on a rare basis forming different and complex situations in each of them.

While performing an in situ observation in the locality - 4 cases of cemeteries have been analysed being Royal Thai Cemetery, Wat Soonthorn Thammathan Thai columbarium, Hokkien Chinese cemetery and Christian cemetery complex as well as Teochew Chinese Cemetery and Jawa Masjid Islamic cemetery complex. The observation of those sites provided the knowledge that Thai cemeteries are not existent on a large scale, only the members of the royal family have places for burials in mausoleums and a few places for columbariums for other wealthy people, otherwise the tradition in Theravada Buddhism is to keep ashes of relatives at home or scatter them in designated areas. Another two complexes of a few different typologies of cemeteries allocated in one place provided an understanding of how locals use the space of cemeteries and how different religions react to the pressure coming from city planning.

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| Fig. 39. 10 heterotopic enclaves in Bangkok - starting point for further exploration, defining the zones, religions, micro-cultures, environmental issues, urban conditions, participant experience perspective in order to reveal relations within 10 locations. Produced by the author. |

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If previously the spaces of cemeteries doubled as a reflection of humankind - with a shift of generations and lost relations to them they become non-places. On the other hand those non-places encounter different urban conditions that are pressuring them differently. In that sense the territory of cemetery becomes as a reflection of urban condition in the ensemble of 10 selected locations, that territory which could be twisted to exaggerate and display that urban condition that could become a catalyst to open up a discourse powered by different combinations pressuring the territories of those cemeteries. The area in that sense becomes also an experimental ground for testing the reactions and impact of bringing up the problems of urban conditions to the daylight.

Taking 10 cemetery cases of 4 different religions (Islamic, Christianity, Judaism and Chinese religion) allocated within the territory of Bangkok the differences of border conditions between the heterotopic space and the surroundings are highly diverse between those 10 exemplars. The network of movement in Bangkok is organised in a few different characteristics for different flows of traffic being the major roads with heavy density of transportation and most commonly the presence of flyovers, the alleys (sois) that are smaller accesses in between the buildings where the micro-cultures in relation with informal sector of hawkers are highly vital and the connection with waterways such as the main river or smaller scale waterways such as moats (khlongs).

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|Fig 40. Taxonomic exploration of 10 Bangkok cemeteries. Produced by the author.|

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3.3. Situatedness. Comprehensive City Planning. Macro-cultures. Response.

The positioning of each of those 10 cemeteries not only speaks about different development phases of the city, migration of other cultures and religions to Bangkok and specificities of each of those cultures, the accessibility to the sites in a contemporary condition but also the situatedness of those territories also creates provocations for anything that is in close proximity to them and affecting the surrounding developments.

According to the comprehensive city planning document for land use released in 2013 the spatial positioning of 10 selected sites are included in 4 different typologies of zones that require different reaction and are under different levels of pressure. (32 - Reference in p.195) Pink zone - national identity and cultural conversion zone. 2 cemeteries are allocated in this zone meaning that they are ‘untouchable’ and will remain in their position without attempts of the government to repurpose those lands. Those 2 spaces belong to Muslim communities who cannot accept the possibility of relocating burials according the Islamic religion.

Red zone - high density commercial zone. 2 cemeteries positioned in this area are under high level of pressure coming from the government and developers since the sites are not being used anymore for their primary purpose and the process of gentrification and other developments happening in close proximity such as construction of BTS skytrain line and other new infrastructures rise the value of the land and become the land of desire for new developments. In the case of Chinese cemetery the process of relocation is slowly happening although the Muslim community fought for their rights to keep the burial ground which otherwise would be against the religious requirements.

Green zone - open space for environment conversion and recreation / religious institution zone. The largest cemetery space is allocated in this zone which was repurposed to the park in 1990’s becoming a unique case of repurposing the land of such programme.

Blue zone - high density residential zone. 5 different burial grounds of different cultures are allocated within this area meaning that they are under medium level of pressure.

Considering the condition of rapid urbanisation con-sequencing in even harsher conditions of exclusion of cemetery spaces they become the voids in between the skyscrapers, the volumatic absences. Although those voids create huge potential for being used to reinforce and supplement the existing urban conditions.

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| Fig.41. The timeline unveiling acceleration of skyscraperization in Bangkok. Collage by the author.

Data retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_tallest_buildings_in_Thailand |

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3.4. Sited / Nomadic / Cyber Micro - Cultures ‘[Micro - Culture] - Biology - A small-scale culture of microorganisms, cells, or tissues (grown experimentally).’ ‘[Micro - Culture] - Sociology - The distinctive culture of a small group of people within a limited geographical area or within an organisation.’ (33 - Reference in p.195)

10 graveyard locations and hundreds if not thousands of living people passing by everyday who are related with them in one way or another - as hawkers, as residents, as believers, as activists, as wonderers or as explorers. The cemeteries of Bangkok are full of different types of vitality that highly differ from activities found in western culture necropolises since the public activities other than commemoration rituals are not existing at all. The phenomenon of using eternal resting places as an active un-intentional public space is reflecting in most of the focal cases with even a combination of a few different cultures within one location.

After placing 10 microcosms of cemeteries under the microscope at least 5 characteristic typologies of sited, nomadic or cyber micro-cultures could be identified within these locations.

The Ones Who Cook - as described and elaborated in previous paragraphs the informal sector of foodscape is an essential element of sidewalk culture in the locality. Undoubtedly every proper space with suitable conditions for food vendors such as decent width of the pavement, shadow from the flyover road or the trees and strategically favourable position to attract the flows of the walkers are the ingredients for the nomadic culture of food vendors to pop up and grow in prosperity making the pavements in front of the cemetery walls a suitable conditions for food-scape.

The Ones Who Sleep - in a few of Bangkoks' burial ground territories the managers of the land also live in the area of the cemetery which could be proved by the presence of laundry or other private possessions of people.

The Ones Who Believe - religious institutions of the communities are logically also allocated within the area of the same religion necropolises visible in all typologies of cemeteries: in Muslim cemeteries - Mosques, in Christian - small temples and in Chinese - small shrines and even a Chinese association which is helping Chinese migrants to settle down in Bangkok.

The Ones Who Act - the culture of active people who use cemetery space for recreational purposes, pic-nicks, jogging, Thai boxing, karaoke and other pleasurable activities.

The Ones Who Explore - the curious travellers who come to explore the abandoned and converted cemeteries.

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Dark Tourism ‘Dark tourism - (also black tourism, grief tourism or Thanatourism) has been defined as tourism involving traveling to places historically associated with death and tragedy.’ (34 - Reference in p.195)

The cyber micro-culture of ‘Instagram’ users who share photographies on social network with hashtags #HokkienCemeteryBangkok, #TeochewCemeteryBangkok or #ProtestantCemeteryBangkok uncovers the interest of traveling to such places associated with death and memorial in the city of Bangkok. According to the data collected from the social network, people tend to share their observation of the close proximity between Hokkien Chinese cemetery and freshly opened skyscraper ‘King Power Mahanakhon’ which presumably fascinates travellers capturing their unexpectedness of noticing two such elements close by . The presence of stray dogs guarding the tombs covered in overgrowth are the popular snaps to be shot while visiting this area.

