Architecture Thesis

RECONSTRUCTING DEMOLISHED CULTURE MEMORY OF KOWLOON WALLED CITY xiao dan zhang architectural thesis [ 2010-2011 ]

table of contents

.00.

abstract

[ 11 ]

.01.

introduction Military Fort Kowloon Walled City Kowloon Walled City Park

[ 13 ]

.02.

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f ko w l o o n w a l l e d c i t y

[ 31 ]

.03.

design intent

[ 33 ]

.04.

program Cultural Center Defining Cultural Center Design Approach

[ 35 ]

manifestations of memory Textual Built Form Experien al Design Direc on

[ 41 ]

design Design Methodology Site Selec ons

[ 45 ]

.07.

conclusion

[ 67 ]

.08.

list of illustrations

[ 73 ]

.09.

bibliography

[ 75 ]

.05.

.06.

[ 14 ] [ 14 ] [ 15 ]

[ 35 ] [ 37 ] [ 37 ]

[ 41 ] [ 41 ] [ 41 ] [ 42 ]

[ 45 ] [ 47 ]

[9]

.00. abstract

“The park provides a new way of dealing with the past – by destroying it and then building a beautiful make-believe m o d e l to att ra c t to u r i st s .” 1 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, City Between Worlds

The “park” is referring to the replacement of Kowloon Walled City in Hong Kong, once a home to 33,000 residents on a mere 6.5 acres of land, is now a Chinese Qing dynasty style garden that does li le to remember the people who once lived there.

The demoli on of Kowloon Walled City in 1993 and the current use of the site present two areas of study for this thesis. The first study will look at architecture as a product of poli cal conflicts. Hong Kong started as a trading harbor because of its loca on between the Pearl River Delta and the South China Sea. When China refused to par cipate in opium trading, Hong Kong was subsequently leased to Britain for 100 years, with the excep on of a small district in Kowloon s ll occupied by Chinese military.

A er the military le , many people moved into the area to escape taxes, also refugees from China mainland during the Second World War followed.2 This newly occupied city was the direct result of poli cal changes in Hong Kong history.

As Hong Kong con nued to develop into a major tourist and consumer a rac on, so did the Kowloon Walled City.

The new Kowloon Walled City Park opened in 1995 two years a er the Walled City’s demoli on in 1993. It was an a empt to present Hong Kong as a modern city, while maintaining tradi onal values, as seen in the demoli on of the old buildings and the construc on of the new garden. However, the cultural values and experien al effects of its former structures are abandoned.

The beau ful gardens, landscaping and fountains overshadow the old city ar facts displayed in the park, and act as the primary source of a rac on for tourists instead of the former inhabited city. For this reason, different manifesta ons of memory will be the second area of study in an effort to understand the engagement between the built environment, the remaining ar facts, and its rela onship to the collec ve memory of the place.

The goal of this thesis is to reconstruct the history of the vanished city, by crea ng a series of interven ons that evoke memories of the people and the place. Using the park as the current site and the stories told by previous residents as reference, the project will use collages, drawings and overlay of images as analysis of the Wall City’s spa al environments. The end product will use the reconstructed representa ons to design new interven ons that allow park visitors to experience the site in its current and its historical context.

[11]

FIGURE 1.1 _ 1847 Map of Hong Kong

[12]

.01. introduction

FIGURE 1.2 _ Hong Kong Island and Victoria Harbor

Just north of the Hong Kong Islands and separated by the Victoria Harbor lies a legendary city unlike any other in the world. The story of the Walled City began during the Sung Dynasty (960 – 1297) when the coast of the Kowloon Peninsula was discovered as a salt field and a fort was built, at the site of the current Kowloon Walled City Park, to control the salt trade. A er the trade had discon nued, the area did not receive any recogni on un l the Bri sh invasion of Hong Kong in the 1840s. Hong Kong is separated into New Territory, Kowloon and Hong Kong Island. Because of its proximity to water, Hong Kong had always served as a trading port between foreign countries and the mainland China. For the same reason, when China refused to begin opium trading with Britain in 1842, Hong Kong Island was the first to be occupied.

In 1860, the southern p of Kowloon was taken over. Finally in 1898, the en rety of Hong Kong was under Bri sh control with the excep on of Kowloon Walled City because it was s ll

occupied by the Chinese military.3 A er the Chinese military retreated back to China in 1899, the site was abandoned un l people in Hong Kong began no cing its lack of formal authority. It became a “diploma c black hole where refugees of WWII resided to escape famine, civil war, and poli cal persecu on.”4 The Walled City was gradually occupied by people of various backgrounds; residents in Hong Kong moved in to escape tax from the Bri sh government; members of gangs established illegal businesses such as pros tu on and opium dens; and low income families that simply could not afford to live anywhere else made the Walled City their home. It was a site that condensed all forms of ac vi es found throughout Hong Kong into 6.5 acres. In 1992, the Hong Kong and Chinese governments both agreed to demolish the Walled City due to sanitary and building structural concerns. In 1995, the Kowloon Walled City Park [13]

[ introduction ]

FIGURE 1.3 _ 1948 Newspaper article about Walled City demolition protests

KOWLOON WALLED CITY opened, featuring different Chinese garden designs, and Yamen, one of the original magistrate offices since the 1840s that s ll remain.

