Dissertation by David Cryer

David Cryer Student Number : 201063933

Architectural Style and Religious Identity

As Potential Sites of Conflict in the Context of the Taiyabah Islamic Centre, Bolton

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Architecture. School of Architecture The University of Liverpool. January 2016.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my two tutors, Andrew Crompton and Stephanie Koerner for their

continued support, knowledge and interest throughout the research and development of this dissertation.

Additionally, I would like to express my gratitude to the following list of people. Their

personal stories, opinions and insight have proven invaluable for a well balanced and considered study: Jodie Turton, Jeremy Culley, Arshad Sheick, Andrew Suter and Fritjoff Timm.

Further thanks still must go to Inayat Omarji and David Cox; who have gone far and

beyond the expected levels of help; meeting for interviews responding to additional questions and providing me with sources to chase up and documents to use.

Abstract

As Islamic architecture becomes a more frequent typology across the UK, this study of

contemporary mosque planning and design issues will shine light on the ever-changing dynamics within this religious architectural landscape. Using modern day case studies from the North West of England, including interviews and visits with stakeholders and architects, as well as an analysis of the historical Islamic context, will enable this dissertation to answer both the broad and specific questions that arise with a well rounded background of knowledge and opinion.

Contents 1 Introduction

1.1 - Situating the Research

Page 06

1.2 - Research Methodology

Page 08

1.3 - Chapter Structure

Page 10

Literature Review

Page 12

Origins, Ideals and Migration of Islamic Architecture

3.1 - The Migration and Expansion of Islamic Architecture

Page 14

3.2 - Design Principles of Islamic Architecture

Page 17

3.3 - Islamic Architectural Features

Page 18

3.4 - Mosque Development in Britain

Page 20

3.5 - The Changing Attitude towards Mosque Construction

Page 25

How should Mosques be Designed?

4.1 - Mosque Requirements

4.2 - Fall of Christianity

Page 28

4.3 - Significance of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Islamicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Architectural Features

Page 32

UK Case Studies

5.1 - The City of Birmingham

Page 36

5.2 - Cheadle Muslim Association

Page 40

5.3 - Taiyabah Islamic Centre

Page 43

How Mosques Work in Urban and Design Terms

6.1 - The Taiyabah Scheme

7 Conclusion 8

Supporting Materials

Page 26

Page 50 Page 54

Page 60

1 – Introduction 1889.

The UK’s first purpose built mosque was the Shah Jahan Mosque in Woking, erected in (Long and Chester 2014)

More recently, “in October 2014, there was a reported 2159 premises

used for Salaah (Muslim prayer); 1640 of those were purpose built mosques.” (Naqshbandi 2015) As the number of mosques in the UK rises, so does the conflict and opposing views towards them albeit from a minority of the UK population.

Figure 1 - Woking Mosque

In this dissertation I will question why this type of conflict exists, and explore the role

architectural style and religious identity play; by analysing planning and design issues in a number of contemporary mosque case studies across Britain. 1.1 – Situating the Research

The broad research areas to be explored in this dissertation are the origins, ideals and

progression of Islamic architecture to and across the UK. Acting as a time-line, this study will access how Islamic architecture transformed itself into a global architectural method and how each contrasting Islamic era has contributed to the ‘Islamic’ style of today. 6

This dissertation will explore whether certain unifying architectural principles and features,

we define as being significant to the ‘Islamic’ style today, have always been associated with a Muslim identity, and has conflict always arisen as a result. The emphasis will then focus on style and identity, with particular attention on the conflict this can create. This will include an examination of the current UK trends in Islamic architecture and whether they are contingent with the ideals and origins set out years previous. The question will also be asked of designers and clients; are they ignoring/manipulating the words of the Qur’an to suit or is it just the case that the ‘Islamic’ style can use any form?

Recently a proposal for a new in Bolton has been made public but it has not been well

received by some of the local community. With EDL and BNP protests occurring throughout the summer as well as petitions from local residents, tensions are on the rise. Through research and on site experience this dissertation intends to get to the routes of the conflict.

Opinions on whether conflict would exist if mosques didn’t use ‘Islamic’ aesthetics will

be formed and all other possible sites of conflict will be scrutinised, including; location, timing, political and religious differences, racism and ignorance. Whilst exploring whether protests actually create a bigger impact, imposing Islamic architectural style and inadvertently promoting Islam to the UK, than the mosques themselves?

Looking at case studies, this dissertation will assess how the planning process has

transformed with the ever-changing UK religious landscape and how religions should look to, and learn from, each other when faced with problems such as lack of members or criticism of architectural style and consideration.

Finally, this dissertation will relate all the aforementioned issues to the Taiyabah Islamic

Centre case study in Bolton; as well as distinguishing and relating the architect’s influences to a particular era of Islamic history.

Once these answers have been explored, by bringing together the diachronic and

the synchronic, this dissertation will have answered whether the Islamic ideals and origins are contingent with the design of UK mosques today and explore whether it’s their architectural style that provokes controversy. 7

1.2 Research Methodology

In order to gain an adequate level of evidence, to successfully answer the questions posed

in this dissertation, a gathering of primary and secondary data from all possible sources needs to be employed. Fortunately, because this topic is fresh and the case studies are close by, one is able to collect an abundance of primary research.

Luckily, my proximity to the major case study allows me to accumulate up to date research

and be present to document any live events, such as protests or planning meetings. In addition, contact has been made and dialogue has begun with Inayat Omarji. Mr. Omarji has been a member of the Taiyabah community his entire life and has held multiple committee roles. More specifically to this dissertation, he was a major player in the new Taiyabah development; helping to raise funds, purchase the site and develop a design proposal. Mr. Omarji was also the catalyst for the ‘All Souls’ community project that is briefly referred to in this study.

His personal knowledge about the mosque and the new design proposal will be of huge

value to this dissertation. Mr. Omarji has committed to personal interviews and has already handed over a collection of design and planning documents. This allows for detailed analysis and examination of; the design process, the design proposals and the final scheme. Furthermore to Mr. Omarji’s direct help on the Taiyabah case study, dialogue has also began between David Cox from David Cox Architects; providing the dissertation with explanation behind some of the design decisions, as well as the option to gain insight into the broader topic of UK mosques from an industry professional.

Interviews, whether face-to-face or over email, will be carried out whenever possible to

assure a well-rounded opinion is formed and all sides are considered. The following contacts have been made: -

I Omarji

- Ex Taiyabah committee member and catalyst for ‘All Souls’.

D Cox

- Architect of multiple mosques in the NW, including the Taiyabah project.

J Turton

- Principal Development Officer at Bolton Council Planning Department.

J Culley

- Ex Bolton Evening News journalist who covered the Taiyabah story.

A Sheick

- Spokesperson for Cheadle Muslim Association case study.

A Suter

- Manager of ‘All Souls’. 8

S McGrath

- OMI architect involved in the ‘All Souls’ project in Bolton.

F Timm

- Project co-ordinator at Berlin’s ‘House of One’ project.

C Wuerthner - Architect at Kuehn Malvezzi working on the ‘House of One’ project.

(Please note that all information referenced in this dissertation from these contacts are gathered personally)

This dissertation will look at and compare the mosques of modern Britain against those of

Islam’s early years, to better critique the coherency between the two, whilst explaining the journey Islamic architecture has travelled across the globe. To acquire this knowledge, and understand the historical context my case studies find themselves in, one must refer to secondary sources; such as books, journals and web pages.

As the two main case studies are still ongoing and are in the media domain, one will also

keep tabs on any developments as the dissertation is written. This research outlet will not only provide frequent and relevant updates; but will spark accessible forum debate, giving insight into the views and opinions of the general public.

1.3 - Chapter Structure

After the literature review, Chapter 3 clarifies Islamic architecture’s historical context within

this dissertation, briefly explaining how the architecture of the Islamic world was forged. It will shed light on the different eras, travelling from empire to empire, and how their architectural style and influences have contributed to the ‘Islamic style’ we see today. This chapter will also analyse Grube’s Islamic design principles and touch on certain architectural features that are associated with Islam and with mosques in particular.

Chapter 4 will fleetingly touch on the design of mosques as a whole before honing in,

more specifically, onto the ever changing religious landscape of the UK. It will look into the fall of Christianity, especially in the North West of England, and look at ways in which architects and designers can save the buildings of a dying religion. This chapter will then assess what multi-faith buildings can offer and in doing so question the importance of certain architectural features, and the iconoclastic connotations they seem to carry.

Chapter 5 uses four case studies to inspect a number of possible sites of conflict surrounding

mosques in the UK. Beginning in Birmingham, the importance of time and location in relation to the creation of conflict around mosque development are underlined, whilst issues such as architectural identity and racial discrimination are detected in the remaining case studies. This chapter also informs the reader of the routes taken through a design and planning process, whilst highlighting the importance of a strong relationship between planners and mosque committees.

Chapter 6 explains David Cox’s opinions on; what makes architecture traditionally

Islamic, what the current trends are in the UK Islamic architecture world and how successful Islamic architecture can be created. At the same time as discovering what David Cox’s influences and inspirations are and at what stage the project is currently. This chapter concludes with a demonstration and discussion on Mr. Cox’s final scheme.

2 - Literature Review

In order to come to a conclusion on whether or not UK mosques are contingent with

Islamic ideals, in particular the Taiyabah Islamic Centre, an understanding into the origins of Islamic architectural forms, geometries, structural features and aesthetic qualities will be needed. The works of John Hoag and George Mitchell will be the basis for this understanding.