The ambience in another popular international tourist destination of Teochew Chinese cemetery is slightly different since it is officially converted into park meaning that new functions are implemented in the area attracting not only the curious dark tourists but also the casual users of public space.

The tourism to Bangkok places associated with death are happening not only individually by the locals as well as international tourists but also has happened in a collective tour organised by initiative active on Facebook social media called ‘Bangkok Architecture Tour on Bike’. In July 24th 2016 the even ‘Ride to Death’ took place which was a collective expedition through a number of different cemeteries and historical sites off-the-beaten -track in Bangkok aiming to provide knowledge of different religions within the city through the places of those who passed away. (35 - Reference in p.195) The tour was provided both in English and Thai languages revealing that the attention was also both to locals as well as international wonderers. In that sense an ensemble of different resting places scattered in the urban tissue become an array of open air museums mirroring the specificities of the presence of multi-cultures in the metropolis of Thai capital.

Generally speaking dark tourism is an increasing typology of exploration of new lands and unseen places requiring a new attention to such typology since it might become a potential niche to address new discourses in relation to the concept of mortality, historical importance, the aspect of commemoration and even addressing other overlaying structures of urbanism.

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| Fig.45. Facebook event ‘Ride to Death’ organised by Bangkok Architecture Tour on Bike in July 24, 2016 in Bangkok. | | Fig. 42. Page 65. Border investigation of 10 Bangkok cemeteries. Produced by the author.| | Fig. 43. Page 66. Accelerated skyscraperization and gentrification resulting in volumatic voids in cemetery territories. Produced by the author.| | Fig. 44. Page 67. Potential of volumatic voids in cemetery territories. Produced by the author.|

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3.6. Reality Check For the development of Master Dissertation I reflected my observations and memories from the sites that I’ve visited in Bangkok although for the sites that I haven’t physically visited I mostly used data from ‘Google Maps’, ‘Street View’ and ‘Google Photos’ as well as applied my knowledge of Bangkok public space deductively to other locations. During the research and project development I have encountered doubts whether if my deductions, presumptions and hypotheses are correct about the Bangkok cemetery cases and if I can truly trust my subjective perception according to experiences and knowledge gained while living in Bangkok. In the middle of Master Dissertation development process I’ve discovered a ‘Facebook’ group named ‘Bangkok Architecture Tour on Bike’ managed by Surapong Sukhvibul and Aracha Krasae-in who is a lecturer at Faculty of Architecture ‘Kasetsart University’, Bangkok. Both of them were also organisers of the specific tour called ‘Ride to Death’ which took place on the 24th of July, 2016 and was mainly oriented to death-related spaces in Bangkok including cemeteries that I’m also investigating. The discovery of this ‘Facebook’ group and two persons responsible for organising the tour seemed to be a highly valuable chance to contact them in order to discuss about the current urban condition of those cemeteries to deny or verify my observations and presumptions and gain the very specific local perspective of the situation as well as knowledge about specific sites.

Transcription of the conversation via e-mail with professor Aracha Krasae-in: D.P. - Could you please provide any historical information about Bangkok cemeteries? (Hokkien Chinese cemetery, Teochew Chinese cemetery, Jawa Mosque Muslim cemetery and Bangkok Protestant cemetery - they were as well on the map of the tour ‘Ride to Death’). When they were created, what are the specific rituals in different cultures and those cemeteries, what was the context when they were first built, why those specific locations? Are the cultures of those religions living nearby the locations of those cemeteries? Also any historical pictures or maps of the cemeteries would be highly important.

D.P. - What is the current situation in the cemeteries? What is the position from the communities and cultures that own the cemeteries?

D.P. - What are the problems in the cemeteries? I've found out information that a lot of them are affected by floods, and a few of them - specifically Hokkien cemetery is experiencing a lot of pressure - since the land of cemetery is in highly valuable territory because of developments around it and there is a debate with the

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community to relocate the cemetery to Chon Buri to repurpose the land. Could you please comment more about that situation?

D.P. - What is the position of the people about relocating the cemeteries and in general the perception about cemetery land? I've read that former burial grounds are considered as ‘bad luck’ places.

D.P. - Are there any micro-cultures within those cemeteries? How do people use the land of cemeteries? For example I've observed that there is food-related culture and food restaurant in Hokkien Cemetery, in some of the cemeteries there are people who live in those territories. And also sports/entertainment culture in repurposed Teochew cemetery. Could you please comment on the situation of how people use the land of cemeteries in Bangkok?

D.P. - What is the situation about tourism in those cemeteries? Are they popular and attractive places for travellers?

A.K. - The cemeteries belong to different group of races and religions, which therefore mean different cultures. From my research and assumptions, most of them were built around the expansion of Bangkok around time of King Rama IV along the river and Charoen Krung Road or the New Road (https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charoen_Krung_Road). One particular cemetery is the Protestant cemetery (https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangkok_Protestant_Cemetery); (http://bangkokcemetery.org/). The building of Bangkok with canals network including Sathorn and Silom which are now the roads, then came the community of the workers such as Java muslims from Indonesia (check the location of Mosque). And still the cemetery established in the time of King Rama V too. And if you plot the cemetery to the road network of year around 1900's where river and Charoen Krung road were the main transportation, you will find that those cemeteries used to be the end of the roads or can say - the edge of cities. However, the locations were depended from many reasons, such as in muslim cemeteries case it has to be next to the mosque. Bangkok Protestant cemetery were taken care by Christ Church Bangkok (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christ_Church_Bangkok) which is a bit further.

A.K. - And about the religions on different cultural groups, I can summarise into these: Chinese including Hakka, Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew. Muslim mainly from Jawa, Indonesia and the Christian from the group of missionary, leaded by the american Dr. Dan Beach Bradley.

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A.K. - The situations are differing by the group and depended from the management of cemeteries (mostly in the form of non-profit foundation or religious foundation). The group of Chinese including Hakka, Cantonese, Hokkien (from Phuket) and the Christian Chinese in the same area start moving out since the lands have so much value and they are probably sold or think of selling them. But one big cemetery, the Teochew cemetery which is located down south of Sathorn Road, has been adapted into the public park so people can come for activities. All of the Muslim cemeteries are fine, their communities tend to settle there and will not likely to move out. The Protestant cemetery is in good care and now you can still see new burial of Thai Christian family.

A.K. - Floods are not their major problem, but the economy is. I think you have the right information of Hokkien and some others and I think to sell the land and move out, still they can have the money to keep up the new one for decades. And not only Hokkien but also other cemeteries around the block too.

A.K. - It is right - the build up things over cemeteries or burial grounds counted as ‘bad luck’. For example, Mahanakhon Tower building had part of its site over burial grounds and the rumour got more serious after King’s Power group bought the building and not long from that, the owner had died in helicopter accident.

