Dsa october 2014

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its developing requirements, from surveillance, strike and mobility platforms to C4ISR, unmanned systems and support services. The most advanced systems and technologies providing the greatest value for India.

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Indo-US Strategic Partnership Indian Air Force New Challenges

MISSION The power of a King lies in his mighty arms ...

Security of the citizens at peacetime is very important because State is the only saviour of the men and women who get affected only because of the negligence of the State. — Chanakya

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MISSION The power of a King lies in his mighty arms ...

Security of the citizens at peacetime is very important because State is the only saviour of the men and women who get affected only because of the negligence of the State. — Chanakya

www.seagate.com/dsa

Surveillance HDD

7th generation surveillance-optimized drives for always-on reliability and data integrity.

Video HDDs

Video-optimized storage for reliable 24x7 operation and low power consumption.

Enterprise Capacity HDD

High capacity, high performance for video analytics and bulk storage.

Formerly SV35 Series, Seagate surveillance-optimized storage keeps your systems in the field longer and reduces post-deployment support.

editor-in-chief

DSA is as much yours, as it is ours!

P

rime Minister Narendra Modi continues his busy foreign policy season. Since assuming office in end May he has pretty much covered the regional matrix of relationships. Having invited the neighbours for his oath taking ceremony, he then cast the charm net wider across Asia. His efforts have taken in Japan, Australia and the latest being China. While Japan and Australia are expected allies, owing to existing common interests, China was a welcome departure from the script. By all accounts the visit of President Xi Jinping has taken Sino-Indian ties to a new level of confidence. It was the culmination of a busy Asia diplomatic season, so to say. But all of those visits pale in comparison to what is expected from the longer journey to the United States of America.

The journey is not only physically longer but also metaphorically. Even as both countries sing paeans about each other and the potential afforded by the relationship, the fact of the matter is that there is still much to be done. By any standards the Indo-US relationship would be the icing on the diplomatic cake, were such a dish to be on offer. While it would take a brave confectioner to put together a recipe as daring as this, it is nevertheless a fact that this cake needs to be served. It isn’t only India that would benefit from such a relationship but the US as well, not to forget the wider democratic global alliance.

The Indo-US strategic partnership has the greatest of all potentials, for the simple reason that the areas of commonality far outweigh those of differences. There aren’t any fundamental disputes that threaten to derail this relationship, or prevent it from going forward, as with the India-China boundary disagreement, for example. In a very real sense there are more areas of common interests than there is potential for disagreement. This has been evident from the track record over the last decade and half of straight talking with each other. Sure there are subjects that either side needs to raise in order to satisfy specific domestic concerns. But there is no reason to allow these issues to cloud the larger picture of convergence.

And that convergence has a deep global impact.

A dynamic Indo-US strategic partnership is in a real sense the missing piece of a worldwide jigsaw puzzle that has been eluding global peace for decades. No two countries have more to offer the world than India and the US. This they can do by coming together on a mutually agreed common platform. Each brings onto the table advantages of geography, institutional strength, professional armed forces, talented manpower and India’s enormous economic potential coupled with US market leadership. All of these ingredients combine to make the diplomatic cake wholesome. But, even as the world awaits the application of the icing, there is one missing ingredient which threatens to delay, rather than prevent, this strategic partnership from acquiring its logical role.

India and the United States of America are not divided merely by geography, or that they belonged to different camps during the Cold War. What divides them and quite deeply in fact, is that the two countries bring with them vastly differing world visions. Even as the US engages with the world because it believes it needs to be connected, India continues to retain aspects of insularity that mitigate its potential. For good or for bad, the US is an outward looking country that has a global vision which it would like more nations to accept. In India’s case it is still not outward looking enough and as a result of which the country doesn’t punch upto its weight category.

The world requires leadership, even if it is wary of only one providing it. There is no reason that India and the US cannot share responsibilities across the globe, wherever it may be. There are no demarcations in this interconnected world, but common interests to be shared. But for that to happen interests need to be identified first. None is easier than the shape, structure and future responsibilities of the Indian Air Force. In less than two decades the IAF has come from being a self-avowed tactical service to one possessing a strategic vision. Even as that strategic vision develops and manifests itself, common areas appear in terms of Indian and US interests. Both countries can start the strategic part of their relationship from the air and then implement it on sea and land.

Manvendra Singh October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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publisher’s view

An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Magazine

Volume 6 | Issue 1 | October 2014 Chairman Shyam Sunder Publisher and CEO Pawan Agrawal President Urvashi J Agrawal Director Shishir Bhushan Editor-in-chief Manvendra Singh Corporate consultant KJ Singh Corporate communications Mamta Jain Creative Pankaj Kumar Representative (USA) Steve Melito Representative (J & K) Salil Sharma Correspondent (Europe) Dominika Cosic

For National Resurgence

A

nniversaries are magical … introspective opportunities for recollections of the year gone by and positive reflections for the year ahead. This past year has been successfully defined by a kaleidoscope of happy memories, supportive friendships and enduring relationships. In spite of odd stumbling blocks along the way, we have travelled together through yet another year … with flying colours!

Triggered by the Mumbai blasts and conceptualised for the dissemination of paradigm changing analyses of developing scenarios impacting Indian and global strategic concerns, DSA completes an eventful journey of FIVE benchmarking years in defence and security journalism in October 2014. Innovation and perseverance have been our strength and teamwork has amalgamated independent capabilities and expertise for one vision of excelling in whatever we do.

We look forward to another remarkably momentous year of Defence and Security – a time to embrace the challenge of creating a military industrial complex capable of meeting not only our domestic needs but also the requirements of other friendly nations. India’s struggle for self-reliance in defence reminds us of the musk deer that wanders around in the forest without realising that the musk is within him. An increased FDI could be considered a catalyst for the Indian defence producers to face the challenges of designing and developing weapons and equipment with indigenous expertise and domestic resources.

Production Dilshad and Dabeer Webmaster Sundar Rawat IT operations Mehar Dogra Mahendra Singh Ankit Kumar Photographer Subhash Circulation and distribution Anup Kumar E-mail: (first name)@dsalert.org info: info@dsalert.org articles: articles@dsalert.org subscription: subscription@dsalert.org online edition: online@dsalert.org advertisement: advt@dsalert.org Editorial and corporate office Prabhat Prakashan Tower 4/19 Asaf Ali Road New Delhi-110002 (India) t: +91-011-23243999, 23287999, 9958382999 e: info@dsalert.org www.dsalert.org Disclaimer All rights reserved. Reproduction and translation in any language in whole or in part by any means without permission from Defence and Security Alert is prohibited. Opinions expressed are those of the individual writers and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher and / or editors. All disputes are subject to jurisdiction of Delhi Courts.

Defence and Security Alert is printed, published and owned by Pawan Agrawal and printed at Graphic World, 1686, Kucha Dakhini Rai, Darya Ganj, New Delhi-110002 and published at 4/19 Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi (India).

Editor: Manvendra Singh

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New Initiatives

Global peace has been mercilessly tortured during the last decade creating unbeatable hurdles in international relations. Important aspects of the defence and security regime that have been perplexing and troubling most countries of the world are enumerated below: International organisations like United Nations, NATO, SCO, ASEAN and BRICS etc have passed various anti-terror legislations to enable their member countries in keeping a strong vigil on nefarious activities for the security of their people. However not much has been achieved by any of the organisations so far and it appears that terrorism has sprouted new roots in various parts of the world and has acquired ethnic and regional overtones along with religious ones. Some countries, like Pakistan, have made an industry of creating terrorists and using them to fulfill their own geopolitical ambitions.

During the last decade, the usage of computers in all segments of society has witnessed a quantum leap resulting in the security of systems becoming a major concern for every country, especially in the fields of defence, security, space research, finance, medical and health. No state can afford to overlook the security concerns of its computer systems today. The development of special software is an essential task to secure computers. Engineers are working meticulously to safeguard vital information from being hacked and misused by anti-national elements and spies. Special cyber security units have been set up that are working round the clock. This has actually saved a lot of people from being victims of heinous crimes and prevented the perversion of national security of states.

The spread of various terrorist outfits and their nexus with the other criminal syndicates have put nations on alert over Homeland Security. As the world has developed in all spheres crime too has increased; feelings of hatred have been instigated by various terrorist groups that have joined hands.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

Financial terrorism is on the rise as jihadi / criminal networks grow. Intelligence has always been the best tool to control crime anywhere and the same has been applied to try and eliminate this nexus. Many countries have signed various agreements and exchange information and intelligence on terrorism in the fastest manner possible. Still a lot remains to be done to ensure global peace and security.

Nuclear deterrence has been a matter of great concern and grievance. Many developed countries and some developing countries possess nuclear arsenals which have been threatening the rest of the world. So far there are eight states that have successfully detonated nuclear weapons. Out of which only five are considered to be “nuclear-weapon states” (NWS) under the terms of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). In order of acquisition of nuclear weapons these are: the United States, the Russian Federation (successor state to the Soviet Union), the United Kingdom, France and China.

When NPT entered into force in 1970, three states India, Pakistan and North Korea were not parties to the Treaty and have conducted nuclear tests. North Korea which was originally a party to the NPT withdrew in 2003 and soon overtly became a nuclear weapon state. Israel maintains a policy of deliberate ambiguity regarding nuclear weapons status and is not known definitively to have conducted a nuclear test is also widely believed to have nuclear weapons. Nations that are known or believed to possess nuclear weapons are sometimes referred to informally as the nuclear club.

Common threats tend to bring many nation states together to deal with the common danger. The concept of joint military exercises and common defence architecture among nation states has contributed to a sense of confidence in dealing with these threats.

A grand strategy in which the new government is able to create enough jobs to absorb the youth into gainful employment is vital so that they become immune to instigation by anti-national elements. I am sure that social reforms intended to assure people of safety and security will encourage them to take up cudgels against disruptive elements that have no regard for peace and tranquillity.

An increase in Foreign Direct Investment to 49 per cent and Prime Minister Mr Narendra Modi’s clarion call to “Make in India” and self-reliance has instigated the entire global defence industry to offer their products and technologies for the Indian defence forces. These can attain fruition only if we as a nation state have our doctrines and national policies attuned to long-term national interests. Our strategies on defence, security and international relations should be scrutinised, reviewed and framed with global perspective.

Your feedback confirms that we have generated interest in defence and security affairs more benignly than any other magazine in the country. In this short time of five years, DSA has become synonymous with defence, security and journalistic integrity in India. Strategic content written by our distinguished experts has captivated the highest echelons of policy and decision-makers not only in India but internationally. Our readership and outreach has multiplied through the online edition.

As DSA happily enters another year pregnant with endless possibilities courtesy the pragmatic and long overdue initiatives by Prime Minister Modi for national resurgence, we reiterate our commitment to world-class defence and security journalism and our endeavours to promote international relations.

Team DSA joins me in greeting and saluting our valiant air-warriors on the 82nd anniversary of Indian Air Force.

Jai Hind!

Pawan Agrawal

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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Contents

Contents

TM

F E A T U R E S

An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Magazine

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A R T I C L E S

How Does The Indo-US Strategic Partnership Figure In The US Pivot Shifting To Asia Amb Dr Kanwal Sibal

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An Air Strategy For India AVM AK Tiwary (Retd)

61

The Indian Air Force 2020 And Beyond Air Chief Marshal Fali Homi Major (Retd)

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Air Power Priorities Air Vice Marshal Manmohan Bahadur (Retd)

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Indo-US Strategic Partnership Team DSA

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Forward Operating Base Importance Of Education For National Security Dr Rupali Jeswal

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Re-energising Indo-US Relations Amb Arundhati Ghose

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Light Combat Aircraft PS Subramanyam

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Growing Indo-US Aviation Relationship Air Marshal Anil Chopra (Retd)

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Fauji Farishtey!

Pawan Agrawal and Urvashi Jaahnvi Agrawal

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Modernisation Of The Indian Air Force Imperatives For The New Government Air Marshal BK Pandey (Retd)

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US Gives India Another Look Under Modi Prof Harsh V Pant

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Ninth International Conference On Energising Aerospace Industry A Report By Confederation Of Indian Industry

India-US Strategic Partnership The Way Forward Amb Ashok Sajjanhar and Anuradha Sajjanhar

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Chinese Air Force Modernising With Indigenous Technology Arjun Subramanian P

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India-US Strategic Relations A Revival Air Marshal Dhiraj Kukreja (Retd)

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Modi Visit To Japan Under The Dragon’s Shadow Srikanth Kondapalli

80 82

India, US And The “Pivot to Asia” Prof C Mahapatra

40

Law Enforcement Training Through European Financing Adina Macovei

Indo-US Relations Has Progress Stalled?

Dr Venkat Lokanathan

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India And China Parameters For Fresh Engagement Jayadeva Ranade

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Changing Dynamics Of Indo-US Strategic Relations Radhakrishna Rao

51

Cyber Security Of NCW Infrastructure CAIR

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Needed A New Security Architecture Prakash Singh IPS (Retd)

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The Indian Army’s Expectations From The IAF Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd)

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October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW 6 Ms Lise Grande UN Resident Coordinator Sneak Peek

Extortions In India Funding Insurgency And Terrorism V Balasubramaniyan

@dsalert

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EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW 12 Chief Of The Air Staff Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha

Serious Games In Law Enforcement Organisations 90 Dorin Muresan

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@dsalert

Industry Monitor

44

BOOK REVIEW Air Power In UN Operations Edited By A Walter Dorn

57

Security Round-up

64

Get Connected

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For online edition log on to: www.dsalert.org

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

INTERVIEW

Exclusive Interview With Ms Lise Grande UN Resident Coordinator And UNDP Resident Representative

M

s Lise Grande is the UN Resident Coordinator and UNDP Resident Representative in India. Ms Grande has worked for the United Nations since 1994, serving in Armenia, Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, East Timor, Haiti, Occupied Palestine, South Sudan, Sudan and Tajikistan. She worked for the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) for seven years and was involved in some of the United Nations’ largest humanitarian operations. She then served as Resident Coordinator and Resident Representative for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Armenia. Following this assignment, she served for three years as Chief of the Integrated Office for the United Nations peacekeeping operation in the DRC. In her last assignment she served as the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary General, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator and UNDP Resident Representative in South Sudan. Here in an exclusive interview with DSA she expounds her views on the three pillars of UN operations: Peace and security, social and economic development and human rights.

Defence and Security Alert: The original Charter of the United Nations was signed at San Francisco on 26th June 1945 “To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war ... ; To reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights ... ; To promote social progress ...”. Please enlighten our readers how the UN has evolved over the years and how truly it has been able to implement the Charter and how successful it has been in achieving its mandated goals?

Ms Lise Grande: There is no simple answer to this question.

Although many critics both within and outside the UN system would differ, in my view, the United Nations has been more successful in achieving its mandated goals than it has been given credit for. Allow us to share our reasoning.

First, the United Nations is the only global body of its kind in the world; no other institution is tasked with protecting the lives of the world’s citizens, irrespective of nationality, ethnicity and religion. The UN Charter, which guides the work of the UN, is a remarkable universal framework for the advancement and protection of human rights.

Wide-ranging political, economic, social and cultural rights have been defined in relation to the Charter and numerous

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international conventions and treaties have been agreed. As evidence of its influence and reach, the majority of the UN’s 193 Member States have signed or ratified human rights conventions and treaties and are implementing rights-based legislation in their own countries.

Second, the United Nations has played a significant role in promoting international peace and security. When the UN was founded almost seventy years ago, the world was emerging from a devastating global war. Although we are still far from seeing a conflict-free world, or securing one for future generations, the UN has played a decisive role in preventing, managing, containing and resolving conflicts since 1945. In support of regional security, the UN Security Council has mandated nearly 80 peacekeeping missions, as well as a growing number of smaller political missions whose mandates range from preventive diplomacy to facilitation, mediation and post-conflict peacebuilding.

On the question of how the UN has evolved to meet its Charter obligations, allow us to share two points.

One, since 1945 the UN has undergone several waves of reform; its membership has risen from 51 to 193 countries; its scope of operation has expanded across the three pillars of peace and security, social and economic development and human rights and involves tens of UN organisations, treaty bodies and subsidiary organs; and its mandate has evolved to respond to emerging challenges including new forms of conflict and terrorism, global financial crises, environmental disasters and climate change and global pandemics.

Second and this is a key point, the world is changing in ways which the UN is working rapidly and diligently to address – this is particularly the case when we discuss security. Today, the security of every one of us is linked to that of everyone else. Insecurity in one state can easily spread across borders to impact other countries, often unpredictably. The UN’s approach to insecurity is based on the now widespread recognition that there can be no peace without development and no development without peace and that both peace and development depend on respect for human rights. This approach is well articulated, for example, in several of UNDP’s Human Development Reports which have explored the links between global insecurities and global inequalities, expanding our collective understanding of the drivers and root causes of violence and instability.

Ms Lise Grande, UN Resident Coordinator And UNDP Resident Representative

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

INTERVIEW

DSA: The world has undergone a dramatic transformation since the UN was founded and its membership burgeoning from 51 to 193 sovereign nations, but the structure of the UN has remained almost unchanged, spawning many administrative and operational dilemmas. Do you think the present state of the world warrants complete overhaul and restructuring of the United Nations?

Ms Grande: The UN is serious about reform. There’s no question about this. Professor Edward Luck, a former special adviser to the UN Secretary General, said “by the sheer quantity of deliberations, debates, studies and resolutions devoted to it, reform has become one of the enduring pastimes and primary products of the UN system.” The changes that are occurring globally make further reforms in UN structures both urgent and necessary. Allow us to highlight three points.

One, no one will disagree that the UN Security Council was established at a time when the balance of global power was profoundly different than it is now. Changing the composition of the Security Council to reflect new global realities is one of the most sensitive and complicated questions facing the UN today. Also at stake is the role of the veto, a privilege currently accorded to the five permanent members of the Security Council. Previous efforts at reform have run aground on the issue of who should have the right to this veto and under what conditions it should be exercised. These are difficult questions and to date, they remain unanswered.

At the same time, serious efforts are being made by members of the Security Council to make the Council a more transparent and democratic body by changing the way it conducts its business. The Council has recently expanded its dialogue with non-Council members and other bodies, improved its consultative process with troop and police contributing countries and established channels allowing for greater internal communication and access.

Second, the global financial crisis, because it has reduced the resources available to the UN, has spurred administrative and organisational reform. Faced with having to scale-down operations, the UN secretariat and the UN agencies, funds and programmes are streamlining business practices across the globe with the aim of reducing costs wherever possible and achieving greater efficiencies and effectiveness. The UN system is actively looking for ways to do more, with less, by working more closely together. The reform of the UN coordination system is a good example. Rather than specialised UN agencies working separately on issues, the UN system as a whole is coordinating its efforts under the leadership of host governments. From a body which has struggled with internal collaboration, the UN is becoming system committed to “delivering as one” with new tools that allow it achieve greater results on the ground.

Third, inequality is emerging as one of this generation’s most pressing problems. The world today is more unequal than it was 20 years ago. This is true particularly in countries where the gulf between the people at the top and those at the bottom is widening. Inequalities in income and access to quality services have held back inclusive growth. It is not at all clear that the UN system is yet in a position to help address inequality in all its forms; many people are calling

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for a fundamental shift in the way the UN works on security and development to tackle this most important of problems.

DSA: As per Chapter 1, Article 1 of the Charter of the UN, one of the main purposes of the United Nations was to “maintain international peace and security”. But there is neither peace in the world, nor are the people in the world secure. What went wrong? Did UN miss any course correction opportunities? What can be done now?

Ms Grande: As the UN has evolved, its member states have adopted new ways of dealing with conflict and insecurity.

In 1945, a main threat to international security was inter-state conflict; today, these types of conflicts represent only a fraction of the threats to global stability. Today’s residual conflicts are increasingly globally networked, linked to trafficking in humans, drugs, firearms, counterfeit consumer goods and natural resources. In some countries, the main cause of the rise in violent deaths is now organised crime, rather than armed conflict.

Dealing with the new threats has required new forms of engagement by the UN. The adoption of the principle of the responsibility to protect at the 2005 World Summit was a watershed; it has meant that respect for national sovereignty can no longer be used as a shield by governments which put their civilians in harm’s way, or as an excuse for the international community to do nothing when heinous crimes are committed. Another watershed has been the establishment of the Peace-building Commission which has a mandate to help prevent countries emerging from armed conflict lapsing back into violence and instability.

In hindsight, we can always see where they were opportunities for course correction. What’s important now is to learn from the past. Already, we are seeing a new consensus emerging on the best way to help fragile and conflict-affected states become more stable. Many of the UN’s organs are now supporting a two-pronged strategy

aimed at building security and rule of law institutions in fragile states while also helping to accelerate development.

This approach recognises that fragile states are characterised by an absence of rule of law, lack of responsive governance structures, political fragmentation and a breakdown of social compacts. Helping to rebuild and reform security and justice institutions, while also helping to rebuild confidence in the social compact by constructing and equipping schools and hospitals; restoring religious and cultural institutions and ensuring access to basic services are increasingly seen as important roles for the UN to play.

DSA: Security Council is one of the most important organs of the United Nations mandated to play pivotal role in maintaining peace and security in the world. There is resentment among the comity of nations that in its present form, UNSC does not truly represent the world leading to accusations that the Security Council only addresses issues that are of strategic interest and importance to the permanent members. How do you view this state of affairs?

Ms Grande: While acknowledging that this is a view which is widely discussed, allow us to underscore that this is a matter for Member States to decide. Many observers of the Security Council, recognising the limitations of the Council, have called for measures which will help to overcome the issues you raise, including missions which monitor human rights, mechanisms to determine early warning signs, more effective peacebuilding tools and a stronger Peace-building Commission.

The Security Council is a very active body. Only last year, it held close to 200 meetings to consider nearly 50 agenda items dealing with country-specific and regional situations as well as diverse thematic issues. The Council also held informal meetings with non-Council members, civil society and non-governmental organisations as part of a broad effort to open its doors to diverse views.

DSA: Global jihad and terrorism are spreading their tentacles around the world with a menacing alacrity. UNSC Counter Terrorism Committee (CTC) was established in 2001 and the Counter Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) came into existence in 2004. What strategies and mechanisms has UNSC devised to counter global jihad and terrorism which are disturbing world peace and security?

Ms Grande: The UN’s work on counter-terrorism involves a number of UN entities. The UN Security Council has formed the Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) and its Executive Directorate (CTED) focused particularly on the monitoring and implementing of relevant Security Council Resolutions. The Security Council has also established sanctions committees linked to Security Council Resolutions 1267, 1999 and 1988.

The UN General Assembly created the UN Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) in 2005 to strengthen coordination and coherence in delivering assistance to Member States in the field of counter-terrorism. With the consensus adoption of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy in 2006, the CTITF has been tasked with helping Member States implement all the four pillars of the Global Strategy including: 1) addressing the

conditions that allow the spread of terrorism; 2) preventing and combating terrorism; 3) building state capacity to fight terrorism and strengthening the role of the United Nations in combating terrorism; and 4) ensuring respect of human rights while countering terrorism. Since its adoption, the Global Strategy has undergone four comprehensive reviews in the General Assembly, most recently in June 2014. The CTITF currently includes 34 UN entities, including UN affiliated organisations such as INTERPOL and encompasses a broad range of work with direct and indirect impact on terrorism issues including development and security, border control, financial investigation, human rights and rule of law.

The new and troubling phenomenon of Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTF), particularly in the context of the Syrian conflict and Iraq, is being addressed both in the Security Council and General Assembly. In dealing with extremism and terrorism, Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon has consistently said that terrorism cannot and should not be associated with any religion, nationality, civilisation or ethnic group. While condemning terrorism in all of its forms, we must make stronger efforts to build dialogue and understanding among peoples of diverse religions and cultures to reinforce global alliance of civilisations.

DSA: In addition to the well-known global hot spots like Afghanistan-Pakistan, Iraq, Israel-Palestine, North Korea, Russia-Ukraine etc, there is another hot spot developing in the Arctic region where USA, Russia and China are eyeing the enormous natural resources. What road map does the UN have to preserve Arctic region as a zone of peace?

Ms Grande: The UN Secretary General gives high priority to the Arctic region. Just this month he visited Greenland with the Prime Minister of Denmark and Premier of Greenland and urged action to avoid the impact of climate change.

This is promising, especially ahead of the landmark climate summit in September. It is hoped that countries will make bold pledges to protect this most important region.

DSA: Milton Leitenberg in one of his papers written for the Cornell University Peace Studies Programme has quoted Kofi Annan, former UN Secretary General agonising over inaction in rampant cases of human rights violations thus: “Indeed, we have no excuses anymore. We have no excuses for inaction and no alibis for ignorance” (February 5, 1998). After sixteen years, how much has the situation improved? How is the UN addressing human rights violations now?

Ms Grande: Human rights are foundational to everything the United Nations stands for. As one of the three pillars of the UN, in addition to development and peace and security, Member States are recognising that much more can and should be done to protect rights, particularly accountability for gross violations of human rights. Whether it is the UN Human Rights Council’s investigations into alleged human rights violations or the UN Security Council’s referral of situations to the International Criminal Court, the promotion of human rights is central to international engagement.

The UN has a number of entities with specific responsibilities for promoting human rights including the UN advocate for human rights, the High Commissioner for

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

sneak peek

INTERVIEW

TM

Human Rights based in Geneva and a number of thematic and country specific special investigators appointed by the Human Rights Council called UN Special Rapporteurs.

With the support of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Rapporteurs, who report annually to the Human Rights Council and General Assembly, undertake a number of functions including: visiting country; acting on individual cases and concerns of a broader, structural nature by sending communications to member states; convening expert consultations; contributing to the development of international human rights standards; engaging in advocacy; raising public awareness; and providing advice for technical cooperation.

DSA: Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were endorsed by UN in 2000, but still there are more than a billion people living in extreme poverty. How is UN helping and accelerating poverty reduction which is the root cause of many maladies that the world faces?

Ms Grande: In 2000, world leaders pledged to reduce extreme poverty by half. This goal has already been met; a staggering 700 million people have been lifted out of poverty, a majority of them in Asia. The international community is in the process of defining the next set of goals after the MDGs expire in 2015. The Open Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals, which has met for most of the past year, has proposed an outcome document with 17 goals and 169 targets.

Goal 1 in the proposed framework aims to end poverty in all its forms everywhere. This is a bold goal and there is every expectation that it will be the cornerstone of the new global development compact. The Open Working Group recognises that eradicating poverty once and for all is an all-encompassing campaign requiring multiple efforts on multiple fronts. This is why the proposed framework includes targets aimed at improving food security, increasing access to basic services, fighting stigma and discrimination, improving agriculture, expanding markets and industry, reducing gender inequality and reversing the impact of climate change. The proposed compact is a major push for the anti-poverty agenda, the environment agenda and the gender agenda – by the end of the year, we’ll know what the specifics of the new development framework are; it will then be up to individual member states to decide what strategies they will be using to achieve the new goals.

DSA: UN Secretary General, Ban ki-Moon stated in July 2011 that “climate change comprises a very credible threat to peace and security around the world”.

What is United Nations doing to ensure that ominous climatic changes do not become apocalyptic?

Ms Grande: Reaching a climate agreement is regarded as absolutely essential, which is why the UN Secretary General is holding a climate summit this month with the aim of generating political momentum to reach an agreement in 2015 under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Getting to an agreement will not be easy, but delaying it may jeopardise our planet. For developing and emerging economies the basic principle of “common but diversified responsibility”

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lay at the heart of the negotiating process. This recognises that all countries share a common responsibility to protect the global environment but that within this common mandate, each country has differing roles based on historic patterns of development and current needs.

DSA: We understand that United Nations cannot be the panacea for all the ills that befall the world, but now with an experience of almost seven decades, do you think UN has what it takes to resolve the vexed geopolitical and geostrategic issues that confront the world?

The First and the Only ISO 9001:2008 Certified Defence and Security Magazine in India

Announces November 2014 Issue on

Ms Grande: The UN cannot resolve the vexed geopolitical and geostrategic issues on its own. Everything that we do in the name of Member States, from peacekeeping to reducing malnutrition, requires partnerships and resources.

Governments, the private sector, civil society and the media all have a responsibility and roles to play. The UN system recognises this, which is why there has been a global effort to involve all parts of the international community in formulating the new set of global development goals. Responding to the call of the UN Secretary General, more than 80 countries, including India, have held national consultations in support of the process during the past 18 months.

DSA: Do you think, in addition to the major restructuring, the UN also needs an image makeover?

Little is known about the good work UN has been doing since its inception. Please encapsulate for DSA readers around the world, the milestones and turning points in the eventful journey of the United Nations.

Ms Grande: Spanning so many domains from peace-keeping to state-building, to development and humanitarian action, the UN has a proven track record helping to secure international peace, uphold human rights, improve living conditions and save lives. The blue flag signifies the commitment of Member States to work collectively to uphold the principles of the UN Charter. This kind of universal commitment and action is unprecedented in history – it is remarkable, truly.

In ref lecting on major milestones, perhaps you’ll allow me to mention three. The first has already been mentioned – the role that the UN has played through its 80 peacekeeping missions. The second is the establishment of the UN Development Programme in 1965, which helped to put development at the top of the UN agenda. UNDP, with an on-the-ground presence in 177 countries, has coined and promoted the concept of human development, one of the great ideas of the 20th century. The third milestone is the work the UN has done on gender equality ranging from global efforts to end violence against women, end discrimination in all forms and promote women’s rights as human rights. The creation of UNWOMEN, the newest UN agency, reconfirms that no development goal can be achieved and no conflict resolved if gender concerns are not addressed upfront. Next year will mark 20 years since the Beijing Conference recognised women’s rights as human rights and 21 years since the Cairo Conference emphasised reproductive rights as women’s rights. These conferences were held under the auspices of the UN and in my mind, are concrete proof of what the UN stands for, has done and can do in the years to come.

North East A Ticking Bomb

Luring Children in Jihad, Naxalism And Terrorism Role of Crime Syndicates

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CAS INTERVIEW

Indian Air Force

Exclusive By Profession But Totally Inclusive In The Service To The Nation

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AS Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha PVSM, AVSM, VM, ADC graduated from National Defence Academy, Pune with President’s Gold Medal in 1973 and was commissioned in Flying Branch in December 1974. He is an alumnus of Defence Services Staff College and the National Defence College.

Air Chief Marshal Raha is an ace fighter pilot and has the rare distinction of being the AOC-in-C of two operational commands. In an exclusive interview with DSA, he shares his views and his vision for the Indian Air Force.

Defence and Security Alert: Congratulations and salutations to the Indian Air Force on 82nd anniversary!

Please share with our readers your views on the genesis and evolution of IAF and significant milestones during this eventful journey.

Chief of Air Staff: The Indian Air Force was one of the first independent Air Forces in the world and was formed by an act of legislature on 08 October 1932. No. 1 Sqn was formed at Drigh Road, Karachi on 01 April 1933. Since then, IAF has grown in strength and stature and ensured safety of the Indian skies as well as India’s areas of interest.

In my view, IAF had played a significant role in the Indian context even before independence. If you recall, during the Burma Campaign, it was the time-critical application of air power that thwarted the advance of Japanese forces.

Post-independence, some of the notable events which would forever be etched in the memory of the country’s citizens are; the air-landed operations to transport troops to Srinagar which prevented the takeover of Kashmir by armed tribals from Pakistan, the air attacks against Pakistani armoured tanks in Chhamb and Longewala that changed the course of war during the 1965 and 1971 India-Pakistan Wars respectively and precision attack by MiG-21 ac on the Governor’s Residence in Dacca during the 1971 War that led to the surrender of Pakistani Armed Forces despite the presence of large number of troops in the area. In more recent times, the PGM strike on Tiger Hill during the Kargil conflict of 1999 led to an early end to the conflict.

Besides the above mentioned war-time applications, air power has carved a niche for itself as the preferred instrument of choice, even in peacetime operations whether in India or abroad, due to its unique characteristics of speed, reach and flexibility. Troop sustenance in Siachen and other

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forward areas, casualty evacuation, HADR operations in natural calamities like tsunami, earthquake and floods to name a few, are areas where the application of air power has provided succour to many. IAF’s exemplary record in UN peacekeeping operations and coming to the aid of foreign nations in their times of crisis signifies the application of air power even in peacetime operations. In my opinion, aerospace power and IAF would continue to remain relevant in future in the Indian context and play a much greater role in protecting and projecting India’s sovereignty.

DSA: You have had an illustrious and exemplary career in IAF and the rare distinction of being AOC-in-C of two operational commands. What is your vision for the Indian Air Force and how do you wish to transform IAF into one of the best Air Forces in the world?

CAS: There is total congruence in my vision with the IAF vision which envisages a multi-spectrum strategic force capable of addressing the challenges of the future. It includes induction of state-of-the-art equipment as well as upgradation of its existing infrastructure, systems and platforms. The induction of AD sensors, force enhancers and excellent communication system and their integration into the Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS) will transform the IAF into a truly Network Centric Force.

Our endeavour would be to set up the best training facilities to maximise the professional output of the most vital asset of the IAF – its air-warriors in order to transform the IAF into one of the best Air Forces in the world. My vision also envisages that the IAF will continue to be ‘Exclusive by Profession but totally inclusive in the service to the Nation’.