MILITARY FORT The military fort was measured 700 feet by 400 feet, an area of 6.5 acres. All structures were built on granite ashlar. One of the key architectural elements of the fort was the 15 feet wide and 13 feet tall wall. At the me, the fort was considered in Hong Kong as “China’s Garrison Town” because it was the only site that Bri sh government had not yet built colonial architecture. It was occupied by 544 people, including 200 civilian residents who were dependents of soldiers and officials. Aside from military related buildings, there were also the Lung-chin School, Kui-xing and Paper Burning Pavilion.5 [14]

Greg Girard, a Canadian photographer who spent four years documen ng the Kowloon Walled City, wrote in his introduc on to City of Darkness that, “Living in Hong Kong in the 1980s, the Kowloon Walled City was one of the places everyone had heard about but few seemed to have ever visited.”6 The mysterious presence of the Walled City was largely contributed by cri cs of Hong Kong who con nuously labeled the city as “Chinese Walled City.” The city was beli led because the living condi ons were not up to standards of the rest of Hong Kong. It was considered “Chinese” because its dir ness was not the clean and orderly colonial city. The San Diego UnionTribune described the Walled City in 1987 as an “enclave of teeming, squalid slums and reputa on as a den of vice.”7 Despite its cri cisms, the Walled City con nued to thrive. All of its land was used to its fullest capacity as building

[ introduction ]

over sidewalks for addi onal spaces became a common prac ce among business owners and households, resul ng in dark and ny public alleyways. There was only one rule for all 350 buildings, and that was to not build over 14-15 stories tall to accommodate the Kai Tak Airport built by the briefly occupied Japanese military during the Second World War. People who were already in the Walled City could not afford to leave; people outside refused to believe it existed. Yet, despite the lack of control, everything worked. Children used roofs as outdoor playground, neighbors occasionally set up mahjong tables in the alleyways, and the sound of Chinese opera in the radio spread all throughout the city.8 KOWLOON WALLED CITY PARK Throughout the 20th century, the Bri sh government repeatedly tried to demolish the city, but protests by

residents suppor ng China forced the government to delay their decision un l 1987.9 A er all residents were evicted in 1992 and demoli on was completed in 1993, the Hong Kong Government’s Architectural Services Department (ASD), made up of local civil servants, began the design process of conver ng the former city into Kowloon Walled City Park.

Dr. Leo Ou-Fan Lee, a professor of Humani es at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Harvard University, wrote the following in City Between Worlds a er one of his most recent visits: “The park provides a new way of dealing with the past – by destroying it and then building a beau ful make believe model to a ract tourists.”10 Lee made the claim as a cri que of what the Hong Kong and the Chinese Governments had decided as the most appropriate replacement for the former fort and city. It was once occupied by people with extraordinary abili es to sustain the needs of everyday life. To adapt to increasing global tourism, the city was replaced by a park, with no references to the experiences and memories of the struggles resulted directly from decisions, or the lack of, by their government.

The new park is composed of various early Qing dynasty style gardens. There are eight design features including the Yamen, The Old South Gate, The Mountain View Pavilion, The Chess Garden, The Garden of Chinese Zodiac, Eight Floral Walks, Kuixing Pavilion and Guibi Rock, and The Garden of Four Seasons.11 The park displays the history of China without referencing in any way the culture of the Walled City. The only designs that remember the previous architecture are The Yamen, The Old South Gate, the remaining of previous plaques, granite paving and founda ons.

[15]

[ introduction ]

Walled City Residents He lived in the city con nuously from 1929 to 1990, when the first phase of clearance began. Before re rement, Cheong ran a convenience store paying only $6 a month in rent and making $5000 to $6000 in profit. A erward he spent all his me in a room no larger than 7’ x 12’ and without any natural light because all windows were bordered up as his neighbors increased their building height.12

FIGURE 1.4 _ Yau Lap Cheong

He owned a roast pig business in the Walled City since 1981. He woke up at 4am everyday to prepare for customers at the morning market from 6 to 8am. He came home to eat breakfast at 9, returns to shop at 10, roasts more pigs for the a ernoon market at 3pm, and ended the day at 7pm. If the hawker control team didn’t come, he could sell about three pigs in one day, earning $2000 to $3000; during fes val periods he could sell 20 to 30 pigs a day.13

FIGURE 1.5 _ Yim Kwok Yuen

Park Users

FIGURE 1.8 _ “First Time”

The first me users are usually foreign visitors or younger genera on Hong Kong residents.

[16]

[ introduction ]

He owned a convenience store inside the city ever since he moved in 40 years ago. He did not sell much but because there were so many people, his business s ll made profit every month. A er the demoli on, everyone will be compensated for an apartment, but owners will not receive another shop. Yat will be jobless if he move to anywhere else in Hong Kong.14

FIGURE 1.6 _ Lam Tseng Yat

She did not live in the Walled City, but she came frequently to visit her friends, play mahjong, or enjoy a free breakfast congee, rice soup with them in the Old People’s Centre. Some mes she will take cooking lessons, handicra and embroidery ac vi es, and wri ng classes provided by them.

She claimed even though the living condi ons in the Walled City were not up to standard, at least it provided shelter for the poor.15

FIGURE 1.7 _ Kwok Lau Hing

FIGURE 1.9 _ “Everyday”

The everyday users are mainly elders who comes daily to do exercise inside the park.