A.K. - Cemeteries still are sacred ground and most of Thai people -they both respect and are scared of the death. The micro-culture that you told me I think it is the use of the land by the people that see the opportunities such as selling the food, just give the respect and not make any funny of the death it will be fine.

But in the case of Teochew it is different since the repurpose was aimed not only to create the urban activity space but also to reduce the fear of homeless and criminal that were using the cemeteries. It was by design.

D.P. - I find it being a very interesting aspect that cemeteries were allocated along Charoen Krung road and were on the end of the streets or edge of the city. The starting point of my Master Thesis was the concept of Khora which is an ancient Greek terminology meaning the area of Ancient Greek polis just outside the city proper. In that sense we had to question the border between the city and the area outside the city, being the reason why I got interested in cemeteries - they usually are allocated on the edges of the city becoming the markers of the city at that time. Your thoughts and knowledge confirmed that to me. And in the case of Bangkok I see it even more interesting since the cemeteries are of all different religions and become some certain enclaves in the urban pattern. In relation with that, I wanted to clarify about the Thai death rituals, as far as I know Thais use cremation as the main ritual and afterwards the ashes are kept at home or there are places where the ashes could be scattered or is it popular to keep in columbarium?

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D.P. - About the aspect of the current situation of cemeteries. And especially the location of Chinese cemeteries at Silom, nearby Mahanakhon tower. In the Facebook page of ‘Bangkok Architecture Tour on Bike’ I saw the old map of that area with some more Chinese burial grounds that I did not see in the area while I was in Bangkok. Afterwards I found a Facebook group called 'Protect the Straits-born (Baba) Chinese Cemetery in Bangkok'. In Google maps that area is not marked as cemetery anymore, do you have any more information of that cemetery, is it already relocated? If it's already relocated then are there any particular plans of what will happen with that land?

D.P. - About Theochew cemetery, I see it as a very unique case of repurposing the cemetery and wanted to ask what were the design interventions made there? Was it mostly about taking care of the overgrowth of greenery and including building for gym, karaoke, etc? Also, maybe you know where to find any old pictures of this cemetery before repurposing it to the park.

D.P. - I've also checked the comprehensive city plan of Bangkok and the Chinese cemeteries are allocated in the red zone - high density commercial zone, but what is the situation about the ones which are allocated in the brown zone - high density residential zone. Is there any pressure on those areas in terms of aspiration to relocate and repurpose the land? There are 5 cemeteries located in the brown zone - Bangkok Protestant cemetery, two Muslim cemeteries, Kwang Tung Chinese cemetery and on the other side of Chao Phraya river Samre Christian cemetery. My question is more addressed to the last 2 ones - Kwang Tung and Samre Christian.

D.P. - I also have one more question about the use of public space in Bangkok, maybe you know any articles or publications about that? I'm interested in that in the sense that Bangkok is lacking green spaces and would prefer to know about the culture in relation to public space.

A.K. - This is very interesting analysis and I am glad that my information, somehow can help. Anyway, to establish the cemetery at that time I think there were different processes from today. One of the key selection criteria for the location was about the permission by the King since they (Chinese immigrant) were not Thai by the definition at that time.

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A.K. - And the Baba, it is here (https://goo.gl/maps/tF1CikLeAgT2) but last time I passed, I saw only the fence. I guess they moved or in the process of moving.

A.K. - About Kwang Tung and Samre cemetery, will find more information for you but as I know, they are still fine I think one reason for the situation of the cemetery is about the capability for the land use. For example, there are many large land plot undeveloped in Bangkok but they just access with the smaller road which permitted to build low rise (under 8 storeys) and not feasible to many developers’ sense. And especially Kwang Tung's, I think it is off radar to developer.

A.K. - And for Thai, we cremate and I am not an expert about the public space, we have a bad city planning and then poor public space. I attach one article (which is in Thai) but it was about changing the cemeteries to public area. It is pretty old (2012) and things have changed a lot.

A.K. - And about the Chinese in Thailand. This article could help explain what happened at those times. (https://www.academia.edu/2004343) It feels sad to see the changing but it has to be and we can only record it.

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| Fig 46. Hand drawn exploration of methodology to capture the dynamics of Bangkok. Produced by the author. |

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3.7. Traditional Drawing Projections.

Considering the micro-cultures within urban enclaves of necropolises the focal element of the reflection project the traditional Thai drawing representation seems to be an interconnected methodology that could be implemented in order to reveal the details of sited micro-cultures within the larger context.

The methodology of representation in Thai art reveals significant elements about the culture and the mindset of the ancestors. The interiors in temples of Bangkok are covered with detailed drawings of religious contexts or sceneries from everyday lives of the previous generations although the drawings all seem distorted, warped on in a ‘wrong’ perspective questioning the precision of the spectators vision yet revealing the very specific cultural technique of depicting their world.

In traditional Thai paintings the subjects were mostly shown in two dimensions while the size of each element symbolised it’s level of importance. Traditional Thai paintings showed subjects in two dimensions without perspective and presence of shadows. The methodology used in the paintings was the primary technique of composition - the apportioning of different areas by isolating them. Only in mid-19th century linear perspective was introduced to traditional Thai art as a result of Western influences promoted by the monk artist Khrua In Khong. (36 - Reference in p.195) With the indigenous knowledge and traditional training techniques, methodologies of painting by using colours made from natural pigments and with a twist of introduction of linear perspective Thai painting culture developed a unique combination of representing life of Thais or Buddhism contexts in the murals.

The presence of colours were also an important element in the new combined style of drawing projections with the main 5 pigments of yellow ochre, ultramarine blue, scarlet lake, pipe-clay white and black that were also used to mix other colours. The chromatic atmosphere is in general highly important element even in the contemporary Bangkok being alive in the streets reflecting in the decorations, flags and even clothing of monks and people. According to ancient beliefs and astrological order each day of the week is assigned a specific colour that protects and brings luck, the kings and queens also select their flags according to the day of their birth.

To conclude, the methodology of Thai traditional representation could become a tool for depicting the further interventions in the heterotopic areas of Bangkok with the activities happening in small scale while positioning them in larger context.

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| Fig 47. Fragment of traditional Thai painting on the wall of ‘The Grand Palace’. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig 48. Contextual shift: traditional cultures - side-walk culture, cacophony of forest sounds - traffic humming, traditional Thai temple - not the only typology of religious institution, immigration of other cultures. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig 49. 4 typologies of drawing projections used for further exploration of 4 selected sites. Produced by the author. |

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Drawing projection methodology Influenced by traditional Thai drawing methodology discovered in temples of Bangkok the goal is to use similar level of detailing and depiction of different planes at the same time to expose the presence of specific micro-cultures in the urban context. The emphasised precision and the level of detailing highlight the impossibility to work with such a dynamic and now distant city of Bangkok becoming a collage of knowledge, experiences, memories and observations collected through 141 days of living in Bangkok and afterwards working remotely projected to the sites of focus. The urge to expose density of details encoding the aspects of everyday life of Bangkokians present in the streets and public spaces of the metropolis unveils the richness and vibrance of the locale. The decision to use 4 different methodologies of drawing projections for 4 different sites co-responds to the specificities of each location, the methodology enables to emphasise the processes happening within the sites.