DSA: As per the latest SIPRI report, Pakistan and China are augmenting their air power and nuclear capabilities feverishly whereas the strength of the Indian Air Force is reported to be depleting. How would you like to assure the countrymen that IAF is capable of taking on and surmounting multi-front and multi-dimensional threats and challenges to the nation’s security?

CAS: Indian Air Force is alive to all developments which affect our security and is ready to take appropriate action. The Long Term Perspective Plan caters for such developments.

GoI has initiated a big thrust for the development of the Eastern sector. On its part, IAF is upgrading and operationalising several airfields and ALGs in the north-east. We are also strengthening our air defence and offensive capabilities in this sector in a planned manner.

Chief of the Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha

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CAS INTERVIEW

India does not harbour any territorial aspirations and maintains its armed forces primarily to defend its borders from external aggression. Today, we are a reckonable aerospace force, capable of deterring any inimical designs by our adversaries. We are enhancing our capability to meet our security requirements for all contingencies.

It is our endeavour to retain a ‘Capability Edge’ over our likely adversaries and our modernisation plan is in sync with this thought process. The IAF’s focus is on its capability development and we are not in competition with any other country or their Air Force.

DSA: The pace of modernisation and implementation of Long Term Perspective Plan (LTPP) of Indian Air Force seem to be tardy in light of the prevailing security environment. How do you plan to accelerate the induction process and hasten full spectrum capability?

CAS: The Long Term Integrated Procurement Plan (LTIPP) is a 15 year plan that lays down the road map for capability building of the armed forces. The acquisition of these capabilities, however, is done through Capital procurement, which is executed as per the timelines laid down in the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP). Although I would have liked some of our major acquisitions, including indigenous developments, to have been faster, the defence procurement needs to balance the competing requirements of expeditious procurement, developing indigenous defence industry and conformity to the highest standards of probity and public accountability. The envisaged force structure is likely to be in place by the end of the 15th Plan period. The IAF’s combat aircraft fleet would be a mix of Su-30 MKI, MMRCA, LCA, FGFA, along with upgraded Mirage-2000, Jaguar and MiG-29. The IAF has succeeded in prompt acquisition of ten C-17 strategic airlift fleet, two C-130 special ops squadrons and a large number of Mi-17V5 medium lift helicopters to bolster its strategic and tactical airlift capability. Similarly, other important capital acquisitions which are already in the pipeline are likely to fructify faster than before.

We are confident that the planned force structure would render us a full spectrum capability to respond decisively and quickly in all future contingencies.

DSA: MMRCA and FGFA have always been projected as very critical for enhancing combat capability of Indian Air Force but India has not been aggressive enough to finalise the deals and ensure their expeditious induction to improve operational effectiveness of the force.

What are your views on this?

CAS: Stating that India has not been ‘aggressive enough’ to finalise the MMRCA and FGFA deals would not be correct.

The MMRCA project is extremely large and complex. Hence, the acquisition processes involved are equally comprehensive and time consuming. There is a need to minutely examine all direct as well as indirect aspects of the project before moving from one stage of the procurement process to the other. The IAF and the government are doing their utmost to ensure that the contract is concluded at the earliest following the laid down procedures. The FGFA is still under development and at present, the R&D contract for it is under negotiation between Russia and HAL. Once again, this is a complex programme with large financial implications. Additionally, being a development project, we need to be very sure of the

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technical issues that may affect realisation of our operational requirements, work-share distribution and obviously the total cost of developing and producing this aircraft in India.

DSA: Defence Minister has announced 49 per cent FDI in defence and the new government is encouraging creation of a military industrial complex with the active participation of private players. How do you view this development and how does it augur for the Indian Armed Forces?

CAS: The Indian aerospace industry is at a nascent stage with HAL being the only player with very little participation from the private sector. For a country of our size and our growing aviation requirements, we need to have a larger number of big and small industries in the aviation sector for a robust defence industrial ecosystem. The approval of 49 per cent FDI in defence will surely encourage foreign OEMs to partner with Indian companies. Progress and enhanced capability can only be achieved when all areas of industry, Public as well as Private, work together to complement each other. The armed forces would be more than happy to operate state-of-the-art weapons and systems which bear the ‘Made in India’ mark and would, in fact, be extremely proud while employing them.

DSA: All future wars are likely to be network-centric.

IAF has established AFNET and IACCS for offensive and defensive air operations. How helpful have these systems been as force multipliers in safeguarding our skies and military assets?

Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha in conversation with Mr Pawan Agrawal, Publisher and CEO of DSA magazine

CAS: IAF has moved into the era of NCW with the AFNET and IACCS. AFNET is the media backbone for IACCS. The first Phase of IACCS has been completed. In the next Phase, IACCS capability will be extended to the remaining parts of the country including the Island territories. It will also include integration of civil, Army and Navy sensors. IACCS networking has automated the conduct of both defensive and offensive operations using automated identification, threat evaluation and weapon assignment modules to effectively deal with the intruder / threat.

When coupled with the Operational Data Link, it would prove to be an exceptional force enhancer.

all Flying Training Establishments / Training Institutes. This is a period of transition as we graduate towards becoming a net-centric force with cutting edge technology. The crucial factor in this transition will be professionally competent and committed air-warriors who would absorb these changes with gusto and confidence. To achieve this, the airmen trades have been restructured for optimum utilisation. ‘On Job Training’ (OJT) has been introduced at all units to ensure all air-warriors get sufficient practical training in their trade.

To ensure all Senior Non-Commissioned Officers (SNCOs) become effective supervisors and leaders, a proposal for an SNCOs’ Academy is being pursued.

DSA: Training and skill upgradation are critical for combat readiness of men and their machines. How well equipped is IAF in this arena and what kind of state-of-the-art training facilities do we have in the country?

DSA: Indian Air Force operates Integrated Space Cell to utilise more effectively the space-based assets of the country for military purposes. What value has this cell added to the nation’s preparedness to face security challenges?

CAS: It is imperative that we create a comprehensive, cohesive and flexible environment in order to train the next generation air-warriors for facing the challenges of modern battle space.

At present, all our training institutions are working at peak capacity. The IAF is engaged in three major initiatives on the training front. Firstly, to overcome the shortage of officers in its cadre by enhancing the intake numbers in its training institutions. Secondly, to enhance the training capacity to accommodate the rise in intake numbers; a case has been taken up to increase intake in National Defence Academy and Air Force Academy. And thirdly, to ensure high training standards as mandated by modern inductions. Induction of state-of-the-art training aircraft has given a tremendous fillip to our flying training capacity. Concerted efforts are being initiated towards improvement of training infrastructure at

CAS: Integrated Space Cell (ISC) is functioning under HQ IDS and is responsible for coordinating the requirements of the three Services in the space domain.

It interacts with concerned agencies on a regular basis on all issues concerning space. As far as IAF is concerned, being the lead service in the domain of aerospace, the main thrust of IAF is to leverage the existing space assets of the country to enhance our operational capability in terms of Surveillance, SAR, Communication and Meteorological applications. Over the years, our operational requirements have increased manifold and therefore, we are maintaining close liaison with ISRO through our Space Directorate. Our aim is to achieve self-sufficiency in communication and surveillance capabilities in the years ahead.

DSA: Indian Air Force has been short of officers for quite some time and young men and women find other career options more appealing. What is IAF doing to make the force a career of choice for India’s bright and talented young people?

CAS: The IAF’s publicity campaign and an upgraded selection process aims to address these shortages.

The publicity campaign has built IAF as a brand for attracting the young generation and presenting IAF as an ideal career option to these bright and motivated youth of our country. A host of activities and creative events including use of social media, awareness drives in schools and colleges and multimedia and campaigns have helped the IAF in attracting the best talent.

Our in-service training programmes focus on developing leadership skills along with the professional knowledge for effective system utilisation. So all in all, a synergistic approach to selection and training is already paying rich dividends.

DSA: What is your message to the air-warriors and the people of India on the 82nd anniversary of Indian Air Force?

CAS: The IAF is transforming itself into a formidable force with multi-spectrum capability and a large strategic footprint. We are operationally oriented and have the capability to respond to any contingency. The IAF will continue to be ‘Exclusive by Profession but Totally Inclusive in the Service to the Nation’. The Indian Air Force is grateful for the Nation’s trust, confidence and support.

The IAF belongs to the People of India and you can depend on it to deliver at all times.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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ARTFUL BALANCE

How Does The Indo-US Strategic Partnership Figure In The US Pivot Shifting To Asia

The strategic independence of our China policy is being affirmed by the completion of another trilateral US-Japan-India naval exercise only recently, Mr Modi’s visit to the US in late September and the Chinese president’s visit to India earlier in the same month.

That Mr Modi is not nursing the visa snub administered to him by the US for several years and has decided to accept president Obama’s invitation without delay shows the pragmatic approach of the prime minister to foreign relations.

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ow does the Indo-US strategic partnership figure in the US pivot shifting to Asia with DSA readers around the world? The emphasis on “Strategic Partnership” and “Equation with the new Indian government” will certainly add volumes.

Foreign policy experts on both sides have been commenting ever since President Obama’s second term began that Indo-US relations after the nuclear deal have failed to live up to their promise, that they have reached a plateau and, at least, US expectations from the strategic partnership have not been met. Why the US felt that after the nuclear deal, which came with unpalatable baggage that caused a political crisis in India, India will abandon the moorings of its foreign policy and align itself more closely with that of the US is not clear. India had lived with US led nuclear sanctions for decades without feeling the need to yield to US concerns. With the US lifting them as part of a larger re-ordering of its strategic vision, in which India figured, we had no compulsion to bend to US preferences and interests if they did not coincide with ours.

‘Strategic’ or Commercial

One reason often given by US experts and echoed by some on our side, is that our nuclear liability law has prevented US companies from supplying nuclear power plants and that this has become a source of frustration, in that the strategic partnership with India is not seen as having yielded expected gains. This begs the question whether the Indo-US nuclear

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deal was conceived as a strategic step or a commercial one. To reduce it to contracts for Westinghouse and GE dilutes its larger strategic purpose and makes it appear that the US subordinated its non-proliferation concerns to business opportunities. Our liability law was not designed to target US companies as it has created problems for other suppliers such as France and Russia. In reality, even if the hurdle of the liability law did not exist, it is most unlikely that US supplied nuclear power plants will see the light of day because the cost of electricity produced by them will be prohibitively expensive. In any case, it was the BJP that had inserted provisions in our Liability Act that the US finds unacceptable. To expect it to revise the text now that it is in power seems impractical.

Some in India believe that US outcry about the nuclear liability law is intended to pressure India to “compensate” US business by awarding defence contracts to US companies.

Whether true or not, the US has in the last few years become our largest defence equipment supplier, overtaking Russia, with US$ 9 billion of contracts in the last 5 years or so, even if its companies were not shortlisted for the 126 fighter aircraft contract. US companies make no secret of eroding Russia’s position as India’s principal supplier of arms, on the assumption that India wants to reduce overdependence on Russia and faces problems with Russian-made equipment.

The US is promising treatment to India in defence supplies that it reserves for its allies, with assurances of domestic manufacture and technology transfers. Given the highly complex US laws and US record on technology transfers even to its allies, it is highly unlikely that US can deliver on its assurances. It is, of course, in India’s interest to procure equipment from the US that fills our specific needs and where such equipment outclasses what we can get from elsewhere.

It is also desirable to give ballast to our strategic partnership by acquiring defence equipment from the US.

ba la nci ng geopol it ic a l signals to that country.

Doubtful US Posture

We are inclined to be careful, however, because not only us, but even US allies in the western Pacific and Southeast Asia, are doubtful about US determination to stand up to China, except if China AMB DR KANWAL SIBAL makes a serious mistake and The writer joined the Indian overreaches itself in a dramatic Foreign Service in 1966. way. China’s strategy seems to He reached the highest position be to build itself militarily, in the Indian Foreign Service unveil its new defence on his appointment as Foreign capacities and as it does so, Secretary to the Government of India from July 2002 to to incrementally increase its November 2003. challenge to US power, enough He is a member of India’s to alter the balance, however National Security Advisory Board. slowly, without forcing He is on the Board of Directors of the New York based East-West a confrontation. The US Institute and on the Advisory economy and finances are so ‘Military Pact’ Implications of Vivekanand International A significant area of military level cooperation of relevance closely tied up with China that Board Foundation. He has received the to the newly developed concept of Asia-Pacific are the any confrontation would be high distinction of Grand Officier naval exercises that the two countries hold regularly in very costly and the US will do of the Ordre du Merite from France. the Indian Ocean. These exercises are intended to ensure everything to avoid it. The US the security of the sea lanes of communication in the would want to build a network Indian Ocean through which enormous volumes of trade, of relationship with countries threatened by China’s rise as a including energy, pass. The participation of Japan in the card to have against China, but play it only if its own interests Malabar exercises in the Indian Ocean, to supplement the are directly threatened, but not to defend those of others. In trilateral US-Japan-India naval exercises off Okinawa in the other words, US would bring under its strategic umbrella key western Pacific, carries a geopolitical meaning in the context Asian countries and control their policies towards China in a of China’s spectacular rise, the growth of the Chinese Navy, way that serves US interests primarily. India would not like to Chinese self-assertiveness in the slip into a relationship with the US western Pacific and its potential which is a diluted version of Japan’s entry into the Indian Ocean The US economy and finances relationship with it. The issue through its so-called ‘string of more complicated by the are so closely tied up with becomes pearls” strategy, now re-named as fact that Japan’s own relationship the “maritime silk road”.

China that any confrontation with China is massive in economic and despite current tensions would be very costly and the terms India has had reservations about between the two countries, Japan’s US will do everything to avoid investments in China continue, at trilateral India-US-Japan naval exercises in the Indian Ocean as it it. The US would want to build levels far above those in India. wants to avoid giving the impression a network of relationship Reluctant Cog of entering into an unstated military alliance with these two powers, with countries threatened What we should do in this complex situation is made more complicated besides being unwilling to send

by China’s rise as a card to by the fact that we have strategic a negative signal to China, with whom we wish to establish stable have against China, but play partnerships with the US as well as with Japan and China. Can we and productive ties. The Chinese it only if its own interests are move strategically with the US in “maritime silk road” project is actually intended to undercut the directly threatened, but not to a way that would conflict with our strategic partnership with China?

US led strategy to deal with the defend those of others The new Indian government has Indian Ocean and the Pacific as one made several political moves strategic space in which India and Japan could work conjointly to deter any threat emerging from vis a vis China that clearly convey our reluctance to be part of China. One could reasonably argue that China’s alliance-like the US pivot towards Asia. The first foreign dignitary to greet relationship with Pakistan and its building-up of the latter as Mr Modi was the Chinese Foreign Minister; Mr Modi has a strategic threat to India by transfer of nuclear and missile invited Chinese President Xi Jinping to visit India as early as technologies to it, not to mention the territorial claims China in September, sending in between our Vice President to China continues to make on us, going beyond Arunachal Pradesh to commemorate the Panchsheel Agreement that the Chinese and Ladakh to, in fact, question our sovereignty over threw into our face in 1962. This gesture, in the company J&K, should not make us as reluctant as we are in sending of the Myanmarese President, helped China to project itself

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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ARTFUL BALANCE

as a benign neighbour, offsetting its image as a threatening power in the east. The Modi government, by intensively engaging China and inviting it to invest in India is clearly being responsive to a calculated Chinese charm offensive that, not surprisingly, excludes any softer nuance on its territorial claims on Indian territory.

The strategic independence of our China policy is being affirmed by the completion of another trilateral US-Japan-India naval exercise only recently, Mr Modi’s visit to the US in late September and the Chinese President’s visit to India earlier in the same month. That Mr Modi is not nursing the visa snub administered to him by the US for several years and has decided to accept President O b a m a’s i nv it at ion without delay shows the pragmatic approach of the prime minister to foreign relations. The US has absorbed the message that India does not want to complicate its relations with China by participating in perceived US plans to create a security cordon around China. Defence Secretary Hagel in his recent visit to India conveyed the thoughtful message that the US did not want India to choose between it and China and that both wanted a constructive relationship with China.

tangible results for us. US led ouster of secular regimes in the Arab world to create conditions for democracy there has actually created an environment for the rise of forces like the Islamic Caliphate whose ideology can threaten us in the future; its draconian sanctions on Iran have interfered with our energy security; its current geopolitical confrontation with Russia, which is reviving cold war type tensions, puts us Mr Modi has visited Japan end August / early September at odds with the US strategically over a country with which with the strategic context being provided by Prime Minister we have a “special and privileged strategic partnership”. On Abe’s clear desire to strengthen defence-related ties with top of this, the US remains very accommodating towards India. Japan has China in mind in Pakistan, which represents a wanting to draw closer to India on unique case of an ally (non-NATO) Our core problems with China inflicting heavy casualties on its security issues. It also has a strong economic agenda which meets are on the Himalayan frontier partner, which Pakistan has done our own needs and priorities. But providing safe-havens to the and in our neighbourhood by how confident we are in letting Taliban who have targeted US forces a perception develop that we are and here we will have to deal in Afghanistan. The ambiguous forging a subtle anti-China front the US deals with Islamic with them alone as neither way with Japan is unclear. We seem movements, including its outreach the US or Japan would like to to the Taliban and its tardiness in to be tentative in this regard, which is understandable, given the dangerous idea of the get involved. We cannot even scotching the pluses and minuses involved.

Islamic Caliphate, is not consonant hope to obtain express support with our strategic interests.

Our principal problem is that we are being invited to participate from them for India’s territorial in strategic arrangements in the The previous NDA government integrity or for them to work under Prime Minister Vajpayee set western Pacific with China in view.

But this is a secondary area of in the NSG to place curbs the stage for establishing a strategic concern for us, as our core problems partnership with the US. This on China-Pakistan nuclear was consolidated under the UPA with China are on the Himalayan frontier and in our neighbourhood cooperation, which is a major governments that followed, though and here we will have to deal with the perception is that under UPA 2 strategic threat to us them alone as neither the US or the relationship began to mark time.

Japan would like to get involved.

Will the Modi government and We cannot even hope to obtain express support from them Obama’s waning presidency be able to inject a new momentum for India’s territorial integrity or for them to work in the into the relationship? It could well be that the most important NSG to place curbs on China-Pakistan nuclear cooperation, result from Mr Modi’s September visit to the US would be the which is a major strategic threat to us. establishment of a good chemistry with the US President and bury firmly the misunderstanding over the visa denial issue.

Beyond Asia-Pacific, in the troubled Islamic regions The rest will follow in due time as some of the issues dividing to our west, our strategic partnership has not produced the US and India will take time to resolve.

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October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

CRYSTAL-GAZING

The Indian Air Force 2020 And Beyond

With advancing technology, emerge new playgrounds of conflict − they create new vulnerabilities, create new rules of engagement and require a totally different genre of war-fighting wherewithal! These constitute strange unexplored arenas and are subject to yet undiscovered concepts and tactics − smart weapons are being replaced by ‘trojans, worms and masquerades’! These new threats and conflict scenarios are bound to create yet unknown centres of gravity and targets of a different kind.

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ilitary power, as history bears out, shall always remain a very critical component of national power − without it, the progress and growth of a nation is possible only upto the point where it clashes with the ‘interests’ of another stronger nation. ‘Aerospace power’ today is perhaps the most important component of this military power. There are many reasons for this − flexibility and speed of response, mobility / transportability of national power, long reach, precision targeting, minimum fuss and reduced visibility. Aerospace power fits the bill just so perfectly! How has aerospace power attained such outstanding enabling characteristics? As they say − ‘it is in the very nature of the beast’! This nature is founded and premised on technology − the very reliability and effectiveness of aerospace power hinges upon it! The 21st century undoubtedly belongs to aerospace power, because ‘air’ and ‘space’ with their essential similarities, have come together in a synergy that has dramatically enhanced the capabilities of air power astonishingly − it has become more reliable, effective, clean, responsive, enables ‘effects-based’ / ‘parallel’ operations and creates ‘strategic’ effects, both in peace and in war! The Indian Air Force, in our national security calculus, has the onerous task to conceptualise, plan, execute and project Aerospace power − in all its hues!

The Weapon And Equipment Profile

Not all Air Forces have the capability to project aerospace power in its many hues, but the Indian Air Force – one of the finest in the world can, provided its ongoing modernisation and capability building plan is executed with speed, determination, grit and transparency. And based on this modernisation plan, the force structure of the IAF in 2025 would be − about 45 combat fighter squadrons; a formidable combat-ready fleet of helicopters and transport aircraft; adequate numbers of AWACS / AEW and air-to-air refuelling aircraft; a mix of modern trainer aircraft / simulators; a well-packaged fleet of UAVs / UCAVs; new generation air defence and surface-to-air missile systems to plug existing gaps in the AD grid; about 40 operational air bases with

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day / night / all-weather facilities to cater for all types / categories of aircraft; a robust and secure network centric warfare capability; a state-of-the-art and dynamic maintenance / logistics infrastructure; smart weapons and other force multipliers / enhancers. The hardware involved in this modernisation package is in various stages of induction and procurement − some operational, some in the pipeline, some under evaluation, some in design / development stage and some still being identified. Most of the platforms (fighter / transport aircraft and helicopters), sensors, other weapon systems and net-centric warfare systems are in public domain − and therefore not listed. However, the scale, scope and cost of this modernisation package is unprecedented in the IAF and indeed, in the country. Assuming that this modernisation goes through as envisaged by the year 2025 and given the 30 / 40 year life span of the modern platforms, we are already in the year 2060!

Managing The Organisation

A cursory look at the IAF today would reveal that most of its inventory is undergoing some form of a transformation or the other in the modernisation process. It is either being inducted or being upgraded, being replaced or being put to use in an entirely new environment. Absorbing new technologies, whilst managing existing inventories in the throes of inductions, phase-outs and upgrades are sure to throw up new challenges. Traditional methods of employment and maintenance practices will have to co-exist with modern methods, because processes that work at varying speeds create mutual friction / interference and demand management skills of a very different kind. The IAF’s challenge in the coming years will be to put together a system which is responsive enough to absorb these changes, before the next set of changes comes along. Concepts, employment philosophies, maintenance practices and Concept of Operations will have to be continuously monitored and updated. This acquisition, absorption and employment cycle in the modernisation process of any Air Force, will always be in conflict with the operational cycle, application of force, response and

counter-response! All advanced Air Forces have faced this dilemma and have overcome the shortfalls − so will the IAF!

New And Emerging Battlegrounds

With advancing technology, emerge new playgrounds of conflict − they create new vulnerabilities, create new rules of engagement and require a totally different genre of war-fighting wherewithal! These constitute strange unexplored arenas and are subject to yet undiscovered concepts and tactics − smart weapons are being replaced by ‘trojans, worms and masquerades’! These new threats and conflict scenarios are bound to create yet unknown centres of gravity and targets of a different kind. Space, cyberspace and many other arenas will form uncharted territory, add to the existing conventional ones and demand an entirely new set of concepts, tactics, expertise, skills and counter-measures. The IAF must adapt and prepare to face these and many more uncharted battlegrounds which keep emerging during the modernisation process and beyond.

The Air Warriors

While hardware is indeed important, it is converted into ‘capabilities’ by people. Air war fighting and aerospace power projection is and will remain the bread and butter of the IAF − the men and women responsible for this onerous task need to be very highly skilled and impeccably trained, after a careful selection process. In this business of air war fighting and military aviation, optimum performance usually lies very close to safety margins and this brings in the concerns of costs – both in human and material terms! The IAF should aim for greater specialisation and tailored capabilities amongst its men and women, as it absorbs newer and more advanced technologies. What sets the future apart from the present is the proliferation of a large number of specialities − where the demands on its future leadership will increase!

of aerospace opportunities today! Is this because of a perception in the aerospace fraternity that the Indian military / civil aviation sector is poised for further growth − or is it only to pursue lost opportunities of the past? Will it invite greater involvement of Indian aerospace honchos and small and medium enterprises AIR CHIEF MARSHAL from the private sector, or FALI HOMI MAJOR is the participation going to remain peripheral, as in the PVSM, AVSM, SC, VM past? The answers to these (RETD) questions will determine the The writer is Former Chief of the Air Staff. He is presently future growth of the private Member, National Security sector in the Indian aerospace Advisory Board. industry. However, this impetus by the present government to energise the Indian defence and aerospace industry, sets aside old mindsets and embarks upon a visionary path!

The Future: 2025-2060

Beyond the MMRCA, FGFA and the other cutting edge hardware, with their 40 year ‘lives’, the IAF can only crystal-gaze the weapons / equipment profile it needs for 2060 and later, because it is not easy to guess the shape and constituents of aerospace power then − would the accent shift to unmanned vehicles, to missiles; or would ‘air’ be more of ‘space’?! Technological advances have, in the past, revolutionised military affairs and are sure to do so again.

However, it is quite certain that the need for ‘application and transportability’ of national power and thus for aerospace power with its enhanced capabilities in the 2060s, would always remain. Nations that lack this vital capability will either seek it, or be left far behind! In our context, aerospace power Leveraging Technology The modernisation plan of the IAF opens a providential is likely to permeate the national security apparatus more window of opportunity for the Indian aerospace industry intrinsically, given India’s significantly enhanced stature and (both private and public). Add the growing civil aviation responsibilities in the 2060s. The IAF may perhaps aim for market to this basket and an aerospace industry boom stares greater specialisation; tailored capabilities for each occasion; India in the face! If this opportune situation is addressed an increased dependence on unmanned vehicles / missiles; judiciously, pragmatically and on a level playing field for all and a greater accent on force enhancers. In all probabilities, stakeholders (the industry and the the capability requirements of the user) in the aerospace domain, the will largely mirror the future The modernisation plan of the IAF aerospace industry will leapfrog of aerospace power itself, though a generation ahead! The many IAF opens a providential window the path would invariably be ongoing military and civil joint by advanced nations and of opportunity for the Indian influenced venture projects under various Air Forces that are selective and seek aerospace industry (both private creative variations in hardware and stages of negotiation, the huge offset packages that would arise with the In an obvious progression and public). Add the growing civil doctrine. current defence acquisitions and of aerospace power by 2060, the aviation market to this basket IAF would be operating on a global the accompanying opportunities to develop and manufacture niche and an aerospace industry boom canvas and looking at the frontiers aerospace components (with or of space and outer space − in a quest stares India in the face! without transfer of technology), to project power in the region and must be exploited to leverage the protect the country’s terrestrial offsets and joint ventures. With the FDI now 49 per cent tools already in place by then! Reaching out, surpassing in the Defence sector, it clearly demonstrates a determined limits and transgressing boundaries are innate human effort on part of the government to attract the private sector propensities in pursuit of power projection, resources and into the defence arena. The large participation of Indian extending a nation’s strategic footprint. This pursuit always private companies and a congregation of aerospace giants needs to be backed by a credible and demonstrable aerospace from across the whole wide world which will hopefully follow power capability. The IAF must remain combat ready at with this initiative, is an indication that India is the hub all times – now, in 2060 and beyond!

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FRIENDS AND PARTNERS

The following are the main and substantive issues that will receive focused attention of Indian and US governments in the years to come.

Indo-US p i h s r e n t r a P c i g Strate eam

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India to host two US trade missions in 2015. US to help with technology, equipment to modernise Indian Rail ways.

to focu s on new area s of • 2015 Com mercial Dia logue anced manufacturing. adv cooperation like innovation in •

T

•

Reinvigoration of higher education dialogue to meet the target of imparti ng skills to young Indians for a global wor kforce.

ramme to infrastructure in India, to look at a prog Promotion of efficient urban energy into India’s power grid. scale-up renewable energy integration • A new US-India part nership for climate resi lience to increase capacity on climate adaptation plan ning.

• Expansion of military-to-military partnerships – exchanges of experts and joint training exercises. Also committ ed to enhancing exchanges of civilian and military intelligence and consult ation. ue speedily evaluate and decide on uniq • Establishment of a task force to and ties nce defe l tera bila m sfor tran ld projects and technologies that wou military capabilities. and stry indu nce defe ia’s Ind e anc enh •

Upgrading existing bilateral naval exer cises.

•

•

US to help India counter the threat of improvised explosive dev ices, both side s committed to pursue prov ision of US-made mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles to India. ainabilit y maintaining long-term security, sust Two sides to start a new dialogue on collision and ss rene g space situational awa of the outer space environment, includin avoidance in outer space.

•

•

T

he Indo-US strategic partnership was reenergised during the recent visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the United States and his summit meeting with US President Barack Obama in Washington. In a joint statement

issued after their meeting President Obama recognised that India’s “rise as a friend and partner is in the US’s interest” and Prime Minister Modi emphasised “the priority India accords to its partnership with the US”. The joint statement also described the US as a principal partner “in the realisation of India’s rise as a responsible, influential world power”.

The US-India partnership is crucial and indispensable to addressing the global economic, environmental and security challenges that we face today. Indo-US strategic partnership encompasses an exhaustive range of issues, activities and programmes that reflect the reinvigorated vision of President Obama and Prime Minister Modi.

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orism. prehensive global efforts to combat terr Underline the need for continued com

Commit to work more closely with othe r Asia-Pacific countries through con sultation, dialogue and joint exercises. Underline the importa nce of India-US-Japan trilatera l dial ogue; decide to look at upgrading dialogue to foreign minister s level.

•

disputes, ions because of maritime territorial Expressed concern over rise in tens dom of free ring ensu , rity g mar itime secu affi rm importa nce of safegua rdin Sea. na region, especially in the South Chi nav igation, overflight throughout the

We are delighted to see defence and security cooperation between India and the US getting so much importance and space in the joint statement and look forward to India and the US playing a pivotal role in global peace, security, progress and prosperity.

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CHALLENGES FOR INDIA was a distinct shift of focus away from the strategic vision of the earlier US Administration, as President Obama dealt with getting the US out of Iraq and Afghanistan and tried to cope with the severe impact of the financial meltdown and its effect on the US and global economy. A divided polity stalled many of his initiatives and caused a focus away from foreign policy issues. The burgeoning strategic relationship with India became less relevant as interest groups within and outside his Administration − a part of the business lobby was able to bring transactional interests to the fore to dent the process, as did the revived so-called non-proliferation and human rights lobbies, which had smarted at the special treatment seen to have been extended to India through the civil nuclear cooperation agreement.

Consequently, several serious disagreements − diplomatic, political and economic − came to define the relationship in the last few years, though the spread of US-India interaction in a variety of areas, including defence and security, continued in an almost routine way.

Preparations for the India-US summit have been led by high level visits from Washington and the meeting of the Fifth India-US Strategic Dialogue and the visit of US Secretary of Defense, Chuck Hagel immediately thereafter. Clearly, these meetings were also in the ‘getting-to-know-each-other’ domain, with both sides being somewhat tentative in their conclusions. From what information is available in the public domain, there are, however, some indications of the desired directions in which each country wished the relationship to evolve, but few agreed actions on ways in which the relationship should be energised. Though External Affairs Minister Swaraj at the joint Press Conference with Secretary Kerry declared in response to a question that ‘foreign policy does not change with the government’, t he cha nges perhaps lie in the nuances.

Revived Expectations

Reciprocal Feelings

On the Indian side, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh faced similar external and internal challenges − the global economic slow down, the rise of protectionist policies in the countries of the developed world and the rise in commodity prices. Internally, India too was challenged by a slowing economy, divided polity and an almost stalled Parliament.

From around 2011, with corruption scandals and coalition pressures seemed to have weakened the government’s willingness to nurture the strategic relationship with the world’s still most powerful country.

Re-energising Indo-US Relations It appeared that a slight modification of India’s position on cooperation on regional and global security issues has been made. When agreeing to the principles of freedom of navigation in and the applicability of international law to the South China Sea disputes between China and some ASEAN states, a position which is congruent with the US stand, India supported bilateral consultations among the countries directly concerned, thereby keeping India aloof from both political and security support to either side.

A

t the Fifth India-US Strategic Dialogue held in July 2014 in New Delhi, both parties, in the context of a new government in India, recognised that the relationship needed to be ‘re-energised’. Yet, after decades of estrangement and with the expenditure of considerable political capital on both sides, bilateral relations had not only widened in scope, but gained depth.

All this happened in the period 2005 and 2008, though the process had been set in motion, ironically, in 1998 after India conducted nuclear weapon test and declared herself a nuclear weapon state. A bilateral dialogue on nuclear issues was initiated, leading eventually to, an albeit shaky, foundation for a strategic relationship between the two countries. There was a recognition that each had their own

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particular longer term aims for India, a relationship that could be an advantage in her efforts to develop her economy and global political interests and the US benefiting not only from the growth of the Indian market, but from the possibilities of burden-sharing, political and military, in Asia in particular and globally as well.

Obama Autumn

The relationship continued to grow in the first years of the Obama Administration, with exchanges of visits at the highest political level and ‘comfort levels’ gradually deepening between the two governments with confidence at operational levels and an ebbing of mutual distrust. However, several developments, both external and internal, political and economic, affected the growing relationship. There

AMB ARUNDHATI GHOSE The writer joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1963. Served in various capacities in MEA and in Missions abroad in Austria, the Netherlands, Bangladesh and Permanent Mission of India in New York. Was incharge of economic relations as AS (ER) when economic reforms were launched in 1991. Served in the Branch Secretariat of the Ministry to liaise with the Bangladesh government in exile in Calcutta.