[17]

FIGURE 1.10 _ Military Fort Plan

FIGURE 1.11 _ Military Fort Section

FIGURE 1.12 _ Kowloon Walled City Plan

FIGURE 1.13 _ Kowloon Walled City Section

FIGURE 1.14 _ Kowloon Walled City Park Plan

FIGURE 1.15 _ Kowloon Walled City Park Section

Bri sh Occupa on

Hong Kong Popula on Change

1842

1911 SHENZHEN

SHENZHEN

KOWLOON O WALLED CITY

1860

KOWLOON O WALLED CITY

1921 SHENZHEN

SHENZHEN

KOWLOON O WALLED CITY

1898

1931 SHENZHEN

SHENZHEN

KOWLOON WALLED CITY

= BRITISH OCCUPATION OF HONG KONG

[30]

KOWLOON O WALLED CITY

KOWLOON O WALLED CITY

= 10,000 PEOPLE

.02. transformation of kowloon walled city SHENZHEN

NEW TERRITORIES

KOWLOON KOWLOON O WALLED WA CITY

LANTAU ISLAND

HONG KONG ISLAND

FIGURE 2.1 _ Regions of Hong Kong

The transforma on of Kowloon Walled City, from a military fort to the site of 350 illegally constructed buildings, was a result of mul ple factors. The landscape and the economic development of Hong Kong were both contribu ng factors in the architecture of the Walled City. The 400 square miles of Hong Kong are made up of three regions: Hong Kong Island, Kowloon and New Territories. Of the total land area, Hong Kong Island covers 32 square miles, Kowloon 3.75 and New Territories 365. In all three regions, the terrain is rugged and mountainous, which leaves only 25% of land suitable for cul va on and habita on. Consequently, housing and commercial ac vi es were concentrated in coastal sites. For example, because of Victoria Harbor’s loca on, Britain in its early colonial period occupied Hong Kong Island and Southern Kowloon for its poten al to be a vital trading port. As Hong Kong Island and Kowloon became increasingly urbanized and saw economic growth, the popula on and building density increased significantly in those areas.16 In 1911, New Territory had twice the amount of people compared to Kowloon; less

than twenty years later in 1930, Kowloon, which was only a third of New Territory’s size, had four mes more popula on.17 The density of living can directly be seen in Hong Kong public housing units which were designed very quickly to accommodate the sudden increase of homeless people.

During the 1950s, Shek Kip Mei, located in Kowloon and west of the Walled City, was a thriving squa er community made up of 60,000 people. The lack of proper ven la on in almost all of the squa er huts caused a major fire in 1953 and a complete wipe out of the community. The next year, another squa er village Tai Hung Tung, located around the same area, caught on fire. Two consecu ve major fires resulted over 50,000 people homeless.18 Public housing units were designed to house maximum number of people in the smallest square footage. Communal kitchens were o en setup in the corridor spaces, and some rooms had two sets of bunk beds. More fires in the subsequent years caused people to move into the Walled City, increasing its conges on level.

[31]

Goal 1 _ to provide a place for people to relax

Goal 2 _ to use the garden to teach visitors about Chinese Culture

Goal 3 _ to preserve the spirit of the walled city [32]

.03. design intent

During the design process of Kowloon Walled City Park in 1994, the Architectural Service Department (ASD) of Hong Kong proposed three func ons for the park: to provide a place for people to relax, to use the garden to teach visitors about Chinese Culture, and to preserve the spirit of the walled city.19 Situa ng next to two major public housing estates, with a total popula on of 9,500 people,20 the park is a valuable urban space for local residents. Many photographs document elders exercising and strolling along walkways as though it is part of their daily rou ne. The first goal set by ASD can be seen in the park through this manner.

To depict what “Chinese Culture” is, the park followed the garden and pavilion designs from early Qing dynasty in remembrance of Chinese government at the peak of its me. The design took reference from gardens in Jiangnan area of China, an area where the most dis nguished intellectuals, poets and painters originated from. Gardens were prominent features found only in the homes of wealthy and highly regarded government officials, and it was part of their everyday culture to spend leisure me in their cherished gardens.21 In this aspect of Chinese Culture, the Kowloon Walled City Park taught visitors the everyday life of just the privileged few. The everyday life of the ordinary people, which comprised the en rety of military fort civilians and the Walled City popula on, is not evident.

According to Seth Harter, a professor in History and Asian Studies from Marlboro College, the choice to design a garden is a mockery of the third goal.22 The Kowloon Walled City, either as a military fort or as a city, was never a garden.

The “spirit” of the Walled City is preserved in the manner of found ar facts, such as the Yamen building and the small por on of founda on walls, which both are a form of memory of how Chinese government was before taken over by Britain.

As a fort, majority of the popula on were not associated with government policy making. They were mere farmers from surrounding villages that have moved inside the wall boundaries to service the military.23 At the me of demoli on in 1992, the poli cal conflicts between China and Britain had caused a constant struggle for the former inhabitants to balance between the rules of the two na ons. To live without government ruling, taxa on and cheap rent, they have to accommodate to difficult living condi ons. To move outside the city to a cleaner environment, they will not be able to afford any housing.

The erasure of Kowloon Walled City is the erasure of a struggling popula on group and an important aspect of Chinese culture in Hong Kong during the Colonial period. The goal of the thesis is to evoke memories of the everyday life of the former dwelling. This will serve to inform park visitors of this purposefully forgo en facet of Chinese culture.