Methodology No.1. Axonometric - used for depicting micro-cultures and elements up front as well as in the back of the drawing at the same level of importance. (Used in Microcosm.No.1) Methodology No.2. Aspective - type of portraying urban condition of gentrification, on-going negotiation between micro and macro cultures resulting in the offsetting of existing wall. The concept of aspective refers to ‘no perspective’ which is conceptually the absence of the actual processes within the site. The process of relocation of the cemetery took place earlier yet now the process has stopped without any real future perspectives for the site. (Used in Microcosm.No.4) Methodology No.3. Reverse perspective - A typology of drawing projection enabling to highlight the processes happening in the back side of the drawing, manipulating the existing situation by exaggeration. (Used in Microcosm.No.7) Methodology No.4. Perspective - Traditional drawing projection is applied to focus on the vastness of the territory by including different drawing projection methodologies to unveil the scope of different modalities and perceptions of the site. (Used in Microcosm.No.5)

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Chapter No.4 Eerie Cemetery Space With a New Twist 4.1.Urgency and Potential The negotiation between real estate developers, city planners and sited micro-cultures in Bangkok cemeteries is an on-going process in some of the 10 analysed sites. The urban heterotopic enclaves become a potential spaces for mediation in between, for becoming a public space to people or becoming a manifesto addressing the contemporary urban conditions and problems within the locale.

Research question: is there a possibility for an eerie spaces of cemeteries enclaved within the rapidly changing urban tissue of Bangkok to be considered as a potential contribution to a high demand of green public space by reinforcing the existing micro-cultures, mediating between the existing urban conditions, environmental issues reflected to the enclosures of the cemeteries?

The initial strategy was to treat all 10 selected sites of cemeteries in Bangkok metropolitan area at the same level of care in order to discover the specificities of different phases of city development, fusion of different cultures and processes happening within each of them although after certain steps during the process the decision was to refine the project to 4 sites to investigate deeper by selecting such combinations that would unveil the same problems happening in another locations.

The criteria for selecting 4 sites were to have all 4 typologies of zoning according to comprehensive city plan, all 4 religions since they have different rituals and perceptions towards burials and processes happening within the cemeteries as well as selecting combinations of environmental issues, urban conditions and participant experiences in the way to highlight the most important aspects reflecting in another locations as well.

| Fig 50. Page 82. A collage of models according to the locations in Bangkok. Produced by the author. |

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Microcosm No.1

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4.2. 10 Urban Laboratories

Microcosm No.1

Location name: Ton Son Cemetery Religion: Islamic Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 4 118 m2 Zone: pink - national identity and cultural conversion zone Pressure: no pressure because of historical zone. No pressure because of religion since relocation would be against Islamic beliefs and regulations.

Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, sidewalk culture, dark tourists Problems: environmental problem - CO2 emissions coming from the adjacent flyover Potential: strong presence of micro-cultures as well as unused and abandoned green space in the backside of the Mosque open up the possibility to rethink the existing space for public use within the territory by embracing the existing users of the space.

Intervention: ‘The Loop Garden’ - 250 metres continuous perimeter walk in the volumatic extension of the existing wall integrating religious, scientific, relaxation and cultural elements - reinforcing the existing microcultures, embracing the historical building within the enclosure by becoming a place for appropriating an embassy of the jungle within the historical part of Bangkok. The loop structure is an offset of the actual territorial boundary reacting to the specificities of each wall becoming a complex and versatile space integrating the users of the space within the territory, inverting the food culture within the territory. The space is being used not only by religious culture and side-walk culture but is a popular destination for tourists since the mosque within the enclosure is a historical building - the intervention around the enclosure completes the experiences for all detected micro-cultures. From the environmental perspective the sites works as a laboratory of collecting CO2 and particulate matters from the adjacent flyover, purifying the air and compressing the polluted air into CO2 bricks. The bricks are used to build a small meditation tower where you can breath fresh cemetery air surrounded by the product of air pollution.

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| Fig. 51. ‘The Loop Garden’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig. 52. Site map. Ton Son Cemetery - ‘The Loop Garden’ Produced by the author. |

‘The Loop Garden’ M 1:1250

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CO2 capturing wall (2m)

Fun ct

ional w

all

Relax

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wall

Active wa ll

CO2 bricks \ meditation tower

Islam Ass

ociation

Ton Son Mosque

wall Ablution ersion culture inv Side-walk

‘The Loop Garden’ M 1:500

| Fig. 53. Plan. Ton Son cemetery - ‘The Loop Garden’ Produced by the author. |

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| Fig. 54. Section. Ton Son cemetery - ‘The Loop Garden’ Produced by the author. |

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| Fig. 55. Axonometric drawing projection. ’The Loop Garden’ Produced by the author. |

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Side-walk micro-culture

Wudu ablution ritual

Outside - Inside

Meditation in between CO2 bricks

| Fig. 56. a) side-walk culture b) wudu ablution ritual c) C02 bricks chamber for meditation d) outside versus inside. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig. 57. Section of the new volumatic wall extension. Produced by the author. |

The Wall

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| Fig. 58. A model of CO2 brick. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig. 59. Ton Son Cemetery Mosque. Retrieved from ‘Google’ images |

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Microcosm No.2

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Microcosm No.2

Location name: Mahanak Cemetery Religion: Islamic Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 13 751 m2 Zone: pink - national identity and cultural conversion zone Pressure: no pressure because of the historical zone. No pressure because of religion since relocation would be against Islamic beliefs and regulations.

Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, sidewalk culture Problems: environmental issue - toxicity of burials Potential: strong presence of sidewalk culture splitting two cemetery territories apart as well as religious culture in the neighbourhood and on going burials in the territory create a chance to twist burials in sustainable way adapted to Muslim religion as well as becoming a public space for neighbouring cultures considering the architectural typologies of Islamic culture.

Intervention: The Garden of Duality exposes the two territories in the comparative way by leaving one of them to decay and allow to be covered in overgrowth as a reference to the fate of all abandoned architecture and spaces while continuing the burials on the other side and creating a controlled garden, reinforcing the existing micro cultures by constructing small Mosque doubling as cultural centre and displacing the traditional element of Minaret - a tower in the junction to mark the territory, injecting fungus laboratories to produce sustainable burial cloths and including observation tower to compare the processes happening in both sides of the cemetery.