In ‘Architecture of the Islamic World’, Michell asks is there such a thing as ‘Islamic

Architecture’? Grube splits his answer into three, “concentration on the interior”, “form and function” and “interior space”. (Grube 1995) This broad explanation of the Islamic ideals and origins will be used as a set of norms throughout this dissertation and will be referred to when analysing the relationship UK mosques have with the ideals formed many years ago. Michell also includes the architectural drawings for a number of historic mosques; allowing for an analysis of layout, hierarchy of spaces and section, as well as comparison with David Cox’s Taiyabah scheme. The dissertation studies the Islamic architectural time-line including its migration to the UK and will use Michell’s ‘Architecture of the Islamic World’ to assist in setting the scene, culturally. As Grube states, the cultural diversity “cannot be truly understood without knowing something of the society which they serve – its religion, its power structures, its commerce, its communal life.” (Grube 1995)

Hoag’s ‘Islamic Architecture’ goes into more depth about the birth of “a new and distinctive

style of architecture”

(Hoag 1979)

as well as deciphering the differences that exist between each

caliphate or empire, in terms of style influences and perception. From materials to forms, Hoag describes the apparent diversity when initially looking at Islamic architecture as a whole, but how this quickly changed, as he began to discover an abundance of trends and pattern emerge. Hoag’s book will help explain the unifying principles and features, past and present, with particular focus on the traditions and architectural changes across multiple places and cultures.

Unfortunately, due to the relatively young Islamic architectural history in the UK, these

books contain zero UK examples. However, Shahed Saleem’s article, ‘Mosque History in the UK’ will provide this study with the relevant UK based historical context, and will move the focus of the dissertation to the more specific topic of mosques. Saleem’s article acts as a progressive Islamic time-line from the first mosque built in the UK, to the present day, analysing the architectural style shifts and the significance of certain architectural features. Saleem’s article also distinguishes which 12

specific historic era these particular designs may descend and take influence from, which will guide the case study analysis. What this article fails to address in adequate detail, and what is essential for this dissertation, is an understanding of the design and planning process; in particular, the scheme’s public and professional reception.

As well as exploring the effect of style, this dissertation aims to explore numerous additional

sites of conflict surrounding mosques in the UK. Richard Gale’s, ‘The Multicultural City and the Politics of Religious Architecture’ paper provides this dissertation with three case studies in the same city, Birmingham, thus giving insight into the effect of time, amongst other contributing factors. The examples, all of similar size to the Taiyabah Islamic Centre, were built over the space of four decades and had very different journeys through planning and ultimately very different public reaction; expressing the ever-changing dynamic between the council planning department and the growing Muslim community.

By exploring the possible reasons behind the conflict one can then examine its effect.

Bruno Latour’s book, ‘Iconoclash’, will act as the catalyst for research into the paradoxes of image making and breaking, in the context of mosque architecture. Latour speaks in depth about image breakers being image makers; this dissertation aims to work out if the scenes of protest are making more noise, metaphorically, than the mosques themselves, and ultimately analyse if the protesters have any credible, non-racial, issues to air. James Noyes’s ‘Politics of Iconoclasm’ will also aid this aspect of study giving multiple historic and modern examples of image breaking in Islam.

Once the correct national, global and historic context is obtained, the dissertation can

begin to answer the questions raised. In order to successfully analyse the design process and final scheme of David Cox’s Taiyabah project the following documents have been acquired: Taiyabah Centre Future Vision Brief and Presentation; all original design competition submissions; Project Development Brochure; Design and Access Statement and the proposed floor plans and visuals. Although these documents will be biased towards the scheme, they will be invaluable when requiring detailed insight into: Mr. Cox’s general opinion on Islamic architecture; his specific opinion on mosque design in the UK; the design process of a UK mosque and the relationship between a mosque committee and their architect. This specific area of research will have no precedent as there is unsurprisingly, little to no research on this dissertation’s main case study and very few studies that compare UK mosques with Islamic architectural origins. 13

3 – Origins, Ideals and Migration of Islamic Architecture; across the Globe and through the UK

This chapter clarifies Islamic architecture’s historical context within this dissertation,

briefly explaining how the architecture of the Islamic world was forged. It will shed light on the different eras, travelling from empire to empire, and how their architectural style and influences have contributed to the ‘Islamic style’ we see today. This chapter will also analyse Grube’s Islamic design principles and touch on certain architectural features that are associated with Islam and with mosques in particular.

The attitude towards design in expressing one’s culture as a designer sets you apart from

any differing culture or way of thinking; it is this difference in attitude that gives any building type a ‘typical’ or ‘traditional’ identity. Like Ernst Grube, one believes that Islamic architecture is without doubt its own entity; with defined qualities and features which create an Islamic identity and differentiate it from any other non-Islamic architectural typology. However, due to hundreds of years of Islamic migration there could never be just one Islamic way to design. 3.1 - The Migration and Expansion of Islamic Architecture

Over time the migration and progression of Islam has spread outwards across the globe

from Mecca along trade routes and through Arab Empire conquests. Over time, multiple Muslim empires formed, each one possessing its own time period, global location and architectural style. Phase 1 – Early Caliphs and Umayyad Architecture (610-750) Phase 2 – Abbasid Architecture (750-1258) Phase 3 – Dissolution of Abbasid and the emergence of the Seljuk and Ottomans (950-1450) Phase 4 – The Architecture of the Ottoman Empire (1299-1924) Phase 5 – Post-Ottoman Empire Architecture (1924 – present day)

(Hoag 1979)

Figure 2 - Early Migration of Islam

To maximise the Islamic footprint of the globe during the Muslim conquests of the seventh

century, the Caliphs initiated a scheme to construct numerous mosques and Arabic schools across their growing empire. Despite their work and the word of Islam reaching Asia, Africa and Europe by 750AD, only the Arabian Peninsula saw a majority Muslim population. (Hourani 2002)

Architecturally, Hoag describes how with the Umayyads the Islamic Empire began to use

and build secular architecture, in the form of princely country residences. Interestingly this was the first sign of the words of the Qur’an being manipulated or ignored as the Qur’an “opposed secularism and all ostentation”.

(Hoag 1979)

Unfortunately, in the Abbasids era these residences

were lost, taking with them early examples of the “synthesis of Western and Oriental architectural expression” and clear demonstrations of “the selective adoption by early Islam of local and imported pre-Islamic customs”. (Hoag 1979)

Figure 3 & 4 - The Dome of the Rock, 691 AD

The Abbasids period then saw an Empire shift from Arab to Muslim identity. (Doniger 1993)

With this came a continuation of Islamic conversion from the new Arab empire; and beyond in Turkey and Africa. As well as an increase in Muslim converts, Lapidus adds that during this period the churches grip in areas was weakening, which directed people’s attention towards the thriving alternative, Islam. (Lapidus 2002)

Architecturally, with the Abbasids success, “the Umayyad architecture of the ancient cities

of Kufa, Basra and Wasit began to prevail”. (Hoag 1979) Hoag mentions how influential the Persian architects of this era were in creating and introducing; Islamic Palace architecture, the Sassanian four-part court and the iwan, and the domes chamber, all of which present across every following Islamic era.

Figure 5 - Samarra Mosque, 852 AD

In the early years of the second millennium came the Seljuk period, whose architectural

influence on the Islamic style is also still evident today. Hoag refers to four contributions notorious with this era: their articulation of interior space; imaginative manipulation of brick masonry; innovative use of stucco; and their development of the four-iwan mosque. (Hoag 1979)

The architecture of the early Ottoman era is described as a “composite of Seljuk survivals

and Persian imports” (Hoag 1979) relating to building types, materials and decorations. Subsequently, 16

although originally Byzantine, the multiple dome structure and the use of layered brick and stone masonry became notorious with the ‘Ottoman’ style. Hoag adds that with Koca Sinan’s rise to architectural fame and popularity “logic and order prevailed”. When applied to his mosques, their exterior reflects “both the form of the inner space and the structural supporting system, as to rival the best 13th century French Gothic architecture”. (Hoag 1979) The Ottoman style stuck true to its roots until its later period of reign when it accepted influence from Western Europe; mainly in elevation and decoration, but never in plan. 3.2 - Design Principles of Islamic Architecture

On the topic of diversity in Islamic architecture as a whole, John Hoag simplifies it into

a hand full of unifying design principles; all inspired by specific places or periods of time. Ernst Grube supports this and has explained his core three.

“Concentration on interior” comes first, in which Grube describes a “hidden architecture”,

referencing: enclosed Muslim houses around inner courtyards; a disregard for exterior aesthetics; and a lack of detail, openings or indication of the building’s shape, size or function. This is demonstrated perfectly at the Umayyad Great Mosque. Here, all detail and colour is hidden by a 10m high stone wall which faces the neighbourhood, providing no views or ideas to what is behind. One obvious exception to this principle is the Dome of the Rock, which although built only 25 years before is a celebration of external colour, decoration and pattern and can be observed from a distance at every angle. (Grube 1995)

Figure 6, 7 & 8 - Great Mosque of Damascus

Grube’s second principle relates to “Form and Function”, in particular the flexibility and

organic growth of building forms and the unbalanced nature of their plan. He states, “There are very few forms in Islamic architecture that cannot be adapted for a variety of purposes”. 1995)

(Grube

Conversely, Grube believes Islamic buildings that serve a specific function can assume a

variety of forms, using the four-iwan courtyard as a prime example.