[33]

.04. program

CULTURAL CENTER Although the Kowloon Walled City Park maintained the former city’s name and preserved one of its oldest buildings, the everyday life culture of its former villagers and Walled City residents have been lost. The 2010 masterplan for West Kowloon Cultural District (WKCD) called for core arts and cultural facili es in West Kowloon to meet the needs of Hong Kong arts and cultural sector. The plan includes performing art venues, museums focusing on 20th to 21st century visual culture, and exhibi on centers for arts, culture and crea ve industry.24 As of now, three proposals by Norman Foster of Foster and Partners, Rem Koolhaas of Office of Metropolitan Architecture and Rocco Yim of Rocco Design Architects had been selected for public discussion. All three designs address the needs of the project briefs, but the history and culture of the Walled City, which was an integral part of Kowloon development, had been excluded. This calls for an extension of WKCD into the Kowloon Walled City Park. While the WKCD focus on expressing the culture of Hong Kong, the cultural center in the park will memorialize the culture of the military fort and the Walled City.

FIGURE 4.1 _ Foster and Partners: “City Park”

Foster and Partners: “City Park” “Ci es are defined by their parks, their public spaces, their streets, their laneways; by both their ordinary buildings and their civic jewels.” Foster’s proposal includes a 23-hectare great park and a green avenue where series of cultural buildings will be built upon. It integrates the natural street pa erns of West Kowloon so the new district seems as though a natural extension from the local community.25 [35]

[ program ]

Office of Metropolitan Architecture: “Project for a New Dimension” “Using the village – a typology every ci zen of Hong Kong is familiar with – as the model for our plan allows us to absorb the massive scale of WKCD’s ambi on into manageable por ons and forge deep connec ons with Kowloon, whose vital urban energy will be the lifeblood of WKCD.” OMA proposes three villages within the 40 hectare site and each will have a strong emphasis on Hong Kong street life, markets, museums, theatres and parks.26

FIGURE 4.2 _ OMA: “Project for a New Dimension”

Rocco Design Architects: “Cultural Connect: Key to Sustained Vitality” “A place for all people at all mes…to foster an energy that will anchor our city as a cultural hub. The aim… is therefore about genera ng that energy which is conducive to a spirit of explora on and discovery.” Rocco Design Architects proposes a masterplan of 3 layers: the green terrain (undula ng surface of the park that merges with the green roofs of shops), the city link (connects the district with the rest of the city by providing space for living and working), and the cultural core (consists of various cultural venues in one centralized area).27

[36]

FIGURE 4.3 _ Rocco Design Architects: “Cultural Connect”

[ program ]

classes, and the social gathering experience. The Center served as a physical connec on that brought people from outside the city together with those inside.29 In the park, Seth Harter observed that many former residents of the Walled City, who were unsa sfied with government compensa on and housing arrangement, o en return to reminisce their life inside the Walled City.30 This manner of connec on is non-physical and purely in the form of memory. Although the Old People’s Center does not exist anymore, it as a social space con nued in the present park, as seen in the “everyday” users that came from wherever they lived to exercise with their friends every morning.

DEFINING CULTURAL CENTER A cultural center, as analyzed from the three WKCD proposals, can be a built and a non-built form. It is a complex of cultural ins tu ons; it provides ample open space for parks and public ac vi es; it integrates lifestyles and culture of the local to a ract foreign visitors; it merges history with the present.

A cultural center has the poten al of re-establishing the social space of the Center inside the park, and convey to visitors that the Walled City was not a segregated en ty in Hong Kong. It will be the place where the past merges with that of now. The Yamen, which used to serve as the Military Office and the Old People’s Center can be redesigned to allow for these past ac vi es to occur again. The three goals set by Architectural Service Department for the design of the park can also be accomplished through the design of this cultural center.

DESIGN APPROACH

The common percep on is that Kowloon Walled City was an individual society closed off to anything happening in the outside world. However, there was large percentage of residents that traveled in and out of the city frequently. Yau Lap Cheong, who used to run a convenience store, men oned the need to purchase goods in bulk “on the Hong Kong side” to be sold inside the Walled City.28 Kwok Lau Hing, who was never a resident of the city, frequented the Old People’s Center for its religious sessions, piano and singing lessons, calligraphy

The first goal is to provide a place for people to relax, which the park is already offering for the locals. The second goal is to use the garden to teach visitors about Chinese culture, but the park is currently exhibi ng the high culture of the privileged, not that of the ordinary. The third goal is to preserve the spirit of the Walled City, but it is non-existent in the park. A cultural center allows for an opportunity to memorialize Kowloon Walled City by bringing forth a different [37]

[ program ]

Walled City: As a home to over 30,000 residents, the Walled City had businesses and ac vi es that catered to all types of people, both within and outside the city.

facet of Chinese culture. There were unique associa ons established in the Walled City that would not have been possible without the wall boundaries. To complete the three goals, past ac vi es, experiences and establishments as forms of memory can be renewed in the current park se ng.

Fort: The military fort, which was occupied by military officials and villagers, had an unusual blend of programs within the wall boundaries.

There were pavilions that referenced religious ac vi es in China such as paper burning, a tradi on of burning “ghost money” to worship Chinese dei es or ancestors. Residen al Units were characterized into civilian homes versus military general mansions.

There were two Temples where prayers were performed.

Mul ple facili es were built to store military supplies such as barracks, armory and gunpowder. Because villagers lived inside the fort, a school was also established for the children.