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| Fig.60. ’The Garden of Duality’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.61. Site map. Mahanak Cemetery - ‘The Garden of Duality’ Produced by the author. |

‘The Garden of Duality’ M 1:1250

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Open air arcade

ge

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Sto ra

Sto ra

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Ind o cult or pray ura l sp er / ace

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Sto ra

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| Fig.62.Plan. New mosque for religious culture and neighbouring community. Produced by the author. |

‘The Garden of Duality’ New Mosque M 1:200

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| Fig.63. Section. Mahanak Cemetery - ‘The Garden of Duality’ Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.64. Perspective drawing projection. ‘The Garden of Duality’ Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.65. a) side-walk culture between two territories b) abandoned garden versus controlled garden c) mediating space - riwaq between outside and inside d) lowered prayer and community space oriented to Mecca direction. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.66. Section of the step. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.67. Mahanak Cemetery. Retrieved from ‘Google’ street view. |

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Microcosm No.3

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Microcosm No.3

Location name: Ban Oou Cemetery Religion: Islamic Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 2 890 m2 Zone: red - high density commercial zone Pressure: previously high level of pressure, although community fought for their rights to keep the land since relocation of the burials would be against religious beliefs and regulations.

Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, sidewalk culture Problems: environmental problems - toxicity of burials, flooding; urban condition - gentrification Potential: the harsh condition of gentrification, conflict between urban developers and sited religious culture as well as case of flooding due to close proximity to Chao Phraya river provokes to use the land of cemetery to expose the future scenario of Bangkok to stimulate the discourse of which way the city is going.

Intervention: by manipulating the future fate of unbuilt areas in comparison with densified areas the manipulative intervention is to elevate the soil of cemetery creating an underground garden of the existing cemetery simultaneously questioning the perception of human life, eternity, mortality, referring to the concepts of Terrestrial Paradise - a walled enclosure and The Tree of Life - perception of human life circle roots, trunk and branches as past, present and future.

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| Fig.68. ‘The Underground Garden’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.69. Site map. Ban Oou cemetery - ‘The Underground Garden’ Produced by the author. |

‘The Underground Garden’ M 1:1250

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| Fig.70. Section. Ban Oou cemetery - ‘The Underground Garden’ Produced by the author. |

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Microcosm No.4

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Microcosm No.4

Location name: Hokkien Cemetery Religion: Chinese Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 15 421m2 Zone: red - high density commercial zone Pressure: high level of pressure, on-going negotiation between micro-cultures, developers and municipality Micro-cultures: religious culture, side-walk culture, dark tourists, residents Problems: urban condition - gentrification Potential: strong presence of sidewalk culture, residents living within the territory of cemetery, powerful religious and superstitious beliefs by the locals, on-going negotiation between micro/macro cultures blends in a complex situation demanding an attention in highly desirable place.

Intervention: a temporary structure-manifesto marking the shifting border of the cemetery by continuing the principles of Feng Shui which are already appreciated in the locale as well as contradicting the future plans of developers to build a luxurious hotel by constructing a temporary shelter for travellers and locals as well as integrating sidewalk culture in the ground floor.

The government has adopted a new policy of grave ownership - if in the period of 3 years nobody takes care of the grave relatives automatically lose rights, at the current situation the owners of graves in this territory are offered money to relocate them to satellite town Chon Buri - approximately 40% of the burials have already been relocated although the owners of another part hesitate or deny the possibility to relocate since they believe that powerful Feng Shui attracts luck to their businesses resulting in the on-going negotiation and stagnation of any perspectives for the land. The land is highly desired by new developers since the value of the land has risen significantly due to the infrastructure developments adjacent to the location - BTS skytrain line and other real estate developments nearby such as King Power MahaNakhon Tower. In this context the intervention of temporary inhabitable wall structure reflects the on-going debates, shifting wall of the cemetery by respecting the Feng Shui principles: the structure follows the offset of mental wall of cemetery with 6 staircases following the directional shapes and colours, rotated 9m2 chambers for nomads are oriented to cardinal directions to keep balance of energies, the existing cemetery garden is matching with the Feng Shui principle of being in east direction. The space becomes a symbiosis of sleeping both in literal an figurative ways. The word ‘cemetery’ (from Greek κοιμητήριον) - means ‘sleeping chamber’. (37 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.72. Site map. Hokkien cemetery - ‘The Garden of Sweet Dreams’ Produced by the author. |

‘The Garden of Sweet Dreams’ M 1:1250 | Fig.71. Page 117. ‘The Garden of Sweet Dreams’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.75. Aspective drawing projection. ‘The Garden of Sweet Dreams’ Produced by the author. | | Fig.73. Page 119.Plan of temporary inhabited wall structure. Feng Shui principles, side walk culture inclusion. Produced by the author. | | Fig.74. Page 120. Axonometric drawing of temporary inhabited wall structure. Produced by the author. |

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Feng Shui - S shaped BTS Skytrain line, swirling pixels of Mahanakhon tower

Religious micro-cultures

Side-walk inclusion shiftingline, borderswirling Mahanakhon tower pixels b) religious micro-cultures, 9m2 Feng Shui chamber gate + Thai House for | Fig.76. a) Feng Shui - S culture shaped BTSwithin skytrain Chinese

Spirits c) side-walk culture inclusion within the shifting border d) 9m2 Feng Shui chamber. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.77. Section of the step. Produced by the author. |

The Step

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| Fig.78. Section. Hokkien Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.79. Proximity between Mahanakhon tower and Chinese tomb. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.80. Side-walk culture in front of cemetery wall. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.81. Everyday life of residents living in cemetery territory. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.82. Cyber micro - culture of dark tourists. The factor attracting tourists to this location is the contradiction between the modern developments and the abandonment of cemetery location resulting in the high level of contrast and tension. Pictures from Hokkien cemetery on ‘Instagram’.|

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Microcosm No.5

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Microcosm No.5

Location name: Teochew Cemetery Religion: Chinese Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism Area: 164 144 m2 Zone: green - open space for environment conversion and recreation / religious institution zone Pressure: no pressure Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, sidewalk culture, dark tourists, active culture Problems: participant experience - inaccessibility Potential: the area has been converted to park in 1990’s meaning that neighbouring cultures got used to the fact that eerie space of cemetery has another function although they are not able to conveniently use the space due to lack of accessibility which is a potential factor for reimagining the border between two worlds.

Intervention: after investigating the border condition of 2km enclosure and following situations of the border throughout 1km of accessible wall through different hierarchies of the streets (high density road, medium density road, alley (soi)) the discovery of only one entrance and different modalities of the wall according to the surrounding provokes to mediate between the inside and outside of the territory already being a park for 30 years. The intervention reacts to different typologies of the wall twisting it to the wall of inclusion rather than the exclusionary practise. The set of interventions reacts to existing conditions by embracing or contradicting them in all ways becoming a mediation between the micro-cultures on the outside of the wall and the territory inside the cemetery. The interventions address the presence of multi-cultures, side-walk culture, residents, dark tourists as well as active culture detected within the locale. (38 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.83. ‘The Real Garden’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.84. Site map. Teochew Cemetery - ‘The Real Garden’. Produced by the author. |

‘The Real Garden’ M 1:4000

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| Fig.85. Perspective / aspective drawing projection. ‘The Real Garden’. Produced by the author. |

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A Wall of Inclusion

Multi-cultural hub

Side-walk culture inclusion

| Fig.86. a) a wall of inclusion b) multi-cultural hub c) squeezed in transition - invitation to side-walk culture wall d) side-walk culture inclusion.