Grube’s third and final principle for Islamic architecture is the “emphasis on interior space”.

He believes that “Islamic architecture at its best, and at its most ‘Islamic’, is truly a negation of architecture as conceived in Europe, that is, of structure; it aims at a visual negation of the reality of weight and the necessity of support”. (Grube 1995) This is achieved through almost every conceivable technique to decorate the building surfaces; mosaics, painted patterns and stone moulds to name a few. 3.3 - Islamic Architectural Features

As Islam has spread across the globe certain architectural features have become associated

with it. I’ve chosen three that throughout time have been associated with, not only Islam, but with the mosque; the dome, the minaret and the building’s liturgical orientation. The Dome

After Seljuq times, the dome became an increasingly synonymous feature of Islamic

architecture. On mosques, palaces and tombs, domes aren’t signals of any particular building type, but often act as a sign of power and have functional benefits in a religious context. The volume of the space created by the dome was “originally used for air flow purposes and to increase the acoustic value of prayer inside”.

(Sheick 2015)

He goes on to say that, in modern times this is no

longer the case, “they are purely aesthetic as amplifiers, microphones and air conditioning are used.” The dome also “signifies a connection with the prophet’s mosque in Madinah.” (Omarji 2015) The Minaret

In the beginnings of Islam the adhan (call to prayer) was simply called from the area’s

highest point. Over time this method became outdated; as did the Christians’ wooden clapper 18

and the Hebrews’ shofar (ram’s horn). (Michell 1984) This pathed way for the minaret; a “slim tower rising from a mosque, from which the adhan may be called.” (Huda 2014) Today, as with the dome, microphones and speakers are used to project the call to prayer. Despite this, minarets remain an almost ever-present element in mosque architecture worldwide. As this dissertation explores, although minarets are non-functioning features they are vital for Islamic identity and pride, especially in non-Muslim countries. Liturgical Orientation

Whenever a purpose built mosque is designed, one requirement will be its alignment with

the invisible axis to Mecca and the Ka’ba. The Ka’ba signifies the centre of the Islamic world; where the vertical axis of the spirit and the horizontal plane of phenomenal existence intersect. (Michell 1984)

In design terms this affects both the external urban relationship with the surrounding

buildings and internal set up with the mihrab defining Mecca’s direction on the Qibla wall. Unlike the previous two features this is still as relevant and prominent in all mosques built today.

Figure 9 - The Prohet’s mosque in Madinah Figure 10 - The Ka’ba at Mecca

3.4 - Mosque Development in Britain

These principles and features, inspired and developed over hundreds of years, have been

transported across the globe with Muslim migration, making their way to the UK in the late 19th century. Britain’s first mosque was the Liverpool Mosque and Muslim Institute in 1887, and was the result of a British exploration, rather than a Muslim migration. The external aesthetic shows that this was quite obviously not a purpose-built mosque. Due to the founder Quillam’s explorations in Morocco however, the interior layout of the mosque roughly matched the Saracenic mosque style, which is based on the North African cloistered mosques. (Beckerlegge 1997)

Figure 11 - Liverpool Mosque and Muslim Institute

Woking’s Shah Jahan mosque, designed by William Chambers in 1889, was the UK’s first

purpose-built mosque and with that, Islam’s first statement on the changing British architectural landscape, signifying the “manifestation of the mosque as a building type”. (Saleem 2012) This mosque “reflects late 18th century Mughal style in India” featuring elements such as an “onion dome, central portico entrance, arched doorways and niches”.

(Saleem 2012)

Saleem adds that, at the time

of its erection, influenced by an increase in colonisation and trade between England and India, the British attitude towards the Middle East was one of excitement and exploration. This influenced design in what was referred to as the Orientalism movement, which involved the introduction of engravings and exhibitions as seen here.

Figure 12 - Woking Mosque

Figure 13 - Fazl Mosque, London

In the 20th century the numbers of Muslims and therefore the numbers of mosques grew

consistently. One common criticism of mosques in the UK has always been, Shah Jahan mosque included, that their architectural style does not fit with its environment. The dilemma facing any mosque designer in the UK is finding the right balance between the local vernacular and urban surroundings, with the members’ heritage and historic Islamic style.

The Fazl mosque of 1924, was the first mosque to attempt a combination of both the

Islamic and the local styles. Mawson and Sons softened the mosque’s exoticism “through the deployment of modern and western building practices, aesthetics and materials”. The result, they argued, was “simultaneously a ‘picturesque exotic’ and thoroughly modern building” combining the trends of both Lutyens in Mughal and a simplified Classicism.

(Naylor & Ryan 2002)

This also

signified the Orientalism movement’s UK conclusion; transitioning from styles exhibited in the Shah Jahan mosque, the Brighton Pavilion and Sezincote House to a “restrained Islamic language infused with a sense of contemporary 1920s Art Deco.”(Saleem 2012)

Figure 14 - Alice Street Mosque, Cardiff

One example that almost ignored the balance was Webb’s Alice Street mosque in 1960’s

Cardiff. Built for the local Yemeni Muslims this was a “radical departure” from any previous mosque design, encompassing the “stylistic shift that had taken place in contemporary architectural 22

design”.

(Saleem 2012)

This virgin exploration into modernism reinterpreted the traditional dome,

using “a concrete shell roof with glazed side panels and glazed flat roof infill sections.”(Saleem 2012)

The only visible links to historic norms of Islamic architecture are the wooden details on

the entrance lobby doors and windows. Unfortunately, this bold attempt at modernism failed as a mosque and was knocked down in 1977. Was this failure down to the inadequacies of modernism or was it more a case of the cultural norms of that particular time? Either way, Alice Street mosque is a reminder of how designers of religious buildings can veer from tradition and normality and explore new design realms.

Figure 15 - Regent’s Park Mosque, London

1977 London, saw the UK’s first monumental landmark mosque. Built as a mark of respect

to the Muslims who fought in the two world wars, this mosque represents British Muslims on an international scale. Architect Gibberd’s use of the dome, minaret and pointed arch “received criticism at the time for reverting to traditional Islamic elements”.

(Saleem 2012)

He disputed this,

arguing that “these symbols gave the building near universal meaning for Muslims” and were especially important on what was the spiritual focal point for Muslims throughout the UK. Although the mosque’s forms and features are associated with a traditional mosque; Gibberd’s subtlety with detailing and decoration along with his use of modern materials, provide London with a truly modern, British mosque. 23

Since the Peel Street Muslim community in Cardiff, 1967, turned three houses into

a mosque, house-mosques have been a popular start up option for any aspiring new Muslim community. Due to numbers of people and subsequent lack of funding, Muslim groups purchase a house with community funds, then make the required alterations. The long-term aim being that as numbers and finances increase they can either extend their current facility or build themselves a new purpose built mosque. Burnett Place in Bradford, 1988, is one of many examples of how house mosques grow organically whenever improvements are possible. The Peel Street mosque, and the two examples below, are demonstrations of how mosque communities that grow in size and number, build a purpose built mosque structure as a result.

Figure 16 - Peel Street Mosque, Cardiff

The new millennium has seen a reduction in new build mosque constructions in the UK; as

a result there seems to be more consideration and time being taken in the design process. Referring back to the balance between the local urban vernacular with the members’ heritage and historic Islamic style, the final example has gone the opposite way to Alice Street. The Jameah mosque is “a move away from earlier pastiche as the mosques no longer borrow a series of Islamic motifs from different sources, but present one particular historic language and express it fully and logically”. (Saleem 2012)

This mosque was designed in Dubai and shows little to no relationship on an urban or

vernacular scale to its surroundings, but does express craftsmanship. 24

Figure 17 - Wimbledon Mosque

Figure 18 - Jameah Mosque, Leicester

3.5 - The Changing Attitude towards Mosque Construction

As Muslim communities across the UK increase in size and number, their confidence

and pride in their identity rises as a result. To begin with they managed with house-mosques, but attitudes are changing and they now want, and aren’t scared to design and build, something much more substantial; with much more Islamic identity. The Jameah mosque is an example of a scheme which displays no attempts to respond to the local architectural vernacular, but instead is a bold expression of foreign culture and architecture. This provokes further questions: -

Will this design attitude become the norm across the UK?

Should mosques “fit in” to their surrounding environment or be standalone structures

expressing Islam like a church would express Christianity? -

And in turn, does this have a bearing on how a mosque construction is received by the non-

Muslim population of the UK?

4 – How should mosques be designed?

Chapter 4 will fleetingly touch on the design of mosques as a whole before honing in,

Like any building design there are a multitude of issues and criteria to consider; this list

increases furthermore when designing a religious building, and more again when that religion is not the primary religion in the country you are designing for.

Contrarily Saleem argues, “A mosque has an exceptionally simple programme, needing

only an open space that is clean, in which people can face Mecca and offer their prayers. Along with running water for ritual ablution before prayer, there is no other spatial, liturgical or sacred requirement. This means that every formal and architectural representation of the mosque we see beyond this is a cultural accretion accumulated across time and culture.” (Saleem 2012)

This idea is backed by Ernst Grube who believes any Islamic building, whether it is serving

a specific function or not, can assume a variety of forms. When referring to the Dome of the Rock, Grube states, “What makes it an Islamic building is not its form but its intention, expressed, furthermore, not in an artistic language of its own, but by secondary, non-architectural means: Arabic inscriptions.”