[38]

Kai Fong Associa on dealt with real estate inside the Walled City and anything related to the Hong Kong Government. Chiu Chow Music Club, where former villagers from Chiu Chow, a city in China, gathered to play tradi onal musical instruments. The Old People’s Centre, which occupied the former Yamen building, provided lounge chairs, televisions, a ernoon tea and rice congee soups for any elder that visited. Doctors and den sts, who were mostly registered in China but not in Hong Kong, prac ced medicine illegally and offered cheaper services than those outside the city. Religious Centers, such as Tin Hau Temple and Fuk Tak Temple, allowed people to give prayer for simple favors of everyday life, was a deep rooted Chinese tradi on carried on even during Bri sh colonial me. Many people established factories inside the city because of cheap rent and lack of government inspec ons. These manufacturers ranged from cake maker, pigeon breeder, fish dumpling maker, candy factory, cooked meat factory and noodle maker.

There were two schools inside the city, one of which was operated by the Salva on Army, offered educa on for children inside and outside the city, a place very similar to the Old People’s Centre.

Park: The Park shows a lack of references to the past history even though it was one of its design objec ves.

It has pavilions, pondS, gardens, few remaining ar facts and various rocks to commemorate historical figures or symbolize life longevity.

[ program ]

Different Uses of Yamen

The Fort 1847-1900

Military Office

The City 1900-1992

Old People’s Center

The Park 1992-NOW

Visitor Center [39]

.05. manifestations of memory

There are many projects that had similar goals as this thesis. Accumula on of these case studies can provide an extensive inventory of strategies of how the design of a “cultural center” can be executed. Manifesta ons of memory can be textual based, can be a replica of built form or a replica of experience.

TEXTUAL One approach to memorializing the past is through text, of which wri ngs of facts are projected onto the exis ng urban fabric. “Lower Manha an Sign Project” was ini ated by REPOhistory and collaborated among 10-15 ar sts. Each ar st created a signage with both image and text of a famous event, which were then hung onto a pole where the exact loca on of the event occurred.31 The “Neukolln Former Forced Labor Camp” used a light-beam to project historical facts of the site onto trees, wire fences and then sidewalks every me a pedestrian walked by. The text conveyed informa on about a forced labor camp that used to exist but was replaced with a sports field.32 The “Philadelphia Welcome Park” reproduced a miniature map of Philadelphia designed by William Penn onto the ground surface of the park. This memorialized a design that had been altered since its ini al proposal.33

be evoked through the reconstruc on of its form. “Aschro Brunnen” reproduced the former fountain with the exact same scale and dimension but as a mirror image to remind visitors that this place was wounded and to draw to a en on the many layers of history.34 The “Franklin Court Ghost House” memorialized Ben Franklin by construc ng the structural frame of his house on the same loca on where it existed before.35 “Surface Deposit” is another project of which objects were recreated at the same scale but altered base on the memory of the ar sts’ experience with them. Only the front surfaces were built because it was the only surface they could see.

BUILT FORM

EXPERIENTIAL

One of the most unique characteris cs of Kowloon Walled City was its building structures and the limited space in between neighbors. Memory of Kowloon Walled City can

Projects that memorialized the experience of an event or place include the “Holocaust Memorial, Berlin” and “Shimane Museum of Ancient Izumo.” Peter Eisenman’s proposal for the

FIGURE 5.1 _ REPOhistory: “Lower Manhattan Sign Project”

[41]

[ manifestations of memory ]

FIGURE 5.2 _ Lead Pencil Studio: “Surface Deposit”

DESIGN DIRECTION

memorial was a field of pillars ranging from one and a half feet tall to about ten feet tall. Each pillar was lted three degrees off ver cal. This forced upon each visitor a sense of disorienta on within the field, disoriented by such event and the act of its memory.36 In the “Shimane Museum of Ancient Izumo,” the experience of travel to see the Kistsuki Taisha, a 48-meter tall mber shrine from the 13th century, was replicated in the museum to exhibit one of its 800 year old pillars. One must walk on an elongated stair, supported by a series of pillars, to enter the shrine. Similarly, in the museum, Maki designed a ceremonial stair that ascended to the exhibi on space.37 [42]

To evoke the memories of the fort and the Walled City, various types of ac vi es that occurred in the past could be re-introduced in the form of a cultural center. Whether as a built or a non-built form, a dialogue between the old and the new will be carefully examined and explored in the design process. In this regard, the study of manifesta ons of memory becomes extremely useful to understand that there is not simply one answer or design approach to evoking memory.

Textual: The narra ves of former residents can be a way of naviga ng the site. As visitors enter this new cultural center, they will follow a specifically designed sequence to guide them through the history of the place. This sequence can be a visible signage or a projected screen. The dis nct layout and changes between the three phases can be another form of memory of which the maps of the fort and the Walled

[ manifestations of memory ]

FIGURE 5.3 _ Peter Eisenman: “Holocaust Memorial, Berlin”

City will be superimposed onto the park just as the map of Philadelphia was integrated into the Welcome Park design.

This can introduce an interes ng interplay of what parts of the site were built and what was le as void.

Built Form: One poten al example of manifes ng the dialogue between old and new can be the use of modern materials in any new buildings. The success of Shimane Museum is the use of glass as one of its main façade materials to present a greater contrast to the historical findings exhibited inside. Glass could be used to replace the current walls surrounding the park. Its transparency property will inform the park users that events occurring in Hong Kong directly affect the city. Glass as a modern material will suggest the cultural center is making references to contemporary designs, unlike the park which was referencing historical design strategies.

ExperienƟal: The memory of Kowloon Walled City can also be evoked by re-introducing the past ac vi es and situa ng them in the exact loca ons where it used to exist.