Produced by the author. |

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Dead-end soi (6m)

Dead-end soi (2m)

Dead-end soi (5m)

Dead-end soi (1,5m)

| Fig.87. a) dead-end soi (6m) b) dead-end soi (2m) c) dead-end soi (5m) d) dead-end soi (1.5m). Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.88. Side-walk culture inclusion. Produced by the author. |

Side-walk culture inclusion

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| Fig.89. Section 1/2 Teochew Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.90. Section 2/2 Teochew Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.91. Teochew Chinese Cemetery. Retrieved from ‘Instagram’ account bkk_the_metropolis |

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| Fig.92. Overgrowth. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.93. Infinite field of stones. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.94. Monument versus motorbike parking. Captured by the author. |

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| Fig.95. Exploration of wall conditions. 2km border / 1km accessible / only one 6m entrance. Collage by the author. Retrieved from ‘Google’|

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| Fig.96. Graffiti wall + Chinese gate + Religious wall. Eerie road between abandoned graves. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.97. Narrow passage + Long segmented wall. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.98. Wall in front of Teochew association territory. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.99. Narrow dead-end (literally) streets (sois) between residential housing. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.100. Cyber micro - culture of dark tourists. The factor attracting tourists to this location is the conversion of such space into the park which is highly desired typology of public space in densely paved Bangkok. Pictures from Hokkien cemetery on ‘Instagram’.|

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Microcosm No.6

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Microcosm No.6

Location name: Bayan Cemetery Religion: Islamic Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 5 035 m2 Zone: blue - high density residential zone Pressure: previously medium level of pressure although community fought for their rights to keep the land Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, residents Problems: participant experience - inaccessibility Potential: the isolation in between residential houses creates a tension and relief sequence, the potential is to use the location as a pocket park.

Intervention: acoustic curtain to restrict from the cacophony of sounds of traffic humming while containing natural sounds within the territory emphasising the richness of nature squeezed between residential housing units.

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| Fig.101. ‘The Isolated Garden’ model. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.102. Site map. Bayan Cemetery - ‘The Isolated Garden’ model. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.103. Section. Bayan Cemetery - ‘The Isolated Garden’ model. Produced by the author.|

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Microcosm No.7

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Microcosm No.7

Location name: Protestant Cemetery Religion: Christianity, Protestantism, Judaism Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 10 593 m2 Zone: blue - high density residential zone Pressure: Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, dark tourists Problems: environmental issues- toxicity of burials, flooding, urban condition - gentrification, participant experience - inaccessibility Potential: use the space as an experimental ground to expose the severeness of flooding conditions as well as becoming a catalyst for new typology of Christian burials.

Intervention: by opening up the wall in Chao Phraya river and stop using two water pumps in the territory which would result in the water overflowing the cemetery becoming a monument for flooding situations in Bangkok. At the beginning of the territory a small chapel for reconceptualised death rituals with columbarium is constructed where a new typology of burial takes place - a process of resomation after which the liquid and ashes remain. The resultant water is then used to water the garden in the beginning of the territory where the water then merges with the river questioning the materiality of human body (80% of human body consists of water) and return to the nature. The intervention becomes a compromise between the notion of death by reconceptualising burial methods in sustainable way at the same time embracing the nature of location and water presence in close proximity. The old entrance to the cemetery used to be from the Chao Phraya river side - in that sense the intervention links the entrance from the street starting with the new ‘Water Chapel’ , continuing the path to the old chapel near the water and finishing near the dock by the river. The territory becomes an experimental ground - an urban laboratory where water becomes the focal aspect of perceiving environmental issues. (39 - Reference in p.195)

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| Fig.104.‘The Liquid Garden’ model. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.105.Site map. Bangkok Protestant Cemetery - ’The Liquid Garden’. Produced by the author.|

‘The Liquid Garden’ M1:1500

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| Fig.106.Section. Bangkok Protestant Cemetery. Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.107. Reverse perspective drawing projection. ‘The Liquid Garden’. Produced by the author.|

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The Water Chapel

Inclusion

Aquatic culture The Old Chapel | Fig.108. a) inclusive wall b) the water chapel c) the old chapel d) aquatic culture + original entrance to the cemetery from Chao Phraya river.

Produced by the author.|

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| Fig.109. Section of separation. Produced by the author.|

Separation

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| Fig.110. Entrance to the old chapel near Chao Phraya river. Retrieved from ‘Google’ images |

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| Fig.111. Flooded graves. Retrieved from ‘Instagram’ account stefan_in_bkk |

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| Fig.112. Cyber micro-culture of dark tourists. Pictures from Protestant Cemetery on ‘Instagram’. |

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Microcosm No.8

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Microcosm No.8

Location name: Samre Cemetery Religion: Christianity Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 6 412 m2 Zone: blue - high density residential zone Pressure: Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, active culture Problems: environmental issues- heat island effect, flooding Potential: the cemetery from it’s essence is not a space of greenery but rather the garden of stones with paved walkways creating a heat island effect and no permeability from the street side, although on the other side from the street large territory near Chao Phraya is located as a potential space to contribute to much needed green public areas of Bangkok where the historical aquatic culture could be embraced.

Intervention: in current condition the cemetery acts as a block restricting the access to the lush garden by the water - the minimal intervention of expanding the wall of the enclosure and creating a perimeter overpass through the cemetery enables to respectively reach the lush garden near the water. The positioning of the cemetery exposes the mono-function of the territory which results in the impossibility to reach another locations which reflects urban conditions within the cities.

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| Fig.113. Samre Cemetery - ‘The Non-Garden’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.114. Site map. Samre Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.115. Section. Samre Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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Microcosm No.9

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Microcosm No.9

Location name: An - Atik Cemetery Religion: Islamic Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 3 647 m2 Zone: blue - high density residential zone Pressure: Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture, residents Problems: participant experience - inaccessibility Potential: the secret allocation of the site squeezed in between housing units provokes to emphasise the existing situation including sited-micro cultures to use it as public space.

Intervention: the existing cemetery wall is covered with reflective surface from both sides resulting in the situation that from the outside it reflects the surroundings and becomes hidden while in the inside it creates an infinite projection of the garden questioning the perpetuity of human soul and afterlife simultaneously becoming a collective garden for the neighbouring cultures.

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| Fig.116. An - Atik Cemetery - ‘The Secret Garden’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.117. Site map. An - Atik Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.118. Section. An - Atik Cemetery. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.119. Hidden. Retrieved from ‘Google’ images |

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Microcosm No.10

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Microcosm No.10

Location name: Kwang Tung Cemetery Religion: Chinese Neighbouring religions: Theravada Buddhism Area: 33 817 m2 Zone: blue - high density residential zone Pressure: Micro-Cultures detected: religious culture Problems: environmental issues - toxicity of burials, heat island effect Potential: contradict the existing condition of land use by twisting existing burial method to sustainability by paying respects to religious beliefs and rituals of Chinese culture.