Served as Ambassador in Egypt, South Korea, as Permanent Representative to UNESCO and to the UN Offices in Geneva.

Was also Ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament.

Was Member and Chairman of UN Secretary General’s Disarmament Advisory Board from 1998 to 2001. Currently on Global India Forum Kolkata as Vice President and Member of its Executive Council and Adjunct Fellow at the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore. Was member of Task Force set up in 2007, by MEA on non-proliferation and Disarmament.

The changes in the political dispensation in Delhi, with The emphasis from the the recent elections in May this year, appear to have Indian side was on trade and revived international interest in India – both political and investment and technology economic, witness the high level visitors to Delhi in the transfer from the US, last three months covering all regions of the world, West including in the area of defence Asia to East Asia, Africa and Latin America, Russia, the cooperation which was reciprocated by the US. On the defence UK and France, China and the US (members of the P-5 in and security side, however, while there is agreement that this the UN Security Council) and of course, the leaders from sector was a vital part of the strategic relationship, it appeared SAARC. While the new government has not made any that a slight modification of India’s position on cooperation comprehensive statement on India’s on regional and global security foreign policy, some indications issues has been made, as evident The new government ’s from a close reading of the text of of its priorities can be discerned in visits by the PM and External objective appears to be a the Joint Statement. Minister Swaraj, Affairs Minister, accomplished or in her introductory statement at the balancing of political and Joint Press Conference, specifically planned for the rest of the year.

Clearly economic and commercial security relations with both spelt out this shift when indicating interests dominate bilateral a slight distancing from earlier the US and China, even while positions held by India, she spoke interactions, while multilateral forums, such as BRICS, ASEAN pursuing closer and deeper of ‘the well-being of our people, / EAS / ARF will see the articulation our economies and our respective economic ties with both of India’s stand on global or regional and global interests’ regional issues, political, strategic determining the ‘truly defining and economic. At the same time, in the fluid international relationship’. This in fact, was followed up at the discussions environment, a degree of balance in India’s economic and with ASEAN and other countries in Myanmar, when political interests seem to have been found to be necessary. agreeing to the principles of freedom of navigation in and It is in this context that the PM’s visit to Japan, the applicability of international law to the South China Sea the first bilateral visit outside South Asia, could be disputes between China and some ASEAN states, a position viewed, just as the visit to the US, New York for the which is congruent with the US stand, India supported UN and Washington for a meeting with President bilateral consultations among the countries directly Obama comes just after the visit to India by concerned, thereby keeping India aloof from both political the Chinese President, Xi Jinping. and security support to either side.

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CHALLENGES FOR INDIA

It is likely, therefore, that after having agreed to an extension of the New Framework for the US-India Defence Relationship of 2005, well before the expiry date in 2015, this nuanced and new Indian position will be reflected in the new version. The new government’s objective appears to be a balancing of political and security relations with both the US and China, even while pursuing closer and deeper economic ties with both. Minister Swaraj’s statement on the continuity of India’s foreign policy, in response to a question on relations with Russia (in the context of the crisis in Ukraine), would seem to be in line with this approach.

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FUTURE UNFOLDS

that the relationship continues to be important to the national interests of both countries.

Khobragade Fiasco

The Americans have not yet understood the public anger and revulsion in India on the Khobragade episode; that the targeting and disgracing of a diplomat from a ‘friendly’ country, whose immunity or lack of it had still to be proven in a court of law could have been sanctioned by the US State Department itself, caused initial disbelief in India and the revival of subliminal suspicions of US attitudes and intentions; that the anger was fuelled by Global Issues the fact that the diplomat was a woman and was also felt There is another obvious and more direct change in within government and had to be handled with some emphasis of India’s position, at least as evident in the deftness. Brushing such an issue − it was not just an Joint Statements of 2013 and 2014 and that relates to incident − aside, would not be helpful in establishing Indo-US cooperation on specific global issues. While in the confidence necessary if the relationship is to be 2013, cooperation on such issues were limited to cooperation re-energised. The new Prime Minister’s own reaction in multilateral forums, such as on issues like climate change, to the denial of a visa to him when he was an elected the G-20 etc, this year there is specific focus on global crises Chief Minister of a state in India and the charges against on which both countries appear to have agreed to common the US of spying on political parties in India, may have been objectives − Afghanistan post the misunderstood by the Americans.

Presidential elections; Pakistan, in As a result, trade and technology the context of cooperation against As is evident from these and economic cooperation with terrorism; Iraq, an issue also countries with the capacity and examples, even while all raised by the Prime Minister in his willingness to respond to these essentials of the strategic requirements are this governments interaction with the US Secretary of Defense; Gaza and interestingly, security cooperation relationship have been cleared priorities; Syria. Both parties agreed on the on regional and global issues is from the underbrush, as it were, another narrative altogether. need for stability in all cases, as being necessary for regional and these preparations also gave global security and economic The third area of emphasis will the new Indian government clearly be defence cooperation. well-being. No concrete steps have, however, been envisaged the opportunity to outline the There has already been agreement to promote these agreements on to renew the Framework agreement directions of its thinking on on Indo-US Defence Relations principles. On the other hand, a new Indo-US Joint Working relations with one of India’s at the Ministerial level as a part Group has been set up on Climate of the process preparatory to most important partners Change to enhance the bilateral the Summit; the issue of dialogue on issues affecting defence-related technology transfers Climate Change and the stagnant could be an area for discussion.

Trade Policy Forum revived.

There are several specific issues which would need to As is evident from these be addressed if the larger objectives are to be achieved. examples, even while essentials On trade, the issues of the US placing India on its ‘Special of the strategic relationship 301 Watch List and planning an “Out-of Cycle Review” in have been cleared from the September on IPR standards approved by Indian courts and underbrush, as it were, these the capping of HI-B visas will have to be faced. The US will preparations also gave the be facing Congressional elections later this year and the role new Indian government the of the NRI Indian community might be a factor which could opportunity to outline the help in finding some way ahead on these major issues. directions of its thinking on relations with one of India’s On the US side, India’s nuclear liability law continues to most important partners. face opposition from US companies. Whether the PM could The stage has been set for find a compromise solution, considering it was his party decisions which need to be that had pushed for the law in its current form in the first taken at the forthcoming place, is to be seen, but a solution may be difficult to find.

Summit. The challenges that will face the two leaders Given that the thinking of India’s new Prime Minister will not be easy to meet and on foreign policy issues can only be deduced not having some political capital will been spelt out, one can identify only one genuine and have to be expended by concrete achievement from the preparatory process: both both sides, since it has governments are committed to re-energising bilateral been apparently agreed strategic relations between India and the US.

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Growing Indo-US Aviation Relationship

At the end of Cold War, the world geostrategic scenario had changed. China emerged as an economic powerhouse with super power aspirations. India now became a key peg in US global power chessboard.

As part of their oft stated desire to promote regional security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region, US started engaging India at the turn of the century.

C

olumbus set sail in search of the most sought after land of knowledge and treasure, India and reached America and called the local inhabitants Indians. Swami Vivekananda mesmerised the Americans during the speech at the World Parliament Of Religions in Chicago in 1893. Prominent Americans were greatly moved by the non-violent independence struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi. Martin Luther King is often called the ‘Black Gandhi’ for his peaceful struggle for rights of the blacks inspired by India. As the largest and most influential sustaining democracies of the world, India and United States of America (USA) were natural allies.

Unfortunately immediately after India’s independence, with its desire to remain non-aligned, the world views of the two nations did not converge. Notwithstanding, the people of the two countries loved each other for the spirit of freedom and entrepreneurship. Their strategic perceptions apart, US always wanted to support India as a respected aspiring nation of the world with great potential and standing.

British India and USA were fighting a common enemy in Japan during World War II. While Americans engaged the Japanese across Pacific, they wanted to support the war effort of Chaing Kai-shek of China against Japan and used the eastern Indian airfields as jumping board for aerial resupply to his forces. The famous ‘Hump’ airlift was the first formal aviation contact between the two nations. With the change in the world order after WW II, Soviets were keen to perpetuate communism. Mao Zedong’s communists had taken over China. Newly independent and still poor nations were easy targets for the socialist movement. A large country like India was a favoured prey for everyone’s sphere

AIR MARSHAL ANIL CHOPRA PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM (RETD) The writer is an ex NDA Air Force officer who was a fighter pilot in the IAF. He is a Qualified Flying Instructor and Test Pilot who was among the initial lot to train on Mirage 2000 in France. He commanded a Mirage Squadron, two operational air bases and the IAF’s Flight Test Centre ASTE. He was the Team Leader of MiG 21 Upgrade programme in Russia for over 4 years. He is currently a member of Armed Forces Tribunal. He is also a member of Executive Council of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

of influence. USA was conscious of Sino-Indian differences in late 1950s and wanted to support India. President Dwight Eisenhower visited India in 1959. Nothing concrete could evolve before 1962 Sino-Indian conflict. Immediately thereafter, the very popular in India, President JF Kennedy announced overt support to India against China.

Air Exercises – Meaningful Small Step

Soon American ground radars were delivered to India to set up a fledgling air defence network. Based on an agreement of 1963, US Air Force (USAF) fighter aircraft arrived late 1963 to impart air defence training to Indian pilots and controllers. Indian Air Force (IAF) pilots were for the first time exposed to modern intercept and air combat techniques and aerial refuelling. The exercise under supervision of then AVM Arjan Singh (now Marshal of the IAF) was conducted at Kalaikunda in the east and Palam and Agra in the west.

Royal Air Force (UK) and Royal Australian Air Forces also participated. Coincidently, many years later similar bases were to host the Cope India series of Indo-US exercises.

At the end of Cold War, the world geostrategic scenario had changed. China emerged as an economic powerhouse with super power aspirations. India now became a key peg in US global power chessboard. As part of their oft stated desire to promote regional security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region, US started engaging India at the turn of the century. After Iraq War, air power was the flavour of the season and it was decided that the two air forces would conduct joint exercises to

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FUTURE UNFOLDS

understand each other and improve interoperability. Also it would give the Americans an opportunity to showcase their high-tech equipment that they were now willing to sell to India. ‘Cope India’ series of exercises started with the Americans bringing in McDonnell Douglas (Now Boeing) F-15 Eagle and Lockheed F-16 Fighting Falcons fighters.

These were backed by the AWACS, air-to-air refuellers, Special Forces aircraft Lockheed C-130 H and J Hercules, and strategic lift aircraft Boeing C-17 Globemaster III. India pitched in the Su-30 MKI, MiG-29, Dassault Mirage 2000, MiG-27 and MiG-21 ‘Bison’ fighters. These were supported by IAF’s Il-78 refuellers and ground based radars. The exercises were overseen by professional fighter combat leaders of both sides and crew from IAF’s ‘Top Gun’ equivalent Tactics and Air Combat Development Establishment (TACDE) also participated. Joint para-jumps and coordinated humanitarian relief operations were also practised. Ground lectures and presentation of concepts was part of the exposure. Indian flying crew did exceedingly well in air combat exercises. In return, IAF’s Su-30 MKI supported by two Il-78 mid-air refuellers and one Il-76 medium-lift aircraft participated in the advanced air combat exercise ‘Red Flag’ at Nellis air base, Nevada and Eielson airbase in Alaska.

IAF Inducts The Heavies

a quantum jump to IAFs 50 ton class Il-76.

The C-17 is also operated by the UK, Australia, Canada, Qatar, UAE and the NATO Airlift Wing. Boeing also built the ground infrastructure at Hindon airbase where the aircraft were inducted into No 81 Squadron, the Skylords on 11 June 2013. All 10 aircraft are expected by June 2015.

P-8I Joins Indian Navy

P-8 Poseidon was an Anti-submarine Warfare aircraft (ASW) developed for US Navy using Boeing 737-800 as base platform. It was also meant for ship interdiction roles and Electronic Intelligence (ELINT).

Early 2008, Boeing proposed After Iraq War, air power the P-8I Neptune, a customised was the flavour of the season export variant of the P-8A, for the Indian Navy. This US$ 2.1 billion and it was decided that f leet was to replace Indian the two air forces would Navy’s aging Tupelov Tu-142M surveillance turboprop conduct joint exercises to maritime aircraft. India became the first understand each other and international customer of the that cost US$ 220 million improve interoperability. Also aircraft each. In October 2010, purchase it would give the Americans an of four additional P-8Is was India may exercise opportunity to showcase their approved. more options later. First aircraft high-tech equipment that they was inducted on 15 May 2013.

USA normally offers equipment under Foreign Military Sales (FMS) to specially favoured customers.

The equipment is priced same as for NATO allies. India was offered many state-of-the-art systems under this route. Soon the aircraft started being inducted and the dream run of Indo-US aviation started unfolding.

Purchase of six C-130J-30s by IAF in early 2008 at a cost of US$ 1.2 billion for special operations was the first big ticket deal. There was option to buy six more aircraft later. The four engine Lockheed C-130J-30 “Super” Hercules military transport aircraft is from among the family were now willing to sell to India of 2500, C-130 variants built over Helicopters 50 years. This aircraft has had the Boeing’s Apache Longbow AH-64 longest continuous production run of any military aircraft was selected after an international competition from amongst in history. Fifteen nations have bought a total of 300 C-130Js. six contenders. IAF needs these to replace ageing Mi-25 / 35 The J-model features considerably updated technology. attack helicopters. The US$ 1.4 billion deal was again through It includes state-of-the-art electronic warfare and terrain the FMS route, beating the Russian Mil Moscow penetration digital avionics suite. This greatly improved Helicopter Plant’s Mi-28 Havoc. The AH-64 is version of the old workhorse carries 17,000 kg payload, giving a proven helicopter the earlier variants of the IAF variety of choices for carriage of troops or heavy which entered US Army in 1986. It is a equipment. In October 2011, India exercised the option for twin-engine, two crew platform the six additional aircraft. All the initial six aircraft were with a nose-mounted sensor delivered by December 2011. 10 Boeing C-17 Globemaster III suite for day and night strategic airlift aircraft were the next to come. Billed at operations. Typically US$ 5.8 billion, this 77.5 ton carriage capacity aircraft was it will carry a

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60 per cent of all American naval forces in Asia in the coming years, strengthening its traditional alliances in the region and building new partnerships, including with India” says senior Indian analyst C Raja Mohan. Naval flotilla will extend air power. It envisages a tacit alliance between its other friends in the region like Japan and Australia among many others who are concerned with rise of totalitarian China. India will benefit through access to modern western military technologies, mix of AGM-114 Hellfire anti-tank missiles, Hydra 70 primarily aviation. China’s unexpectedly rapid economic rocket pods and air-to-air missiles. Over 1,000 and consequently military, rise has been of concern to India AH-64s are operating across the globe and have seen combat too. While both nations are determined to push forward in Iraq and Afghanistan among others. Subsequently, in close links, but years of US closeness with Pakistan, India’s April 2013 Indian government desire to maintain balance and good decided that henceforth the relations with Russia and China Indian Army will have its own force it to tread cautiously.

USA normally offers equipment will attack helicopter fleet. While the Undoubtedly, high US presence in under Foreign Military Sales Asia would put breaks on possible already committed 22 aircraft will go to the IAF, army’s requirement (FMS) to specially favoured Chinese hegemony in the region. of 39 Apache helicopters would be China has also been wooing customers. The equipment India to create greater economic processed separately. The contracts have still to be signed. is priced same as for NATO dependence and has made recent offer of membership of Shanghai allies. India was offered many Cooperation Organisation to keep Boeing CH-47 D/F Chinook was selected to replace IAF’s state-of-the-art systems under it neutral in the power game. maintenance intensive Mi-26 fleet this route. Soon the aircraft in a deal that would finally be Very slow decision-making in worth over US$ 1.0 billion. Nearly started being inducted and the India delayed the critically required 1200 Chinooks have been built till 777, 155 mm howitzer deal to a dream run of Indo-US aviation M date. This twin-engine, tandem point that the price escalation clause started unfolding with the had to be invoked. This caused rotor, heavy-lift helicopter is used for troop movement, assault strain in the negotiations. purchase of the C-130Js and avoidable missions, artillery emplacement, Early decisions are thus required on C-17 Globemaster heavy lift already finalised and yet not signed battlefield resupply and heavy casualty evacuation. First inducted aircraft and the Poseidon maritime Chinook and Apache deals. India in Vietnam in November 1965, it is watching very closely, the very reconnaissance / strike aircraft has seen wide action in Afghanistan popular, Prime Minister Modi’s and Iraq. IAF is keen for early first visit to the US. Big ticket finalisation of this contract. defence cooperation announcements are expected. High level visits of Secretary of State John Kerry, Commerce Secretary Future Unfolds Penny Pritzker and Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel have Notwithstanding, that IAF chose Anglo-French Jaguar preceded the Summit meeting. FMS route for purchase could in late 1970s and has had a French aviation connection be a hurdle in technology transfer and industry-to-industry since days of Toofani and Mysteres of 1950s, till recently, partnerships feel some corporate honchos. A nationalist nearly 75 per cent of IAF was of Russian origin. The deals government, with clear mandate in power in New Delhi with US mark a major shift for India toward conscious could be a good time for US to build bridges. US would have diversification of its defence purchases. Rise of nationalist to be sensitive to new government’s desire to push defence BJP is a sign of resurgent India. Prime Minister Modi looks indigenisation. Defence minister Jaitley reportedly told forward to building closer relationship between the biggest Secretary Hagel that, ‘The development of our own indigenous democracies. Both have finally shed suspicion and decided to capabilities is a major objective that guides our present policies. work together. They have some degree of common perception In this direction, we have taken steps to raise the FDI cap in of evolving geopolitical situation. USA sees India as partner the defence sector. We look forward to work closely with the in its Asia-Pacific pivot strategy. Both have an interest in US in this regard.’ Notwithstanding some small barriers and preparing for the rise of China. Technology centric aerospace challenges, Indo-US defence ties, are on an ascending slope is a good place for India to begin with. Aviation has had the to step-up military cooperation. Modi told Defense Secretary highest share of defence modernisation budget.

Hagel “The world’s oldest democracy and the world’s largest democracy can build a partnership for peace, stability Early 2012 US President Obama announced his policy and prosperity in the world”. The 21st could be a century of ‘Asian Pivot’ with an aim to check the rising China of Indo-US defence cooperation. Aviation would remain and limit its influence. “US strategy calls for deploying the linchpin of this relationship.

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ANGELS IN UNIFORM

Fauji Farishtey!

We at DSA salute these jawans and officers! Hats off to the Indian Army, IAF and the NDRF teams for their excellent performance during this natural calamity.

The people of Kashmir must realise that since independence, Pakistan has tried every trick in the book and all its machinations and unholy designs on Kashmir have been utterly unsuccessful. Nor are Pakistan and its stooges in Kashmir going to succeed in future now that a strong nationalistic government is incharge of the country. Vast and realtime media coverage also played a big role in preventing separatist propaganda from gaining foothold in Srinagar; a strategic payoff.

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landslides can be enumerated. And once again, the Indian Air Force helicopters, the Indian Army rescue teams and the National Disaster Relief Force battalions in boats made forays day and night into flooded localities to bring food and water for those not willing to leave their homes and rescuing those who wanted to get out as fast as possible.

It rained, proverbially, cats and dogs non-stop for almost five days in Jammu and Kashmir and the weather office issued a warning of a likely deluge. The state government, unused to having so much water poured over the state in so short a time, was caught unprepared to deal with the consequences of the Dal Lake and the Jhelum overflowing in the immediate vicinity and thousands of cubic feet per second of floodwater sloshing into the Kashmir Valley from all directions. People had to save themselves on their own in the initial stages of flooding as water rose swiftly to inundate the ground floor and equally fast up to the first floor of thousands of houses. People fled to higher ground through neck deep water.

Every sane and right-minded person in the state of Jammu and Kashmir is concerned and needs to know who instigated such attacks during relief operations. These anti-national elements could not be arrested right away because of more demanding tasks at hand but the beleaguered state government can surely identify those persons from footage available with television crews and take appropriate action.

week into natural disaster, the capital of Jammu and Kashmir lay under water with thousands of people trapped atop their homes and several others cramped in relief camps. Their misery has added to problems of the administration in a Muslim-majority region where a revolt against Indian rule has simmered for decades. Both the Indian and Pakistani sides of the disputed Himalayan territory have been hit by extensive flooding since the Jhelum river, swollen by unusually heavy rain, surged last week.

Residents of Kashmir turned their wrath on state administrators for the inadequacy of their response to the disaster, accusing them of failing to provide them with help after the worst flooding in over a century. Many complain that the government, which has maintained a heavy presence in the territory to keep a lid on the revolt, has left them to their fate. More than one lakh residents were compelled to vacate their homes with children and the aged in makeshift rafts and Gemini rubberised boats of the armed forces.

The full count of casualties may only be known when the landscape dries out and villagers who were swept away in

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Even with diligent relief and rescue operations, it was ironical and most unfortunate that there were instances of stone pelting on relief helicopters by misled young men who usually respond to strike calls by the so-called “separatist” leaders. “Leaders” who do not have the guts to make their choice and leave for Pakistan and who keep subjecting our people to unmitigated high octane hell every day.

Many residents are deeply resentful of what they say has been a complete absence of their local government and police in the wake of the disaster. Others drew a comparison to the thousands of policemen the state has deployed in the past to put down public protests against Indian rule, but were

now nowhere to be seen. If there is a single stone pelted, there are a hundred policemen out beating one person!

Where are they now? Where are the ministers?

Where are the Hurriyat Conference leaders and JKLF Chief Yasin Malik, who always talk about the rights of Kashmiri people? Kashmiri people are startled by the absence of the Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani, who keeps harping on their rights and why he is not being seen during the grim situation caused by floods. Atleast now, Kashmiri people should realise that separatists like Geelani and Yasin Malik are not their friends in need and can never raise their voice for the welfare of the Kashmiris.

The Nation is seeking answers to some troubling questions! Where was the entire state government machinery during the relief operations! How much money was provided to the state government for flood relief by the central government during the past five years and how much was spent to make flood control arrangements!

We are sure this would be a ‘Watergate’ for the state government, as there were hardly any arrangements made in spite of flood alerts sent well in advance.

In Jammu and Kashmir, the army launched spontaneous rescue operations as the first responders across the entire state that have been carried out without any regional, caste or creed discrimination, in the highest traditions of the Indian armed forces. The men and women in Olive Green and their counterparts in the Indian Air Force and National Disaster Response Force, who have never had a very healthy relationship with the people of Kashmir Valley, have put their lives in danger while trying to rescue and provide relief to almost two lakh flood-hit residents of Jammu and Kashmir

Our Indian Army is the third largest army in the world and has once again proved its mettle by saving thousands of lives of our Kashmiri brothers and sisters during this natural calamity in peacetime. In the light of the stone pelting by a small minority of militants it is time for each Kashmiri brother and sister to think very seriously and sincerely whether they want peace and development or they want the proxy war orchestrated by our neighbour Pakistan which is slowly but surely destroying Kashmir, the “Paradise on Earth” and poisoning the hearts and minds of simple and gullible Kashmiris in the name of religious solidarity.

PAWAN AGRAWAL The writer is Publisher and CEO of DSA magazine and has been actively associated with printing, publishing and media organisations for over 25 years. With such rich and varied experience in publishing and media he conceptualised and ventured in 2009 into the Mission of publishing Defence and Security Alert (DSA) magazine as a service to the nation in defence and security arena.

The people of Kashmir must realise that since independence, Pakistan has tried every trick in the book and all its machinations and unholy designs on Kashmir URVASHI J AGRAWAL have been utterly unsuccessful.

The co-writer is wife of Nor are Pakistan and its stooges Mr Pawan Agrawal and President in Kashmir going to succeed of DSA magazine. She is a writer, in future now that a strong a poet and an entrepreneur. nationalistic government is incharge of the country. Vast and realtime media coverage also played a big role in preventing separatist propaganda from gaining foothold in Srinagar; a strategic payoff.

The people of Kashmir have seen how the government of India and the Indian armed forces came to their rescue in their darkest hour when the state government and their well-wishers, the “separatists” were nowhere to be seen or heard. Because Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and is a state of the Indian Union like other 28 states and 7 union territories, our valiant and self-sacrificing jawans and officers of the armed forces and NDRF risked their lives in the line of duty and rescued Kashmiri brothers and sisters during the catastrophic days of unprecedented rains and resultant deluge. A couplet doing rounds on the social media these days captures the mood and the feelings of the nation and our armed forces so succinctly:

Tumhari nafrat par bhi luta di zindagi hamne Socho agar tum mohabbat karte to hum kya karte !!

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NEW AGENDA

US Gives India

Another Look Under Modi As a pragmatist, Modi cannot ignore the reality that strong ties with the US will play in sustaining his vision of an economically advanced and militarily robust India.

His priorities will certainly be domestic but a conducive external environment is essential for achieving his highly ambitious domestic agenda.

T

he most significant foreign policy challenge for New Delhi in the coming years will be dealing with the most important geopolitical event of our time – the rise of China. Despite an obsession among the Indian foreign policy elite with everything Chinese, it is not at all evident if New Delhi has learnt to think strategically about China and all that its rapid ascendance in the global hierarchy implies.

With the new Narendra Modi government now at the helm, it was initially being suggested that Modi’s warmth would be reserved for those who went out of the way to accommodate him when he was being hounded domestically and globally.

Countries like Japan, Israel and China, for example, welcomed him during those years when the West shunned him and the US revoked his visa under an obscure law. There was even speculation about the reasons behind Modi taking a long time to mention the congratulatory call from President Barack Obama or a tweet from Secretary of State John Kerry.

Modi had travelled to China five times before becoming the Prime Minister, more than to any other nation and he has been visibly impressed by China’s economic success. Some in China welcomed Modi as prime minister. The state-run Global Times argued that “ties between China and India may come closer under Mr Modi’s leadership”. It went on to suggest that “the West has adapted to an India with a weak central government in the past decades” and now with Modi in the saddle “it is afraid that a strongman like Russian President Vladimir Putin will make India really strong and build the country into a challenger to the West economically and politically”. Others in China suggested that Modi will take Sino-Indian ties to new heights, even underscoring that his “governance style and philosophy are very close to Chinese practices”.

A Touch Of Caution?

Yet Modi remains a quintessential nationalist looking to raise India’s profile on the global stage. China’s behaviour in recent years has been troubling for India and caution is likely to be the hallmark of Modi’s outreach to the country. Addressing an election rally in the state of Arunachal Pradesh, which borders China, Modi had underlined that Beijing would have to shed “its expansionist policies and forge bilateral ties with India for the peace, progress and prosperity of both nations”.

Despite his personal grudge against the US, Modi has been quick to recognise that the challenges India faces

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with a domestically fragile Pakistan, political uncertainty in Afghanistan, instability around India’s periphery and an ever more assertive China cannot be managed without a productive US-India relationship. As a pragmatist, he cannot ignore the reality that strong ties with the US will play in sustaining his vision of an economically advanced and militarily robust India. His priorities will certainly be domestic but a conducive external environment is essential for achieving his highly ambitious domestic agenda.

Security Provider

At a time when China has alienated most of its neighbours with its aggressive rhetoric and actions, India also has a unique opportunity to expand its profile in the region and work proactively with like-minded states to ensure stability. To live up to its full potential and meet the region’s expectations, India will have to do a more convincing job of emerging as a credible strategic partner. India would not only like greater economic integration with the fastest growing region in the world but would like to challenge China on its periphery. But India will have to do much more to emerge as a serious player. Delhi needs to assure regional states of its reliability not only as an economic and political partner but also as a security provider.

As the regional balance of power changes there will be new demands on India that can be fulfilled only by a productive partnership with the US. How Modi navigates this tricky terrain between the US and China will define, in large part, the success or failure of his diplomacy.

New Agenda

Washington, for its part, has been busy wooing Modi with several high-level visits to Delhi in the last three months. US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel was in India in early August where he discussed regional security situation, defence deals worth over Rs 20,000 crore and joint military hardware development projects with the Indian political and military leadership. Before leaving for India, Hagel suggested that the US is looking for new partners and relationships in Asia Pacific region which represents both opportunities and challenges.

Hagel’s visit came after the visit of the US Secretary of State, John Kerry, who was in India a few days earlier for his first formal interaction with the newly elected government. This was the first US cabinet-level visit to New Delhi with the Modi government and Kerry, along with the Indian External Affairs Minister, Sushma Swaraj, co-chaired the fifth round of

India-US Strategic Dialogue on July 31. This meeting was aimed at laying the groundwork for the visit of the Indian Prime Minister to the United States in September. Describing the post-May 2014 landscape in India as “a potentially transformative moment” and calling India “an indispensable partner for the 21st century,” Kerry has suggested that deepening America’s ties with India is a “strategic imperative.” In line with this sentiment, he conveyed to Modi that Barack Obama was looking forward to a “productive and fruitful” summit in September in Washington to set an “ambitious new agenda” to chart a new course in US-India relationship.

The Obama administration is trying to recover some of the lost ground in reaching out to the Modi government.

It was only in February 2014 that the US ended its decade-long boycott of Modi when then US Ambassador to India, Nancy Powell, paid a visit to Modi. This came long after other European countries had already moved to restore their ties with India’s soon to be Prime Minister. But the United States remained strangely immune from changes in the policies of some of its closest allies.

Washington is signalling that it is ready. Nisha Biswal, the US Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, in her testimony to the US Senate, has underlined Obama’s suggestion that the US-India relationship would be “one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century.” As the US moves towards implementing its “rebalance to Asia” strategy, Biswal suggested “India has vital role to play in South Asia, in the Asia Pacific and, increasingly at the global stage.”

PROF HARSH V PANT The writer is Reader in International Relations at King’s College, London and an affiliate with the King’s India Institute.

Indian Concerns

Yet differences abound, from the geostrategic to the economic sphere. American businesses have been concerned about various issues including high tariffs, retrospective tax policies, Since Indian elections in May, however, the Obama intellectual property rights protection and foreign direct administration has been trying to restore some semblance of investment (FDI) restrictions in various key sectors. Indian normalcy in its equation with Modi. Obama personally phoned concerns have revolved around visa barriers and technology transfer restrictions. Discussions Modi to congratulate him on his on a Bilateral Investment Treaty historic election win and invited him India would not only like (BIT), which aims to increase to visit Washington. Kerry followed Obama’s call with a statement greater economic integration present US-India trade of around US$ 100 billion to US$ 500 billion, underlining Washington’s readiness with the fastest growing has not moved forward despite their “to work closely with Prime Minister Modi and the new government region in the world but would launch in 2012. India is worried about impending US departure from to promote shared prosperity like to challenge China on its the Afghanistan and the United States and strengthen our security.”

The resignation of the former US periphery. But India will have views India as a less than helpful in managing global crises Ambassador to India, Nancy Powell, to do much more to emerge as partner from Ukraine to the Middle East. in March 2014, was also part of a a serious player. Delhi needs And more recently, differences larger effort by Washington to mend global trade negotiations the damage in Indo-US ties caused to assure regional states of over have cropped up. Washington has by the United States’ inability to its reliability not only as an expressed disappointment over reach out to Modi in time. economic and political partner India’s stance at the WTO Trade Modi’s Pragmatism Facilitation Agreement talks. India but also as a security provider Modi himself had been categorical has been insisting on a permanent that “relations between the two solution on the issue of public countries cannot be determined or be even remotely stockholding for purposes of food security before it ratifies influenced by incidents related to individuals.” Going the agreement and by doing so has derailed the WTO process. further, he has suggested that it was in the interest of both the United States and India to further develop their bilateral Window Of Opportunity relationship, even describing the United States as a “natural” There is certainly a window of opportunity now for both ally. Despite personal sensitivities, when an opportunity Washington and New Delhi to re-launch their partnership. presented itself after his election victory, Modi lost no time in US Senator John McCain, who was in India earlier this reaching out to Washington, agreeing for a bilateral summit month and met Modi, is right in suggesting that “if India meeting with Obama in Washington. Modi showed his and the US are to build a truly strategic partnership, the trademark decisiveness in attempting to mend Indo-US ties, two countries must each commit to it and defend it in equal which had tapered off under his predecessor, underlining measure.” While the United States needs to categorically the significance of the United States in Indian foreign policy underline its willingness to work with the Modi government, priorities. With the Obama Administration in multiple India too needs to articulate a forward-looking agenda for fire-fighting in the Middle East and Europe and policy US-India ties. A durable partnership is the need of the hour paralysis in New Delhi over the last few years, the two for both India and the United States. It will not happen sides had other priorities. But with a new political if the leadership in New Delhi and Washington fails to dispensation in Delhi, Washington and New Delhi nurture it from the very top and nurturing a strong bilateral have a fresh opportunity to significantly alter relationship requires sustained hard work. It cannot be done by merely holding annual strategic dialogues. the trajectory of their bilateral ties.

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WINDOW OF OPPORTUNITY

India-US

US See-saw

Strategic Partnership

The Way Forward

Both Modi and Obama have the capacity to steer Indo-US partnership to become the defining relationship of the 21st century as Obama himself had described it during his visit to India in March 2010. Since then Obama has become a much weaker and less powerful leader on the world stage.

Modi on the other hand has just entered the international stage with the resounding support of the Indian electorate behind him.