Temples, Old People’s Centre, school, music club, doctors and various manufacturers are all examples of programs that can poten ally exist inside the park. They can service the everyday park users and first me visitors. The existence of these establishments will teach visitors about the Chinese culture of ordinary people and at the same me memorialize a demolished culture.

Instead of the park being merely a strolling garden with inaccurate representa ons of Kowloon Walled City history, the proposed design will allow for mul ple readings of the site: as a military base, a home and a social gathering place for people inside and around the city.

[43]

[44]

.06. design

DESIGN METHODOLOGY

The development of the design followed the same process as how the site had been historically developed. Just as the park started as a military fort in the 1800s, the design looked at the fort as the first step. The second goal of the park designers was to teach visitors about Chinese culture. At the me of its existence, the fort was considered by many Bri sh people that had se led into Hong Kong as the “Chinese Town.�

By bringing forth spaces of the fort, the second goal of the park can be accomplished.

Beginning with the military fort map at the bo om layer, the next step overlaid the map of the Walled City, and finally the park layout was drawn at the upper most layer. Six individual buildings within the fort were selected, and from these chosen areas, the nega ve spaces of the Walled City were extracted. The reason to work with the nega ve spaces as opposed to the actual buildings is the uniqueness of the alleyway size and the emo onal quali es that cannot be found anywhere else in Hong Kong, or in the world. These were the space that made the Walled City so unapproachable and fascina ng at the same me.

FIGURE 6.1 _ Design Propsoal: Kowloon Walled City Park with new additions

[45]

[ design ]

FIGURE 6.2 _ Overlap of maps from each time period

[46]

[ design ]

three historical periods of Kowloon Walled City. As visitors walk through the park, the new Walled City buildings will immediately inform them that the site is made of mul ple layers of history.

SITE SELECTIONS

These nega ve spaces are extruded to approximately the height of five meters, tall enough for people to see the structures that used to exist as they stroll through the park.

The outline of the military fort buildings will be excavated into the earth. By digging approximately one meter below ground, park users have to deliberatly step down as they enter the spaces of the past. While the Walled City spaces become new buildings within the park, the fort spaces will remain open and allow for addi onal public ac vi es to occur. Series of three meter tall stone walls, the same height and material as most buildings in the military fort, will be installed at selected edges.

These walls will serve to remind visitors the dras c changes between the three me periods and also used to display various images, historical facts related to that par cular loca on of the fort.

As one enters the Walled City spaces, one can instantly experience its density. Similar to the fort, the interior wall surfaces of these new buildings will have informa on displayed regarding what used to exist at that same spot.As one con nues, one can find different type of openings that frame views of the park. This will not only remind people of the past but also what the past had been replaced with.

By maintaining the rest of the park as it is now, the en re composi on of this new will become an archive of the

The six sites were selected based on its individual cultural values. The military fort was not only occupied by government officials, but also soldiers and civilians. Their loca on within the fort directly reflected their cultural status and the forts’ role as a defensive site.

The mul ple (a) civilian residences were grouped at the lowest topographic level. It was closest to the South Gate, which was the main entrance and gateway to the nearest market. All government officials lived at the (b) General’s Mansion, which was at slightly higher ground compare to the civilians. It symbolized their higher status and their ability to look down on all civilians’ ac ons.

There were two major sites within the fort that were designated for soldiers’ use, one was the (c) Soldiers Barrack Compound and the other was the (d) Soldiers Parade Pavilion.

Both sites were situated at the highest level, providing soldiers with complete visual access to all ac vi es outside the fort.

It served as a precau on measure in the case of any enemy a acks.

The (e) Longjin School and the Paper Burning Pavilion of the fort were also selected because of the meaning behind their establishment in rela onship to the China/Britain conflict. A er Hong Kong Island had been taken over by the Bri sh, the common percep on of Chinese government and [47]

[ design ]

d b e

c

f

a

FIGURE 6.3 _ Site selections and sectional design strategies

[48]

[ design ]

not torn down un l the demoli on in 1990s.

the country in general was their lack of skills, intelligence and ability to protect their own country. The Chinese government, in return, decided to send famous scholars throughout the country to the military fort in Hong Kong to start a school. Its goal was to change the image of China and Bri sh people’s percep ons, and also to provide educa onal services for all the civilians living in and around the fort. The school building con nued to serve as an educa onal facility even a er the fort became the Kowloon Walled City. Unlike the soldiers compound, mansion or the civilian homes, the building was

c

d

Right a er the school was established, the (f) Paper Burning Pavilion was built. Tradi onally, Chinese litera regarded wri en words with respect and to save them from being damaged, they build incinerators to burn abandon paper with words wri en on it. The Paper Burning Pavilion in the fort was managed by an elder man, whose responsibility each day was to overlook all burning processes. This pavilion was eventually destroyed but it was the only pavilion throughout the fort that park designers recreated. A new pavilion in the park adopted the same name as the original one, and it is located very close to the old posi on.38

e

a

b

f

FIGURE 6.4 _ Military fort site model with selected sites

[49]

FIGURE 6.5 _ Military fort site model

[50]

FIGURE 6.6 _ Kowloon Walled City site model

[51]

FIGURE 6.7 _ Kowloon Walled City Park site model

[52]

FIGURE 6.8 _ Design proposal site model

[53]

a

[54]

b

c

d

e

f

[55]

[ design ]

a

FIGURE 6.9 _ Proposal [ a ] model

[56]