(Grube 1995)

Implying that any form of building can be ‘Islamic’; it is the

intention of the creator or users that make it ‘Islamic’. When talking to Mr. Omarji he explained that, “When you acquire a site for a mosque, you have the intention to create a place of worship. This piece of land is then set on a religious path, this intention makes the land sacred.” (Omarji 2015)

This raises the question: Do mosques need to look as they do? Interestingly there is no

definitive answer. Inayat Omarji stated that his community purchased a site to build the new Taiyabah

mosque because “there is a greater reward from a religious perspective if you are worshipping in a purpose built mosque.” (Omarji 2015) And as stated on the front of Taiyabah mosque’s ‘Future Vision Brief ’, “Whoever builds a mosque, desiring thereby Allah’s pleasure, Allah builds for him the like of it in Paradise.” In complete contrast, Arshad Sheick from Cheadle Muslim Association (CMA) says that, “Personally, I don’t see the need to build mosques. As a Muslim I can go and pray in a church, you can pray anywhere.” (Sheick 2015) Thinking pragmatically, but speaking with an element of flippancy, Mr.Sheick also added, “We don’t need to build additional mosques, we could just go and occupy all the vacant churches”, implying that any unused building can be a mosque.

One thing to note is that the quote, “Whoever builds a mosque, desiring thereby Allah’s

pleasure, Allah builds for him the like of it in Paradise”

(Taiyabah Islamic Centre, 2013),

makes zero

reference to the appearance of this mosque. Simply that a purpose built mosque will be of greater spiritual reward. It is therefore the interpretation of the Qur’an that influences people’s beliefs, maybe falsely, that certain features or forms need to be adhered to.

4.2 - The Fall of Christianity

The rise of Muslim numbers in Bolton, 32,385 (11.7%)

(Naqshbandi 2015),

has been

accompanied by the decline of Christianity; with multiple church congregations being forced to merge due to low attendances. In November 2015 “The Bishop of Salford, John Arnold, has said the church plans to reduce the number of parishes from 150 to 75, as a result of falling attendance and a shortage of priests.” (Bardsley 2015)

There are numerous examples of this decline within a mile of the Taiyabah Mosque, Astley

Bridge. Iron Church, situated across the road from the Taiyabah mosque, hasn’t been used as a church since 1990; now, having previously been an antique centre, it acts as a furniture store.

Other examples include the Astley Bridge Theatre church and Free Church in Halliwell,

which were knocked down to build nine houses and bought to be used as a madrasa, M.A. Mission, respectively. The two congregations were merged into the new Chorley Old Road church building. In Bolton town centre, the 190 year old Holy Trinity Church has also been converted, in this case into 82 flats. (Jackson 2014) Figure 19 - Iron Church, Bolton

As architects we must strive to keep these church buildings alive and community focussed,

even if Christianity is still on the decline. All Souls on Astley Street is an example of what can be done in the existing framework of a church building, to not only save the building but to enhance the lives of the community, no matter their religion. By transforming a church, abandoned for 15 years, into a multi-purpose community hub, All Souls became a flagship project and now acts as, “a model of how to save churches for the Church Conservation Trust (CCT)”. (Suter 2015) 28

Figure 20 & 21 - All Souls Church, Bolton

Figure 22 - 25 - All Souls Refurbishment

Although All Souls manager, Andrew Suter, describes the building having “an absence

of faith”, All souls does remain a consecrated building; performing a service once a month. As a functioning church, “this building was a big part of the people’s lives for over a hundred years, and that should be respected”. (Suter 2015)

The Greenalgh’s who founded the 19th Century church believed that “everyone was equal

in the eyes of God and should therefore have an equal, uninterrupted view of the church altar”. (Suter 2015) To achieve this they designed a nave without structural columns; using timber clad metal

RSGs. This was innovative at the time and was the main reason for the Grade II listing status. Without that design innovation, OMI Architects wouldn’t have been able to achieve the current, architecturally award winning, design. The original building materials and structure has been left exposed and largely untouched; reclaiming the stone and wooden features whilst designing pods to fit into the building’s skeleton. OMI further emphasised and celebrated the roof by stepping back the inserted pods and opening up the internal walkways to increase visibility throughout. (Suter 2015)

Aside from architectural success, All Souls is also “ahead of their business plan projections”

(Suter 2015)

financially and are thriving in diversity and usability. The church is used by over ten

businesses or groups on temporary or permanent basis, including; a café, charity offices, hotdesking spaces as well as being used as an events and conference venue.

Despite some perception issues, with white-British thinking it’s for local Muslims and

vice-versa, and some Muslims believing it could weaken their faith, demographically All Souls represents Bolton’s multiculturalism well with “around a 50/50 split of white British and Muslim communities”.

(Suter 2015)

Mr. Suter simply wants to increase community cohesion through the

sharing of space and as a result improve the understanding of the community’s many cultures and religions.

The misconceptions people have about mixing religions couldn’t be further from reality in

the next two examples. The ‘House of One’ in Berlin and ‘Friday Saturday Sunday Tri-faith space’ in London; both of whom, have created a building, of differing scales, to house worshippers from Christianity, Islam and Judaism.

Figure 26 -28 - House of One, Berlin

Berlin’s ‘House of One’ is projected to begin its construction, on a site which has seen five

St. Petri’s churches, in 2018. As in the UK, the Christian numbers in Berlin are fading, so when Pastor Hohberg was approached by the city of Berlin about the possibility of a sixth church, the decision was made to approach other religious groups proposing a multi-faith building; responding to the large number of immigrants seen in modern-day Berlin. Throughout the design process, by the House of One team and Kuehn Malvezzi Architects (winners of the design competition), the focus to keep things traditional has remained. “It’s not about mixing religions necessarily…We want a completely normal church, synagogue and mosque” where “different religious communities can stand in their own traditions and look towards the others and learn from the similarities and differences.”(Timm 2015) Mr. Timm goes on to say that, representatives from each religion have been present at every design meeting and as a result, things architecturally, have ran smoothly. There are two design elements worthy of recognition when increasing multi-religious interaction and equality in this project. Firstly, Keuhn Malvezzi cleverly only designed one entrance, which leads directly into a shared communal space, forcing religions to mix before splitting off for their individual worship. Secondly, despite each worship space having a different sized floor plan; they all have the exact same volume; thus creating the three levelled elevation and section you see in the images.

Multi-faith rooms pop up in all major airports and universities but are never intended to

be spaces in which religions integrate. The House of One is just one high-profile example, out of many across the globe, which makes a genuine attempt to integrate and unite multiple religious groups in one place. ‘Friday Saturday Sunday – a tri-faith prayer space’ is another example closer to home, in London by Square Feet Architects. 31

4.3 - Significance of ‘Islamic’ Architectural features

Despite, unavoidable conflict for both the previous multi-faith schemes, they are on the

path towards success and full participation from the religious groups involved. Architecturally, it is worth noting that these projects do not have a typical mosque aesthetic; with neither displaying a minaret and only ‘House of One’ wearing a dome, which is still relatively hidden. This isn’t always the case, as different Muslim and non-Muslim groups place huge importance on certain architectural features they deem ‘Islamic’.

This dissertation has briefly touched upon architectural features that over time have been

categorised as ‘Islamic’. Not only do they inform the neighbourhood of Islamic presence but they are statements of pride and religious identity. The following two examples explore the minaret specifically and demonstrate its significance to the Muslim world; as well as the impact one can have on a non-Muslim community.

Using the example of Burnett Place house-mosque in Bradford, Saleem demonstrates the

value Muslims place on the minaret and, additionally in this case, the dome. The original building and site are extremely restricted in size and aesthetic possibilities, yet the community insisted on a dome and two short minarets. This is a statement of Islamic presence and an external representation of the building’s use.

(Saleem 2012)

Personally, these additions have undoubtedly added religious

value to what was a normal stone terrace house, but at what cost. This mosque now looks out of proportion, out of context and is simply an amalgamation of two conflicting architectural styles.

Figure 29 - Burnett Place Mosque, Bradford

Figure 30 - Wangen Mosque Minaret

A more controversial example comes from the traditional Swiss village of Wangen. There

had been a small Turkish community in Wangen for a number of decades, worshiping peacefully and living harmoniously with the non-Muslim population. This all changed when the mosque “won the right to erect a six-metre-high minaret”. (Traynor 2007) This planning authorisation sparked nationwide debate on whether minarets should be allowed on buildings in Switzerland. Ulrich Schluer (an MP for the right-wing Swiss People’s party - SVP) organised a petition demanding that: “The building of minarets in Switzerland is forbidden.” Interestingly he is quoted, “We’ve got nothing against prayer rooms or mosques for the Muslims. But a minaret is different. It’s got nothing to do with religion. It’s a symbol of political power”. (Traynor 2007)

This motion had a European knock-on effect in Austria, where their far right leader also

imposed the ban; saying it, “will be a pioneer in the battle against radical Islam for the protection of our dominant western culture”, backed up by the Bishop of Graz was quoted saying, “Muslims should not build mosques which dominate towns’ skylines in countries like ours.”

(Traynor 2007)

These quotes indicate, not a fear or hatred of Islam necessarily, but a fear of Islamic dominance; both spiritually and in this case visually and physically, associating the minaret with radical Islam.