I

ndia has been more or less off the radar screens of most major powers over the last four years since its economy started plummeting, the government became paralysed with several corruption scandals and policy making came to a grinding halt because of differences and disputes between the different coalition partners of the former United Progressive Alliance government led by Dr Manmohan Singh.

Euphoric Global Attention

The advent of the Administration led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi with a resounding single party majority at the hustings has resulted in a rapid growth of interest in courting, feting and hosting India as rarely seen in the recent past. The last time that this was visible in such stark terms was possibly in the second half of 2010 when all P-5 Members of the UN Security Council came calling on India within a short span of a few months. Those were the heydays when UPA had just won its second term with an unexpectedly stronger finishing in the elections and, notwithstanding the fact that USA continued to reel under the sub-prime mortgage lending crisis and Europe was saddled with the sovereign debt crisis with several of its economies including those of Ireland, Greece, Portugal, Spain etc staring at the abyss of defaulting on their commitments and being declared bankrupt, India’s economy was cruising smoothly at inexplicably healthy growth rate of nine per cent.

Unqualified Success

Challenges that confront PM Modi during the current month are significant and critical in terms of the impact on future foreign relations and economic development of the country than have been experienced so far. Modi will be meeting and interacting with some of the most important and significant foreign partners over a short span of around four weeks. Two

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of these visits are already over with strikingly satisfactory and encouraging outcomes. Modi’s visit to Japan was an unqualified success with several important agreements signed and promises made to invest heavily in India’s infrastructure, development and growth. The second meeting with the Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbot has also yielded the expected and desired result in the signing of the bilateral civilian nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement is particularly significant notwithstanding that India has signed such pacts with several other countries, because Australia has the largest reserves of uranium ore and exports about 7,000 tons of the ore every year. Australia has the potential to meet our requirements of nuclear fuel as we strive to move away from a carbon intense economy for energy generation to a cleaner, cheaper and more sustainable nuclear energy alternative. The visit to Japan by PM Modi came soon after his earlier bilateral visits in the sub-continent to Bhutan and Nepal which went a significant way to remove cobwebs of doubt and distrust and set our relations with these important neighbours on a sure and steady footing. Prior to this, PM Modi’s visit to Fortaleza in Brazil in July for the BRICS Summit provided him with an opportunity to interact with and get to know the most powerful leaders from the non-Western grouping particularly Russia and China with whom he will have to deal with at considerable length in the coming years.

The recent visit of the Chinese President Xi Jinping went off well and was declared a success although the much hyped Chinese investment commitment was scaled down from US$ 100 billion to US$ 20 billion. The Chumar face-off in Ladakh has also since been amicably resolved. PM Modi’s visit to Washington DC for a meeting with President Obama will be more challenging and complex, both in the setting as well as issues under discussion.

Although both USA and India are large, populous, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious, wellestablished and functioning democracies, their relations since our independence in 1947 have been rocky and full of suspicion and distrust for much of the time.

Ambassador Dennis Kux termed the two countries as “Estranged Democracies’’ which relationship was sought to be transformed and reshaped into “Engaged Democracies’’ after the nuclear tests carried out by India in May, 1998. The exception to the mutual distrust shared between the two countries during the Cold War years has been the last ten years or so starting with the visit of President Clinton in March, 2000 followed by the strong and determined push to the relationship provided by President Bush from 2001 till 2009.

The US India nuclear deal was signed at the beginning of the second term of President Bush after he had sent his Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to India immediately after she assumed charge of this position. On her return Rice declared that USA was committed to making India a “major global power”. The total commitment and support given

by President Bush to the India-US partnership during his Presidency led PM Manmohan Singh to declare to the former during his visit to Washington in 2008 that India loved him.

Although the whole world including Europe was vilifying and condemning USA and President Bush during this period for his wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, he continued to enjoy popularity ratings of more than 75 per cent in India, the highest in the world and much more than even in UK and other friendly European countries.

It is ironic that the relationship lost much of its energy and dynamism with the assumption of power by Democratic President Barack Obama in the White House in 2009.

Relations between the two countries are of course multifaceted and multi-dimensional ranging from trade, agriculture, research and investment to education, energy, technology, science and manufacturing. Ties hit a new low in December, 2013 after the Indian deputy consul general in New York was arrested and strip-searched by police after being accused of underpaying a domestic help she had brought with her from India. India’s national security adviser called the diplomat’s treatment by police, “despicable and barbaric.”

The US and India share a powerful interest in assuring a favourable balance of power in the world but more so in Asia. Much binds them together, not least the shared regional maritime and energy interests. But lofty strategic ambitions require strengthened economic, not just security, content in relations with regional states and with one another in the East Asian context.

New Initiatives

Investment is, at this point, more important than trade. It is a vote of confidence in the other country’s economy and meshes well with current needs on each side. A positive security agenda is also required through new initiatives across several areas: energy, seaborne trade, finance, the global commons and regional architecture.

The visit provides a welcome window of opportunity to both sides to put the relationship on an even keel and to lend it with the energy and dynamism which it has

been lacking for the last five years. Both the leaders have behaved in a mature and statesmanlike fashion at the change of government in India – Obama by calling Modi to congratulate him on his victory and inviting him to the White House even before the latter had been sworn in as the Prime Minister of the country and Modi, by not standing on hurt egos on account of denial of a Tourist Visa to him in 2005 because of his alleged role in the 2002 Godhra riots and readily accepting to visit the White House during his visit to USA for the UN General Assembly Session.

AMB ASHOK SAJJANHAR The writer a postgraduate in Physics from Delhi University and a career diplomat, has served as Ambassador of India to Kazakhstan, Sweden and Latvia. He has also held several significant positions in Indian Embassies in Moscow, Tehran, Geneva, Dhaka, Bangkok, Washington and Brussels.

He negotiated for India in the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. He has been an active participant in many International Seminars organised

by UNCTAD and WTO.

The United States has emphasised and underlined its keen interest in significantly enhancing its partnership with India by despatching two heavyweight members of the Obama Cabinet – John Kerry, Secretary of State and Penny Pritzker, Secretary for Commerce to meet and interact with Modi as well as the senior political leadership in India to pave the way for a substantive meeting in Washington. Kerry spent two full days in India notwithstanding the fact that ANURADHA SAJJANHAR his attention was somewhat The co-writer did her schooling diverted during this period on in Delhi, Washington, Brussels, Moscow and Bangkok. She did the Gaza crisis as well as the ISIS crisis in Iraq. USA did not her Honours in English Literature from the University of York, let the talks in Delhi flounder UK and completed her MA in although India’s decision to Sociology from the Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University. block the consensus on the Currently she is working as a Trade Facilitation Agreement Research Assistant at a premier in Geneva because of lack of think tank in New Delhi. commensurate progress on food security provisions that India is interested in, took place around the same time.

Military Supply

These visits were followed within a week by that of Chuck Hagel, the Defense Secretary who also had useful meetings with the full spectrum of India’s political leadership including Modi himself. This visit assumed even greater significance as USA has emerged as the largest supplier of armaments to India, having displaced Russia which had occupied this position since the 1960s. Hagel reiterated the keen interest of the United States to upgrade the relationship in this vital and critical area from one of purely supplying equipment and arms to that of transfer of technology and building its indigenous defence production capacities.

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WINDOW OF OPPORTUNITY

Both Modi and Obama have the capacity to steer this partnership to become the defining relationship of the 21st century as Obama himself had described it during his visit to India in March 2010. Since then Obama has become a much weaker and less powerful leader on the world stage. Modi on the other hand has just entered the international stage with the resounding support of the Indian electorate behind him.

Both countries need each other and need to strengthen and cement this partnership. Obama possibly needs Modi more at this juncture than the other way around. He also needs to demonstrate that the visit has been as successful if not more in political, strategic, economic, security and defence terms than Modi’s interactions with Abe and Xi Jinping earlier in the month. It is reported that China was determined to upstage the investment offer of US$ 35 billion by Japan by offering US$ 100 billion but finally settled for US$ 20 billion to India in the fields of energy, ports, roads, manufacturing, food processing, textiles and others. In its current difficult economic straits, this will be a tough act for USA to compete with, let alone better.

Rebalance

There are however several areas including high technology, defence, green energy, agriculture, education, political and strategic collaboration, innovation and creativity in which both sides can have mutually beneficial tie-ups. Moreover both India and USA face common threats from terrorism, from the spread of weapons of mass destruction and especially from the leakage of dangerous WMD technologies to terrorist groups. The Obama administration has been at great pains to insist that the rebalance or pivot to Asia is not simply, or even primarily, a military policy. Involving India more comprehensively in the discussion of regional and global political challenges would reinforce this point. Progress in addressing some of the many bilateral economic and trade disagreements that mar the relationship would help clear the way for ultimately getting India into the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the economic centerpiece of the rebalance.

India-US partnership is significant and important not only for the two countries. It is vital and critical for the Asian Region and indeed the whole world. Challenges to maintaining peace and growth have increased several fold after the emergence of entities like ISIS, a breakaway group of Al Qaeda whose influence and control extends beyond national borders of just one country.

Strategic Autonomy

United States would like to co-opt India in its battle for primacy with China. India is not interested in being any power’s cat’s-paw. For its own reasons and to protect its own interests however, India needs to strengthen its partnerships with like-minded countries sharing similar interests particularly to contend with the increasing assertiveness and domineering attitude of China, especially in the Asian Region. India needs to expand its political and strategic manoeuvrability and space while seeking to preserve and promote its strategic autonomy. Under these circumstances, strengthening ties with USA and also with Japan, Vietnam, Australia, South Korea etc has an incontrovertible and unassailable logic. China’s aggressive and hostile posture on its land boundary with India and its maritime disputes with Japan and Vietnam, Philippines etc on the East and South China

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DSA 5th anniversary

BREAKING THE IMPASSE

Seas, respectively, are reasons enough for these countries to come together. The quadrilateral relationship between USA, India, Japan and Australia provides a useful forum to share views and coordinate positions to promote peace, security and mutual understanding in the region. India has simultaneously made it clear that its relations with any country are not directed against any third country.

Transformational Cooperation

The past decade has witnessed a transformation in US-India defence and security cooperation. The United States conducts more military exercises with India than any other country in the world. Washington and New Delhi have inked defence deals worth over US$ 9 billion over the past six years for equipment ranging from ultra-lightweight howitzers to heavy-lift helicopters.

Joint trainings and exchanges of defence personnel have become routine. Homeland security and counter-terrorism initiatives and working groups have been established. The US-India defence partnership is thriving, but its full promise remains unrealised. By expanding defence cooperation in a manner that is transformational but not transactional, Washington and New Delhi can promote a zone of stability in an otherwise increasingly volatile part of the world.

The recent decision by the Modi government to increase FDI in defence sector to 49 per cent from the existing 26 per cent is a step in the right direction and will give confidence to foreign companies including from the US regarding the pace and direction in which the Indian government is determined to proceed. The government also enhanced its defence spending for the current year in its first budget by 12 per cent to US$ 38 billion.

Afghanistan Imbroglio

The two leaders will also need to have a serious dialogue on the emerging geostrategic and geopolitical situation, not only as a result of the rise of ISIS but also on account of the withdrawal of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan by the end of this year. India has significant security and economic interests in Afghanistan and it would like that a strong, stable, secular, democratic and inclusive dispensation takes over in the country after Karzai. The conduct and the growing denouements of the Afghan Presidential elections which took place on 5th April, 2014 had become a source of great anxiety and concern. It seems the dispute has now been settled with both presidential candidates agreeing to share power and work together in the interest of their beleaguered nation.

Issues like reform of the IMF and World Bank, India’s Intellectual Property Regime, India’s membership of the UN Security Council, US Immigration Laws, transfer of technology, India’s membership of NSG and other international nuclear regulatory regimes, cooperation in education, increased US investment in the Indian market etc will be high on the agenda in the discussions between the two leaders. It would be a measure of the maturity and statesmanship of the two leaders to ensure that positive, far reaching and mutually beneficial decisions are taken on all these and other critical issues. Discussions during this visit will determine the contours not only of bilateral relations, but also of security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region and the world for many years to come.

AIR MARSHAL DHIRAJ KUKREJA PVSM, AVSM, VSM, ADC (RETD)

India-US Strategic Relations A Revival

India is once again working to present itself as a growing power, open for business anew, through good governance and putting the economy on track. The recently concluded Strategic Dialogue, during the visit of Secretary of State, John Kerry, may not have brought the desired results for USA, because of some hard-talk by India, has, however, given an occasion for the two nations to reformat their foreign policy.

R

elations between India and USA have seldom been easy; they can be described as abrasive, at one end of the spectrum, frequently soured by divergent perceptions, to being ‘natural partners’, at the other end of the spectrum. Historically, USA was indifferent to India’s independence struggle, even though it was against colonialism. From the midnight when India began its ‘tryst with destiny’, more than six decades ago, representatives of both countries – the world’s oldest democracy and the world’s largest democracy – have sat across hundreds of negotiating tables, hoping to find a friendly response for their proposed solutions to the world’s problems. Seldom have the representatives returned with a sense of fulfilment.

The turn in the relations came about in the 1990s and rested on three foundations. The first was the acceleration of India’s economic growth, when in 1991, India changed from a rather slow-moving and inward-looking economy, based primarily on agriculture, to one looking out to the world and embracing the policies and practices of the Western nations to morph into one of the fastest-growing economies.

Next, in chronological order, came the end of the Cold War, when India played the main role of leading a non-aligned group, signalling an end to the two power blocs that had dominated world politics for many years after WW II. Lastly,

The writer retired as the AOC-in-C of Training Command, IAF on 29 February 2012. A pilot by profession, he has flown various fighter and transport aircraft. In his long stint in the air force of about 40 years, he has held many operational and staff appointments. Prior to taking over as the AOC-in-C, he was the Deputy Chief (Operations) in HQ IDS. He has commanded a premier transport squadron in the Northern Sector, Air Force Station, Yelahanka – the main transport training base of the IAF and the Air Force Academy at Hyderabad. He is the first air force officer to have undergone an International Fellowship at the National Defense University, Washington DC, USA. He is a postgraduate in ‘National Security Strategy’ from National War College, USA.

the prosperity and contribution of the Indian community in USA, to the American society, created new relations between the two nations, both within and outside the coverage of the respective governments.

Beginning Of Serious Business

Against this background, India and USA laid the fundamentals for building a serious bilateral relationship; trade between the two nations increased with USA becoming India’s largest trading partner; Indian information technology industries proliferated in USA and almost 80,000 Indian students went over to American universities. The two governments also engaged themselves for some serious business. For the first time, India and the United States developed a serious security relationship, with regular military contacts, a sophisticated strategic dialogue and the beginnings of military trade, overcoming taboos that had inhibited ties between them in the past. The expansion of bilateral ties is a big success story and this is what the two nations have to pursue if they are to make their ‘strategic partnership’ as a centrepiece of a common vision of the world.

Development Of The Relationship

Except for a brief period when President Kennedy was at the helm in the early 1960s, India was never on the US radar for any long period. The 1962 Sino-Indian War was

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BREAKING THE IMPASSE

perceived as a Cold War threat by USA and it responded promptly with generous aid of military equipment and despatch of military advisers. The relations between the two nations soared to new heights; India and USA became de facto partners in the Cold War. The newfound bonhomie extended for another three years, until 1965, with the Indo-Pak War ending the relationship abruptly and acrimoniously. India, soon thereafter, returned to the folds of non-alignment vigorously and the general mistrust between the nations, once again, translated into widely divergent views about their national security interests.

In the aftermath of the disintegration of USSR, containing communism was no longer the prime concern of USA. The emergence of new threats in the form of the spread of radical Islamist-backed terrorism and a defiant, economically strong China made USA look towards India as a counter in Asia. India too, after some soul-searching, carried out an appraisal of its foreign policy, leading to better relations with NATO members and other nations, both in the West and East. While India continues to propagate non-alignment and emphasises that good relations with one nation cannot be at the cost of another, the other nations too, more so USA, have observed, appreciated and understood India’s stand in foreign relations.

India’s unique geographic location placed it on the calculus of the US security strategy. The current relationship is in consonance with common strategic goals of both nations, namely, tackling global terrorism, securing the Sea-lanes of Communication (SLOCs) in the Indian Ocean, climate change and containing China’s challenge, among other issues.

In a globalised world, however, such a relationship cannot be without its fair share of disagreements, nor can it be limited to just bilateral relations. While India is recognised as a strategic partner in America’s broader engagement with Asia, it is only on issues where the interests of the two nations converge.

Differences of opinion are, however, resolved, as and when they arise, through a healthy, open and sometimes a vigorous public debate, as happened recently during the visit of the Secretary of State, John Kerry, in early August 2014.

Given the outcome of recent events and some statements of the US government, sceptics often express doubts on whether the relations between the two nations have reached a plateau. There are challenges that emerge in various fields, but the successes are also significant. Trade between the two nations has increased almost five-fold in the period 2000-12, touching around US$ 100 billion; a thriving defence relationship has arisen, founded on a common strategic vision; there is commitment to expand the partnership in the fields of education, innovation, intelligence sharing, space cooperation, transfer of high and dual-use technology – fields that were once considered barred

by USA, in so far as India was concerned.

The process of engaging India suffered once again after the nuclear tests by India, but picked up steam under President Clinton and accelerated further under President George Bush.

India, once again, came into America’s sights as a growing regional power – the same India that was under US sanctions, until some years ago, for its nuclear tests and Except for a brief period when slow pace of economic liberalisation.

President Kennedy was at the The sounds emanating from the helm in the early 1960s, India White House changed from a new bilateral relationship to a strategic was never on the US radar partnership.

What Lies Ahead

Given what the two nations have accomplished in developing their relationship, what should be their future plans to drive the relationship further? With USA having been hit hard by the economic slowdown, it for any long period. The 1962 is looking for enhancing trade with Strategic Partnership Sino-Indian War was perceived India; Vice President Biden, during USA could never digest the fact a visit in 2013, articulated a vision as a Cold War threat by USA of half a trillion dollars of bilateral that India had become a nuclear power on its own capabilities. It and it responded promptly trade! Alongside, USA also wants a business environment that is more was also concerned that India had with generous aid of military open and transparent and investor not agreed to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) equipment and despatch of friendly. Additionally, it wants stringent enforcement of intellectual and hence, ensured its isolation from military advisers property and patent protection for the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). the benefit of not just US companies, Today, however, the US perception of India differs greatly from what it was at the turn of the but also Indian entrepreneurs. USA is also ready to further century. It views India as a growing world power, which shares cooperation in tackling counter-terrorism, intelligence and common strategic interests with USA. law-enforcement, Service-to-Service partnership to keep SLOCs in the Indian Ocean safe and co-development and The turnaround came after the terrorist attacks in New York co-production of defence platforms. on 11 September 2001, when India supported the Global War on Terror and shared vital intelligence inputs with USA on Economic Connectivity the perpetrators of the dastardly attack. President Bush lifted Sustaining good bilateral relations is not enough in a shrunken, sanctions imposed in 1998, after he realised the futility of globalised world. USA recognises India as an essential partner such sanctions. Subsequent to a meeting between President in its wide-ranging engagement with Asia, in particular and Bush and Prime Minister Vajpayee, in November 2001, the world at large. USA wants India to be actively involved cooperation increased between the two nations and in in Afghanistan once its troops withdraw from that country, January 2004, USA and India launched the Next Steps in to secure the economies of South and Central Asia; with Strategic Partnership (NSSP); this became a blueprint for India’s initiative, USA wants to seize the opportunity presented by Myanmar’s opening, to connect South and further cooperation and continues till date.

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South-east Asia into an integrated economic landscape. The ulterior motive behind all these actions is to contain China, which is also in synergy with India’s motive.

India is once again working to present itself as a growing power, open for business anew, through good governance and putting the economy on track. The recently concluded Strategic Dialogue, during the visit of Secretary of State, John Kerry, may not have brought the desired results for USA, because of some hard-talk by India, has, however, given an occasion for the two nations to reformat their foreign policy, apropos each other. An example of the agenda for the two nations can be as follows: The future of Af-Pak, the spread of extremism consequent to Pakistan Army’s operations in North Waziristan, the new threat of ISIS, China’s expansionism, Japan’s economic and military revival and territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

The demands from both sides remain the same; India wants technology and capital; USA wants access, transparency and stronger intellectual property rights.

India wants a fresh impetus to defence relations, with trade and technology initiative; USA would like to see a serious relook by India at its Nuclear Liability Law of 2010, which has hampered the growth of the Indian nuclear sector.

The spate of recent visits are a precursor to Prime Minister Modi’s forthcoming meeting with President Obama during his trip to USA in September (meeting will be over by the time this edition comes out). Some tentative steps to restore sentiment and exude positive energy, have been taken; more needs to be done by both nations.

Breaking The Impasses

The relationship, which had a zing earlier, now looks as a run-of-the-mill drab affair; both nations, therefore, have to work overtime to get that zing back. Two disconnects FDI In Defence in their policy are complicating this task. First, despite the The new Indian government, which has put policy paralysis changes in its foreign policy, India remains attached to the and poor governance behind it, is quite clear about the role notion of strategic autonomy, meaning that no country that USA can play in India’s transformation, especially in the should appear to have undue influence on India’s foreign defence sector. The visit of Secretary policy. This shows in India’s of Defense, Chuck Hagel to India reluctance to work too closely The turnaround came after the with USA in an international early August, came just after the announcement of the increase terrorist attacks in New York setting, lest it be seen as being in in FDI in defence production ‘US camp’. Second, for obvious on 11 September 2001, when the to 49 per cent, albeit with some reasons, India’s priority has been restrictive clauses. As a first step India supported the Global on bilateral issues, whereas for to reignite defence cooperation the big prize it has War on Terror and shared vital America, between the two nations, it has been looking for is India’s active intelligence inputs with USA involvement in global issues. been decided to ‘co-develop and co-produce’ state-of-the-art defence on the perpetrators of the systems in India. Notwithstanding This underlines the need dastardly attack the clauses of the FDI policy, India to develop a new model for would like to see a fillip to its partnership. For America, most indigenisation effort to get off the embarrassing pedestal partners have started out with a common security vision, of being the world’s largest importer of defence products. often dictated by USA itself and the bilateral relationship The USA, on the other hand, would like to build upon the has then been built on this basis. Moreover, in most US$ 10 billion defence trade of the last decade through the aspects, USA has been the dominant partner. With India, sale of Apache and Chinook helicopters, anti-tank missiles things are the other way around; bilateral issues have come and howitzers. It, thus, would be able to maintain its position first and India is not prepared to enter into an unequal of being the world’s largest arms exporter, while in addition relationship. A new model, based on equality, mutual diverting India’s defence acquisition imports from other trust and on a willingness to recognise both similarities nations to USA. In order to ensure India’s commitment to and differences, has to be built over time. purchase from USA, it has bent over backwards to ignore its own agreements like the CISMOA (Communications USA, hence, needs to assist India to move into global Interoperability and Security Memorandum of and regional councils of leadership, rather than just be Agreement), LSA (Logistics Support Agreement), invited as an observer or a special invitee; this would BECA (Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for take India’s ideas and leadership credentials to the world Geo-Spatial Cooperation) and some others, which India has stage while portraying its serious involvement to confront been steadfastly refusing to sign. the big problems facing the world.

India, after the general elections, is in a relative comfort zone with the days of a weak and indecisive government behind it; USA goes in for mid-term elections in November this year; it is in India’s interest to move fast to break the impasse. Strategic relations between the two nations can become a stabilising factor in the world, if based on mutual trust and respect.

In the words of Karl Inderfurth, “... after decades of being estranged democracies, US and India have entered a new era that can best be described as engaged democracies”.

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DSA 5th anniversary

MUSCLE FLEXING ‘Pivot’ Transformed To ‘Rebalancing’

The United States took for granted support of Japan, Australia, South Korea and the Philippines to its new strategy, was rather unimpressed with the low-key Indian response to it and was palpably concerned over the pungent Chinese reaction to it.

Consequently, “pivot to Asia” had to undergo a terminological surgery and it became “Rebalancing” strategy. Moreover, the Obama Administration cleverly defined “rebalancing” in economic, geographic and military terms.

The ongoing discussion to establish a “Trans-Pacific Partnership” (TPP) was paraded as part of the Asia “rebalancing”. What is significant is absence of India as well as China in the negotiations aimed at establishing the TPP. What is more curious, however, is a parallel effort to establish RCEP or Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership where the US absence is conspicuous and China and India are part of it!

India, US And The “Pivot to Asia”

The ongoing discussion to establish a “Trans-Pacific Partnership” (TPP) was paraded as part of the Asia “rebalancing”. What is significant is absence of India as well as China in the negotiations aimed at establishing the TPP. What is more curious, however, is a parallel effort to establish Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) where the US absence is conspicuous and China and India are part of it!

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he Obama Administration’s decision to refocus its strategic attention on Asia has drawn global attention and has sparked a debate around the world. Some countries, particularly traditional American allies in Asia, delightfully greeted it, while American allies in Europe wearily expressed their apprehension.

Those who hailed the American decision in Asia wanted Washington to end its perceived neglect of the Asia-Pacific and wrap up its excess attention to the Middle Eastern events.

The second reason was, of course, the unprecedented rise of China, Beijing’s disregard of its earlier mantra of a “peaceful rise” and military muscle flexing to assert sovereignty over disputed territories in South China Sea and East China Sea. Those who felt anxious in Europe due to announcement of a “pivot to Asia” strategy did so due to fear that Washington would stop paying high level attention to Europe in the wake of the Euro Zone financial crisis even after terminating military interventions in West and Southwest Asia.

China, on the other hand, saw in the “pivot to Asia” doctrine nothing but a new American strategy to contain the rise of China to prevent a new rival to challenge the US supremacy in the Asia-Pacific. The Chinese Defence Minister flew to Washington and openly raised his country’s concerns.

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India’s voice on the emerging “pivot to Asia” strategy was rather low, although the UPA government took note of US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta’s statement that India would be a “linchpin” of the emerging US strategy towards Asia.

The geographic dimension of the pivot or rebalancing strategy is marked by coinage of a new geopolitical strategic construct called the “Indo-Pacific”. The Pentagon began to articulate this construct more frequently in recent times and slowly it has entered the lexicon of current debate on geopolitical issues. The term “Indo-Pacific” is not new and has been in use for decades by countries as well as international organisations. But using it as a geopolitical construct by the US strategic planners is certainly a new development. For long, the US had a clear-cut strategic plan for Asia-Pacific security. Varied range of regional organisations, such as APEC, ARF, EAS and many others used Asia-Pacific as the central focus of their activities.

Cold War emerging between the US and Russia on the issue of political developments in Ukraine. While the US along with the reluctant Europeans has imposed sanctions on Russia for annexing Crimea and supporting rebel groups in Eastern Ukraine and raised the ante by accusing Moscow of waging a hybrid war, President Vladimir Putin of Russia has brandished his nuclear arsenal. The language of accusations and counter-accusations and the pitch of their mutual rhetoric are reminiscent of the Cold War years. Inability of the US to prevent or punish Russian annexation of Crimea appears to have emboldened Russia. So does the excessive energy dependence of Europe on Russia. But battle lines are being drawn and while now full scale war is impossible due to fear of escalation into nuclear exchange, Cold War type manoeuvrings and tensions have come to stay.

PROF C MAHAPATRA The writer is currently Chairperson of the Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, JNU. He was recently Tagore Chair Professor at Yunnan University of China and previously an Advanced Seminar Fellow at University of Maryland and Commonwealth Scholar at University of London.

He regularly lectures at military training institutions, foreign service training institute and academic staff colleges. He has written extensively in the form of books, journal articles, newspaper commentaries and web articles on international affairs. He is also a frequent commentator on audio-visual media.

The days of talks on “disappearance of the Soviet threat” During all those years, Indian Ocean was a strategic are gone, even as Russia has systematically begun to show its backwater. The US military diplomatic prowess as well in areas presence in the Indian Ocean the US is deeply involved.

The militar y dimension where notwithstanding, Washington One such example is the Russian had assigned low priority to this of the “pivot to Asia” position on the Iranian nuclear ocean. However, rising importance Moscow just does not want strategy emphasises further issue. of Indian Ocean for global Iran to be punished in the absence strengthening of US military of credible evidence that Tehran is trade and particularly growing importance of it to Chinese nuclear bomb. It stands in ties with traditional allies, building commerce have enhanced its the way of harsh sanctions regime enhancing cooperation with proposed by Washington. On the global strategic significance. The US thus began to include the two new strategic partners, such question of Syrian civil war too, oceans − Indian and the Pacific Moscow fully backed the Assad as India and Vietnam and regime and one consequence of that − in a new geopolitical construct around the same time it articulated redeployment of the US naval was Washington’s unwillingness its “pivot to Asia” strategy. to implement its own “Red Line” assets in the region on the question of use of chemical Military Dimension weapons.

The military dimension of the “pivot to Asia” strategy emphasises further strengthening of US military ties The ISIS Factor with traditional allies, enhancing cooperation with The much bigger headache for the United States, nonetheless, new strategic partners, such as India and Vietnam and has now come from ISIS or Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. This redeployment of the US naval assets in the region which group is a non-state actor and threatens the US plan to indulge clearly meant relative reduction of US naval presence in rebalancing the forces in the Asia Pacific. The whole idea in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. of pivot to Asia was based on the assessment that winding up US intervention in Iraq and subsequently Afghanistan would While the Pentagon and the State Department officials have free enormous amount of resources and diplomatic-political been repeatedly emphasising the new strategy, doubts have been energy for the US to focus on a region – Indo-Pacific − that raised in the United States and elsewhere about the feasibility would determine the real health of the US economy. To of its implementation in view of serious developments in the energetically implement the pivot to Asia strategy, the US did Middle East and Eurasia. There appears to be a new not get physically involved in the Arab Spring, refrained from

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MUSCLE FLEXING

leading the operation aimed at removing Libya’s strongman Gaddafi and hesitated to fully back the Syrian opposition.

However, the territorial gains of the ISIS, its brutal ways of executing the opponents, including US citizens and its plan to expand the role and influence of the caliphate to the vast world of Sunni Islam seem to have forced the US to pivot back to the Middle East. The ISIS has been described as the biggest threat now. The US has encouraged the NATO members to develop a coordinated strategy to deal with this menace and is also striving hard to establish a broad coalition of regional partners. In the meantime, the remnants of Osama bin Laden’s followers in Al Qaeda have planned to reinforce their presence with activities in the Indian subcontinent. They have fallen out with ISIS and seem to have been encouraged by the US plan to exit from Afghanistan. Can the US close its eyes to this deadly threat from non-state actors?

Rebalancing Imperatives

economic reforms dashed to the ground all possibilities of a strong Indo-US strategic partnership. The US hope of using India as a linchpin of its pivot to Asia strategy too got a blow when the diplomatic spat on the Devyani Khobragade episode led the mutual trust level to all time low in post-Cold War history of Indo-US relations.

What would then happen to Asia pivot? What position Nonetheless, a spectacular victory of the BJP in last should India take? Frankly, the excessive attention of the national election and formation of a government under the US administration to current menace in the Middle East charismatic leadership of Narendra Modi has rekindled the and the emerging challenge from a resurgent Russia cannot US hope to put the “strategic partnership” project back on the prevent the US from implementing rail. Soon after his election victory, the Asia “rebalancing” strategy.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi It may delay its implementation, The days of talks on received a phone call from but cannot deny it. First of all, President Obama and was invited “disappearance of the Soviet to Washington. Most of the stalled Indo-Pacific is increasingly becoming the hub of economic threat” are gone, even as bilateral dialogues, including energy activities and its relevance to US and strategic dialogues, resumed.

Russia has systematically Cabinet level officials, Secretary of economy will only grow in coming times. Secondly, the US already has begun to show its diplomatic State, Secretary of Commerce and a robust military presence in the of Defense, among many prowess as well in areas Secretary region and what is needed is some others, have visited Delhi and met more reinforcement rather than where the US is deeply the new Indian Prime Minister. brand new deployments. Thirdly, involved. One such example China’s growing assertions in While promptly giving his is the Russian position on the consent to visit Washington, recent times have threatened US ties with its traditional Asian Prime Minister Modi has sprung Iranian nuclear issue allies. Most of the American many surprises in his foreign policy allies have developed enormous initiatives. His invitation to SAARC stake in China’s economic machine and would not like leaders to attend his inaugural ceremony, first foreign visit to take sides in any US-China spat. Unless the US shows to Bhutan, receiving the Chinese Foreign Minister during its determination to protect the “sovereignty” of its the early days of his new office, his attendance in the BRICS allies, they are likely to willy-nilly drift towards China. summit to meet Russian leader Putin and Chinese leader It would be a big loss to the US and no government in Xi Jinping, his highly successful visit to Japan and welcoming Washington can sit idly when such momentum picks up. the Australian Prime Minister to India all indicate that Modi is unlikely to put all his eggs in any one foreign country’s bag.