CIVILIANS RESIDENCE

[ design ]

FIGURE 6.10 _ Interior rendering 1

FIGURE 6.11 _ Proposal [ a ] plan and section

[57]

[ design ]

b

f

PA P E R B U R N I N G PAV I L I O N

FIGURE 6.12 _ Proposal [ b ] model

[58]

M A J O R G E N E R A L’ S M A N S I O N

[ design ]

FIGURE 6.13 _ Proposal [ b ] plan and section

[59]

[ design ]

c

FIGURE 6.14 _ Proposal [ c ] model

[60]

BARRACKS COMPOUND

[ design ]

FIGUR R E 6.15 _ Proposal [ c ] plan and s ection

[61]

[ design ]

d

FIGURE 6.16 _ Proposal [ d ] model

[62]

S O L D I E RS PA R A D E PAV I L I O N

[ design ]

FIGURE 6.17 _ Interior Rendering 2

FIGURE 6.11 8 _ Proposal [ d ] plan and sectio on

[63]

[ design ]

e

FIGURE 6.19 _ Proposal [ e ] model

[64]

LONGJIN SCHOOL

[ design ]

FIGURE 6.20 _ Interior rendering 3

FIGU U RE 6.21 _ Proposal [ e ] plan and section

[65]

.07. conclusion

The birth of this research project came about a long me interest in the city of Hong Kong. The city exemplified the tle of Leo Ou-Fan Lee’s book, City Between Worlds. It seemingly is a place where the Eastern and the Western culture exist harmoniously alongside one another. It was not un l I accidentally found photographs of Kowloon Walled City in the internet that I realized the extreme tension between the two popula on groups. The development of the Walled City was a direct result of the changes happening in Hong Kong at the me, including the decision to finally demolish the city was because Hong Kong was returning back to China in 1997. Once I found out that a place with so much character had been buried and forgo en, I knew my thesis would be trying to figure out how to architecturally tell the story of this place.

One of the main feedbacks during the final review was to make the Walled City aspect of the design more pronounced.

When I developed my thesis prior to the start of the Fall semester, that feedback was my exact design inten on. The image of the Walled City was so strong that other aspects of the site could easily be neglected. However, as I researched more about the site and the design purposes behind the park, I realized the only way to tell the story of Kowloon Walled City would be to start with the military fort and end with the park. Without the fort, the Walled City would not have been demolished; without the park, there would never be ques ons regarding memory.

The next phase would be to develop the materiality of the project. Because the research dealt with not just one site, but three, the design did not happen un l very end of the semester. The final product was merely the start of the volumetric explora on. In addi on to materiality, the formal quality of each chosen site can be developed further to reflect the dis nct dierences between each. As of now, all six sites follow the exact same rule of five meter extrusion of the Walled City spaces and one meter excava on of the fort spaces. The project will be much stronger if the extrusion/excava on of each site was slightly altered based on the programs that used to exist.

The research phase for my project did not end in the Fall semester. More informa on was revealed during my travel to Hong Kong than I had expected, and the process con nued through the middle of the Spring semester. Even though the semester had ended, researching Kowloon Walled City will most likely con nue for years to come.

[67]

20

“Property Location and Profile” from http://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/ en 2010 21

Keswick, Maggie. The Chinese Garden, p 15.

22

Harter, p 104.

ENDNOTES

23

Wilkinson, p 60.

[ abstract ]

[program ]

1

24

Lee, Leo Ou-Fan. City Between Worlds (2008), p 153.

2

Wilkinson, Julia. “A Chinese Magistrate’s Fort” in City of Darkness (1993), p 60.

[ introduction ]

“Background of WKCD” from http://www.wkcda.hk/en/background_of_ wkcd/index.html 2010 25

“City Park Cultural Plan” from http://www.wkcda.hk/pe2/en/conceptual/ foster/en/consultation-digest.html 2010 26

“West Kowloon Cultural District by OMA” from http://www.dezeen. com/2010/08/25/west-kowloon-cultural-district-by-oma/ 2010.

27

“Cultural Connect: Key to Sustained Vitaity” from http://www.wkcdauthority. hk/pe2/en/conceptual/rocco/en/consultation_digest.html 2010

3

Ibid.

4

Popham, Peter. “Introduction” in City of Darkness (1993), p 9.

28

5

Wilkinson, p 63.

29

6

Ibid, p 130.

Girard, Greg. “Foreword” in City of Darkness (1993), p 7.

30

Harter, p 108.

Greg, p 16.

7

Harter, Seth. “Hong Kong’s Dirty Little Secret: Clearing the Walled City of Kowloon,” (2000), p 95.

8

Popham, p 9.

9

Harter, p 92.

[ manifestations of memory ] 31

10

Lee, p 153.

Lippard, Lucy. “Anti-Amnesia” from http://www.repohistory.org/lower_ manhattan_sign_project/lm_lippard.ph3 2010

11

“Kowloon Walled City Park: Design of the Park,” from lcsd.gov.hk 2004

32

12

Girard, p 17.

13

Ibid, p 92.

14

Ibid, p 149.

34

15

Ibid, p 137.

35

[ transformation of kowloon walled city ]

Young, James E. “The Counter-Monument: Memory Against Itself in Germany Today” (1992), pp 284 - 287.

33

“Welcome Park” from http://www.ushistory.org/tour/welcome-park.htm 2010 Young, pp 288 - 294.

“Franklin Court” from http://www.ushistory.org/districts/historicdistrict/ frank.htm 2010 36

Young, James E. At Memory’s Edge (2000), p 210.