Intervention: the super-positioned structure according to Feng Shui principals and cardinal directions is placed as a contradiction to infinity of burial space for traditional Chinese tombstones existing in the location creating heat island effect. The structure is inclining loop walk as a reference to the mountain which is a traditional element in Chinese cemeteries including the twisted sustainable burial method adapted to Chinese culture by considering the traditional beliefs. In Chinese culture immigrants desire to be buried in their home land of China which might be complicated for some families living in Bangkok. Considering that the process of returning the body of the deceased to home land of China is an expensive and difficult method the intervention proposes a sustainable compromise of recomposing the body in the soil which becomes fertile and later could be transported to China as a respect for the last wishes of the human. The structure is an inclined open air walkway integrating the soil pods and greenery contrasting with the existing method of burial and excessive land use in the locale.

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| Fig.120. Kwang Tung Cemetery - ‘The Garden of China Lands’ model. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.121. Site map. Kwang Tung Cemetery - ‘The Garden of China Lands’. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.122. Section. Kwang Tung Cemetery - ‘The Garden of China Lands’. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.123. Stones. Retrieved from ‘Google’ images.|

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| Fig.124. 4 selected cases: a) axonometric - ‘The Loop Garden’ b) aspective - ‘The Garden of Sweet Dreams’ c) reverse perspective - ‘The Liquid Garden’ d) perspective - ‘The Real Garden’. Produced by the author. |

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| Fig.125. Conclusion of the project reflecting the urban shift of context, condition of exclusion of cemeteries yet the possibility for the cemetery walls to become inclusive contribution to the Bangkok public spaces by reinforcing existing micro-cultures A wall as a mediator between two worlds instead of separator. Produced by the author. |

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4.3. Conclusions ‘Is the abandoned garden the ultimate destiny of all manmade architecture? Decay and vitality. Completely obvious to fatigue, all these countless, nameless grasses and weeds growing so profusely [‌] gradually clarified the question of the site: What good are the buildings of humanity before an architect like nature, which ultimately transcends vitality and decay alike?’ (40 - Reference in p.195)

The Master Dissertation develops a strategy of perceiving 10 heterotopic exclusions of cemeteries of 4 different cultures and 4 zoning typologies existent in the urban pattern of rapidly developing metropolis of Bangkok by identifying 3 different scales being environmental issues, urban conditions and participant experience. The identified aspects in combination with detected micro - cultures within the sites are used as drivers for urban laboratories in each of the sites aiming to mediate in between by twisting the places that previously shifted from anthropological to non-places of abandonment into a contribution to public space that is on high demand in the accelerated urban sprawl context. A set of 10 microcosms with specific focus to 4 selected sites that conclude the essential elements of them all unveil the historical sequence of Bangkok development from the aquatic cultural origins with traditional wooden houses on the poles, to concrete block shophouses and residences and finally to a process of skyscraperization. In the context of Bangkok shifting from agriculture-based to knowledge-based city the crucial element is to consider the indigenous knowledge of public space appropriation in order provide the sustainable spaces appreciated by local cultures. The urban laboratories of 10 cemeteries unveiling the urban processes as well as environmental issues happening in the sites of multi-cultures can become a catalysts for entanglement with another sites of migrant cultures in distant locations. The project aims to reconsider the existing spaces for multi-purpose use to reach the efficiency of them by reinforcing the existing micro-cultures and mediating in between in the quickly metabolising city of Bangkok.

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| Fig.126. External jury final table set up. Top right (moving counter clockwise): an odyssey of deviating paths starting from Bangkok air and particulate matters, religious ambience, khora, cemeteries as enclaves; comparative map of Bangkok public indoor spaces, 10 cemeteries and largest parks; urban laboratory of 10 cemeteries; model of CO2 brick; taxonomic exploration of 10 cemeteries; introduction of methodology for drawing projections; 4 selected focal locations; conclusion drawing of the dissertation. Produced by the author.|

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List of Sources (1) p.7 - Unknowingness Borden Iain, Kerr Joe, Rendell Jane, Pivaro Alicia. ‘The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space’.

2000. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. London, England (p.292) Retrieved from http://amper.ped.muni.cz/~jonas/knihy/12_umeni_a_architektura/ %5BIain_Borden,_Joe_Kerr,_Jane_Rendell,_Alicia_Pivar(BookFi.org).pdf (2) p.9 - Bangkok Air Quality Index Retrieved from https://www.airvisual.com/thailand/bangkok (3) p.9 - Thai government actions towards Bangkok air pollution Retrieved from https://newmobility.news/2019/01/15/bangkok-to-use-cloud-seeding-to-reduce-pollution/ (4) p.19 - Abandoned Sathorn Unique Tower Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sathorn_Unique_Tower (5) p. - 29 - Contrasting notions through history Eggener Keith. ‘The Fascinating History of Cemeteries’. 2018. TED-Ed. United States of America.

Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8HegwRtbDSU (6) p. 31 - Churchyard Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 265) (7) p. 31 - Cemetery Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 261) (8) p. 33 - Burial Ground Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 266) (9) p. 33 - Mass Graves Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 268) (10) p. 33 - War Cemeteries Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 270) (11) p. 33 - Pantheons Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 271) (12) p. 33 - The boundary between two worlds Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’.

2000. University of York, United Kingdom. (p. 262) (13) p. 35 - Rem Koolhas on ‘archipelago’ Pohl Ethel, Nájera César. ‘A Tale of Two Cities: The Archipelago and the Enclave’. 2015. (p.4) Retrieved from http://continentcontinent.cc/index.php/continent/article/view/196 (14) p. 35 - Concept of ‘Berlin as Green Archipelago’ by Oswald Mathias Ungers and Rem Koolhas. 1977 Pohl Ethel, Nájera César. ‘A Tale of Two Cities: The Archipelago and the Enclave’. 2015. (p.4) Retrieved from http://continentcontinent.cc/index.php/continent/article/view/196 (15) p. 35 - India - Pakistan enclaves Pohl Ethel, Nájera César. ‘A Tale of Two Cities: The Archipelago and the Enclave’. 2015. (p.4) Retrieved from http://continentcontinent.cc/index.php/continent/article/view/196 (16) p. 37 - San Francisco - Colma case Retrieved from https://www.kqed.org/news/10779164/why-are-so-many-dead-people-in-colma-and-so-few-in-san-francisco Retrieved from https://urbanomnibus.net/2019/01/urban-system-death/

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(17) p. 41 - Heterotopia Foucault Michel. ‘Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias’.1984. Architecture /Mouvement/ Continuité (p. 6) (18) p. 41 - From Anthropological to Non-Place Augé Marc. ‘Non - Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity’. 1995. (p.66) (19) p.43 - Terrestrial Paradise Khosravi Hamed. ‘Paradise’. 2011.