Thus the pivot to Asia strategy is almost certainly going to be implemented despite the current distractions in other It is clear that Modi is not a personality that would come regions of the world. India under the UPA Administration under subtle or overt pressure of any foreign country. It successfully promoted the idea of a robust strategic partnership was demonstrated in his government’s refusal to accept US with the United States. Conclusion of a civil nuclear Secretary of State John Kerry’s persuasive suggestion to vote cooperation agreement and signing of a defence framework in favour of the FTA in the WTO negotiations. However, it agreement were the two important pillars of Indo-US strategic is also clear that Modi’s agenda is to make India a strong partnership. American support to Indian membership in as well as prosperous nation. When he visited Washington the permanent seats of a reformed UN Security Council and in September for his first summit with US President nonproliferation regimes, such as MTCR and NSG held the Barack Obama, he extended his cooperation with the US promise to make the strategic partnership rock-solid. on all such issues, including security and economic, that would make India a strong, prosperous and respectable However, non-implementation of the agreements nation in the world. Modi government will also most and promises coupled with a non-functional coalition likely make a serious study on the “pivot to Asia” strategy government in Delhi unable to push forward expected before taking a final call on it.

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Industry Monitor

Industry Monitor

Akash missiles deployed in north-east

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efence ministry sources have confirmed that after deploying Sukhoi-30 MKI fighters, India has now started deploying Akash surface-to-air missiles to deter Chinese jets, helicopters and drones against any misadventure in the region.

Dr Vivek Lall joins General Atomics, USA

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r Vivek Lall has recently joined the US-based global defence and nuclear giant General Atomics as the global Chief Executive for international Commercial Strategic Development for General Atomics Electromagnetic Systems, USA.

BAE Systems revives howitzer offer

General Atomics is best known for manufacturing one of the most important tools in modern warfare: the Predator. Founded originally in 1955, General Atomics (“GA”) and its affiliated companies now constitute one of the world's leading resources for high-technology systems ranging from the nuclear fuel cycle to electromagnetic systems, remotely operated surveillance aircraft, airborne sensors and advanced electronic, wireless and laser technologies.

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efence major BAE Systems has revived the M-777 ultra-light howitzer (ULH) offer for supply of 145 guns to India and has conveyed to the defence ministry that BAE Systems would comply with the direct offset rules. The acquisition of the ULH artillery guns is crucial for the Indian Army’s defence plans for the areas bordering China in northern sector and north-east India for mountain warfare.

Tata-Agusta venture okayed

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gustaWestland and Tata group joint venture Indian Rotorcraft Limited has received green signal to commence assembling / production of AW 119 Kx helicopters. The clearance was delayed due to ongoing legal investigations but the green signal was given after a settlement between Italian prosecutors and Finmeccanica, the parent company of AgustaWestland.

Indian Navy commissions VLF transmitting station

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INS Kamorta commissioned

ndia’s first home-built stealth anti-submarine warfare (ASW) corvette INS Kamorta was commissioned by Defence Minister Arun Jaitley. Ninety per cent indigenous warship INS Kamorta has been built by Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers.

It is the first of four ASW stealth corvettes designed by Indian Navy’s in-house unit, Directorate of Naval Design.

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ndia joins the elite club of handful of nations having the capability to pass on orders to nuclear submarines on long-range deterrent patrols. The state-of-the-art very low frequency (VLF) transmitting station was commissioned at INS Kattabomman in Tirunelveli (Tamil Nadu) by Navy chief Admiral RK Dhowan. The new facility will boost the ability to communicate with submarines that have trailing wire antenna to pick up coded VLF radio waves on an uninterrupted basis throughout the year.

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Industry Monitor

Industry Monitor

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Barak AMD Systems for Indian Navy

Airbus A-400M Tanker

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he new generation Airbus A-400M has successfully demonstrated extraordinary air-to-air refuelling capability. With a basic fuel capability of 50.8 tonnes which can be increased by the use of extra cargo hold tanks, the A-400M is the most capable tactical tanker in the industry. Designed from the outset to be a dual-role transport and tanker aircraft, the A-400M provides air forces around the world with a cost-effective way to acquire an air-to-air refuelling capability in addition to a versatile, logistic and tactical airlifter.

he government of India Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) has cleared the acquisition of Israeli Barak AMD Systems for the Indian Navy. Barak-I anti-missile defence systems are fitted on 14 frontline warships such as aircraft carrier INS Virat, guided missile destroyers like INS Mysore and Shivalik class stealth frigates. Barak AMD system intercepts hostile incoming sea-skimming missiles at 9 km range. Next generation Barak systems (70 km range) are being developed in joint Israel-DRDO project for Indian Air Force and Indian Navy.

Cargo Pocket ISR

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cientists and researchers at the US Army Natick Soldier Research Development and Engineering Center are developing a pocket size aerial surveillance device for soldiers and small units operating in hostile and challenging ground environment. The Cargo Pocket ISR is expected to provide an integrated capability for the soldier and small unit for increased situational awareness and understanding with negligible impact on soldier load and agility.

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Fire-on-the-move PASEO

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agem has designed PASEO, the latest generation of modular advanced panoramic sight to improve the survivability and fighting capabilities of the Infantry Fighting Vehicles (IFVs) and Main Battle Tanks (MBTs). Highly versatile PASEO is perfectly suited to 30-125 mm Gunner and Commander’s applications as well as Forward Observation Artillery. Effective day and night, it provides a true fire-on-the-move capability with a high first round hit probability whether on static or moving targets. Designed to meet the various requirements of modern warfare, symmetric or asymmetric, PASEO provides unique features to increase the situation awareness for armoured and surveillance vehicles.

General Dynamics Corp to build armoured vehicles for British Army

DARPA selects Rockwell

efence Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) has selected Sandia National Laboratories and Rockwell Collins for Phase 3 of DARPA Mesodynamic Architectures Programme. The project aims to research light-to-sound conversion in ultra-small optical waveguides and develop future system capabilities beyond those attainable with existing technology. The new technologies enable secure communication, intelligence and reconnaissance capabilities in small, low-cost packages.

LCA indigenisation T

he Scientific Adviser to the Defence Minister, Mr Avinash Chander has confirmed that 165 out of 344 Line Replacement Units (LRUs) are made in India and it is possible to ensure that the indigenous content of the components used in India’s prestigious Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) touches 80 per cent in the next three years.

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he British defence ministry has awarded a contract worth £ 3.5 billion (US$ 5.76 billion) to General Dynamics Corp for building Scout Specialist Armoured Vehicles. This is the largest order for such equipment in almost three decades.

Tata-Honeywell

defence navigator

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ata Power SED, defence engineering unit of Tata Power has signed an agreement with Honeywell to produce Tactical Advanced Land Inertial Navigator. TALIN will offer the Indian Armed Forces a state-of-the-art inertial navigation technology, made in India and the local product support. TALIN enables precision navigation for vehicles and artillery movement, even where GPS satellite guidance is limited or unavailable in far-flung and difficult terrains.

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RESTORATION new dispensation in India approach the discussions?

Second, what would be the implications of the lengthy American visa denial to Narendra Modi on relations with the United States? Third, will this round of dialogue bring about major breakthroughs for bilateral relations? Fourth, what are the key issues engaging both sides?

Enhancing Security Imperatives

Indo-US Relations Has Progress Stalled?

India, despite persistent efforts, has been unable to do away with viewing the United States through the cold war lenses of distrust and suspicion. Sections of India’s decision-making community believe that the United States needs India more than the other way around. They also espouse that closer ties with the United States would impinge on India’s strategic autonomy especially on relations with China.

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he euphoria generated by the rapprochement in bilateral relations, at the turn of the 21st century, accentuated further by the signing of the landmark nuclear deal led India and the United States to establish a Strategic Dialogue in June 2010 to serve as a platform for collaboration in a number of mutually convergent areas. At the time, the United States saw India as a responsible partner in promoting democracy and as a huge market for doing business. On the other hand, India saw this as an opportunity to remove the cobwebs of cold war antagonism by making the world’s foremost power a partner which in turn would provide increased strategic leverage in the immediate region. This fits in perfectly into India’s aspirations of being viewed as a rising power in the international community.

Challenges

However, developments in the recent past have left both sides disillusioned. The United States has been apprehensive of India’s nuclear liability law thereby stalling any potential deals for American companies to build nuclear reactors.

Further it has expressed repeated displeasure at the economic barriers imposed by India in key sectors including agriculture, retail, insurance and defence. Significantly, the United States perceives growing reluctance on India’s part to be a junior partner on global issues such as nuclear non-proliferation efforts and in promoting democracy through regime change. In addition, its preoccupation

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with pressing issues including building stability in Afghanistan and Iraq; nuclear wrangling with Iran; unrest in Syria and Gaza has also contributed to shifting US strategic lenses away from India.

Meanwhile, India, despite persistent efforts, has been unable to do away with viewing the United States through the cold war lenses of distrust and suspicion. Sections of India’s decision-making community believe that the United States needs India more than the other way around. They also espouse that closer ties with the United States would impinge on India’s strategic autonomy especially on relations with China. This group believes that the United States has always dominated its strategic partners − ranging from Japan, South Korea, United Kingdom and Australia − ultimately leading to a convergence of their respective worldview with the American worldview. They have also emphasised that the United States has a track record of pursuing its own national interests even if it’s at the cost of its partner’s interests. Hence, their considerable opposition to developing rapid linkages has impacted bilateral relations.

Strategic Dialogue

As John Kerry, US Secretary of State and Penny Pritzker, US Commerce Secretary arrived in India to initiate the 5th round of dialogue with Sushma Swaraj, India’s External Affairs Minister and Nirmala Sitharaman, MoS Commerce; several critical questions emerged. First, how would the

Secretary Kerry focused on the common responsibility for both sides to protect and promote democracies in a 21st century that, he claimed, will be defined by competing models of governance. Both sides have also committed to work together to maintain regional stability in South Asia.

They have reaffirmed their commitment to jointly support other partner countries, including through agriculture management projects in Kenya, Liberia and Malawi and Open Government Platforms in Rwanda and Ghana. They have emphasised the need for India, the United States and Japan to work together to build transport and trade connectivity between South Asia and ASEAN, via Myanmar, including by developing economic corridors. Further, both have stressed on providing autonomy while ensuring sovereignty in Afghanistan. They have also pledged to work towards strengthening the electoral process in an effort to usher political stability. In addition, both countries have reaffirmed their commitment to ensure that the UNSC continues to effectively play its role in maintaining international peace and security as envisioned in the UN Charter. Secretary Kerry also mentioned that the United States looks forward to a reformed UNSC that includes India as a permanent member.

The two leaders expressed their intention to upgrade the existing dialogue on Peacekeeping into a broader dialogue on UN issues, the first round of which India offered to host prior to the UN General Assembly session in September 2014.

Finally, both countries have indicated a convergence of perspectives in expressing concern over the deteriorating security environment and calling for immediate cessation of violence in Iraq, Syria, Gaza and Israel.

Countering Terrorism

Both sides have expressed desire to intensify efforts to combat terrorism, proliferation of WMDs, nuclear terrorism, cross-border crime and the misuse of the Internet for terrorist purposes, in compliance with respective laws.

Further, both sides have placed confidence in the upcoming Counter-Terrorism Joint Working Group and Ministerial Homeland Security Dialogue, where sustained exchanges of senior experts takes place, to work out specificities. To

discuss ways to improve mutual legal assistance and extradition processes, both countries have agreed to have their Central Authorities meet. They condemned terrorism in all its forms and reaffirmed their commitment to eliminating safe havens and infrastructure and disrupting networks including Al-Qaida and the Lashkar-e-Taiba.

Both sides, once again, called for Pakistan to work toward bringing the perpetrators of the November 2008 Mumbai attacks to justice. However, India has been considerably disappointed with the United States for not doing enough on Pakistan’s proxy war against it.

Nuclear Security

DR VENKAT LOKANATHAN The writer is Assistant Professor and Coordinator of the Master’s Programme in Political Science at St Joseph’s College (Autonomous), Bangalore.

He is a visiting faculty at the Indian Institute of Management, Indore. He is currently exploring the alternative discourse of threats for peace in South Asia with specific focus on US Foreign Policy in the region and matters relating to India’s national security. He has a PhD in American Studies from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Both sides have welcomed progress in the bilateral dialogue on nuclear security regulatory processes. While efforts, since November 2010, towards India’s phased entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Wassenaar Arrangement and the Australia Group has been reviewed, they have not provided specific details on the process and timeline by when this will be completed.

Economic Cooperation

The United States has welcomed raised foreign investment ceilings in several sectors of the Indian economy, including defence, railways, e-commerce and insurance. Both sides have also agreed to empower the CEO Forum to build a better business environment. Secretary Kerry has spoken about the potential for doing business especially since American companies lead in key sectors that India wants to grow in: High-end manufacturing in infrastructure, healthcare and information technology. However, he has added that barriers in trade such as tariffs or price controls or preferential treatment for certain products in large, influential markets can be broken down. He saw a convergence on this with the Modi government’s vision of inclusive development. India was also successful in delineating the discussions on divergences between both sides, especially on trade and economic issues, away from the present dialogue by discussing the scheduling of the commercial dialogue, ministerial trade policy forum and other bilateral dialogue mechanisms.

Science And Technology

Both sides have agreed that India would host the next round of the High Technology Cooperation Group. Sushma Swaraj welcomed the United States as a partner country, for the first time, at India’s annual Technology Summit in November 2014.

Both countries are keenly awaiting the next bilateral Joint Science and Technology Committee meeting immediately preceding that event. They have welcomed the establishment of India’s Global Centre for Nuclear Energy Partnership (GCNEP). They have urged expedited agreements and

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military exercises, defence trade, co-production, co-development and research on new technologies for defence, in keeping with the Summit-level Joint Declaration on Defence Cooperation issued in September 2013. Subsequently, Secretary Hagel during his visit hoped for the US to partner with India as it modernises its military. He significantly acknowledged that the defence relationship must be result-oriented and do more to transform cooperation from simply buying and selling to co-production, co-development and freer exchange of technology as evinced

by India. In meetings with top Indian leaders he pressed for broader coordination in new weapons production, including Energy Security Secretary Kerry has stressed on how both sides could work a pilot plan to jointly develop the next-generation Javelin on the economic opportunities provided by renewable energy anti-tank missile. He also pointed out that closer defence towards meeting the challenges posed by climate change. cooperation with the United States will not create an obstacle Both sides have welcomed work for India to improve relations with under the Partnership to Advance China. Seconding the observations Interestingly, it appeared that made during the 5th strategic Clean Energy (PACE) in its Research and Deployment components. They Secretary Hagel was distracted dialogue, he urged for increased have reviewed the new initiative on security cooperation between for a part of his visit with India, US and Japan. Interestingly, Promoting Energy Access through Clean Energy (PEACE) in bringing developments evolving rapidly it appeared that Secretary Hagel Indian citizens in rural areas access distracted for a part of his visit in Iraq as the US prepared for was to off-grid sources of clean energy. with developments evolving rapidly They have welcomed outcomes air strikes and humanitarian in Iraq as the US prepared for air facilitated by the Joint Clean Energy and humanitarian supply supply drops. Ironically, this strikes Research and Development Centre drops. Ironically, this distraction distraction provided an accurate provided an accurate representation in solar technologies, second generation bio-fuels and energy how the momentum in representation of how the of efficient buildings. In this context, bilateral relations over the last momentum in bilateral relations decade has stalled as the US got Prime Minster Modi’s call for a saffron (colour represents energy) over the last decade has engulfed with other pressing revolution focusing on renewable priorities around the world. stalled as the US got engulfed energy sources such as solar energy is significant. Both sides also intend with other pressing priorities Conclusion Both sides recognise that the to scale-up existing initiatives on around the world decisive mandate provided to the space cooling, to reduce demand for new Indian Government provided power for air-conditioning. They have reaffirmed their commitment to the full implementation a unique opportunity to re-energise the relationship. of the bilateral civil nuclear agreement. While welcoming Secretary Kerry while reminiscing about his visit to India the Authorisation to Proceed provided to Westinghouse to immediately after the end of the Cold War remarked that, implement the pre-Early Works Agreement with NPCIL despite suspicions on both sides, the potential of a thriving as of September 2013, they have urged NPCIL and US partnership was clearly evident even then. In this context, companies Westinghouse and General Electric-Hitachi they have expressed confidence that the Summit Meeting to expedite the necessary work to conclude pricing and between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President contractual details. They also look forward to advancing the Barack Obama in Washington DC in September 2014 would government-to-government dialogue and facilitating the generate new dynamism in the relationship. Sushma Swaraj also observed that India and the United States were in a establishment of US-built nuclear power plants in India. defining partnership that had reached a turning point. She Climate Change wished for both countries to realise the latent potential of Both countries have reaffirmed their commitment towards a the partnership based on common fundamental values and successful outcome, for the work of the Ad hoc Working Group converging long-term strategic interests. on the Durban Platform under the UNFCCC, in Paris in 2015. The two sides convened the first round of bilateral The four rounds of the Strategic Dialogue this far have consultations under the bilateral Joint Working Group on led to extensive discussions on areas such as Education, Climate Change, continuing their enhanced dialogue on Science and Technology, Trade, Women Empowerment, an ambitious climate change agreement for the post-2020 Defence, Security and Counter-Terrorism. Overall, the period and strengthening bilateral efforts in the areas of fifth round of the dialogue has also planned, proposed, clean technology, smart grid, energy efficiency, adaptation appreciated and welcomed a lot of ideas. However if strategies, sustainable forestry and REDD+ issues. this dialogue was to set the tone for the Modi-Obama meeting in September 2014, there has been no significant Defence Cooperation outcomes than mere diplomatic humdrum. A lot more Both sides looked forward to the visit of US Defense needs to be done before the relationship can move on to the Secretary Hagel to India to deepen discussions on next big idea after the nuclear deal.

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arrangements to facilitate Indian participation in the High Intensity Superconducting Proton Accelerator Project, the Thirty Meter Telescope, Monsoon studies and Joint Oceanic surveys. The US appreciated India joining the Partnership for International Research and Education (PIRE) programme of the US National Science Foundation, which will facilitate support for high-quality research projects across identified disciplines. India, however has voiced its concerns strongly over US surveillance and its immigration bill that could affect the Indian IT industry.

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RADHAKRISHNA RAO

Changing Dynamics Of Indo-US Strategic Relations

The writer specialises in space technology, aeronautics, defence and security issues. He is a Visiting Fellow at Vivekananda International Foundation. Before taking to full time writing he was associated with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) for about two decades.

After meeting the key functionaries of the Narendra Modi government Kerry observed, “The moment has never been more ripe to deliver on the incredible possibilities of the relationship between our nations. The United States and India can and should be indispensable partners for the 21st century”.

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he drastic shift and stunning transformation in India’s political scenario in the wake of Narendra Modi-led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) government storming to power in New Delhi could signal a radical reshaping of India’s strategic partnership with USA. Prime Minister Narendra Modi travelled to USA to attend the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in September and made use of the opportunity for a bilateral summit with US President Barack Obama in Washington, USA, which is keen to woo Modi for his reform friendly administration, is aware about the bitterness it had created by denying visa to him in 2005 − when he was the Chief Minister of the western Indian state of Gujarat − on the issue of Gujarat riots and religious freedom. In this context, recently, Senator Mark Warner, Democrat of Virginia and co-Chair of the Senator India Caucus had observed, “The US should conduct a review of visa policies” which had often proven to be an irritant in bilateral ties. And once again the year 2013 saw a “remarkable low” in the Indo-US relations following the controversy surrounding the “less than fair treatment” meted out to the Indian diplomat Devyani Khobragade in US.

Putting Baggage Behind

Even so, in a true spirit of statesmanship, Modi would like to put “those baggages of past” behind him and start on a fresh note to discuss a range of vital issues of strategic importance to both the countries including nuclear business and defence purchases with President Obama from a totally new perspective. Clearly and apparently, this visit is expected to set the ground rules for reviving Indo-US strategic ties in a big way by reversing the earlier downslide.

Significantly, the first New Delhi visit of the US Secretary of State John Kerry to New Delhi after the Modi government

was installed in power was by no means a ground breaking event. Of course, the detailed discussions between Kerry and India’s External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj did prepare the ground for the upcoming Obama-Modi meeting in Washington. ”Secretary Kerry’s visit to New Delhi underscores the importance of the US-India partnership and will lay the ground work of PM Modi’s visit to US,” said a spokesperson of US State Department.

No Snooping

At the fifth annual Indo-US strategic dialogue held on July 31 in New Delhi, which was co-chaired by Kerry, a number of issues of mutual interest were discussed threadbare. In particular, at the marathon discussion at Indo-US strategic dialogue issues like trade, defence, terrorism, homeland security, cooperation in science and technology as well as climate change came up for discussion. Other important issues that hogged the limelight at the strategic dialogue included the pending US immigration bill that would affect the movement of Indian techies to US and the much talked about Indo-US civil nuclear agreement which has proved to be a damp squib. According to Swaraj, she raised the controversial and sensitive issue of snooping spearheaded by National Security Agency (NSA) of USA with Kerry. “I even told that both countries consider each other as friendly nations and it will not be acceptable to us from any angle if one friendly country spies on another friendly country.”

And after meeting the key functionaries of the Narendra Modi government Kerry observed, “The moment has never been more ripe to deliver on the incredible possibilities of the relationship between our nations. The United States and India can and should be indispensable partners for the 21st century”. On her part Swaraj was quick to note that the Indian government saw “a great potential for the United States

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as a global partner” and would welcome a “much more robust American presence in the long closed Indian economy”.

WTO Contratemps

But then Indo-US difference over the global trade reforms continues to persist. In fact, on many an occasion India and USA had clashed at the deliberations of World Trade Organisation (WTO). As expected, Kerry did press New Delhi to abandon its opposition to global trade reforms, pointing out that it was a test of the country’s commitment to the beneficial economic liberalisation. But Modi government has left none in doubt that it cannot agree for a worldwide reform of custom rules, saying that it was not accompanied by a parallel agreement that would provide developing countries much needed freedom to subsidise agricultural operations and stockpile food-grains as a hedge against droughts. During his meeting with Modi, Kerry had highlighted that India’s consistent refusal to fall in line with global trade reforms has sent wrong signals. In this context, he urged New Delhi to help end the deadlock at the earliest. But as things stand now India is not likely to oblige USA. Robert Blackwill, former US ambassador to India while addressing a session organised sometime back by the Ananta Aspen Centre, a New Delhi based think tank, had called for “reorienting foreign policy to succeed in an era crucially defined by economic power projection”. Blackwill also asserted that “it is true that faster and more efficient Indian weapons acquisition procedures are urgently needed in order to responsibly guard the nation and to reinforce the power in Asia. But in the years ahead, US and Indian military prowess is not going to address China’s geoeconomic policies against the nations of Asia”. But then how far the perception of Blackwill fits into the picture of India’s long-term enlightened self-interest in terms of strategic relations with USA, only time will tell.

Fresh Starting Point

The visit of US Assistant Secretary of State for Southern and Central Asia, Nisha Desai Biswal to New Delhi in June this year marked a fresh starting point in the long journey of straightening out the wrinkles in Indo-US strategic relations. She made it clear that US is fully well-committed to the relationship with India.

This was the first high profile visit of a top ranking US official to India after Modi took over the reins of power in May this year. Interestingly, Biswal was greeted with only basic courtesies and the fact that she had had no meetings with the National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj was a signal to Washington that Indo-US relations are far from “sound and satisfactory.”

Significantly it was with the idea of putting the Indo-US relations on a “sound and healthy footing” that US had proposed that India organise the annual strategic dialogue − an annual Ministerial level engagement between the two countries − in New Delhi this year. As a matter of fact the strategic dialogues are held in New Delhi and Washington in rotation. And as per this arrangement, it was the turn of Washington to host the event. The proposal to shift the venue to New Delhi at the insistence of Washington was a deft move to deepen the engagement with the Indian government ahead of Narendra Modi’s meeting with Obama.

At the end of the day, the idea was that such a step would result in bigger involvement of Modi government in the complex exercise of building-up strategic relationship between the two

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countries. “The Prime Minister’s decision to accept President Obama’s invitation to visit Washington is a significant development that will enable both the countries to boost ties that have lost steam in the last few year,” says Kiran Pasricha, CEO and Executive Director of Ananta Aspen Centre.

Needless to mention, Obama administration is interested in mending its fences with India with a particular focus on strengthening strategic ties.

elephant in the room was India’s nuclear liability law which US nuclear industry has found to be difficult to abide by. But within India there is a strong opposition to the dilution of this law in any form. With a view to keep its defence and aerospace industry alive and kicking USA is also keen to deepen defence ties with India. As such Modi should take this factor into account and tell USA in clearcut terms that no irritating conditions should be attached to the procurement of US fighting equipment.

Missed Opportunity

Despite the stiff political opposition, the Indo-US nuclear deal came into being in 2008. On October 1, 2008, the US Senate approved the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement allowing India to purchase nuclear fuel and nuclear power generation technology from US. Subsequently, the then US President George W Bush signed the legislation on the Indo-US nuclear deal approved by the US Congress into law now called US India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Non-Proliferation Enhancement Act. In fact, during the second term of the UPA rule there were attempts on sly to dilute the section 17(b) of the Civil Nuclear Liability law.

But then lack of support inside and outside the Parliament forced Manmohan Singh government to keep silent. As it is, Western suppliers of nuclear reactors to India have for long been pressing for the dilution of the stringent Indian nuclear liability law under which there is a provision for a huge compensation in the event of accidents or mishaps affecting the civilian population and disrupting the environment.

The 17(b) of Civil Liability of Nuclear Damage Act penalises suppliers if an accident is traced back to faulty products or services. Over the next two decades, India has a plan to boost its nuclear power capability by adding nearly 30 reactors.

In fact, Indo-US strategic relations had reached a new high following the clinching of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal in 2008 for which the government led by Manmohan Singh had staked its very survival. However, the deal could not make much of an impact as the differences between the Manmohan Singh and Obama administration over the nuclear liability law and defence purchases assumed serious proportions.

In fact, Modi during his election campaign had made it clear that no single individual was more important than the bilateral ties, thereby implying that he is committed to putting the international relations on a sound footing. India considers US as a major partner in the global war on terrorism and this is an area that Modi will definitely try to put the Indo-US dialogue on a “higher pedestal”.

India fully well recognises the importance of US-India Homeland Security Dialogue that focuses on areas such as cyber security, megacity policing and forensics to critical infrastructure protection, financial terrorism and anti-terrorism intelligence in strengthening India’s determination to tackle the proliferating threat of global terrorism. The US Department of Homeland Security that came into being in the aftermath of 9/11 terror strike along with the FLETC (Federal Law Enforcement Training Centre) offers several advanced courses of relevance covering various aspects of Homeland Security. The list of training programmes include land transportation and anti-terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, seaport security, international border interdiction, training and international sea interdiction, training to check smuggling and trafficking, handling of equipment for screening men against radiological, chemical and explosive materials and handling of intrusive detection at airports and seaports. Another thrust area happens to be the cyber security and critical infrastructure protection where training modules would comprise best practices in cyber security and cyber forensics advance course in technical surveillance countermeasures, control systems, security programmes for end to end network and system security for servers, routers, switches, transmission and all information and communications technology hubs and facilities.

Many Irritants

Even as some of the positive features of Indo-US strategic relations are very much in evidence, there are many issues of mutual importance that need to be resolved in an amicable manner. Right now there are many irritants in Indo-US relations covering nuclear power and space exploration. Since both these areas happen to be of great strategic importance for India, Modi government should strive to put the Indo-US relations in these two vital areas on a firm footing.

First about the cooperation in civil nuclear power generation.

USA is very keen to get started with the implementation of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal which despite a “great hype and hope” attached to it could not cover much ground. For here, the

Major Hurdle

Nuclear liability is one of the major hurdles in Indo-US nuclear relationship. The importance of the nuclear liability act stems from the magnitude of damages associated with the mishaps of nuclear reactors. The Chernobyl and Three Miles Island disaster have brought home rather forcefully the serious threat at the heart of the nuclear power plants: a hot radioactive core, which improperly handled can break out of steel encasement to ravage life and environment. Despite the great hype attached to this deal, to this day not a single reactor of foreign origin has been procured by India. There are also allegations that the reactors that India would be buying from USA are untested and promise of their high level of safety level is nothing but a poorly substantiated claim. Moreover, the power generated by this type of reactor could be pretty expensive. What is more, India does not enjoy the “rights and privileges” of a nuclear weapon state promised in the July 8, 2005 Bush-Manmohan Singh Joint Statement and the country has also failed to gain entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).

Intrusive Clauses

Coming to Indo-US defence cooperation, there is a growing realisation in the country that the continued blind reliance on American defence hardware could imply a serious challenge to the state of India’s military preparedness. For the Uncle Sam has the habit of imposing trade sanctions and technology embargo at the drop of a hat. And this could render in one fell swoop all the glitzy American fighting equipment unserviceable.

With a massive procurement of US built military hardware in the pipeline, India should extract assurance from USA that trade sanctions will be a thing of the past. In fact, because of the US sanction that came in the wake of 1998 nuclear blasts,

Bangalore based Antrix Corporation, the commercial arm of the Indian space programme had lost a couple of orders for launching satellites of international customers onboard the flights of the four stage Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV).

After much dithering and deliberations, US allowed India to launch non-commercial research satellites onboard the commercial flights of PSLV. But then bigger commercial class satellites either built in USA or carrying US made components are not allowed to be launched from Indian soil. Modi should try to extract concession from USA on the launching of bigger commercial satellites at the head of an Indian launch vehicle. Of course, at least in principle, USA has offered India joint development of state-of-the-art combat equipment. But whether this offer will assume practical, it would be difficult to hazard a guess at this point of time.

That the US cannot be counted as a dependable ally was proved to the hilt by the sanctions that came in the wake of India’s twin Pokhran nuclear blasts of 1998. Following this, many of the establishments under DAE (Department of Atomic Energy), ISRO and DRDO (Defence Research and Development Organisation) along with some of the defence public sector enterprises came under the purview of sanctions leading to the technology denial. The US sanctions seriously affected the developmental schedule of many high-tech aerospace projects including Tejas fourth generation fighter and Saras civilian transport aircraft.

Prior to that in the first half of 1990s, USA had pressurised India to drop its programme of developing the intermediate range ballistic missile Agni. And in 1992, USA had coerced a politically turbulent and economically emaciated Russia into dropping its contractual commitment to transfer the cryogenic engine technology to India. As per the agreement that ISRO (Indian Space Research Organisation) had signed with Russian space outfit Glavkosmos of the erstwhile Soviet-Union in the late 1980s, Russia was to provide two stages of cryogenic engine along with the relevant technology to help ISRO engineer its own cryogenic engine stage for its three stage, 415-tonne Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV) capable of hurling a two tonne plus satellite into a geostationary transfer orbit. Subsequently, the deal was diluted to the supply of seven cryogenic engine stages without any technology transfer. The US argument was that the dual use nature of cryogenic engine brought it under the scope of Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). But the reality is that cryogenic engine propulsion on account of its complexity is not used in missile systems.

While finalising the ground rules for Indian procurement for US defence hardware, Modi led NDA government should make it clear that exasperating irritants such as the insistence on end user certificate and trade sanctions that would render unserviceable US defence equipment procured at a stiff cost should be given an immediate go-by. For India cannot afford to bet on a wrong horse.

In the ultimate analysis the Indo-US strategic relationship cannot be a one way street; only give and take spirit would sustain the long-term strategic relationship between India and USA. For India under Modi has all the potentials to emerge as an economic, technological and military super power in the years ahead. And US should take cognisance of this eventuality with all the seriousness it deserves.

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INTERNAL SECURITY whether any constitutional amendment is called for? A secessionist movement, as a matter of principle, will have to be put down with a heavy hand. Separatist elements would also have to be dealt with firmly. Ethnic demands would deserve a sympathetic response unless that leads to excessive fragmentation. From the socio-economic point of view, government would have to see whether there are any genuine grievances.

Are the people unhappy because of unemployment, displacement or any other similar reason and, if so, those grievances would have to be addressed. The intelligence agencies must coordinate internally as well as with the agencies of friendly countries. It should have both defensive and offensive capabilities. Border management poses problems of enormous dimensions. We have land borders with six countries (China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan) stretching over a length of 15,318 km.

Besides, there is a coastline of 5,422 km and islands with additional coastline of 2,094 km. Land borders, wherever porous, will need to be effectively guarded. The force deployed on the borders should have the necessary resources in terms of manpower and equipment.

the matter. We had TADA followed by POTA and currently, the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. The UPA government was hesitant to call a spade a spade; they were chary of addressing terror as terror and preferred to call it “unlawful activities”.

Nomenclature apart, the UAPA needs to be made PRAKASH SINGH IPS more stringent. It should be (RETD) unacceptable that any group of people display the flag of The writer, a recipient of Padma Shree, was formerly a country inimical to us or Director General of BSF and also that of a terrorist outfit. There DGP Uttar Pradesh and DGP have been reports of ISIS Assam. He was also Member, flags being shown by masked National Security Advisory Board. youth in Kashmir outside the Jama Masjid on July 11 and again on July 29, the day of Eid. Such manifestations will have to be nipped in the bud.

Tackling LWE

Left Wing Extremism requires a comprehensive treatment.