Ian Traynor comments that the reason European Muslim communities are making their

presence known more regularly; which in turn increases levels of conflict, is a result of “their

growing self-confidence”. Thijl Sunier, a Dutch anthropologist, backs this theory describing the situation across Europe as, “young Muslims showing their confidence, stating we are part of this society and we want our share.” (Traynor 2007)

In 2009 Switzerland became Europe’s first country to curb Islamic religious practices, when

a referendum “banning the construction of minarets on mosques was backed by a solid majority” gaining the backing of 57.5% of Swiss voters and winning in “22 of the 26 cantons.” (Traynor 2007)

Iconoclasm, translated roughly, is the conscious act of breaking or rejecting a religious

image. In the context of this dissertation iconoclasm relates to the conflict surrounding mosque construction in the UK. Interestingly, there are two types of iconoclasm present. The first case of iconoclasm is with Islam itself. The religion doesn’t allow the representation of God; you are able to write about him but unable to draw him. This isn’t the first religion that share these traits; for example in the 17th century Protestant Christians, led by Oliver Cromwell carried out anti-Catholic raids and sabotage missions on numerous churches wrecking stained glass windows and tearing down statues. This was then surpassed by the destruction caused “as the English Reformation was launched and relaunched and as Protestantism overwhelmed Catholicism and became embedded in England and Wales”. (Cromwell association 2005)

Bizarrely, when Muslims desire a mosque that is aesthetically traditional, they are attempting

to create an image that reminds them of home, but Islam is an iconoclastic religion by decree of Mohammed. These desires, held by UK Muslims, highlight their wish for something that is culturally related to their home countries, not merely to do with the simple worship space, and some UK non-Muslims simply don’t want that.

Secondly, the protesters are acting iconoclastically by airing their dislike towards the image

of a traditional mosque, generally targeted at the minaret and dome. The protesters don’t want something that bares mosque forms and aesthetics on their street or in their neighbourhood. In the case of the Taiyabah Islamic centre, the BNP spokesperson stated his fear of the minaret as “within their culture, this is a statement of dominance in itself ” and that a minaret is “a blatant statement of Islamic supremacy”.

(Patriot 2014)

Most of these iconoclastic, NIMBY people aren’t

attempting to stop Islam, or at least that’s not admitted, they just don’t want their neighbourhood to be associated with the image of Islam. 34

Figure 31 - Protesters’ Banner against the Mosque

As stated, I believe a careful balance of styles is need when designing a mosque in the UK.

However, as Gale states, applications to develop mosques have “frequently given rise to forms of aesthetic contestation that are embedded in processes of identity construction amongst nonMuslims” (Gale 2004) and in the current context of 21st century UK, this, unfortunately, is expected and almost always present. The majority of UK Muslims want a mosque that looks like a mosque, and there will always be contestation from particular non-Muslim groups because of this. (Omarji 2015)

5 – UK Case Studies

Chapter 5 uses four case studies to inspect a number of possible sites of conflict surrounding

mosques in the UK. Beginning in Birmingham, the importance of time and location in relation to the creation of conflict around mosque development are underlined, whilst issues such as architectural identity, media influence and racial discrimination are detected in the remaining case studies. This chapter also informs the reader of the routes taken through a design and planning process, whilst highlighting the importance of a strong relationship between planners and mosque committees.

Ideally a mosque will be designed by a professional from start to finish and have the

complete backing from the area’s planners and general public. In reality the design process and progression to construction of one mosque is unique and will never follow the same path as any other. Richard Gale describes how three mosques in Birmingham, over the course of four decades, embarked on entirely different journeys. In doing so, the importance of time and location as sites of conflict and evaluate the extent to which “urban planning processes condense and mediate the relations between social (and religious) groups” can be assessed. (Gale 2004) 5.1 - The City of Birmingham Birmingham Central Mosque

Birmingham Central mosque, in the 1960’s is the first case studied. In an attempt to

seemingly embrace and celebrate multiculturalism in Birmingham, the President of the mosque explained that, the city council gave the mosque “a prime piece of land, with the idea to build a landmark for the city”. (Gale 2004) According to the planning documentation a “high quality design in such a prominent location will enhance the role of the mosque as a landmark and provide a gateway approach to the city core from the Middle Ring Road.” With this, it would seem that the planning authorities were completely pro-mosque; however progression through planning was far from easy.

To begin with, the planners withheld information about housing redevelopment schemes,

which would see a large majority of local Muslims moved away from the proposed site. This 36

Figure 32 - Birmingham Central Mosque

proposal originally included eighteen shops, a lecture hall, residential accommodation and a library; all of which would “produce an income which would enable the proper maintenance of the structure”.

(Gale 2004)

Despite its obvious importance this was overlooked and a site big enough

for only a mosque was chosen. Thirdly, they were made to use brick instead of the original stucco design. Interestingly, the Council argued that “this will be more satisfactory than the original proposal as the building will now blend in with the adjoining development of the Gooch Street shopping centre and adjoining flats”. (Gale 2004) This seriously contradicts their original statement; by definition a ‘landmark’ building should be easily distinguishable, recognisable and easily seen from a distance; not something that will merge into the surrounding buildings.

After over a decade of animosity between the city planners and the mosque, including

numerous rejected madrasa applications, 1980 saw a successful proposal for a minaret addition to the Birmingham Central Mosque; getting described as “elegant and well proportioned” and that, contradictory to their previous opinions, “It was visible over a wide area”. (Gale 2004) Despite now apparently acting in-line with their original statements, Grube adds that there was one aspect of 37

the minaret addition that was still too much to allow; “No sound reproduction or amplification equipment shall be installed or used on any part of the said minaret at any time”. This is a sign of how things were, and still remains across the country, when mosques are accepted as part of the built environment, their minarets are frequently accepted as features on our skyline, but the original purpose of the minaret - to call prayer - was banned. When this restriction was partially lifted in 1986 the reaction of the local non-Muslim community was one of anger. One local, who felt that Islam was being imposed on him and his area, was quoted, “since when has a foreign language and culture been allowed to override the wishes of the indigenous people of this country?” (Gale 2004)

By the 1990’s the mosque had finally become what the council had originally proposed, a

Birmingham landmark, not just an Islamic one. Birmingham City Council finally acknowledged the increasing “contributions made to the economy and civic administration by different sectors of its ethnically and religiously diverse population.”

(Gale 2004)

This change in relations between the

mosque and the city is evidence of the social change in Birmingham. Over time the process of building a mosque in Birmingham, although definitely not without numerous obstacles, became easier. Dar ul-Uloom Islamia Mosque

By 1997, the planning process for mosques in Birmingham had changed. Again the council

stated that this was to be a ‘landmark’, however this time the mosque was given a site big enough for other facilities and incredibly the City Council sold the land to the group at a third of its market value. This is a clear recognition and signal of the changes in Birmingham’s urban fabric; down to a combination of increased interaction between local Muslims with their local environment, and the planning process. Despite the attitude towards mosques improving throughout society protests were still present. Gale sites one quote expressing that mosques should be, “built in modern style so that they fit in with other buildings, instead of sticking out like a sore thumb”. (Gale 2004) Demonstrating again, a dislike towards the aesthetics of a mosque as opposed to just its presence.

Gale’s studies have not only shown that the Birmingham City Council’s stance has changed

from uncertainty and hostility to endorsement and celebration, but has highlighted the importance of religious groups interaction with planning authorities and the important role urban planning plays in mediating aesthetic dispute between Muslims and non-Muslims. 38

Figure 33 - Dar ul-Uloom Islamia Mosque

5.2 - Cheadle Muslim Association

The third case study is the Cheadle Muslim Association (CMA) and their proposal, and

subsequent withdrawal, for an extension to their current facility. A spokesperson for the Islamic Centre, Mr. Sheick explained that in 1998, the CMA bought a derelict Methodist church in Cheadle and have used the facility as an Islamic centre, for up to 800 worshippers and additional general public ever since. Over recent years, as numbers have risen, the facility has become unfit for purpose. The two main problems are with the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s size and circulation. The main prayer hall can only hold 300 worshippers; so they use three ancillary rooms and two external marquees to house everyone. Despite the extra spaces they still have to conduct Friday prayer in two sittings. On circulation, as the building was designed as a church and not for the building programme of a mosque, worshippers are made to walk through the prayer hall to the ablutions; defeating the object of ablutions in the first place. (Sheick 2015)

Figure 34 - 37 Cheadle Muslim Association

Figure 38 - CMA’s original proposal

Before submitting, and after the withdrawal of the planning application, the CMA have

had a strong community integration policy and a cohesive relationship with their non-Muslim neighbours. However, when the extension was proposed to planning in 2014 relationships changed. As awareness of the plans spread across the country the EDL threatened to protest. Mr. Sheick believes that this was just a case of a “rent-a-mob”; in which “the vast majority of protesters weren’t even from Cheadle” and were just followers of the ‘Say no to mosques’ campaign.

It is interesting to note that there were no problems when converting a church into a mosque,

but there were when the mosque was to be extended. Have anti-mosque views rose dramatically in recent years, or are the non-Muslim protesters genuinely more troubled by a building looking Islamic than a Church losing its original purpose?

Mr. Sheick explained of two main categories of complaint; practical and racial. Practically,

objections included increased traffic and the use of green belt land. Racially, people were either, fearful of an Islamification of their area and culture or expressed blatant anti-mosque beliefs.