Retrieved from http://thecityasaproject.org/2011/07/paradise/ (20) p.43 - Axis Mundi Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Axis_mundi Retrieved and translated from https://lt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pasaulio_medis (21) p. 47 - Chulalongkorn University Centenary park Retrieved from https://worldlandscapearchitect.com/chulalongkorn-centenary-park-green-infrastructure-for-the-city-of-bangkok/#.XQbdqvkzZ0s (22) p.49 - Brioni-Vega cemetery. San Vito d'Altivole, Italy.Carlo Scarpa.1978 Bell Barry. ‘The Brion Cemetery and the Narrative of Redemption’. 1999. Carleton University. ACSA International Conference.Rome. (p. 343) (23) p.49 - Igualda cemetery. Igualda, Spain. Enric Miralles. Carme Pinós.1994 Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Igualada_Cemetery (24) p.49 - San Cataldo Cemetery. Modena. Italy. Aldo Rossi. 1971 Retrieved from http://archeyes.com/san-cataldo-cemetery-aldo-rossi/ (25) p.53 - Bangkok Green City Index Retrieved from https://www.100resilientcities.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Bangkok_-_Resilience_Strategy.pdf (p. 22) (26) p.53 - Indigenous origins of space appropriation in Bangkok Mateo-Babiano Iderlina B. ‘Public life in Bangkok’s Urban Spaces’. 2012. School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, St Lucia Campus, Brisbane, Queensland 4072, Australia. (p.453), (p.455), (p.456) (27) p. 55 - Forest-based culture Mateo-Babiano Iderlina B. ‘Public life in Bangkok’s Urban Spaces’. 2012. School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, St Lucia Campus, Brisbane, Queensland 4072, Australia. (p.457), (p.459) (28) p.55 - Aquatic culture Mateo-Babiano Iderlina B. ‘Public life in Bangkok’s Urban Spaces’. 2012. School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, St Lucia Campus, Brisbane, Queensland 4072, Australia. (p.453), (p.454), (p.455) (29) p.55 - Side-walk culture Mateo-Babiano Iderlina B. ‘Public life in Bangkok’s Urban Spaces’. 2012. School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, St Lucia Campus, Brisbane, Queensland 4072, Australia. (p.456), (p.457), (p.460) (30) p.57 - ‘The Unusual Football Field’ by AP Thailand in collaboration with CJ Worx’ in Khlong Toei community, Bangkok, Thailand Retrieved from https://www.adweek.com/creativity/oddly-shaped-soccer-fields-earn-thailand-its-first-grand-prix-in-design/ (31) p.59 - Bangkok Demographics Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangkok#Demography (32) p.63 - Bangkok Comprehensive City Planning 2013 Retrieved from http://iad.bangkok.go.th/sites/default/files/21.City%20Planning%20Department.pdf (33) p.68 - Micro-culture definition Retrieved from https://www.thefreedictionary.com/microculture (34) p.69 - Dark tourism definition Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dark_tourism

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(35) p.69 - ‘ Bangkok Architecture Tour on Bike’ Retrieved from https://www.facebook.com/events/1356593307684936/ Retrieved from http://www.khaosodenglish.com/life/events/2016/07/06/deathride-tour-bangkoks-cemeteries-two-wheels/ (36) p.77 - Traditional Thai drawing projections Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khrua_In_Khong (37) p. 116 - Hokkien Chinese Cemetery Retrieved from https://www.bangkok101.com/joe-cummings-hokkien-chinese-cemetery/ Retrieved from https://www.posttoday.com/social/general/513397?refer=http%3A %2%20%2Fm.facebook.com&fbclid=IwAR3mnmfxJXH0nP9XHR29201c4gODg0Xh-xxlvStSgkqvNBRV6qUQIiga8R3xG4 Retrieved from https://www.bangkok101.com/joe-cummings-hokkien-chinese-cemetery/ Retrieved from https://www.ursulasweeklywanders.com/travel/the-chinese-cemetery-silom-road-bangkok/ (37) p. 116 - Mahanakhon Tower Feng Shui Retrieved from https://pantip.com/topic/35558731 (37) p. 116 - Feng Shui principles Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Feng_shui (38) p. 132 - Teochew Chinese Cemetery Retrieved from https://dyingtogetin.com/chinese-cemetery-in-bangkok/ Retrieved from https://coconuts.co/bangkok/features/mingle-chinese-ghosts-teochew-chinese-cemetery/ (39) p. 160 - Bangkok Protestant Cemetery Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangkok_Protestant_Cemetery Retrieved from https://bangkokcemetery.org/ Retrieved from https://www.tour-bangkok-legacies.com/protestant-cemetery-bangkok.html Retrieved from https://medium.com/walking-the-path/reflecting-on-the-finality-of-death-at-bangkok-s-protestant-cemetery-photos-808796fdb66d Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkaline_hydrolysis_(body_disposal) (40) p. 193 - Abandoned Garden Fang Hu ‘Towards A Non-Intentional Space Vol.1: About Sou Fujimoto’s Architectural Design for Mirrored Gardens’. 2016. Koenig Books, The Pavilion

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Bibliographical list

Borden Iain, Kerr Joe, Rendell Jane, Pivaro Alicia. ‘The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space’. 2000. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. London, England.

Rugg Julie. ‘Defining the Place of Burial: What Makes a Cemetery a Cemetery?’. 2000. University of York, United Kingdom.

Pohl Ethel, Nájera César. ‘A Tale of Two Cities: The Archipelago and the Enclave’. 2015.

Foucault Michel. ‘Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias’.1984. Architecture /Mouvement/ Continuité.

Augé Marc. ‘Non - Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity’. 1995.

Bell Barry. ‘The Brion Cemetery and the Narrative of Redemption’. 1999. Carleton University. ACSA International Conference. Rome.

Mateo-Babiano Iderlina B. ‘Public life in Bangkok’s Urban Spaces’. 2012. School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, St Lucia Campus, Brisbane, Queensland 4072, Australia.

Fang Hu ‘Towards A Non-Intentional Space Vol.1: About Sou Fujimoto’s Architectural Design for Mirrored Gardens’. 2016. Koenig Books, The Pavilion.

Consulted professionals Aracha Krasae-in Lecturer at Faculty of Architecture ‘Kasetsart University’ Bangkok, Thailand.

Architecture Tour on Bike’ and specifically the tour ‘Ride to Death’

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Organiser of

‘Bangkok

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Thank you!

Tomas Ooms Family Julius

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Master Dissertation Space Oddities
 An archipelago of 10 heterotopic enclaves in relation with micro-cultures in an unknown city of Bangkok Author: Dalia Puodziute Academic promotor: Tomas Ooms Science in Architecture: Resilient and Sustainable Strategies KU Leuven Campus Sint-Lucas Ghent Faculty of Architecture Hoogstraat 51, 9000 Ghent, Belgium 17th of June, 2019

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