The former Prime Minister always described it as the The Anti-terror Policy and the Strategy to deal with biggest internal security challenge. There should be a Maoist challenge would need to be defined on a priority whole of government approach to tackling it. It is high basis. Terrorism, indigenous and time that the Prime Minister transnational, is going to be our calls a meeting of the Chief It is strange that even after Ministers and spells out the NDA biggest internal security challenge in the coming years. The sooner policy of dealing with more than six decades of government’s we recognise it and the sooner this formidable threat. Effective independence, we have not counter-insurgency operations we prepare for it, the better. The UPA government did not have evolved or cared to codify our will have to be undertaken with a view to neutralising the People’s the political courage to deal with Internal Security Doctrine. Liberation Guerrilla Army. These the indigenous sources of terror.

Vote bank considerations always We have a National Security would need to be supplemented hamstrung its functioning. No by comprehensive socio-economic Advisor y Board which measures. Government will have wonder, the domestic terror network has spread across the country. The could be entrusted with to adopt a policy of zero tolerance transnational terrorist threat is from towards corruption so that formulating this doctrine proximate and distant sources. The development efforts are reflected proximate threat comes from the on the ground. Land alienated from terrorist outfits being nurtured by Pakistan – Lashkar-e-Toiba, tribals will have to be restored to them. There will have to Hizbul Mujahideen etc. The distant threat is from Al Qaeda be, in fact, a conscious attempt to win the hearts and minds and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). of people in the affected regions.

Anti-terror Policy / Law

Needed A New Security Architecture

Terrorism, indigenous and transnational, is going to be our biggest internal security challenge in the coming years. The sooner we recognise it and the sooner we prepare for it, the better. The UPA government did not have the political courage to deal with the indigenous sources of terror.

No wonder, the domestic terror network has spread across the country.

The proximate threat comes from the terrorist outfits being nurtured by Pakistan – Lashkar-e-Toiba, Hizbul Mujahideen etc. The distant threat is from Al Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

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he NDA government is completing four months in office. Assessments are being made of its performance during the period. It has to be admitted that the period of policy paralysis is over and government departments are showing a new work culture based on achieving targets within a specified timeframe. Parliament session was business-like. Economy seems to be on the road to recovery.

Foreign policy has been strident and India is getting due attention and respect at the international level.

The security apparatus of the country has, however, unfortunately not received adequate attention of the government so far. May be, its hands were full with other more pressing matters and this area would get, in the not-too-distant future, the attention it deserves. In any case, it would be worthwhile placing on record the areas of concern.

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Internal Security Doctrine

It is strange that even after more than six decades of independence, we have not evolved or cared to codify our Internal Security Doctrine. We have a National Security Advisory Board which could be entrusted with formulating this doctrine and completing the project within a period of three months. The US National Security Strategy clearly states that “what takes place within our borders will determine our strength and influence beyond them”. President Obama is also on record as having said that “our strength and influence abroad begins with the steps we take at home”. The Modi government must, without any further delay, initiate the necessary measures to overhaul the internal security.

The doctrine would necessarily have inter alia political, socio-economic, intelligence and border management angles. If there is a secessionist or separatist threat, what are the reasons for the same? If the demands are genuine,

The Al Qaeda, in a recent video, declared India as a target of its jihadi operations. Ayman al-Zawahiri has exhorted the Muslims to “raise the flag of jihad in the subcontinent” with a view to re-establishing Islamic rule in the region. The Caliphate, as described by US Defense Secretary, Chuck Hagel is “beyond anything we have seen”. It is highly sophisticated insofar it marries “ideology and strategic and tactical military prowess”.

The British Prime Minister, David Cameron, has warned that Europe could soon see “a terrorist threat on the shores of the Mediterranean” if a firm security response was not delivered to counter the ISIS. Our leadership also needs to take cognisance of this threat which could be knocking at our frontiers. What is going to be our policy to deal with the threat of terror needs to be formulated and implemented on the ground.

The anti-terror law would also need to be sharpened.

Successive governments have been playing politics in

People’s Police

What is our main instrument for dealing with the internal security threats? It is the Police. We inherited a colonial structure of policing at the time of independence and, tragically, the same continues. It is most unfortunate and a sad reflection on our leadership. The Supreme Court, in a landmark judgment on September 22, 2006, gave six directions to the states. The directions were aimed at insulating the police from extraneous pressures, giving it autonomy in personnel matters, making it more accountable, separating investigation from law and order duties in the metropolitan towns, introducing transparency in the selection of police chiefs and giving a statutory minimum tenure to officers posted in the field. There has been some compliance, but the majority of states have been dragging their feet in the matter. Sixteen states have passed laws, but these are not in keeping with the letter and spirit of Court’s

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directions. The government should reorganise, restructure and rejuvenate the police so that it is able to effectively deal with the internal security challenges. The colonial police must be transformed into People’s Police – a police which upholds the Rule of Law and is responsive to the grievances and aspirations of the common man.

The capabilities of the police would particularly require substantial augmentation. There are more than five hundred thousand vacancies in the subordinate ranks. These need to be filled up early, apart from sanctioning additional manpower in proportion to the increase in population.

Police infrastructure is pathetic. The condition of police buildings, their transport fleet, communication equipment and forensic support must improve. Police is the key to tackling the threats to internal security. Its modernisation and upgradation, therefore, must receive high priority.

Criminal Justice System

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BOOK REVIEW

Air Power In UN Operations

CAPFs

The Central Armed Police Forces have witnessed phenomenal expansion without corresponding increase in their infrastructure. Battalions have been raised but there is shortage of officers, living accommodation, weapons and other equipment. The open-ended expansion of these forces must stop. Government of India should now concentrate on and help the state governments increase the strength of their civil and armed police. The police-population ratio in most of the states is much below the UN mandated ratio of 222 policemen per hundred thousand of population. The role of Border Security Force on Bangladesh border needs to be reviewed. The force has been issued non-lethal weapons and is under instructions not to shoot to kill any intruders or infiltrators from across the border. If this is going to be the arrangement, the security of Bangladesh border could be entrusted to any other CAPF. The SSB is an option. The BSF battalions which would be relieved from Bangladesh border could be utilised partly on Myanmar border and partly to reinforce our defences on the western borders.

The withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan and the emergence of ISIS make it imperative that our western borders are made impregnable as far as possible.

Apart from police, the other wings of criminal justice system, namely, the prosecution, judiciary and jails would also need to be revamped. It is very unfortunate that the recommendations made by Malimath Committee to overhaul the criminal justice administration were trashed because of opposition from the human rights lobbies. The Coastal Security prosecution machinery has not been delivering and the India has a coastline of 7,516.6 km bordering the mainland and conviction percentage has shown a sharp decline ever since the islands in the Bay of Bengal, Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea. prosecution branch was made independent. Judicial reforms In the wake of terrorist attack in Mumbai on 26/11, a Coastal are on the anvil. The Collegium Security scheme was drawn up. system has been dispensed with and There is a multi-tier arrangement The capabilities of the police for protection and maritime a new selection process laid down in the National Judicial Appointments of the country involving would particularly require security Commission Bill. The more the Indian Navy, Coast Guard and substantial augmentation. Marine Police of the States and important issue of speeding up the disposal of cases and bringing down There are more than five Union Territories. The Marine the pendency of cases however Police component of the scheme has hundred thousand vacancies in yet to take shape. There are teething needs to be addressed. There is a plan to set up 1,800 fast track courts, the subordinate ranks. These problems which need to be resolved. but more comprehensive measures The government is also planning to need to be filled up early are called for. Jails are generally set up a National Maritime Authority to ensure effective coordination overcrowded. A recent measure that those undertrials who have served at least half the sentence among the multiple authorities dealing with it. they would have been awarded if convicted, irrespective of the progress of their trial, shall be released should Summing Up mitigate the problem to some extent.

The scenario building-up in South Asia and the Middle East is going to throw up enhanced challenges to our national NCTC / CCTNS / NATGRID security. There would be threat from across the borders.

The proposal to set up National Counter Terrorism Centre There would be encouragement to and abetment of subversive was shelved by the UPA government for want of consensus. forces within our borders. External and internal threats would The proposal needs to be revived, taking into consideration both assume menacing proportions – more so in the context legitimate concerns of the state governments and given a of withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan. It is concrete shape. The proposal to set up Crime and Criminal absolutely necessary therefore that the security architecture is Tracking Network System (CCTNS) should be speeded completely overhauled. The Internal Security Doctrine should up. Under CCTNS, 14,000 police stations and 6,000 be defined, especially the policy to tackle terror and deal higher officers (circles, districts, ranges, zones and police with the LWE. Institutional changes should be put in place, headquarters) will be automated. The network will provide particularly in the area of counter-terrorism. The police would investigating officers with information, tools and technology need to be reorganised, restructured and rejuvenated. to investigate as well as take preventive action. The scheme should go a long way in plugging the information gap in Events at the international level are moving very fast. The the collection and dissemination of criminal intelligence. meteoric rise of the Islamic State shows that. Government The National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) should be would also have to accelerate its plans to revamp the made functional as soon as possible. Its mandate is to link security architecture of the country so that it is able to databases for collecting actionable intelligence to combat effectively deal with the emerging challenges which are terrorism and internal security threats. likely to confront the country.

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Wings for Peace

Edited by A Walter Dorn

A

s the World War II was drawing to the close, two major events happened. The first, a destructive one; dropping of the atomic bomb from the air which became a catalyst to end the war; and the second, formation of United Nations Organisation to ensure enduring peace. The dominance of Air Power had been well established. Air operations for world peace could be through combat operations by fighter / bomber aircraft, airlift operations for humanitarian aid in man-made or natural disasters, aerial surveillance for peace monitoring and air missions for no-fly zone or peace enforcement. UN has come a long way since it first used air power in Congo in combat role in early 1960s. It had a great role in the cold war years, but ever since, the US led alliances have often tried to steal the policeman’s role. UN Gunships and utility helicopters continue to be employed in many parts of Africa.

A Walter Dorn, who has put together this magnificent comprehensive book, is a Professor of Defence Studies at the Royal Military College of Canada. His areas of research include UN peacekeeping, among many others. As an “operational professor” he has visited many UN missions and gained direct experience in field missions and has been on UN experts panels. ‘Air Power in UN Operations – Wings for Peace’ has contributions from experts from across the Western world. Among the contributors are Christian F Anrig, formerly from Swiss Air Force and currently a member of the RAF Centre for Air Power Studies. William K Carr is a retired Lieutenant General of the Royal Canadian Air Force who has been inducted into the Canadian Aviation Hall of Fame. Ryan W Cross of University of British Columbia has written on intelligence and conflict early warning. Roméo Dallaire is a Canadian Senator and retired Canadian Army Lieutenant General and

TITLE: Air Power in UN Operations Wings for Peace EDITED BY: A Walter Dorn PUBLISHER: Ashgate Publishing Limited ISBN NO: 978-1-4724-3549-1 YEAR OF PUBLICATION: 2014

has served as Force Commander of UN Assistance Mission in Rwanda. William T Dean III is an Associate Professor of History at the Air Command and Staff College at Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama and had won the Military Officer of America Association award for civilian educator of the year.

James McKay is a Professor of Politics and Economics and currently heads the Chair of the undergraduate programme in Military and Strategic Studies at the Royal Military College of Canada. David Neil is a former maritime helicopter aviator who served 35 years in Canadian Air Force and held varied operational posts. Robert C Owen is a Professor in the Department of Aeronautical Science and has had a 28-year career with the United States Air Force (USAF).

Kevin Shelton-Smith heads the Aviation Projects and Planning Department of Field Support, UN Headquarters, New York. He had served many years in RAF and been in many UN contingents. Kevin A Spooner is Associate Professor of North American Studies and History at Wilfrid Laurier University and has written extensively on UN operations. Robert Davi Steele is a retired Marine Corps Intelligence Officer who is currently CEO Earth Intelligence Network. F Roy Thomas is a retired Armoured Corps officer with UN service in Cyprus, the Golan Heights, Jerusalem, Afghanistan, Macedonia, Sarajevo and Haiti. He was hijacked in South Lebanon and taken hostage in Bosnia. Matthew Trudgen is a fellow at the John Sloan Dickey Center for International Understanding at Dartmouth College.

The book covers the full range of UN operations starting from combat operations in Congo; the airlift operations in Kashmir; humanitarian aid in Haiti; aerial surveillance over Lebanon; use of UAVs for in UN ops; enforcing the Southern No-fly zone in Iraq; and air ops in Somalia. It also covers very subtly the future of UN Air Power. India has had long association with UN. We operated attack and utility helicopters in UN colours for decades. India is a peace loving country which has been a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping as the best means for world peace.

This very professionally compiled book is written by authors with hands-on experience. It would make great reading not only for aircrew but also for chair-borne air strategists and think tank analysts.

Reviewed by Air Marshal Anil Chopra (Retd). The reviewer is an ex NDA Air Force officer who was a fighter pilot in the IAF. He is a Qualified Flying Instructor and Test Pilot who was among the initial lot to train on Mirage 2000 in France. He commanded a Mirage Squadron, two operational air bases and the IAF’s Flight Test Centre ASTE. He was the Team Leader of MiG-21 Upgrade programme in Russia for over 4 years. He is currently a member of Armed Forces Tribunal. He is also a member of Executive Council of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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JOINTMANSHIP professional and social interaction continues selectively and the meeting of minds is enabled to some extent. A degree of Jointmanship does get facilitated at the Integrated Defence Staff but that is almost at apex level; somewhere in the middle joint working platforms continue to elude in spite of brave efforts of posting of mid-level officers in various directorates of the two services.

The Indian Army’s Expectations From The IAF

As modernisation continues and threats multiply, the IAF can expect a much larger role in thus far untested realms such as cyber warfare and network centric warfare. While individual service requirements will need to be respected these are the times in which the leadership of both services need to be sensitive to the requirements of integration and Jointmanship which will be much more demanding and intense. For me, the IAF remains our greatest force multiplier and I know that every expectation outlined here will be met with the professionalism, robustness, dedication and valour of the air warriors.

O

n behalf of the Indian Army I salute the men in blue, the masters of our skies in war and saviours in many a humanitarian emergency. I have some of the finest friends from the Indian Air Force (IAF), served with them in challenging situations through the length and breadth of our country and experienced their valour and grit. Late arrivals to the comity of warriors, air warriors nevertheless brought a fast and furious form of warfare far beyond the capability of their brethren on ground or the sea. They infused technology into warfare at an unprecedented rate and today stand as comrades in arms in a profession where violence is used as a means to achieve ends.

Designated Roles

Before outlining what the ground warriors expect from their counterparts in the air and vice versa it may be important for the uninitiated to understand just what we perceive as the capability of the air arm of the Nation. The Indian Air Force (IAF) is in essence a strategic arm of the Nation, which in war is designed to defend the skies, extend the reach of the Nation’s armed forces, enable the full might of the ground and sea forces to achieve the outlined objectives and create opportunities for the synergised might of the Nation. It can act independently at different stages and yet integrate with other arms within the ambit of the overall intent and aim of the Nation. Its dominance of the skies and ability to extend the battlefield through the modern day integrated fighter,

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bomber and ground attack capability allows the supported Army to function without interference and thus optimise its capability through outreach beyond the range of surface weapon systems. In addition, the transport and rotary wings bring with them the capability to provide varying types of mobility to the Army as also logistics support beyond the capability of the ground based logistics elements.

With the increasing Unarmed Aerial Reconnaissance (UAV) availability it adds to the surveillance capability and thus the intelligence generation so crucial to the Army’s capability to plan and launch operations.

Jointmanship

These are the laid down and evolved missions of any air force in the world but that is simply transactional; to really optimise and take capability well beyond there is a need for a transformational relationship between the comrades in arms, the air and the ground warriors. Fortunately in India a system exists for joint training at the entry level itself; the National Defence Academy (NDA) caters to the establishment of bonds and lifelong relationships even before formal commissioning and three years of bonding through mud and grime, ceremonials and elbow grease is a fine way to break the ice and ensure it never freezes again.

Personal friendships go right up the hierarchy as exemplified by the two course mates who are the current Army and Air Force Chiefs of India. Mid-course opportunities at the Defence Services Staff College (DSSC), Wellington and the respective Higher Command programmes ensure that

war fighting capability. The Army has an air defence arm but this is insufficient to give it an umbrella protection and freedom and flexibility to function unimpeded from interference. During mobilisation and especially in a proactive scenario, redeployment of air power resources would be a priority for the IAF as also counter LT GEN SYED ATA HASNAIN PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, air operations. Protection of our forces which are entering SM, VSM (RETD) the Tactical Battle Area (TBA) The writer is a former Corps and some of our equipment Commander of the Indian Army’s premier fighting formation, the intensive formations which are Srinagar based 15 Corps. vulnerable on the move would be essential lest we get degraded even before we enjoin battle.

Is it fair to have ‘expectations’ from a sister service?

I suppose if there is already synergy and a degree of understanding brought on by a couple of conventional wars, low intensity conflict (LIC) and operations other than war (OOTW) it is possible to perceive, analyse and project expectations which will only enhance Jointmanship and professionalism of the two services. The start point must be conventional operations where classic synergy comes to the fore with scope for deployment of optimum capabilities.

To enable it the commencement has to be from the fields of doctrine, training and equipment. The establishment of the HQ IDS has provided a platform which needs to be fully The IAF and the Army had a long festering disagreement exploited. In spite of prevailing perception that HQ IDS is only a half-baked measure towards Jointmanship without on the basic concept of deployment of air resources at the the appointment of a Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS), it commencement of conventional hostilities. The Army perceived that the IAF would is nevertheless a beginning and a remain involved with the air war means of promoting joint thinking It is possible to perceive, concentrating all its resources in and functioning. Joint doctrines air operations leaving little have been produced by HQ IDS anal y se and projec t counter or nothing to undertake counter and the process is continuing to expectations which will surface force operations to which evolve. There may be a need to add more robustness in the field of only enhance Jointmanship the Army looked for the enablement of its safe launch on land. Mercifully training although institutionalised and professionalism of the this controversial dispute remained systems for this also exist. The level of understanding at strategic two services. The start only in minds and the IAF over the last few years has made it amply and operational level does not point must be conventional clear that there will be sufficiency cause worry but at the tactical level scope for improvement operations where classic of air resources to optimally enable conduct of land operations right remains. It is necessary that the synergy comes to the fore the from launch onwards. This has officer cadres of the two services grow in their respective careers with scope for deployment of been built into various operational discussions and war games and while carrying experience of joint optimum capabilities a degree of confidence has now training at the field and staff level emerged among Army’s planners. It and not depend only on courses of instruction. A natural growth process through a continuum has also sent home an adequate lesson to our adversaries that of understanding of the capabilities and limitations of there is no impairment or vulnerability in this sphere. Future each service from the tactical to the strategic is a must to plans now carry an affirmation of adhering to the needs of the Army at the commencement of operations. Without avoid reinvention of the wheel at different levels. defining the stage of battle it can also be said that the Army’s Umbrella For TBA ground based surveillance and acquisition capabilities have The IAF has always been conscious of the vulnerability of limited range and scope; the need to acquire enemy intent and the Army’s manpower resources to the adversary’s air and movement of resources is an increasingly important aspect to ground weapons and the necessity to protect this manpower afford more warning time. The IAF overcomes this through through deployment of adequate air power resources to aerial reconnaissance, the most reliable and fastest means ensure the ground force’s retention and multiplication of of intelligence acquisition. However, to make this absolutely

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JOINTMANSHIP

DSA 5th anniversary

NUMBERS GAME

reliable pilot aptitude and training regarding basic ground related activities is a must. Greater the pilot involvement with ground forces in peace the higher is the quality of aerial pickups. Equally, there is a need to integrate the UAV resources of the IAF and the Army particularly in the field of lateral dissemination protocols.

helicopter can swing the pendulum provided that constricted timeframes are catered to. I can say with much confidence that during an operation on the Pir Panjal range in 2000 the availability of three Mi 17 helicopters enabled the Army’s Victor Force to emplace troops on the range to search downhill instead of the expected uphill. The subsequent contact led to eight militants being gunned down in an area where they had been elusive for over a year. This was possible only because of the timely availability of the helicopters and integrated planning for the operation. In Bonding heliborne (HB) operations in In LIC operations along the LoC The IAF over the last few years conventional or irregular warfare or LAC where the deployment of essence is the ability to fly in has made it amply clear that the the Army is in the most hazardous the designated waves in spite of the there will be sufficiency of air interference which may occur; any terrain the IAF’s rotary arm proves its mettle. It is this assurance of in the ‘fly in’ would result in resources to optimally enable break support at Siachen’s Sonam post inadequate resources on ground the conduct of land operations to undertake the mission. In out or Siala that keeps the command element confident and the troops right from launch onwards. of area operations, such as the one and junior leaders ticking. It is a in Maldives, the IAF’s role is not This has been built into various restricted to transportation. It is an time tested relationship which must, however, never be taken for granted. operational discussions and integrated part of the mission where This relationship has been nurtured recce, resupply, redeployment, war games and a degree of communication and command and over years and deserves attention because the slightest aberration confidence has now emerged control are all enabled by it. Senior can lead to loss of lives with dents Army officers are also expected to among Army’s planners in the relationship. Casevac by the respect this integrated role while IAF under harrowing conditions on carrying out media briefs. the Glacier is a morale booster as are simple gestures such as carrying a pack of Classic cigarettes for a young company Lastly, humanitarian operations involving rescue, relief commander. Such practices which are more in the realm of and evacuation is increasingly becoming a major challenge traditions must never be relegated and should form a part of for the IAF. In the last five years there have been occasions teaching content in the ‘passing it on’ series. where the two services have had to jointly conduct such operations at an unimaginable scale. This is going to In irregular warfare perceptions about the IAF’s role may continue as effects of climate change hit us in larger measure. be vague even within its own ranks. The significance of The essential aspect here is time which remains at premium. its role, however, cannot be underplayed. Tactical lifts by Imperative therefore, that the IAF and the Army endeavour more often to train for such contingencies and include this as part of staff training at the DSSC and for the command element at the Higher Command courses.

The Battle of Longewalla in December 1971 comes to mind when one examines the gamut of air-ground coordination. As the Army follows a bold concept of manoeuvre and spreads its resources in the battlefield its vulnerability increases; exploitation in a fluid mechanised battlefield is contingent upon the security of the strike force. It can only be possible through timely response of the IAF. I can say with assurance that the expectation will never be belied.

Flying is a hazardous job and I have always had the greatest respect for air warriors but the job of ground warriors too remains hazardous in peace or war. It is hazards of the job which bring about mutual respect so evident in mundane tasks such as flying soldiers home on leave through the very popular IAF couriers. As modernisation continues and threats multiply, the IAF can expect a much larger role in thus far untested realms such as cyber warfare and network centric warfare. While individual service requirements will need to be respected these are the times in which the leadership of both services need to be sensitive to the requirements of integration and Jointmanship which will be much more demanding and intense. For me, the IAF remains our greatest force multiplier and I know that every expectation outlined here will be met with the professionalism, robustness, dedication and valour of the air warriors.

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An Air Strategy For India Our mountainous terrains in the NW, North and NE have important bearing on mobility and massing of troops and firepower. The continental distances and prevailing railroad communication entail a period lasting weeks for movement of major surface formations from peacetime locations to their launch pads. However, the air force units are largely unaffected by all the peculiarities of mountainous terrain and altitude. They can deploy rapidly, in matter of hours over vast distance.

A

ir Strategy in warfare is a recent concept in the overall history of warfare.

Land Strategy evolved over the entire experience of mankind and warfare.

Similarly Naval Strategy is as old, if not older, as Greek and Roman civilisation.

However, the modern naval or maritime strategy was mostly founded on the metal hulk ships and steam turbine as the power source around 1860. Thus, Maritime Strategy had a profound influence on power struggle among European seafaring nations in their quest for new colonies. The evolution of strategy in air warfare has been the fastest. The evolution of aerospace strategy has bestowed upon air power the centre stage in wars of today and tomorrow.

The Future Of Aerospace Power

Some major trends in air power development are as follows: Satellite based air surveillance and surveillance of mobile targets will be a reality, 24 hours a day all over the globe. This development could take place within the next decade. Space Based Infra Red System (SBIRS) and Discover II are two US programmes dedicated for this task. The entire planet Earth, between 60° North and 60° South latitude, has already been mapped with a resolution of about 30 cm including digital elevation data. This was done by Shuttle Radar topography mission in early 2000. This has revolutionised targeting. In the years to come the resolution will keep getting better. In combination with other systems of reconnaissance like the UAVs, the resolution will approach single digits of centimetres.

Worldwide communication with phenomenal bandwidth and processing power already exists. This has reduced

AVM AK TIWARY VSM (RETD) The writer commanded a MiG-29 Squadron in late 80s. His various command and staff appointments like Chief Operations Officer at a major Wing, operational planning at Command level, Director Concept Studies at Air HQ, Command of a major flying base, Head of the Training Team (Air) at Defence Service Staff College and Senior Directing Staff (Air) at National Defence College have conferred a rich practical experience. The air staff course at DSSC Wellington (TN), Command and Air War Course at the Air University, Maxwell Airbase, Montgomery (USA), all inducted and accelerated his interest in air war studies.

the time cycle of target detection to attack execution to minutes since the Kosovo War in 1999. Air war in Afghanistan employed flexible targeting regularly as a result of this advance. In fact Benjamin Lembeth described Op Enduring Freedom characterised by dominance of fused information over platforms and sensors.

Hypersonic planes flying at 30 plus km under project Aurora are already being developed – another skunk works secret yet to be acknowledged officially. If so, the new bomber will be immune to all the existing air defence systems including surface to air missiles and supersonic interceptors.

There is still no practical answer to the stealth bomber.

One B-2 bomber operating from continental USA can engage hundreds of targets in one sortie in all weather, 24 hours a day with an accuracy claimed at 1-3 meters CEP. Development of F-22 and Joint Strike Fighter, both in a different class are well known. Space control and space denial concepts are being translated into practice.

National Missile Defence and Ballistic Missile Defence are being vigorously pursued. Brilliant weapons like Sensor Fused Weapons, Wind Corrected Munitions, Low Cost Autonomous Attack System, Joint Stand-off Weapon, have enhanced offensive power, by orders of magnitude while keeping the attrition extremely low.

Air Strategies

In modern battle space, the air weapon has come to play the central role. How then should we base our strategy for future? In the formulated plan how should we orchestrate the air power? The attempted analysis is restricted to

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likely scenarios in our context, with likely capabilities in the near future. Also, the analysis aims to derive a road map for India. Conventional and intense wars are possible, though with reducing probabilities. These are likely to be short in duration, highly intense, spread across the entire border and may erupt suddenly catching us with surprise. Whereas, wars of low intensity, with protracted nature and below the tolerance threshold are likely to be thrust upon us continuously.

Our mountainous terrains in the NW, North and NE have important bearing on mobility and massing of troops and firepower. The continental distances and prevailing railroad communication do entail a period lasting weeks for movement of major surface formations from peacetime locations to their launch pads. Navy has little role here. However, the air force units are largely unaffected by all the peculiarities of mountainous terrain and altitude. They can deploy rapidly, in matter of hours over vast distance.

then we need to study the concept of Air Expeditionary Force and Composite Wings. Or at least long-range air power supported by sufficient air refuelling and AWACS etc.

Long-range fighters in this case should be able to move from one corner of India to another without air refuelling support.

BMD / NMD. The present BMD concept in USA is limited.

In a short war, we will have limited time in which to achieve our military aim and objectives as well as restore the balance if enemy has struck us first. Therefore, we must choose instruments of war, which promise quick attainment of our military objectives.

The history of armoured warfare in the subcontinent is not promising. Consider both the Indian as well as Pakistani armoured offensives in the wars of 1965 and 1971. All these offensives got bogged down at a rather early stage and by relatively modest defensive formations and strategy. They neither deterred in peace nor gained us any meaningful objectives in war. Yet they cost the maximum!

These facts suggest that we must attempt to move away from the past way of war. Past was characterised by “slow to react”, “ponderous to move” and in doing so presenting a large and potentially vulnerable presence in the battle space.

Operational Flexibility

We must prepare to fight a war which permits greater operational flexibility, allows rapid deployment within two theatres, accurate and timely disposition of battle space, create non-linear frontline by extensive employment of Continental size of India does not impose limitation as air weapon and integrate cyber war into the overall war, on surface movement of army. Remember USAF fighters but especially the air war. We must build a capability for deploying from USA to Saudi Arabia flying non-stop in parallel warfare, which allows us to engage adversary at 15 hours in August 1990. But for this many fronts, close to border, deep to happen while also meeting other inside his territory and all along In a short war, we will have from North to South or East to tasks, we would need more of large transport aircraft and air-refuellers. limited time in which to achieve West as required. To be effective, strategy demands not only our military aim and objectives this sufficient attack aircraft but also As our surface forces mobilise from peace locations, they as well as restore the balance precise munitions and even more intelligence on potential will be exposed to imagery if enemy has struck us first. precise targets. The establishment of IAF intelligence as well as attacks for Therefore, we must choose at 44 squadrons for defence of much larger duration. Hence, retaining surprise in a reactionary India surely must be an instruments of war, which continental scenario − generally our preferred unintended blunder of monumental promise quick attainment of our proportion, unless during that strategy − will be suspect in case of these heavy formations. period China was considered an military objectives all weather “Bhai.” Since then, A full-fledged war could also the newer threats are China, involve ballistic missiles and surface-to-surface missile the SEZ security, the continuing J&K problem (which attacks as well as attacks with cruise missiles. These threats was expected to be over in few years), the never ending mandate selection of suitable strategy to counter it. Would insurgencies in large part of the country, the emergence similar offence by us be better defence compared to pure of fanatical jihad element etc. Today a simultaneous and defence as represented by the BMD and Iron Dome? This integrated threat from Pakistan and China is more of a question needs far more deliberation before investing monies reality than ever before. To face and overcome such threats, on any of them. USA did go nearly broke in it’s earlier pursuit of what should be the size of IAF?

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Blockade using air forces is a reality in Iraq and Balkans, which we must acknowledge and explore in our context as contingency planning. In counter insurgency (CI) operations, we need to increase the use of air, especially air surveillance and air transportation particularly in difficult mountainous terrain. This will shrink the sanctuary of insurgents and reduce their freedom. It will, thus, release certain number of security forces from static defensive duties.

Some facts may help in finding the correct answer.

During WW II on the Burma front, a combined force of 92 combat squadrons was deployed by the RAF and the 10th USSAF (RAF-64 Sqn; USSAF-28 Sqn).

It is an indication of our tolerance and political maturity The Burmese border is approximately 1,643 km that we are trying to contain proxy war by purely reactive and that time Japanese had an air force of about 400 strategy, as we appeal to good senses of people concerned. aircraft at it’s peak. During the 1962 Sino-India War, when But integrity of our nation is not negotiable. Therefore, we in trouble, our Prime Minister asked for American help should also examine more proactive strategy to deal with CI specifying 40 Wings of USAF. A Wing has 3 Sqns of combat and proxy war. Air arm permits this quite clinically. It allows aircraft. Today in Tibet, China can controlling the level of escalation field a ground force of 30 Divisions and de-escalation. Our response enjoying all the altitude advantage.

We must prepare to fight a can be carefully calibrated to each The PLAAF can deploy at least Actual punitive raids war which permits greater situation.

25 squadrons of combat aircraft like the ones on Libya in 1986, well supported by AWACS and air operational flexibility, allows one against Osama bin Laden on refuellers. PAF can field another Op Desert Fox in 1998 rapid deployment within two 1/2 May 2011, 30 squadrons. For the IAF to etc are examples. The scope of targets theatres, accurate and timely selected for punitive raids need simply match these numbers, need is for 55 squadrons. If we want IAF be confined to infrastructure disposition of battle space, not to be able to prosecute war for air supporting proxy war. Its selection create non-linear frontline by should be based more on its superiority, while at the same time supporting army and launching extensive employment of air vulnerability to air attacks and strategic strikes, we need to equip suitability to convey the message. weapon and integrate cyber IAF with at least 80 squadrons of combat aircraft. To be able to fight war into the overall war, but Air Force As Deterrent To summarise, a strong and large on two fronts and win, India surely especially the air war air force permits the Strategy of needs a far bigger air force. How big Deterrence, which helps prevent − is the big question. My answer is above. What’s yours? war. It allows the options of coercive diplomacy by punitive raids. And should war erupt, it permits manoeuvre warfare Since we cannot change our geography, we must at least as part of parallel warfare. Even if reacting, air power can factor it in our force planning. We have a mountainous quickly wrest initiative from the enemy. Provided operations border of about 4,507 km with China. With Nepal it is are conducted within the entire breadth and depth of the 1,751 km. Bhutan shares a border of 605 km. Burmese border theatre. Not sequentially in series but in closely coupled is 1,643 km. Thus we have a total of 8,506 km mountainous parallel operations. Operations conducted at strategic, border across which Chinese threat can materialise. With operational and tactical level simultaneously in a proactive Pakistan we have a total border of 3,226 km (plains-1,140 km; scenario can cause catastrophic collapse of the enemy. desert 1,000 km; marshes 200 km; mountains 886 km). With Continued pressure can deprive enemy time to react Bangladesh we share a border of 4,096 km. Our maritime coherently. In fact, war objectives could be attained in short duration wars by employing suitably structured air force. borders are 7,516 km. Our EEZ covers 2.01 million sq km.