After the objections the CMA withdrew their planning application, agreeing that their

proposal was too big and needed re-evaluating. At the time of withdrawal “the application had prompted 2,920 responses to planning bosses - 1,271 for and 1,631 against.” 41

(Fitzgerald 2014)

Aesthetically, one finds it hard to justify preferring a set of make shift marquee structures over having a new, professionally designed, mosque building.

Mr. Sheick believes his predecessors have a lot to answer for; “they failed to integrate,

didn’t learn the language and failed to improve poor education within the religion”.

(Sheick 2015)

The CMA’s official medium of communication is now English and all facilities are available to any member of the community. Previous generations “brought over their little Pakistan or Bangladesh with them”, cocooning themselves away from the community. Mr. Sheick adds that integration has to be two sided, with a welcoming host. “Protesters need to realise that we’re not trying to erode anyone’s identity and look at the good work we’re doing in the community”. (Sheick 2015)

5.3 - Taiyabah Islamic Centre

The final and main case study in this dissertation is the Taiyabah Islamic Centre in

Astley Bridge, Bolton. Established in 1967, the Taiyabah community currently boasts the 2nd largest Muslim congregation in the Bolton borough, comprising of around 800 families from predominantly Guajarati (Indian) descent. (Omarji 2015)

In 1988, Taiyabah Islamic Centre moved premises from Canning Street to where they

currently reside, the former Blackburn Road Congregational Sunday School. This facility is over 100 years old, barely doing the job required with additional damp and roof problems. Additionally, there are serious circulation and layout issues; the largest fault being that only 400 people can pray alongside the Imam in the primary prayer hall, the other worshippers listen through speakers in a separate room. (Omarji 2015)

Figure 39 & 40 - Canning St facility and current Taiyabah facility

Around 13 years ago the Taiyabah community passed up the opportunity to build their

own purpose built mosque on an old mill site close to their current facility. Having regretted this decision for years, in 2009 the committee were given a second chance when the Empire Direct store (situated on the same site as their premises) went into administration. Unlike in previous years, the community backed the proposal to buy the land and together raised around ÂŁ500,000; donating ÂŁ1000 per family where possible. Additional fundraising efforts with some remaining savings meant that the land was bought for ÂŁ970,000. (Omarji 2015)

Amongst other practical objectives, the Taiyabah committee hope to achieve the following

with their new development: -

To create a place of worship that would encourage the younger and infrequent visiting 43

members to attend prayer more regularly. (Omarji 2015)

To be an almost 24/7 community facility; aiding people in all aspects of their life. (Omarji

2015)

To be “A facility that has a feel of a Masjid and Madrasah”. (David Cox Architects 2014)

To construct a building that “Does not look out of character from the current area, but

has a good feel factor”. (David Cox Architects 2014)

Contrarily to the final point, Mrs Turton (Bolton Council Principal Development Officer)

commented that when the proposal was put forward to planning “the building had been designed to be a landmark building and not one that will merge into the existing urban landscape”. (Turton 2015)

Design Process

Before submitting a design the mosque went through quite a substantial design process;

beginning with the mosque’s sub-committee members, including Mr. Omarji and architect Shahed Saleem (author of the AJ – ‘Mosque history in the UK’, referenced throughout), brain storming ideas and producing Sketchup models of potential building forms. Under the title of ‘Initial Concepts and Direction’ the aforementioned people designed a collection of possibilities. (Omarji

2015)

Initial Concepts And Direction Initial InitialConcepts ConceptsAnd AndDirection Direction Initial Concepts And Direction

Initial Concepts And Direction

Initial Concepts Initial ConceptsAnd AndDirection Direction

Figure 41 - 48 - Initial Concepts and Design Direction

Initial Concepts And Direction

If these nine options were intended to cover as many styles as possible to try and create

a general preference, then I can see a small benefit of this process. Aside from that, I question how this has assisted the design process in any way. The images above seem random and lacking in any ‘direction’; ranging from simplistic and geometric forms to ornate middle-eastern courtyard structures. In addition, the naivety of all the designs, to not include context, renders them almost useless. You can’t start a design process down a specific path, if that path is based on a decision which ignored essential information; i.e. surrounding buildings and roads. Only in the final ‘concept’ do you see hints of a context related design; but the relationship between the design and surrounding buildings is still non-existent and the design itself seems to be an amalgamation of previous styles and forms. This process was obviously attempting to act as a catalyst for more substantial designs, but in order for this to work, design professionals should be in control. Initial Concepts And Direction Initial Concepts And Direction

Initial Concepts And Direction

Initial Concepts And Direc

Figure 49 - 52 - Most Developed Initial Concept

After initial feedback, the committee sent out a brief to twenty competing architects from

around the UK. From which, a short-list was formed of seven architects from Bolton, Preston, Leicester and London. They were required to produce a concept, sketch scheme and costings plan up to and beyond RIBA stage E. (Omarji 2015)

Concept 1 Scheme Designs FRONT ELEVATION

SIDE ELEVATION

REAR ELEVATION

STOREY PLANS

3D VIEW

Concept 2

Fahad P Architectural Services

SITE PLAN

Concept 3 Makespace Architects 3D VIEWS

GROUND FLOOR

Concept 4 Mimar Architecture

FIRST FLOOR

Concept 6 RG+P Leicester

Concept 5 Pick Everard

Taiyabah Masjid A0 Posters mar12.indd 6

26/07/2012 15:20

Figure 53 - 59 - Architectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Competition Entries

Concept 7 Wood Associates

As expected, these schemes are clearly more developed than the previous, but again show

a huge range of style and scale. Again context, or lack of, is an issue; simply placing the design on a plan of the site does not constitute a contextual design. For example, concept one’s symmetrical design could have been copied and pasted onto this site plan, and has as much context here as it does anywhere else. As stated earlier, they wanted a building that doesn’t look out of character from the local vernacular; this simply wouldn’t be the case for the majority of these designs.

Originally, getting a group of committee members to create design ideas when they

collectively have very little expertise is always going to be tough. However, with Shahid Saleem’s assistance and his expertise in the mosque design history, one would have expected a more contextual and better informed set of outcomes. Throughout the research carried out for this dissertation, one understands that the Islamic community tend to revert to their own when needing a service; this should not be the case when designing something as important as architecture. The committee should not be put in charge of design; but instead be led by an architect.

After further consultations with its members and further architect submissions; David Cox

Architects (seen here as Wood associates), of Preston, were chosen. The proposal became public knowledge in June 2014, when the Bolton Evening News (B.E.N) wrote a piece on Mr. Cox’s scheme; which immediately became a catalyst for wide spread debate, whilst receiving criticism itself. (Culley 2015) Proposal Conflict

The first BNP protest against the mosque came just four days after Mr. Culley’s article.

As in the Cheadle case study, he highlights that, “Undoubtedly there were some locals among the 80-100 people draped in England flags chanting offensive remarks, but many had actually travelled into the town.”

(Culley 2015)

Bryn Morgan, BNP representative, justified the protests, saying “The

only possible reason that they would want to build such a monstrosity is a statement of Muslim dominance continuing in the North West”.

(Patriot 2014)

Mr. Morgan also accused the planning

department of un-professionalism and favouritism; to which Mrs. Turton responded with, “The application was dealt with as any other planning application. It was assessed against policy requirements (national and local)” and no special dispensation was given to the proposal because of its religious or Islamic nature. (Turton 2015) This scheme is another example of a minaret’s visual 47

impact on non-Muslims; Morgan states, “we have a situation here with the minarets they’re putting up, that within their culture this is a statement of dominance in itself ”. (Patriot 2014)

Blame was placed at Mr Culley’s door for writing the front-page “super mosque” article, with

accusations of bias and over-exaggeration from Bolton’s Muslims. When asked, Mr Culley denies any conscious influence stating, “blind xenophobia from a minority of people will predominate over issues of mosque developments, regardless of how the press presents them” and argues that any project of this scale and with visual renders would have made the front page. 2015)

(Culley

Any paper, reporting on an issue such as this simply cannot prevent opportunists using their

information to protest against the scheme.

6 – How mosques work in urban and design terms

Chapter 6 explains David Cox’s opinions on; what makes architecture traditionally

In the Taiyabah ‘Development Brochure’ David Cox Architects briefly express their

opinion on “What makes Traditional Islamic Architecture?” (David Cox Architects 2014) They believe that public spaces are integral, whether it be large sites that provide open public space, or it be “the use of courtyards where physical arches/arcades are intermediate spaces between inside and out”. Equally as key is craftsmanship, alongside a simple but quality palette of materials and a variety of geometric patterns. Finally, one element that must be created for success in Islamic architecture is grandeur, in particular “the use of double height spaces”. (David Cox Architects 2014)

When asked if any of these opinions, or their scheme, had been influenced by any particular

precedent, Mr. Cox referred to the Great Mosque in Damascus as their most significant. (Cox 2015) Specifically, this eighth century mosque highlighted the importance of outdoor communal spaces; and we see this attention replicated in the Taiyabah scheme.

Figure 60 - Great Mosque of Damascus

Not all the architectural features of this precedent match up with the criteria mentioned

previously. The courtyard is an example of a successful communal space, however, with a huge external wall on all four sides it most certainly wasn’t designed for the entire community.