37 16

Han, Daniel W.T. “Social Background of Housing in Hong Kong” in Housing in Hong Kong: A Multi-Disciplinary Study (1978), p 3.

17

Ibid.

18

Rooney, Nuala. At Home with Density (2003), p 22.

19

Harter, p 104.

Buntrock, Dana. “Izumo an Oku: Shimane Museum of Ancient Izumo” in Museums of the 21st Century (2008), p46.

[design ] 38

Wilkinson, p 70.

[71]

.08. list of illustrations [ program ] FIGURE 4.1 _ Foster and Partners: “City Park”; http://www.dezeen.

com/2010/08/25/west-kowloon-cultural-district-by-fosterpartners/, accessed December 7, 2010 FIGURE 4.2 _ OMA: “Project for a New Dimension”; http://www.dezeen. com/2010/08/25/west-kowloon-cultural-district-by-oma/, accessed December 7, 2010 FIGURE 4.2 _ OMA: “Project for a New Dimension”; http://www.dezeen. com/2010/08/25/west-kowloon-cultural-district-by-oma/, accessed December 7, 2010 FIGURE 4.3 _ Rocco Design Architects: “Cultural Connect”; http://www. dezeen.com/2010/08/25/west-kowloon-cultural-district-byrocco-design-architects/, accessed December 7, 2010

[ manifestations of memory ] FIGURE 5.1 _ REPOhistory: “Lower Manhattan Sign Project”; http://www.re

pohistory.org/lower_manhattan_sign_project/index.ph3, accessed December 7, 2010 FIGURE 5.2 _ Lead Pencil Studio: “Surface Deposit”; Tyler School of Art Exhibitions and Public Program FIGURE 5.3 _ Peter Eisenman: “Holocaust Memorial, Berlin”; http://www. flickr.com, accessed September 3, 2010

[ introduction ] FIGURE 1.1 _ 1847 Map of Hong Kong; Girard, Greg. City of

Darkness, p 70 FIGURE 1.2 _ Hong Kong Island and Victoria Harbor; Girard, Greg. City of FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE FIGURE

Darkness, p 70 1.3 _ 1948 Newspaper article about Walled City demolition protests; photo by author 1.4 _ Yau Lap Cheong; Girard, Greg. City of Darkness, p 17 1.5 _ Yim Kwok Yuen; Girard, Greg. City of Darkness, p 92 1.6 _ Lam Tseng Yat; Girard, Greg. City of Darkness, p 149 1.7 _ Kwok Lau Hing; Girard, Greg. City of Darkness, p 137 1.8 _ “First Time”; http://www.flickr.com, accessed October 20, 2010 1.9 _ “Everyday”; photo by author 1.10 _ Military Fort Plan; author 1.11 _ Military Fort Section; author 1.12 _ Kowloon Walled City Plan; author 1.13 _ Kowloon Walled City Section; author 1.14 _ Kowloon Walled City Park Plan; author 1.15 _ Kowloon Walled City Park Section; author

[ design ] FIGURE 6.1 _ Design Propsoal: Kowloon Walled City Park with new

additions; author FIGURE 6.2 _ Overlap of maps from each time period; author FIGURE 6.3 _ Site selections and sectional design strategies; author FIGURE 6.4 _ Military fort site model with selected sites; author FIGURE 6.5 _ Military fort site model; author FIGURE 6.6 _ Kowloon Walled City site model; author FIGURE 6.7 _ Kowloon Walled City Park site model; author FIGURE 6.8 _ Design proposal site model; author FIGURE 6.9 _ Proposal [ a ] model; author FIGURE 6.10 _ Interior rendering 1; author FIGURE 6.11 _ Proposal [ a ] plan and section; author FIGURE 6.12 _ Proposal [ b ] model; author FIGURE 6.13 _ Proposal [ b ] plan and section; author FIGURE 6.14 _ Proposal [ c ] model; author FIGURE 6.15 _ Proposal [ c ] plan and section; author FIGURE 6.16 _ Proposal [ d ] model; author FIGURE 6.17 _ Interior Rendering 2; author FIGURE 6.18 _ Proposal [ d ] plan and section; author

[ transformation of kowloon walled city ]

FIGURE 6.19 _ Proposal [ e ] model; author

FIGURE 2.1 _ Regions of Hong Kong; author

FIGURE 6.21 _ Proposal [ e ] plan and section; author

FIGURE 6.20 _ Interior rendering 3; author

[73]

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Ho, Siu Fong Betty. “Redevelopment of Kowloon Walled City: A Feasibility Study,” University of Hong Kong Library Master of Science in Urban Planning Thesis (1986).

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Lippard, Lucy. “Anti-Amnesia” from Lower Manhattan Sign Project, accessed November 27, 2010, http://www.repohistory.org/lower_manhattan_sign_ project/lm_lippard.php3 Popham, Peter. “Introduction,” in City of Darkness: Life in Kowloon Walled City, ed. Greg Girard and Ian Lambot (United Kingdom: Watermark Publications (UK) Limited, 2001), 9-16.

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Buntrock, Dana. “Izumo and Oku: Shimane Museum of Ancient Izumo” in Museums of the 21st Century, ed. Suzanne Greub and Thierry Greub (Munich: Prestel, 2008), 46-55.

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Young, James Edward. At Memory’s Edge: After-Image of the Holocaust in Contemporary Art and Architecture. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.

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