“In this new construct, the traditional roles of ground and air Long Range Interdiction power are reversed − making ground the supporting element Our territories including the island territories are far and air the new decisive force”. flung. If we have to economise on force and yet concentrate it quickly and at different places, The likely national aim, which leads to military aims and objectives, has great bearing on the selected air strategy.

What kind of war and what end result from the planned war? It must be remembered that more often than not, peace loving countries’ national aims are a last minute reactionary decision. Militaries require many years beforehand to prepare. Therefore, the preparation undertaken earlier should cater to many contingencies.

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Security Round-up

New GOC of Strike Corps

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overnment has confirmed the appointment of Lt Gen Ashok Bhim Shivane as the new General Officer Commanding of the elite Strike Corps based at Mathura, Uttar Pradesh. Lt Gen Shivane is an expert in manoeuvre warfare and operational arts and has commanded an armoured regiment and an independent armoured brigade.

India and Israel

Women Army Officers to command units

together against terror

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O

rime Minister Narendra Modi and his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu had a longish meeting in New York during Mr Modi’s recent visit to the United States. Both the countries are expected to share intelligence on terror groups and all those who endanger their interests including IS and LeT. The discussion also focused on defence and cyber security cooperation and the situation created by the Islamic State in West Asia.

n the recommendation of the army, the defence ministry has okayed a proposal to allow women who join as fresh recruits in 2015 and beyond to command units after being trained on the same pattern as their male counterparts.

Army aviation has been selected as one of the streams in which women could be inducted and allowed to command units. The other streams could be signals and engineers.

Army training to friendly forces

I

Indo-US military exercise

I

n a strategic move India is accelerating defence training programmes to friendly countries in South-east Asia, Africa and Latin America. Military officers and personnel of Afghanistan, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Laos, Vietnam, Namibia and Ethiopia etc are part of the training programme. India is also training military personnel from Singapore and Oman under self-financing scheme.

India-Singapore defence ties

T

he defence secretaries of India and Singapore met recently in Singapore to discuss defence co-operation and give a new direction to bilateral defence relationship.

India and Singapore are working on many projects of strategic importance and mutual interest.

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ndo-US Combined Military Training Exercise “Yudh Abhyas 2014” was successfully concluded at Ranikhet in Uttarakhand. The exercise brought together troops from a mountain brigade from the Indian Army and company and brigade headquarters of the US Army. This year’s war games saw an infantry company carrying out a field training exercise and included detachments of Special Forces. The troops also participated in search and destroy missions.

Irkut Corporation best Russian exporter

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he Ministry of Industry and Trade of the Russian Federation has announced the results of “Best Russian Exporter 2013” and JSC Irkut Corporation (a UAC company) was declared the winner in the Aircraft Manufacturing nomination.

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STRATEGIC CALCULUS

Air Power Priorities

Wars in the past two decades have given air power a position of pre-eminence in conflict − a weapon of first choice of sorts. With its basic attributes of reach, mobility, flexibility and response, air power brings to bear, in the shortest possible time, the required amount of mass at the required spot.

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he Union Budget 2014-15 was being eagerly anticipated by the uniformed community but what came the defence ministry’s way does not seem to have enthused the majority.

That the government has a tough task ahead of it with respect to balancing the available monies would be an understatement, as the proverbial butter has to be balanced with guns. Be that as it may, the requirements cannot be wished away. This article looks at the air power aspects for India as there are voids that need to be addressed in quick time.

Indian electioneering this time had a new first and that was the discussion of national defence issues by the political parties in the run up to the polls, albeit in a superficial manner. What was, however, very encouraging was the fact that a large number of retired officers contested the polls.

The ex-Servicemen community was also wooed assiduously by all political parties and post the cabinet formation it was heartening to see a retired Army Chief as a member of the Union Cabinet. Sure enough, a big controversy was raked up by some politicians who interpreted this change as politicisation of the Armed Forces − nothing can be further from the truth because ex-Servicemen bring to the polity certain traits that are difficult to find in people who have not served in the Armed Forces. These are all good signs for an evolving democracy and the larger the number of retired personnel who join politics the better it would be for the country. The varied experience of decades spent in a uniform and fighting wars is too valuable to be lost to the inevitability of retirement in one’s still productive years.

Air Power

Wars in the past two decades have given air power a position of pre-eminence in conflict − a weapon of first choice of sorts. With its basic attributes of reach, mobility, flexibility and response, air power brings to bear, in the

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shortest possible time, the required amount of mass at the required spot. There is no ‘one size fits all’ type of a solution for all types of conflicts as each emergent situation has a unique way out and needs to be addressed as such. It is here that the IAF needs to be ready with the wherewithal to deliver the results, especially with the likely subconventional and / or limited war type of a scenario being painted for the coming decades by strategists.

The coming years will see the maturing of the IAF fleet due the systematic efforts made in the past decade to fill existing gaps in the inventory of the IAF. The transport fleet has seen the induction of C-130s and the C-17 Globemaster.

The An-32s have been upgraded in Ukraine and steps have been set in motion to replace the AVRO, that old warhorse of the IAF (more on this later). Similarly, the helicopter fleet has been strengthened with the induction of almost 100 Mi 17V5 medium lift helicopters and the shortlisting of Apache and Chinook helicopters effected (the programmes need to be expedited). What is still in limbo is the long pending Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) programme comprising 126 aircraft which has unfortunately got mired in controversy. Using its substantial cost as an argument to scuttle the project, critics and armchair analysts are questioning the operational choice made by the IAF. Can the country afford a costly machine when a low cost Tejas (Light Combat Aircraft from HAL) or a single engine Gripen (from Sweden) is available, has been the question posed by them. Unsubstantiated cost figures have been stated and arguments forwarded to say that India should be looking at, what they term, ‘affordable’ airpower. Lost in their arguments is the basic premise on which any defence procurement is based − that of the primacy of capability development over cost. This does not imply that one goes overboard and plans for a ten foot enemy when one would only face a pygmy, but India has two adversaries that have a very credible conventional capability besides the fact that

they are nuclear powers too. A medium multi-role aircraft was felt necessary to address the conflict spectrum between the MiG-21 / 27 at the lower end and the Su-30 at the upper.

The Tejas Mk-I does not meet the IAF’s requirement and its Final Operational Clearance (FOC) is yet to be obtained. The Tejas Mk-II, which is what would meet the criteria to replace the MiG-21 (and not of a MMRCA), is still on the drawing board at HAL and would enter IAF service only by 2020. In the interim, the phasing out of the MiG-21s would deplete the squadron strength to unacceptable levels; it has already come down to 34 squadrons, as per the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence (15th Lok Sabha). So, no time should be lost in questioning a choice made by experts of the IAF. It needs to be kept in mind that the critics of the MMRCA do not bear any responsibility for their efforts to derail a professionally evaluated project by the IAF, the force which has been given the mandate for guarding the national skies.

Akash In Air Defence

Where does the money for all this come from? One needs to bear in mind that there are an equally staggering number of pending projects of the army and the navy.

As it stands, the government will have to do some delicate tightrope walking to trifurcate the budget, but it will have to be done with an impartial tri-Service assessment and subsequent prioritisation of the security needs. The threat assessment should dictate the distribution as the government’s stated invigoration of the nation’s Defence Industrial Base (DIB) would take at least two decades to bear fruit.

AIR VICE MARSHAL MANMOHAN BAHADUR VM (RETD) The writer is former Asst Chief of Air Staff. His last assignment was as Asst Chief of Integrated Defence Staff incharge of perspective planning and force structure of the Services. He is an Experimental Test Pilot from the French Test Pilots School, a graduate of the Air Command and Staff College, USA and a postgraduate in Defence and Strategic Studies from Madras University. His core interests concern Air Power and Strategic Affairs. He is currently a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.

Air defence capability is another area begging for an urgent look in the IAF inventory. While the Pechoras and OSA-AK surface-to-air missile systems have done their bit, it must be remembered that they were inducted almost HAL Bottleneck three decades back and are suffering low serviceability For too long has the county’s and obsolescence. It is some consolation that the DRDO defence preparedness been developed Akash medium range SAM system has finally held hostage to the monopoly seen the light of day, after many a hiccup and time delay. of our DPSUs and DRDO and The DRDO must ensure that there is no further delay in the private industry left out their manufacture and, as importantly, a reliable spare parts in the cold. A good start has chain is built-up to sustain the missile squadrons in the field. been made by the recent government decision to go along The Long, Medium and Short Range SAM projects (being with the novel proposal of the IAF for the AVRO replacement developed through work share arrangements with foreign programme in which the Request for Proposal (RFP) has OEMs) have already seen inordinate delays and need to be been given to foreign vendors only (and not to HAL) and speeded up. There are press reports who have been asked to choose an to the effect that the IAF does not Indian Production Agency (IPA) There are press reports to the from amongst the private players. want the Short Range SAMs now as the Akash fits the bill; if true, this effect that the IAF does not This points to the realisation and is really good news and a positive acceptance by the government of want the Short Range SAMs the fact that HAL’s order books are step towards indigenisation. One sincerely hopes that DRDO and now as the Akash fits the bill; full for the next decade plus and its labs rise to the trust placed on that its track record does not inspire if true, this is really good news confidence in its capability to meet them by the nation and get other projects going too. A holistic and a positive step towards timelines. It is hoped that through reappraisal of the overall air defence the AVRO replacement programme indigenisation capability is in order. the private industry would be able to demand and absorb technology Maritime Defence from its foreign partner and get a leg-in into the defence The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is gaining in importance in aviation industry. Efforts should be made to make this the strategic calculus of India. While the Indian Navy would approach a success as other projects too, of the other two be the flag bearer in this endeavour, the fact remains that in Services also, can then be progressed in a similar manner to these times of quick connectivity it would be air power that kick-start the indigenisation process. would be the first on the scene of an emergency. While the maritime reconnaissance capability has got a big boost with Contented Work Force the induction of the P-8I in the navy, offensive airpower would Finally, nothing will go along the desired track if the still see the IAF as the first responder in the IOR through man behind the machine is not competent. Pending HR Su-30s and the maritime Jaguar. For this, aerial refuelling issues governing Service personnel have to be looked into assets need to be in sufficient numbers in the inventory; the by the government with the greatest of urgency so as to six Il-78s procured in the 1990s have to be supplemented with have a contended work force donning the uniform. The the six additional Flight Refuelling Aircraft that the IAF has 7th Pay Commission is round the corner and it offers the been demanding and for which the Airbus A-330 Multi Role powers that be a chance to make amends vis-à-vis the serious Tanker Transport (MRTT) has been short-listed. Similarly, anomalies that had plagued the earlier dispensations. It is expanding the area of aerial command and control, the time that the bureaucrats and politicians realised that having three additional Airborne Warning and Control Systems a contented Indian soldier, sailor and airman is the start (AWACS) aircraft should be expedited. point to ensuring a stable and robust defence posture.

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LIFELONG LEARNING values, beliefs, behaviour and goals. And everyone works together to benefit the society as a whole. Education builds social resilience and cohesion through community networks, creates social safety nets and leads to civil society systems with latent power that makes the people and the country secure and resilient. Resilient societies have:

• • • •

Forward Operating Base

Importance Of Education For National Security Education is an enabler for social cohesion. Social cohesion is a common bond amongst people through common culture, values, beliefs, behaviour and goals.

And everyone works together to benefit the society as a whole. Education builds social resilience and cohesion through community networks, creates social safety nets and leads to civil society systems with latent power that makes the people and the country secure and resilient.

Whatever the cost of our libraries, the price is cheap compared to that of an ignorant nation. — Walter Cronkite

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his write-up is motivated because of our PM’s speech on Independence Day from the Red Fort. His speech was an educational speech, not politically oriented and it is this element of education that creates a strong force-generation for politics, economics and societal development.

As the above quote so rightfully conveys the importance for evoking the “want” to expand knowledge and the PM’s speech so rightfully tallies with bringing the nation out of ignorance, because ignorance is not bliss, he pointed out realities and struggles, he spoke about human issues and what simple measures should be taken. A humane philosophy is the base for creating awareness, by stating facts without frills and removing ignorance.

In this article I don’t want to stress on community policing, violent extremism, border security etc. I would like us to take a moment to think about education, its importance in “building” the men and women of the country and how these empowered individuals contribute collectively towards securing the nation. And no better DSA issue to convey this point than the Anniversary issue, because team DSA is doing just what I am writing about – it is educating the audience, bringing awareness which is the first step towards knowledge.

Education-National Security Conjunct

Social Resilience

National security – primarily starts from within the country, to secure the country from insider threats. The plaguing issues in India that we are all aware of can be prevented and measures erected with the assistance of every single individual. But to understand the depth of these issues and have a desire to work together must be instilled; it must be

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everyone’s responsibility. So when we hear the PM convey to the parents of India to be more vigilant about their children and inculcate moral values and ethics, it is absolutely correct!

Children are the future citizens and how they are raised creates the fabric of the society.

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21st century is the time for operationalising human security and human development, raising the human capital of the country.

Education is an enabler for social cohesion. Social cohesion is a common bond amongst people through common culture,

Knowledge of the hazard Accurate perception of the risk Understanding available alternatives The resources and flexibility to respond successfully

Resilience should be defined broadly to include not only the concepts of planning and vulnerability reduction through development and socio-economic conditions but also the concepts of fairness and legitimacy.

Education does not just prepare one for acquiring a job; education does and should trigger higher thinking lending a hand in creating social capital, developing capacities at the community level and in every household.

Education must utilise culture because culture is to society what memory is to the brain. Cultivating cultural values builds social resilience. Cultural infrastructure is a strategic tool, which empowers greater rootedness, innovation and creativity in the minds of people.

Socio-military Analogy

A forward operating base (FOB) in pure military definition is a secured forward military position that supports the tactical operations. FOB is critical to warfighting strategy as it improves reaction time to local areas.

Let’s take this definition and apply it to the context of education, society and security. Emphasis on education encompasses elements of security for a nation.

Education expands intelligence, intelligence builds character and character embeds mindfulness.

Every citizen when mindful will collectively lead the nation towards prosperity.

global security. Investing in human capital through education is imperative! An educated society thus becomes the “Forward Operating Base” of a nation. Education is a soft skill but is critical for establishing and maintaining security of a country.

Security is bidirectional: What the country does for its citizens and what citizens do for their country. But citizens are the guardians, responsible for the management of society.

A leader’s role is to be a strategic thinker to lead the country find ways and means to develop the thoughts into action but the final power lies in the hands of the citizens and how motivated they are and willing to take on the role of the guardians, the extended arms of the leader. This motivation should come from within from the “feeling” of being part of the country, your roots.

Globalisation Woes

DR RUPALI JESWAL The writer is an Intelligence and Terrorism Analyst, Operational Psychologist and Clinical Hypnotherapist based in South-east Asia. She has also received training in specialised areas including counterterrorism, intelligence and tactical operations. She specialises in cognitive learning processes and neural pathway response and how these factors apply to specialised trainings. She is an expert in the field of non-verbal micro and macro expression for deception and detection and also using non-verbal assets for psychological self-assessment in conjunction with Emotional Intelligence to enhance the human mind, personality, image and spirit. She is the Director of Counter Extremism Research & Training Program: IACSPSEA (International Association for Counter-Terrorism and Security Professionals, South-east Asia) and member APA (American Psychological Association), APP (Association of Professional Psychologists), FPRI (Foreign Policy Research Institute) and UK Certified Hypnotherapist and General Hypnotherapy Register.

She is CEO of Xiphos-ISS, a multidisciplinary training organisation and Chief of Training Operations, DX India.

Globalisation has created many positives but also many negatives, the cultural values seem to have gone out of the window and majority may not even know what are these values. When we need to defend something, we need to know what is it we are defending and why? We must be able to see the holistic picture as well as the little details that make the picture.

Tailored education for the big picture of national security is what is needed to bring collective awareness.

This is not a utopian thought of mine, fortunately there are known world leaders and thinkers who have emphasised the role of education such as Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Mark Twain, Martin Luther King Jr, CS Lewis and many more. In the Independent Task This capacity of citizens is Force Report No 68 on US Education Reform and National developed foremost by education, A forward operating base Security sponsored by the Council which then develops secure, stable (FOB) in pure military definition and sustainable structures in on Foreign Relations (March 2012), Condoleezza Rice conveyed, is a secured forward military all sectors. An educated society “failing schools undermine first line of defence as it position that supports the isnottheonly economic growth, competitiveness, empowers people but tactical operations. The FOB it creates general awareness, social cohesion and the ability to within each and fill positions in institutions vital is critical to warfighting self-awareness every citizen creating collective to national security. … “Human strategy as it improves responsibility and common capital will determine power in the commitment towards security. current century and the failure to reaction time to local areas Just as technical skills aid security produce that capital will undermine measures, so does education, America’s security”. which conveys understanding of one’s own culture and In my opinion this message is for every country, as values providing reason and motivation to improve and ultimately every nation’s security will contribute towards become better than what we are today.

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DSA 5th anniversary

LIFELONG LEARNING

Education generates the “why” and the “what” which refines thinking, reasoning with a rational mind and being proactive for the country’s security, strengthening rule of law, full respect of human rights, fundamental freedom, personal and community security.

National security is a responsibility of all citizens and it is no longer limited to military or law enforcement endeavours.

they are able to be in stride with socio-economic, political, technological and scientific changes.

Emile Durkheim’s point on society and social cohesion conveys that organic solidarity is the base for modern societies, as people are interconnected due to their reliance on each other – division of labour.

Globalisation has led to interconnectivity in many ways but on “ground zero” has led to alienation in societies and communities. We need to rethink about reconnecting for security issues not just via technology but through Beside the standard subjects, community-based dialogues, and local government schools teach students on how community exchange of thoughts and ideas to live in society, use social and finally the central and local cognition, be an independent government dialogues.

Educated societies are elite societies that safeguard the interest of each other thereby assisting in a more profound way to establish safe society, cities and ultimately the country.

Education has effects far beyond the classroom; through education, societies foster values, spread ideas and equip their citizens with skills for participation in society. As Nelson Mandela stated, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world”.

learner, make and take initiatives, understand moral values and use civil judgment, all these are life-skills needed by everyone

One reason for this is that education helps people make informed judgments. It also aids in reducing poverty, boosts economic growth, leads to better health and promotes gender equality. “Education has a key role in fostering national and international cooperation for security measures through i) ii) iii) iv)

community capacity building initiatives, increasing awareness on myriad of threat issues, knowing prevention strategies and learning through global interaction and best practices”.

For governments and populations facing challenges worldwide, an educated population is crucial. Moreover education has a key role in the development of national and international reinforcements for the multilateral governance, which is much needed to address issues, such as finance, trade, security and environmental sustainability.

When population through education can receive some understanding of the mechanics of sustainable societies, meaning of security, gender equality, resilience, knowing current status and vulnerabilities existing in their environment, is more likely to support political solutions to changes.

Many psychological researches on violence and aggression have pointed out that on average, the more time you spend at school the less violent you will become. Beside the standard subjects, schools teach students on how to live in society, use social cognition, be an independent learner, make and take initiatives, understand moral values and use civil judgment, all these are life-skills needed by everyone.

Beyond basic literacy, societies which create a paradigm shift towards Lifelong learning improve quality of life and it cultivates remedies for every thinkable human crisis.

Lifelong learning is experienced throughout one’s life through formal or informal education institutions, the key objective of lifelong learning is to enhance people so

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Durkheim model of education when used by educators:

• Brings knowledge • Shapes values • Introduces social conformity

These three factors are evolutionary and need revisiting in every developmental stage of human life, it is simply not enough any more that once an individual is done with formal education, gets a job and then has no interest or outlet for learning more.

Lifelong Learning

A country must become a learning organisation to keep pace with present environment of threats and vulnerabilities; people must work together to diminish the demoralising issues that exist in India. Without the support of the people the country cannot be secured. If security is made everyone’s responsibility then, security in such societies would be based not only on a balance of forces, but also on meaning-making and value-motivated and accord harmonising common interests. Security policies need focus on human capital, as it will influence regional as well as international systems towards stability and common good of people.

The position of a state in the world depends on the degree of independence it has attained. It is obliged, therefore, to organise all its internal resources for the purpose of self-preservation. This is the supreme law of the state.

— Leopold von Ranke A dialogue on politics (1836) 1836 to 2014 – self-preservation is a continuous process. In my humble opinion – internal resources of a state are its people; glory and downfall of a state rests in the hands of its people.

AIR POWER

Light Combat Aircraft

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he Indian Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), a 4+generation Fighter Aircraft, is the world’s smallest, light-weight, multi-role, supersonic aircraft optimised for Air-Superiority and Air-Defence Roles. It was designed, primarily, to meet the frontline tactical requirements of the Indian Air Force (IAF). LCA is an amalgamation of several contemporary features and technologies, some of which are:

• Agility: Unstable Tail-less Compound Delta planform

permitting Carefree Manoeuvring with superior Handling Qualities and enabling Advanced Autopilot Modes.

• Light-weight: Extensive use of advanced composite materials (about 70 per cent of Airframe by weight).

• Advanced Avionics Suite: Advanced Glass Cockpit with enabling Situational Awareness, Decision Support and Data Fusion. Open Architecture Mission and Display Computer for obsolescence management. Computer Control for Electro-mechanical System and Advanced Weapon Management System.

• Advanced Electro-mechanical Systems: Computer controlled Brake Management, Fuel and Environment Control System (ECS). Indigenisation of major sub-components such as Aircraft-mounted Accessories Gearbox, Carbon-Carbon Brake Disc, Heat Exchangers, Hydraulic and Fuel Valves.

When LCA flew for the first time in the year 2001, it was nearly four decades after HF-24 (Marut), the previous indigenous fighter, was flown. The gap in Technology, Human Resources and Infrastructure were bridged by networking a large number of Public and Private organisations, academic institution and various other DRDO and CSIR laboratories across the country. Numerous facilties and capabilities were established, some of the major ones being:

• Mini Bird and Iron Bird for Flight Control • • • • • •

System Integration Dynamic Avionics Integration Rig Avionics Bird Brake Dynamometer and Drop Test Rigs ECS, Secondary Power System and Fuel System Test Rigs Engine Test Bed Mobile Electromagnetic Inteference / Compatibility Test Facility

In addition, the following Major facilities were established to aid design Evaluations and Flight Testing:

• National Flight Test Centre to carry out Flight Testing with mobile telemetry stations

• Real Time Simulator to test and validate control laws • System Design and Evaluation Facility for Model based

evaluations • Virtual Reality Facility to study assembly, accessibility and other related aspects

• Lightning Test Facility • Explosive Atmosphere Test Facility

PS SUBRAMANYAM The writer is Distinguished Modern design concepts such as Multi-disciplinary Scientist and Programme Director (Combat Aircraft) at DRDO. He is Design Optimisation, Product leading several National Teams Lifecycle Management and who have accomplished the Initial Systems Engineering were Operational Clearance of Tejas Light Combat Aircraft and built used extensively and various the Naval variants of LCA, ready state-of-t he-a r t desig n for Carrier Compatibility tests. tools have been developed.

Various critical processes such as Quality Assurance and Independent Validation and Verification have also been established.

The LCA timeline • Project Definition Phase (PDP) initiated in August 1983 with a government sanction of Rs 560 cr for conception of LCA programme.

• PDP document submitted to the government in 1988.

• In mid 1993 Phase-I of Full Scale Engineering Development (FSED) sanctioned.

• Rs 2188 cr sanctioned included Rs Rs 560 cr sanctioned earlier.

• Scope limited to building and flight testing two Technology Demonstrators only.

• First Flight on 4th January 2001 (Less than 8 yrs) • FSED Phase-II sanctioned towards design, development and flight testing of 3 Prototypes and 8 Limited-series Aircraft at a cost of Rs 3301.78 cr.

• Additional Rs 2475.78 cr sanctioned in 2010.

• The delay in obtaining these sanctions necessitated several design upgrades towards obsolescence management.

• All these were addressed making Tejas a state-of-the-art, advanced 4+ generartion combat aircraft.

• Tejas granted Initial Operation Clearance (IOC) on 20th December 2013.

• Final Operation Clearance (FOC) expected in early 2015.

At IOC, the LCA as an aerial fighting machine, has met most of the user-specified requirements. By FOC, its capability shall be further enhanced with the integration of Air-to-Air Refuelling probe, Beyond Visual Range Missiles, additional Low Drag Bombs and Gun. The LCA Programme has fostered the growth of human capital in Aeronautical Engineering and has nurtured core competency in design, development, manufacture and flight testing of advanced fighter aircraft. It has elevated the technological standards in various disciplines of science and engineering and, has created an invaluable experience-library, a rich knowledge-pool and a vast infrastructure that will facilitate future Indigenous aircraft programmes such as Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft, Unmanned Combat Air Vehicles, Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft, Military Transport Aircraft and also Civil Aircraft.

In addition to placing the country in the league of few majors having 4+ generation fighter aircraft development capability, the LCA programme has brought in a metamorphosis in the country’s ambitions for self-reliance in aeronautics.

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COMBAT READINESS Singapore, South Africa and Israel as well as cancellation of contracts. However, on account of failure on his part to separate offences related to corruption in the processing of tenders from the crucial defence contracts themselves, Antony metaphorically speaking, more often than not, ended up “throwing the baby out with the bath water!”

The inordinate delays in the process of procurement of military hardware or failure of contracts in some cases, the Indian Armed Forces suffered progressive erosion of operational capability during the last ten years.

Defence Procurement

Modernisation Of The Indian Air Force Imperatives For The New Government Like the rest of the nation, the IAF also is full of hope that with the Modi-led NDA government in power, the problem of the glaring deficiencies the Service is afflicted with, will be addressed effectively and in a respectable timeframe. On top of the list is the urgent need to restore the combat potential of the IAF that has been on a continuous downslide in the last few years.

As against a currently authorised strength of 39.5 combat squadrons, the strength of the fighter fleet has gone down to 34 squadrons.

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he fact that the Indian Air Force (IAF) today has serious deficiencies in critical areas, is not a closely guarded secret. The state of affairs with regard to operational readiness is disconcerting especially in the context of the growing security challenges that the nation may have to contend with in the rapidly changing geopolitical and geostrategic environment in the region. The security dilemma is further accentuated by the perpetual threat of terrorism and subversion sponsored by Pakistan, the proposed withdrawal of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan by the end of this year, the rise of China as a formidable military and regional power, the frequent incursions with impunity by troops of the People’s Liberation Army across our northern and north-eastern borders and the growing nexus both in the conventional and nuclear regimes, between the two not-so-friendly neighbours China and Pakistan with the ever increasing possibility of their military collusion against Indian interests. Under the prevailing circumstances, the Indian Armed Forces must be well-equipped and prepared in all respects to respond to the challenges they may be

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called upon to confront. As the IAF is expected to be the spearhead in any national military venture in the future, there is imperative need for it not to lag behind in operational preparedness or be found deficient technologically in its state of equipment and weapon systems.

Operational Preparedness

The state in which the Indian Armed Forces are today is widely perceived to be attributable to the decade-long period of inaction of the UPA government owing largely to paralysis in decision-making at both the bureaucratic and political levels. Most observers and analysts are of the view that the responsibility for the malaise must lie squarely on the shoulders of AK Antony, the longest serving Minister of Defence during the incumbency of the UPA government, who sacrificed capability-building of the Indian Armed Forces on the altar of personal honesty and integrity that indeed are said to be beyond reproach. Antony’s tenure as the head of the Ministry of Defence will be remembered largely for scandals in the procurement of military hardware, blacklisting of leading aerospace and defence companies of

inadequate in responding to the imperatives of national security. Apart from the Pilatus basic trainer aircraft, no other deal has been successfully executed through the DPP. The list of failed tenders include those for a new engine for the Jaguar fleet, for 197 light utility helicopter for the Indian Army and the IAF as well as for howitzers to replace the obsolescent Bofors field guns. Despite the 13 years of vigorous and sustained effort by the IAF, the largest tender under the DPP ie for 126 medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA) is yet to be finalised. There appears to be no certainty of the timeframe in which the contract is to be awarded.

AIR MARSHAL BK PANDEY But there have been some successes too. During the last decade, the IAF has been able to strengthen its transport PVSM, AVSM, VM (RETD) fleet to some extent with the acquisition of a fleet of The writer is former AOC-in-C HQ Training Command, IAF, ten C-17 Globemaster III Strategic Airlift Aircraft from Bengaluru and served for three Boeing. This four-engine giant has a payload capacity years in a Diplomatic Assignment of 75 tonnes. The largest transport aircraft that the IAF at the Indian Embassy during the had possessed prior to the acquisition of the C-17 was the years of turmoil (1989-1992) in Russian Il-76, another four-engine strategic airlift aircraft war-torn Afghanistan. He was responsible for setting up the only that could carry a maximum of 43 tonnes. So far, the IAF English Medium School in Kabul has received six of the ten C-17s ordered and the remaining at that point in time. He has also four are expected to be delivered by the end of the year. The been Operations Manager at ARC, other fleet that has been acquired also from the US is the an intelligence organisation. four-engine, 20-tonne payload capacity, C-130J Super Hercules Glaring Deficiencies turboprop transport aircraft manufactured by Lockheed Like the rest of the nation, Martin. Six of these have already been received of which the IAF also is full of hope that with the Modi-led NDA one was lost in a tragic accident government in power, the problem that took five precious lives. The the glaring deficiencies the In fact, the most serious of IAF has placed orders for another Service is afflicted with, will be problem that the Indian Armed addressed effectively and in a six. As both these acquisitions were channeled through the Foreign timeframe. On top Forces and more so the IAF respectable Military Sales (FMS) programme of of the list is the urgent need to faced during the tenure of the restore the combat potential of the the US government in direct deals between the two governments, UPA government, has been the IAF that has been on a continuous downslide in the last few years. they were executed without delay, failure of the DPP. Although As against a currently authorised controversy or allegations of wrongdoing that has now become meant to provide to the Indian strength of 39.5 combat squadrons, the strength of the fighter fleet a norm in the open tender system Armed Forces wide range of has gone down to 34 squadrons. of contracting in accordance with the Defence Procurement options in the choice of aircraft With the phasing out of the fleet planned to commence Procedure (DPP). and weapon-systems, provide MiG-21 in 2017 and the timeframe for the In fact, the most serious problem the best value for money induction of the Rafale MMRCA that the Indian Armed Forces and well as the Light Combat and total transparency in the as more so the IAF faced during the Aircraft, Tejas Mk I produced by process, the DPP proved to Hindustan Aeronautics Limited tenure of the UPA government, yet uncertain, the strength has been the failure of the DPP. be completely inadequate in (HAL) of the combat fleet could go down Although meant to provide to the responding to the imperatives further. However, if the 272 fourth Indian Armed Forces wide range generation Su-30 MKI ordered of options in the choice of aircraft of national security with HAL are delivered to the IAF and weapon-systems, provide by 2019, the strength of the combat the best value for money and total transparency in the process, the fleet would stabilise at around 26 squadrons. Of these, other squadrons, the remaining DPP proved to be completely than the Su-30 MKI will be left with third-generation aircraft over 30 years old and on life extension through upgrades. In the meantime, the UPA government had approved enhancement of the combat fleet to 42 squadrons by 2022. Thus the IAF could well find itself confronting the burgeoning challenges

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COMBAT READINESS

BRING REAL SOLUTIONS TO REAL SECURITY CHALLENGES

OCTOBER 14 -16 with just about 60 per cent of the authorised fleet strength operational consisting of a mix of modern and obsolescent combat jets. As this would not at all be a happy situation for the IAF, the NDA government cannot and must not allow the situation to drift any more as it would lead to a serious compromise of national security.

possibly mean a demise of the project, a situation that would be an unmitigated disaster for the IAF as to quote a former Chief of the Air Staff, “The IAF does not have a Plan B”.