As well as looking to the past, Mr. Cox also devised a set of patterns and trends that he

believes are emerging throughout the UK in mosque design today. -

Entrances are not given as much presence as traditional mosques, many entrances face

side roads or car parks

There is little boundary between ‘the street’ and the mosque, inside/out due to the

necessity for parking

Colours/patterns are ’additions’ to otherwise simple building forms

Domes are often GRP in construction

Decorative gestures are often diluted due to cost constraints

The value of ‘craft’ is missing as very little stonework carving or mosaic tiling are evident

due to being labour intensive

Services are not integrated into the décor of the building, thus many appear ‘office-like’

(David Cox Architects 2014)

Looking at these trends one must then question; are these trends coherent with, or

adaptations of, the Islamic architectural origins or have they completely detached themselves from original ideals? As the majority of these are negative trends, it’s safe to assume these are emerging trends that modern day designers and architects need to be wary of.

There are obvious exceptions to these rules but, I believe that there are too many UK

mosques, built today, that are quick, cheap and easy whilst lacking in creativity. The carving of stonework, for example, is almost non-existent. The following images show a selection of ornate, detailed, beautiful mosques side by side with some of the cheap mosques built in the UK over the last decade or two (all four examples of UK mosques are within one mile of the Taiyabah Islamic Centre). As a researcher, one shouldn’t have to rewind over a hundred years, nor should one have to travel overseas to find mosques with a suitable level of quality and complexity.

Figure 61 - 68 - Selection of Mosques from Europe and Bolton

I am fully aware that the sites, finances and materials may not be available in the Bolton

examples; like they were for the other four mosques across Europe. However, this does highlight the drastic difference between what has been, and still is in Europe, compared with the mosques popping up on street corners of Bolton.

In order to tackle these negative trends, on a realistic design level, and develop successful

mosques in our current and our future communities Mr Cox highlights the need for more “legible architecture” (Cox 2015) in which transitional spaces between street and mosque, inside or outside, are utilised to the maximum. In terms of addressing the craftsmanship issues, he believes that pattern and craft need to be carefully introduced in “panels of pattern that provide focused features” and with “a simple colour palette and high quality finishes” to emphasise and maintain serenity and purity within the spaces. (Cox 2015) Personally, one understands with the rapid increase in UK Muslims, communities need bigger and better facilities as soon as physically and financially possible, often resulting in mosques morphing as extension and further extensions are added. And I understand, craftsmanship can come at a cost that might be unavailable, however, in the long run it is surely more beneficial to everyone when correct levels of care, thought, time and effort are applied to a design.

6.1 - The Taiyabah Design

With this research and opinion a base to work from David Cox Architectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s began the

Taiyabah Islamic Centre design process. In initial planning sketches Mr. Cox likens the forms of a traditional mosque with that of a North West cotton mill of the industrial revolution; in particular the minaret and mill chimney respectively. This image also provides a historical link back to a time when the opportunity to work in these mills was the major catalyst for Muslim migration to the UK. (David Cox Architects 2014)

Figure 69 - Mill-Mosque Sketch

Thinking practically, as with all mosque designs, one of the first considerations is orientation.

Orientation is always controlled by the direction of the Qibla (direction of prayer). This then creates a juxtaposition with the remaining building elements of the scheme which are designed to conform to the â&#x20AC;&#x153;existing conventional street patternâ&#x20AC;?. These contrasting positions on site and resulting transitional space creates a successful external urban space for the whole community to use, and a place where mosque users and non-users could interact. (David Cox Architects 2014)

By setting the mosque back from Blackburn Road the architect has emphasised the open

and inviting frontage and increased the opportunities for a semi-enclosed courtyard. (D Cox Architects 54

2014) This would provide not only “a transitional space between the regular urban grid and mosque”

but could be used for community events and fairs. Taiyabah’s “two arms would open up to the main road as a welcoming gesture to Blackburn Road”; with the primary aim to “create a building that would be positive for Islam’s general perception in the area.”

(Cox 2015)

Unfortunately this

proposal was “diluted by a need for security and a fence” as a result of the hostilities surrounding the Lee Rigby murder in London; effectively destroying any chance of non-Muslims using the space. Mr. Cox added, “This fence provides a functional barrier, although the visual openness for the public remains. The sense of welcome which the building presents to the street-front is weaker than it might have been and this slightly defensive frontage is indicative of some of the tensions in society.”(Cox 2015)

Although the two primary elevations are directed at the adjacent Blackburn Road junctions,

the design and access statement also comments of conceptual reasons behind this design decision, “visitors to the building enter off the orthogonal everyday street pattern and re-orientate themselves onto the direction of the Qibla, providing the sense of spiritual retreat.”

(D Cox Architects 2014)

This is a very subtle but affective way to detach the mosque, and its approach, from everyday life and everyday urban order; ultimately contributing to the creation of a new and inspiring place to practice Islam.

Another main design consideration was with scale. Mr. Cox commented that one primary

aim was to “create a special, inspiring place for the local Muslim children to learn and practice their faith”. (Cox 2015) In the development brochure Mr. Cox expresses the importance of double height spaces in achieving this, whilst emphasising the importance of the prayer hall. The architect’s target of internal grandeur and atmosphere is apparent throughout the scheme and its renders.

Referred to in the Design and Access statement, ‘Policy CG3’ requests that you, “Conserve

and enhance the local character through considered use of scale, form materials and landscaping”. (D Cox Architects 2014)

By setting both the mosque and the madrasah buildings at two storeys, Mr.

Cox’s scheme remains in-keeping with the surrounding buildings. Externally, the architectural grandeur will be achieved through the addition of the minaret and dome to the two storied main building.

Throughout the design process, as expected, there were numerous design iterations between

Mr. Cox and the committee to ensure they “created the right atmosphere and look”. (Omarji 2015) When questioned about conflicts in style, Mr. Cox’s expressed a toughness when dealing with the committee, especially when his scheme “did not meet some pre-conceptions about the form of mosques in the UK”. (Cox 2015) In his opinion “the committee wanted a large rectangular structure with Islamic applied motifs and a dome in the middle. They were willing to invest a lot of money in the building envelope on brick detailing for example, but some members of the community are extremely rigid when moving away from a pre-conceived idea of mosque design”.

(Cox 2015)

It is

testament to both parties, architect and committee, that the final scheme isn’t simply a rectangular structure with dome and minaret additions.

Although the client always makes the final decisions for their project, we, as a design

community, must tread carefully. These committee members have little to no architectural design experience, and they are making decisions based purely on their religious and cultural preferences. Thankfully, the committee took on board suggestions from the architect and allowed the architect to design with some freedom; this isn’t always the case and worryingly architects aren’t always involved. The freedom has resulted in a cleverly designed, site specific mosque which responds both to Islamic architectural roots and its architectural surroundings. The UK mosque typology can be as imaginative as any other building type, so designers and clients must ensure the typology thrives and is appreciated by Muslims and non-Muslims alike.

Figure 70 - 80 - David Cox Architectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Renders for the Taiyabah Scheme

7 – Conclusion

“Architectural discourse has traditionally represented buildings as art objects or technical

objects. Yet buildings are also social objects in that they are invested with social meaning and shape social relations.”(King 2004)

Throughout this dissertation the effect a building has on society is enormous; from its

aesthetic qualities, its use, its size and who it caters for. This is then multiplied further when you take in to consideration the impact religion has on an area and its people.

When researching Islamic architectural style as a whole, and establishing its origins, there

is little doubt of its individual entity or the significance it, and more so its people, place on certain buildings or building features. The meaning imposed on the minaret in particular, for both Muslims and non-Muslims, is astonishing: whether it is used to provide a function; used as a celebration of faith or seen as a sign of Muslim identity, presence or dominance.

Interestingly, different interpretations of the Qur’an result in different opinions, causing

diversity. You could argue that certain extracts of the Qur’an are embellished or ignored to suit. As we discussed, as early as the Umayyads, designers were being influenced by foreign ways and ignoring the Qur’an’s “opposition towards secularism and all ostentation”.

(Hoag 1979)

Personally,

whether meaning is placed on a building or building feature from the movement’s birth, or not, is irrelevant – its impact could have grown years later for a number of reasons; most, if not all, carrying ample justification for their presence or applied identity.

The contingency of recent UK mosques, including their current emerging architectural

trends, with the architectural origins of Islam has been debated throughout. Saleem’s study clearly showed that there are numerous mosques across the UK that replicate or contain imitated features from their cultural ancestors; some more so than others, and relating to different eras of the Islamic world.

Each mosque type differs in terms of its likeness to ‘typical’ ‘Islamic’ style; you could argue

that the house-mosque typology is the most contingent. Organic growth of the building form,

unbalanced plans, hidden building function and lack of decoration on the building envelope are all features associated with early Islamic architecture.

As stated in the dissertation, I believe a balance must be struck between the urban

surroundings and the members’ heritage and historic Islamic style; relating to both aesthetics and urban planning. The right balance will ensure that mosque won’t be hidden away expressing zero cultural features, but also that they won’t completely foreign within a British vernacular.

For example, on an urban planning basis; orientating a building towards Mecca from

thousands of miles away, ignoring the spiritual reasoning, would be completely crazy. Additionally, on an aesthetic basis, buildings can demonstrate minimal consideration for Islamic architectural heritage, for example the Alice Street mosque. This didn’t work as a mosque, maybe it was its design that ultimately failed the building, or maybe it was something else; but this was a fine example of an architect pushing the boundaries of design, on a typology that is often accused of lacking ambition.

As Muslim numbers grow, so does the requirements for mosques. In my personal opinion,

too many mosques are being built that are simply quick and cheap to construct. Despite their minaret and dome, these mosques show token references to their cultural background and have no true architectural merit.

Many possible sites of conflict have been debated throughout this study, with particular

focus on ‘architectural style’. Despite, the undoubted contributions other factors, such as time and location, play, I believe style is the most predominant. Unfortunately, in the current religious landscape, conflict will always be present with a mosque proposal; there are certain people with certain beliefs that cannot be avoided. However, style can definitely play its part in minimising these numbers.

There will always be an increase in Islamic people, Islamic dress, Islamic shops and Islamic

language when a mosque comes to town, this is inevitable. However, I believe style can determine the level of: Islamic identity the mosque places on the area; cultural intimidation non-Muslims feel; local and national project awareness and the subsequent level of conflict - all of which are pivotal to a mosque’s success.

Islamic architecture, as highlighted by Hoag, has exhibited vast style diversity over

hundreds of years; I believe for its success to continue, especially in the UK, the diversity must continue and shouldn’t be assigned to such grand time frames. If UK Islamic architecture is taking inspiration from all the years of Islamic precedents, its architecture should express this. Not only this, expressions of Islamic architecture in the UK should carry on evolving. The design envelope needs to be pushed. The demand is there, it’s now the responsibility of the designers and clients to embrace the possibilities of what can be a pretty unrestricted typology with an abundance of architectural freedom.

Off the back of the research carried out, and subsequent findings of this dissertation, there

is an abundance of possible research routes one could take in the future. Below are two of these possibilities; please not these questions are consciously specific, this is to maintain a relation with the original question whilst keeping the research at a manageable level. -

Firstly, as this project is still relatively up in the air and construction hasn’t yet begun; an

examination or discussion into the successes and failures of this project from 2016 onwards could be carried out. -

Secondly, this dissertation has highlighted the dwindling numbers of church goers in the

UK; how can architects and designers, not only help save the UK’s church buildings but also design spaces that could convince people to attend church again?

8 - Supporting Materials Figures Figure 1 -

Woking Mosque

http://www.rjkdubai.com/building-contracting/commercial/ Figure 2 -

Early Migration of Islam

http://domin.dom.edu/faculty/dperry/hist270silk/calendar/west/islam/intro.htm Figure 3 -

Dome of the Rock

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dome_of_the_Rock#/media/File:Panor%C3%A1mica_de_Jerusal%C3%A9n_desde_el_ Monte_de_los_Olivos.jpg Figure 4 -

Dome of the Rock

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Dome_of_the_Rock.jpeg Figure 5 -

Samarra Mosque

http://www.constructionweekonline.com/article-18395-world-wonder-minaret-in-samarra-to-be-restored/ Figure 6 -

Great Mosque of Damascus

http://www.nevworldwonders.com/2015_02_01_archive.html Figure 7 -

Great Mosque of Damascus

https://histoireislamique.wordpress.com/author/histoireislamique1/page/92/ Figure 8 -

Great Mosque of Damascus

http://www.mohrasharif.com/index.php/gallery/category/7-shaam-ziarat Figure 9 -

Prophet’s Mosque of Madinah

http://www.gazabpost.com/amazing-and-famous-landmarks Figure 10 -

Ka’ba at Mecca

https://twitter.com/drhalezzzzz98 Figure 11 -

Liverpool Muslim Institute

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Kensington,_Liverpool Figure 12 -

Woking Mosque

http://www.shahjahanmosque.org.uk/ Figure 13 -

Fazl Mosque, London.

http://thelondonmosque.com/ Figure 14 -

Alice Street Mosque, Cardiff.

http://www.peoplescollection.wales/items/11648 Figure 15 -

Regent’s Park Mosque, London.

http://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/london-central-mosque-islamic-cultural-centre-regents-park-registration-3920307746 Figure 16 -

Peel Street Mosque, Cardiff.

http://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/a-history-of-mosques-in-britain/8629263.fullarticle Figure 17 -

Wimbledon Mosque

http://macadder.net/walking/capital_ring/stage03.html

Figure 18 -

Jameah Mosque, Leicester.

http://www.muslimguide.com/location.aspx?mid=7600#.Vrw_G7KLRD8 Figure 19 -

Iron Church, Bolton.

http://www.jaggers-heritage.com/bolton.php Figure 20 -

All Souls, Bolton.

http://www.lan-opc.org.uk/Bolton-le-Moors/Little-Bolton/allsouls/index.html Figure 21 -

All Souls, Bolton.

https://www.hlf.org.uk/about-us/media-centre/press-releases/unused-all-souls-bolton-transformed-state-art-community Figure 22 -

All Souls Redesign, Bolton.

https://www.ribaj.com/buildings/all-souls-church-bolton-reconfigured-as-community-space Figure 23 -

All Souls Redesign, Bolton.

https://www.ribaj.com/buildings/all-souls-church-bolton-reconfigured-as-community-space Figure 24 -

All Souls Redesign, Bolton.

https://www.ribaj.com/buildings/all-souls-church-bolton-reconfigured-as-community-space Figure 25 -

All Souls Redesign, Bolton.

https://www.ribaj.com/buildings/all-souls-church-bolton-reconfigured-as-community-space Figure 26 -

House of One, Berlin.

http://www.bdcnetwork.com/berlin-house-one-will-accommodate-muslims-jews-and-christians Figure 27 -

House of One, Berlin.

http://www.bdcnetwork.com/berlin-house-one-will-accommodate-muslims-jews-and-christians Figure 28 -

House of One, Berlin.

http://www.bdcnetwork.com/berlin-house-one-will-accommodate-muslims-jews-and-christians Figure 29 -

Burnett Place Mosque, Bradford.

http://mapio.net/s/35033356/ Figure 30 -

Wangen Minaret, Switzerland.

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/nov/26/swiss-mosques-minarets-ban-vote Figure 31 -

Say No To Astley Bridge Mosque.

https://www.google.com/search?tbs=sbi: Figure 32 -

Birmingham Central Mosque

http://baladnet.net/full.php?id=2163#.VrxCQ7KLRD8 Figure 33 -

Dar ul-Uloom Islamia Mosque, Birmingham

http://slideplayer.biz.tr/slide/2850222/ Figure 34 -

Cheadle Muslim Association, Manchester. Own Image.

Figure 35 -

Cheadle Muslim Association, Manchester. Own Image.

Figure 36 -

Cheadle Muslim Association, Manchester. Own Image.

Figure 37 -

Cheadle Muslim Association, Manchester. Own Image.

Figure 38 -

Cheadle Muslim Association proposal, Manchester.

http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/in-your-area/stockport-graphic-designer-appear-great-7573296 Figure 39 -

Canning Street Facility, Bolton.

http://taiyabahmasjid.co.uk/about-us/history/ Figure 40 -

Current Taiyabah Facility.

http://taiyabahmasjid.co.uk/about-us/history/ Figure 41 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 42 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 43 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 44 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 45 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 46 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 47 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 48 -

Taiyabah Initial Concepts and Design Direction.

Figure 49 -

Most Developed Initial Concept

Figure 50 -

Most Developed Initial Concept

Figure 51 -

Most Developed Initial Concept

Figure 52 -

Most Developed Initial Concept

Figure 53 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 54 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 55 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 56 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 57 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 58 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 59 -

Architect’s Competition Submissions.

Figure 60 -

Great Mosque of Damascus

http://unosat.web.cern.ch/unosat/unitar/downloads/chs/FINAL_Syria_WHS.pdf Figure 61 -

Selection of Mosques, Europe

http://www.sulyon.com/Drejey-hawal.aspx?id=10699&LinkID=19 Figure 62 -

Selection of Mosques, Europe

http://thefrangipaniblooms.blogspot.co.uk/2011_02_01_archive.html Figure 63 -

Selection of Mosques, Europe

http://www.goethe.de/lhr/prj/daz/mag/igd/en7039243.htm Figure 64 -

Selection of Mosques, Europe

http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=1561379 Figure 65 -

Selection of Mosques, Bolton

h t t p s : / / w w w. g o o g l e . c o . u k / m a p s / p l a c e / B o l t o n / @ 5 3 . 5 8 4 1 3 1 , - 2 . 4 5 4 8 8 3 , 1 3 z / data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x487b0629dc3b1c93:0xcaa40cfafe557822 Figure 66 -

Selection of Mosques, Bolton

h t t p s : / / w w w. g o o g l e . c o . u k / m a p s / p l a c e / B o l t o n / @ 5 3 . 5 8 4 1 3 1 , - 2 . 4 5 4 8 8 3 , 1 3 z / data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x487b0629dc3b1c93:0xcaa40cfafe557822 Figure 67 -

Selection of Mosques, Bolton

http://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/2504378 Figure 68 -

Selection of Mosques, Bolton

h t t p s : / / w w w. g o o g l e . c o . u k / m a p s / p l a c e / B o l t o n / @ 5 3 . 5 8 4 1 3 1 , - 2 . 4 5 4 8 8 3 , 1 3 z / data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x487b0629dc3b1c93:0xcaa40cfafe557822 Figure 69 -

Mill-Mosque Sketch

Figure 70 -