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Acquisition Debacle

A development equally devastating if not worse for the IAF, has been the recent disclosure that the project with On top of the agenda for the NDA government therefore HAL related to the new Intermediate Jet Trainer (IJT), the must be to bring the ongoing contract negotiations for the HJT 36, that was initiated in the beginning of the last MMRCA to a speedy conclusion and award the contract to decade to replace the ageing fleet of HJT 16 Kiran aircraft, the winner ie Dassault Aviation of France whose offer of the has failed to clear the f light test profile and that the Rafale omni-role combat aircraft was declared as the preferred aircraft would have to be redesigned. This is all the more option in January 2012 after an shocking for the IAF as it comes elaborate and rigorous selection after HAL failed to develop even Other facets in which the the basic trainer aircraft for process. The IAF had initiated the case for the MMRCA in 2001 to fill IAF would need tacit support Stage I training to replace the the void that was anticipated with grounded permanently in from the government would HPT-32 the retirement of the earlier models 2009, leaving the IAF no option but of the MiG-21 fleet inducted in the be in its effort to enhance the to procure the Pilatus PC7 Mk II Switzerland. Apart from the mid 1960’s. However, it took the focus on Unmanned Aerial from Rs 4500 crore already invested government six years to issue the Systems especially Unmanned in the IJT project, the IAF is in Request for Proposal (RFP). Of the dilemma as the Kiran six global aerospace majors in the Combat Aerial Vehicles as serious f leet is rapidly approaching the race, based on technical and flight well as induction of force end of its Total Technical Life evaluation, the IAF shortlisted two, the Eurofighter Typhoon from the multipliers such as aerial and cannot be retained in service for much longer. The IAF will then EADS and the French Rafale. tankers and Airborne Warning expect the new government to As the latter quoted a lower unit support the move to procure cost, it was declared as the preferred and Control Systems an IJT from abroad and on fast platform in January 2012. track. But more importantly, the But there may be impediments for the new government, government needs to seriously review the performance one major issue being to muster the resources to fund this of the Indian aerospace major HAL and take a call acquisition. The NDA government has inherited an economy whether it needs to be restructured and retained as a that is not exactly in a healthy state. Along with this it has Defence Public Sector Undertaking or privatised. also inherited huge financial burdens passed on by the Other facets in which the IAF would need tacit support from UPA. Besides, in 2007, the value of the MMRCA tender was estimated as US$ 10.4 billion. However, as per a public the government would be in its effort to enhance the focus statement in 2012 by Air Chief Marshal NAK Browne, the on Unmanned Aerial Systems especially Unmanned Combat then Chief of the Air Staff, the value of the contract had Aerial Vehicles as well as induction of force multipliers gone up to US$ 20 billion owing to hidden costs related to such as aerial tankers and Airborne Warning and Control Transfer of Technology and Life Cycle management. With Systems. The government would be expected to expedite the prevailing exchange rate, this would translate to unit ongoing negotiations and finalise contracts as also push for price of Rs 95.3 million as against the initial estimate of speedy conclusion of projects already in the pipeline. The Rs 49.5 million in 2007. Two years down the line since then, deals that have been awaiting finalisation for some time are it is only to be expected that the cost of the deal would for six Airbus A-330 Multi-Role Tanker Transport in-flight escalate further and some estimates are that it has gone up to refuelling aircraft, 22 AH64D Apache Attack Helicopters and US$ 22 billion which at the prevailing exchange rate, 15 CH47F Chinook Heavy-lift Helicopters. translates to a price of Rs 104.8 million per aircraft! And if And finally, the IAF would expect the government the project continues to be afflicted by further delay, it would bring into focus not only the all-important and possibly to appoint a full-time Minister of Defence, one overriding question of “affordability” but also the fact that with the drive, determination and dynamism to the aircraft which is of 2001 vintage, will require mid-life re-energise the Indian Armed Forces and not be upgrade adding to the cost. Unending delays therefore, could smothered by bureaucratic inefficiency.

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75

DSA 5th anniversary

REPORT

Ninth International Conference On

Energising Indian Aerospace Industry Conducted By CAPS And CII September 10-11, 2014

d) Energising and encouraging Indian Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) to become a part of global supply chain in the aerospace sector will help in acquisition of requisite technologies and skills. This in turn will boost indigenisation efforts in the country. e) The MSMEs in India in aerospace sector are beset with problems such as high capital cost, low volumes and long gestation period. Financial support to MSMEs will provide the requisite impetus to their growth and sustainability. Further, the policies conducive to the functioning of MSMEs should be formulated by the government. f) Cooperation and participation of MSMEs in the projects being undertaken by Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs) will give boost to their growth. g) Introduction of a new procurement category termed ‘Buy MSMEs’ in the Defence Procurement Procedure for projects below a given cost, say INR 50 crore, as the first in the hierarchy of various procurement categories would go a long way in energising MSMEs. h) The basic premise of No Cost No Commitment (NCNC) trials is dissuasive for MSMEs to take part as it is financially prohibitive due to the risks involved. This needs to be looked into to encourage MSME participation. i) Outsourcing by DPSUs to promote creation of Centres of Excellence and development of vendor base must be encouraged as it will aid growth of indigenous industry.

A 76

n international conference on ‘Energising Indian Aerospace Industry’ was conducted

by Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) and Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS) in association with Indian Air Force, on 10-11 September 2014 in New Delhi.

The broad objective of the conference was to seek active involvement and participation of industry in sourcing technological and equipment needs of Indian Air Force in aerospace sector as also to debate the indigenisation process put in place by the government. Around 200 participants from Services, strategic community, think tanks and industry participated and deliberated in the initiative. There was a majority consensus that processes required for imparting the required impetus and thrust to aerospace industry have been provided by recently introduced industry friendly policy stipulations like raising of the FDI limit to 49 per cent, creation of Defence Technology Fund, clarity on industrial licencing, Defence Products export strategy and SoPs and the PM’s assertion of “Make in India” initiative. The aim is to make India a major exporter of defence equipment. Plans to setup state level export commissions is also a welcome step.

Recommendations

During the deliberations held over a period of two days, a number of constructive and useful recommendations were made. These are summarised as below.

c) The ‘Make in India’ initiative must be accelerated; what is important is that manufacturing comes to India, with its associated spin-off effects.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

a) Since R&D activities are resource intensive, more investment should be made by Industry, both in public and private sectors. Government should also financially support R&D by private industry in aerospace sector through specific incentives and tax benefits. b) Government should encourage joint ventures and co-development between the foreign Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) and Indian private industry. In this regard, the ‘Request for Proposal’ (RFP) for a suitable replacement for aging AVRO f leet made by Indian Air Force and invitation of ‘Request for information’ for projects related to PC-7 Mark II trainer aircraft, air to air missiles, air to surface weapons, surface based guided weapons and rotor blades for helicopters are steps in the right direction. The issuance of RFP by MoD to OEMs for AVRO replacement with only private sector Indian Production Agency (IPA) clause represents its resolve to promote aerospace sector.

j) Foreign companies, while importing defence equipment for the Ministry of Defence and its contractors, are exempt from custom duty as applicable on import of goods. Similarly, goods manufactured by DPSUs are exempt from excise duty on manufacturing activity.

Indian industry does not enjoy such exemptions, making them uncompetitive when pitted against foreign companies and DPSUs. The government should rationalise the tax regime for import of capital goods by Indian manufacturers and should offer them the same tax exemptions, incentives and benefits that are admissible to the DPSUs. k) The key objective of the defence offset policy is to leverage capital acquisitions to develop the Indian defence industry. However, the offset policy should embrace a capability and capacity building approach with a simplistic structure. Offsets should be looked at as opportunities and not as obligations and the OEM should retain complete responsibility for honouring its commitments.

Main concerns on offsets as brought out by OEMs were:

•

Tier 1 Vendors should be company specific and not programme specific for fulfilling offset requirements • Offsets contribution should not be limited by work share content • Flexibility in changing Offset partner / product should be permitted

l) E s t a b l i s h i n g a nd nurturing a strong Industry-Academia link for regular interactions will accrue rich dividends to both, academic institutes and aerospace sector.

Government should initiate measures to promote t h is.

Curriculum revision at DEFENCE AND university level in the field AEROSPACE DIVISION, of aerospace to overcome the present disconnect CONFEDERATION OF between the acquired INDIAN INDUSTRY (CII) knowledge and the requirement of aerospace industry will go a long way in helping the industry. m) Formulation of a national level strategy for creating a robust and thriving ecosystem for aerospace industry is a must. In this regard, establishing an Aerospace Commission should be considered. n) Standardisation of certification processes under the domain of various agencies like RCMA, DGAQA, MSQA, DGQA and DGCA will ensure quality and standards of products and procedures. o) Accountability of personnel at various levels of procurement will bring transparency and effective implementation of policy guidelines. p) The government machinery should be made more accessible to the industry. Similarly, interaction between the industry and military should be enhanced for mutual benefit. q) Defence procurement is a very specialised field and steps must be taken urgently to institutionalise formal training for personnel involved, including that of programme management.

Speaking at the occasion, Air Marshal RK Sharma, Vice Chief of the Air Staff said that the Indian Air Force is keen to involve the Indian industry in aircraft, weapon systems and electronic warfare systems manufacturing. Dr RK Tyagi, Chairman, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited suggested the formation of an Indian Aeronautics Commission that brings various organisations and institutes currently functioning under different Ministries under one umbrella.

Air Marshal Vinod Patney SYSM, PVSM, AVSM, VrC (Retd), Director General, Centre for Air Power Studies; Mr Satish K Kaura, Chairman Samtel Group; Mr Sujith Haridas, DDG, CII; Cmde Sujeet Samaddar (Retd) CEO ShinMaywa Industries India; Mr Phil Shaw, Chief Executive Lockheed Martin; Mr Stephane Lauret, CEO, SAFRAN India; Mr Arijit Ghosh, President Aerospace Honeywell India; Mr Xavier Hay, CEO, Airbus Helicopters India; Mr Terry Hegarty, Director, Rolls-Royce India; Air Marshal SBP Sinha, AVSM, VM, Deputy Chief of the Air Staff, Indian Air Force and other distinguished experts confabulated on the way forward for energising the Indian Aerospace Industry.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

REVERSE ENGINEERING!

Chinese Air Force

Modernising With Indigenous Technology Despite the rapid progress made there are some areas of aircraft design and development where the Chinese are facing difficulties: Aircraft engine development and avionics, particularly in developing advanced phased array radars.

F

or China to become a military power capable of imposing its will in the region, particularly on the Taiwan issue and the maritime disputes is not an easy task as it has to encounter not only the regional powers but also the sole super power − the United States of America.

The US has deeply involved itself in the region with its ‘Asian Pivot’ strategy with the objective of containing China and is in the process of relocating its forces from elsewhere to the Asia-Pacific region as part of this strategy.

Being an expeditionary force the US depends on land based theatre bases and its Carrier Battle Groups (CBGs) to conduct military operations in the region and these are exactly the targets for the Chinese forces.

Area Denial Strategy

The Chinese have adopted the Soviet Union’s ‘bastion strategy’ presently referred to as the Anti-Access and Area Denial Strategy (A2AD). The objective of this strategy is to deny the US forces access to the theatre bases and preventing or at least severely restricting the freedom of operation of US forces in the region. To implement this strategy the Chinese conventional ballistic and cruise missile force under the Second Artillery Corps (SAC) and the PLAAF will play a crucial role along with the PLAN attack submarines and their anti-ship cruise missile carriers. In this combination the PLAAF has the most important role to play given the military limitations of ballistic missiles. Even with very high accuracy enormous numbers of missiles are required to extract the desired military effect. Hence the first strike would most probably be missile strikes to degrade the enemy’s air defence capability followed by air strikes to cause heavy attrition with an objective to sufficiently weaken his war waging ability and attain dominance of the battle sphere.

Indigenisation Policy

To achieve this PLAAF needs to sufficiently modernise to counter the sophisticated air defence and offense platforms of the enemy. Despite considerable advancement in the quality of its air force through acquisition of four and four plus generation platforms from Russia as well as inducting advanced indigenous fighter aircraft, the Chinese are far behind compared to the capabilities of its adversaries particularly the United States. Ever since the nineties the Chinese are focusing on indigenous development of advanced aircraft and related equipment. However, to meet the short-term requirements the Chinese have gone for

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acquisition of advanced aircraft from foreign sources. In this the Chinese policy is to derive maximum benefits by reverse engineering the purchased product which would obviously help in technology infusion and experience in aircraft manufacturing for the local defence industries.

Over the period the Chinese have made great strides in advanced aircraft design and manufacturing including the development of stealth aircraft like the J-20 and J-31. The Chinese have adopted various methods to progress in this area at this rapid pace by way of reverse engineering mostly Russian systems, acquisition of technology by clandestine means from some foreign countries, through electronic espionage and the infusion of commercial technology brought to the EEZ’s in China by Western companies. For instance, the J-10 aircraft was allegedly developed based on the Israeli Lavi jet design which was again alleged to be provided by the Israelis. Despite the rapid progress made there are some areas of aircraft design and development where the Chinese are facing difficulties: Aircraft engine development and avionics, particularly in developing advanced phased array radars. However, the Chinese are making all efforts to overcome these challenges which are evident from the news reports in the Chinese media.

A majority of these reports contain only pictures of the platforms as the Chinese maintain the habit of releasing pictures of their new weapon systems on the Internet without revealing any further detail of it. Most of the information available in the public domain is inferences based on the pictures and informed analysis based on the continuous monitoring of developments in this area. For the past few months majority of the news reports and articles on PLAAF from China are about the advancements in fighter engine development, composite airframes, fighter radar, AWACS and new aircraft development. Reading between the lines, it is evident that a high degree emphasis is placed on rigorous testing of the systems while they are in development phase.

AESA Radar

Most remarkable piece of the recent news is the picture that has emerged of a radar testing platform: A modified Tu-204 airliner. The nose of the airliner has been altered resembling the J-20 nose section housing the radar. The other image in the same report features a picture of a modified Y-8 aircraft with an altered nose section that resembles that of the

Sukhoi-27 / 30 or the J-11 radome. China is also indigenously developing Active Electronically Steered Array (AESA) radar which only a handful of countries are developing.

A notable fact is that the United States has the lead in this technology with a number of variants already deployed in its fighters and bombers. China is indigenously developing AESA radars for its J-10, J-16 and J-20 aircraft. The likely radar for the J-20 is the Type 1475 AESA with 1856 T/R modules. AESA is a radar technology that is based on solid state devices and electronic beam steering with no moving parts and the radar can simultaneously perform multiple functions like scanning, tracking, electronic warfare and data transmission. This radar creates a big advantage in Beyond Visual Range (BVR) combat in terms of early detection as the scanning is faster due to the electronic beam steering and longer range detection due to the focusing of energy in one particular direction.

Fighter Engine

The second critical area is engine development. Designing and developing an engine for an aircraft is the most complex task and even experienced players have faced problems and long delays in developing a suitable engine for their new aircraft under development. For example, the Russians despite having long experience in engine development still face severe problems. The Russian fighter engines are not as advanced compared to Western engines and there are reliability concerns too. One recent example is the series of engine failures in the Russian supplied Indian Air Force Su-30 MKI fleet. This is the reason why in many cases new fighter designs are made using the existing engines as power plant, later when new and better engines are available it is adopted for the airframe.

The Chinese have made considerable progress in indigenous fighter engine development. Presently China is working on the WS-10, WS-15 engine for the J-10, J-11 and J-20 fighters respectively. China is reportedly facing challenges in the development of the WS-15 engine, which is not expected to be ready before 2020. Hence the first batch of J-20 might be commissioned with the Russian engines. Nevertheless, news reports in the Chinese media in this sector indicate that China is determined to indigenously build jet engines. In one recent news report it is mentioned that China might need to import and stockpile five metric tonnes of rhenium, a metal with very high melting point (5,759 °F) used in aero engines.

However, if the history of fighter engine development world over is any guide, it can be said that China has a long way to go in fielding a deployable fighter engine for its indigenous aircraft. China is trying to shorten-up the developmental cycle by following overt and covert means.

Fighter Aircraft

China is working on several variants of combat aircraft which are four and four plus generation and fifth generation stealth fighters. The J-10, indigenously developed aircraft is operational and additional variants of this aircraft with improvements are under various stages of development.

The recent focus of the Chinese media is on the J-10C, the naval variant intended to be used in China’s aircraft carriers. Apart from this there is tremendous emphasis on the development of 5th generation aircraft like the J-20 and the J-31 stealth fighters. These aircraft are being constantly improved with advanced avionics, radar, fire control systems and further minimising their radar cross-section. The

J-20’s airframe is reported to have undergone significant improvements, particularly in the air intake segment. In the airframe design emphasis is placed on extensive use of composites in all possible segments of the aircraft. The use of composites reduces the weight of the aircraft while enhancing high load bearing.

This results in enhancing the aircraft’s performance as it increases the engine thrust to weight ratio.

AWACS

ARJUN SUBRAMANIAN P The writer is an engineering graduate in Electronics and Communication from Anna University, Chennai.

He did his masters course in East Asian Studies, Dept of East Asian Studies, University of Delhi.

Presently he is an Associate Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.

The other key development in China’s combat aviation sector is the development the new AWACS aircraft designated the K-500 which is equipped with a three dimensional phased array radar antenna disc which resembles the KJ-2000. AWACS is a huge force multiplier and will enhance the PLAAF’s situational awareness. China is modernising its armed forces based on network centricity to enable it to fight future wars where AWACS will act as a key node providing early warning and battle space data collection and distribution which will boost PLA’s war fighting capacity.

Future Trends And Implications

China will continue to improve its air war fighting capability by continuous technology upgradation. The primary objective is to defend its airspace from opposing enemy airborne platforms by eliminating or preventing them from carrying out operations to eliminate own command and control centres and forward operational bases and to perform deep penetration attacks on enemy bases. Despite the enormous progress made in modernising its air force, it is still far behind in terms of technological sophistication of Western air force and is not expected to match them at least till the end of next decade.

Moreover, given the problems faced by China in the area of fighter engine development which is not likely to be overcome in the near term, it will have to depend on the imported engines from Russia. The RCS of Chinese stealth platforms and the avionics, as argued by several analysts, is not expected to be on par with Western stealth aircraft. Nevertheless, any level of advancement in terms of technology and training will proportionally complicate the opposing force’s ability to enjoy freedom of operation in and around Chinese air space.

The same trend is expected to continue in the future as well with emphasis on stealth, better avionics, network centricity and improvement in precision attack capability.

The advantage for China is that it is a defending country as far as the United States is concerned while most of the targets of interest to China, to complicate US operations, are in the periphery of China. Chinese doctrine is ffensive-defence ie to defend against the enemy a strong and possibly pre-emptive offence to cause heavy attrition to enemy forces and to deny him the bases to launch operations against China. Hence, all modernisation efforts of the PLAAF in the near future will be towards acquiring the capability to attain this objective.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

GROWING CAMARADERIE

Modi Visit To Japan Under The Dragon’s Shadow

Both Japan and India were informed by the then Chinese leadership in the 1970s and 1980s that territorial disputes should be shelved for the time being and left to be resolved by the “next generation”. Both Indian and Japanese leaderships are now concerned about the new generation of leadership’s assertiveness in China since 2009. While there is less likelihood of any explicit understanding between Abe and Modi on a common approach towards the territorial disputes with China, the very fact of their meeting could send signals to Beijing to mend fences.

W

hen Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Tokyo from August 30 to September 3, there was no explicit mention of China in discussions with the Japanese leadership. However, despite improvements in relations, both India and Japan are concerned with the unbridled strategic rise of China in the recent period.

Continuing Provocations

Both New Delhi and Tokyo are facing similar problems with Beijing. Foremost is the issue of unresolved territorial disputes on which New Delhi and Tokyo are forced to spend enormous resources – financial, human and diplomatic – to counter the challenges from China and reshape the environment in their favour. For instance, despite ushering in confidence building measures between the two armed forces since 1996 and 2005 and border defence cooperation agreement of 2013, India-China border issues are alive with repeated transgressions – sometimes leading to incidents like the Chinese patrol marching 19 kilometers in Depsang Plains last year. Likewise, Japan-China relations deteriorated since 2010 with the Senkaku Islands dispute intensifying. Today both countries’ coast guards, navies and air forces are involved in a tug of war over these islands. The concern for both New Delhi and Tokyo is that there is no let up of these territorial disputes with Beijing and as such these disputes are threatening bilateral harmony. Both Japan and India were informed by the then Chinese leadership in the 1970s and 1980s that these disputes should be shelved for the time being and left to be resolved by the “next generation”. Both Indian and Japanese leaderships are now concerned about the new generation of leadership’s assertiveness in China since 2009. While there is less likelihood of any explicit understanding between Abe and Modi on a common approach towards the territorial disputes with China, the very fact of their meeting could send signals to Beijing to mend fences.

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Old Wounds

Secondly, political relations between the three most important states in Asia have not reached a level of equilibrium and the rise of China has brought in a new element of uncertainty in the region. Europe never sustained nor had long-lasting peace in the last century as long as UK, France and Germany did not come to terms with each other. Asia to start with does not have a unified multilateral institution that could address its rising security concerns. President Xi Jinping’s address to the Conference on Interaction in Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA) meeting at Shanghai in May this year did not assuage Asian feelings and could fuel more suspicions as China formally pitched its claims at the Asian levels. Rising nationalism in China and the widespread demonstrations across the country against Japan had recently fuelled tensions in the region. China’s leadership today had revived age-old wounds of 1930s on Nanjing massacre, comfort women issue, text book revival cases and Yasukuni Shrine visits of Japanese leaders. Public opinion polls in China today show a rising – if not yet alarming − level of negative views towards India as well. Lack of frequent high-level visits from China further enhances communication gap at the strategic leadership levels. For instance, only two Chinese Presidents thought it fit to visit Japan and India – Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao in November 1998 and May 2008 to Tokyo and in December 1996 and November 2006 to New Delhi, respectively.

Mid-course Correction

Thirdly, a hard-nosed realism on the part of New Delhi and Tokyo in economic issues indicates several lost chances of coming together, even as China benefited the most by the Japanese largesse. Japan’s trade and investment profile with China is more intensive than with that of India and Tokyo had realised it needs to do mid-course correction due to anti-Japanese protests, higher labour and land costs in China.

For instance, Japan-China trade was US$ 312 billion in 2013, a decline from US$ 334 billion in 2012 and a decline for two

consecutive years. Japan had a trade deficit of US$ 52 billion in favour of China. In comparison, Japan’s trade with India is less than US$ 20 billion in 2013, although growing marginally. Over 80,000 Japanese companies have opened shop in the China market, as compared to 1,800 in India. Japan invested nearly US$ 300 billion in China as compared to about US$ 12 billion in India, although Japanese Official Development Assistance and aid to India has been the largest recently. Nevertheless, Japan’s economic assistance to China contributed in no small measure to the latter emerging as the second largest economy in the world, displacing ironically Japan from this position. Japan is also wary that China had displaced it in value added trade with the Asia-Pacific countries.

New Delhi or Tokyo. Indeed, China even had gone to the extent of supplying weapons of mass destruction like nuclear and missile technologies or parts to Pakistan and has been exporting conventional arms to the other neighbours in Southeast and South Asia to counter India. Japan is also wary of any cooperation bet ween Ch i na a nd North Korea as both have a security treaty since 1961.

PROF SRIKANTH KONDAPALLI The writer is Professor at School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

For the Indian PM, Japan has the wherewithal to lift the Indian economic profile – specifically in the manufacturing Regardless of China’s and infrastructure projects. While China had been putting concerns, India and Japan have expanded cooperation in several political conditions on its proposed investments in the defence sector, specifically in the maritime field. For India, Japan has no qualms in this regard, except those which instance, during PM Manmohan Singh’s visit to Japan in are commercial in nature. Indeed, in this background, India October 2008, the two countries signed a joint declaration and Japan signed the Comprehensive Economic Partnership on security cooperation. Both have expressed concerns Agreement in 2011 to eliminate about 94 per cent of the tariffs over the increasing destabilisation tendencies of territorial within 10 years. On the other hand, India views with concern disputes and piracy incidents in the Southeast Asian region.

China’s proposal for a Free Trade Area for the possible dumping Both reiterated their position on freedom of navigation in of goods in the Indian market. Hence, no progress was achieved the Shangri-La, ASEAN Regional Forum and East Asian on the Chinese initiative. Japan’s investments in India in the Summit meetings. Both have initiated structured and first quarter of 2014 alone equals (at US$ 1.1 billion) to the in-depth cooperation in conducting joint naval exercises. For total Chinese investments in India for over a decade. Besides, instance, Indian Navy, the US Navy and Japan’s Maritime Japan is interested in several vital infrastructure projects in Self Defense Force conducted the Malabar 09 Exercise India, including the Delhi Metro Project, Western Dedicated in April 2009. Subsequently, in January 2012, both coast guards conducted joint exercise at Freight Corridor, the Delhi-Mumbai In July 2014, Japan’s naval Industrial Corridor with eight new Regardless of China’s Chennai. vessels joined the Malabar series industrial townships (estimated to cost US$ 92 billion) and the concerns, India and Japan of exercises in the Pacific along US and India, making it the Chennai-Bengaluru Industrial have expanded cooperation in with first such joint trilateral exercise Corridor. Next in the line could be the defence sector, specifically after the September 2007 exercise Japan’s hi-speed railway Shinkansen’s criticised by the Chinese side. entry into the Indian market, despite in the maritime field. Both was Apart from these for the first the capital intensive nature of its have expressed concerns over time, Japan is planning to sell to construction. These will be the focus of Modi’s agenda at Tokyo, besides the increasing destabilisation India a US-2 amphibian aircraft smart cities construction.

– indicating a diversification and tendencies of territorial intensification of the defence ties.

Fourthly, in their own right, disputes and piracy incidents in It is likely that as the Indian side India and Japan − regardless of had announced 49 per cent of the Southeast Asian region foreign direct investment in the China’s concerns – are evolving defence production sector, the mutually beneficial relations in the recent period. This process started in the last decade Japanese industry could see in it another opportunity with the path-breaking visit of Prime Minister Mori to to invest in this sector. While China had expressed its New Delhi in 2000 when with PM Vajpayee, both initiated reservations on the US-India civil nuclear agreement and “Global Partnership in the 21st Century”. This was upgraded was reluctant initially to agree to a waiver to India at both later to “Global and Strategic Partnership” in 2006 with International Atomic Energy Agency and Nuclear Supplies summit level meetings between the two PMs. Moscow is the Group deliberations in 2008 and as a quid pro quo started only other destination for the Indian PMs in this format. supporting Pakistan in this regard, PM Modi’s current Today both have structured dialogues in the 2+2 format of visit is likely to see a breakthrough on this subject with the interactions between the foreign and defence ministries and Japanese leadership. plan to further intensify discussions.

All in all, PM Modi’s visit is likely to further ties with Tokyo Defence And Security Cooperation in economic, technological, maritime, space, ballistic missile Fifthly, both India and Japan have also intensified dialogue defence and other areas of mutual concern. Like his visit to and cooperation on security and defence fields – an issue Thimpu and Kathmandu, Modi has left a lasting impression some Chinese have expressed concerns. However, that in the country that was next on the agenda. It is likely that appears to be unfair as China had evolved relations with Modi’s visit could lead to “substantial” improvement in the India’s and Japan’s neighbours regardless of the concerns of bilateral relations with Japan.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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DSA 5th anniversary

ADULT EDUCATION

Law Enforcement Training

Through European Financing

By participating in educational activities in a European context, students are developing civic, interpersonal, intercultural and social skills, learning skills and competences that are in line with the Council of Europe Recommendation on key competences for lifelong learning.

T

he extremely diverse picture of adult education in contemporary Europe reflects the extremely varied approaches to the common European space. Adult education as a mass phenomenon is a relatively young process, its foundation being established about 200 years ago, the history of adult education in each country being closely bound to its socio-political and historical context.

The European Context

Nowadays, the adult education is strongly oriented not only to personal, local or regional requirements, but also to the needs of the economic market. The international market of adult education expands in close connection with the development of the European internal market, becoming one of the areas that had an exponential growth throughout the period 2007-2013.

The financing methods in this sector covered a wide range of measures and allowed the organisations involved in adult education to work together in order to develop an institutional basis, to provide educational alternatives and to improve the access to those individuals who, no matter the age, want to acquire new skills and competences.

By participating in educational activities in a European context, students are developing civic, interpersonal, intercultural and social skills, learning skills and competences that are in line with the Council of Europe Recommendation on key competences for lifelong learning.

Once back home, participants can act as vectors for disseminating the benefits of learning in an international context and they can determine the participation of other persons in individual mobility programmes.

Erasmus+ Programme

The economic downturn of recent years has deeply affected EU countries. Consequently, European governments have made drastic budget cuts, which have had a major impact in public service organisations in all jurisdictions. As a result, some law enforcement executives preferred to reduce personnel training activities than dismiss the current employees and also they reduced training process to the minimum required.

In many ways, these difficult economic times should lead agencies to reassess the training needs, including the topics covered, the methodology used and the effectiveness achieved. With fewer resources available, the law enforcement organisations should ensure that staff

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training is done in a proper way and also to seek alternative funding solutions to support their activities.

Among the effects of the impact of economic crisis on law enforcement organisations I would mention:

• Budget decreases by 5-25 per cent; • Downsize of staff; • Overloading existing staff by assigning new tasks; • Underfunding; • Whenever a decision is made on reducing costs caused by underfunding, staff training is the first victim.

Question: What can be done? Answer: Look where the external financing sources lay: European Commission and other public and private funding providers.

Erasmus+ Programme with its three key actions (1-Learning mobility of individuals, 2-Cooperation and Innovation, 3-Support for policy reform) is a solution for law enforcement organisations to substitute the lack of funding from their governments.

Below you will find brief descriptions of two projects that could be developed by law enforcement agencies within the Erasmus+ Programme: A law enforcement organisation in Romania is revising curricula in the field of management. An evaluation shows the strengths and weaknesses of the organisation and makes recommendations for improving the quality of education in management packages. During the implementation of the project, the organisation will send the staff selected (top and middle managers) for various in-service training to ensure its professional development within educational institutions abroad. Being in contact with training providers recognised in the field of leadership and anti-corruption (such as Pointman Training Institute from UK) the applicant organisation may also send some of its staff members for a job shadowing or observation period for any relevant organisation. It is expected that teaching and learning capacity of the sending organisation to be improved after the project mobility and lead to internationalisation of the law enforcement organisation.

Another law enforcement organisation in Romania is preparing staff in IT&C. Police officers may be killed or injured when responding to a hostage taking situation or other critical incident. Practical training tailored to address critical situations could prevent lethal accidents. A strategic partnership creates a learning package based on the

state-of-the-art methodology and technology. The final result is a blended e-learning programme that provides additional training in strategy and tactics to address the initial phase of an intervention, to create capacity for early efficient emergency response. The e-learning method is combined with practical exercises. The partnership includes police and rescue services, public authorities responsible for public safety and, of course, vocational educational training providers.

Funding Opportunities

The India-European Union cooperation is rooted in a well-built institutional design. The annual summits (since 2000) and inter-ministerial meetings are the most noticeable characteristic of an ongoing practical dialogue. Regular dialogues are held on topics of common concern, such as security, counterterrorism, human rights and migration. In 2004, India became one of the EU’s strategic partners and since 2005, a Joint Action is implemented with the objective of accomplishing the full potential of this partnership in key areas of interest to India and the EU. Major efforts are focused on:

scientific excellence. Since the Erasmus Mundus programme’s launch in 2004, more than 2,500 Indians have been selected for Erasmus Mundus scholarships.

The next seven years are an opportunity to strengthen EU-India cooperation in this strong area of security, law enforcement and capacity building.

I will present a brief overview of the most important solution for funding and grants solutions available to entities in India: Erasmus+ Programme is

• Developing cooperation in the security field taking the new EU programme that

ADINA MACOVEI The writer is a police officer with 17 years of police experience working in operational and management positions within different departments in the Romanian Ministry of Interior, such as: Investigation Officer in the Romanian Police, Head of Remand House and Head of National Criminal Record Unit.

Currently she is Head of Unit in a Department within the Romanian Ministry of Interior.

in consideration the 2010 EU-India Declaration on International Terrorism; Law enforcement and police cooperation; Research technology and cybersecurity; Crisis management.

supports projects, partnerships, mobility and dialogue in education, training and youth. Due to strong international focus, more higher education opportunities will be open to individuals and institutions in India.

To convert this goal in reality, various exciting and popular education initiatives were developed and promoted by the European Union with the specific aim of providing support for the Indian state and non-state actors. As an example, since 2000 the EU has funded – over € 5 million – numerous projects in India, addressing issues related to the rule of law, torture and impunity, human rights education, trafficking of individuals and the rights of minorities, indigenous peoples and other marginalised groups.

Erasmus+ aims to boost skills and employability as well as modernisation education, training and youth work. The seven-year programme (2014-2020) will have a budget of € 14.7 billion; an increase of 40 per cent over the previous financial year, reflecting the EU’s commitment to invest in these areas. It will provide opportunities for more than 4 million Europeans / non-Europeans to study and gain experience by working and volunteering in other countries than their own.

• • •

The projects have covered a wide range of activities, such as monitoring the violation of human rights, providing legal aid and services, advocacy, awareness generation, empowerment and capacity building of law enforcement organisations, human rights defenders and national institutions and rehabilitation of victims of torture, trafficking and child labour.

EU-India Cooperation

Another example of good practice in the field of capacity building is the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) which, with a total budget of € 1.1 billion for 2007-2013, provided direct funding to civil society organisations, state actors and human rights defenders around the world. The projects are selected through global and, in some cases, national level calls for proposals, usually on an annual basis, India implementing many projects in this area.

In other previous programmes such as FP7 (Research and Development), more than 200 entities in India (some of them from law enforcement and security areas), participated in collaborative projects.

Over the last seven years, 173 Indian nationals have also asked for a grant of the European Research Council, of which 13 received one with the objective of improving

Calls for proposals specifically targeting India have also been launched by The New Indigo Partnership Programme that supports Indian-European multilateral research and networks projects and is funded by EU Member States, as well as by India. So far, four multilateral calls for proposals have been published. Research and development component within the law enforcement organisation might use this opportunity for innovative projects.

The new EU research and innovation programme, Horizon 2020 (2014-2020), which began only a few months ago, is also largely open to the participation of India, be it in the classical collaborative projects in mobility support actions (Marie Curie fellowships) or in the European Research Council’s grants (fundamental research).

Learning Together

I consider that this new context created by Erasmus+ as well as other public and private funding mechanisms may facilitate a much easier implementation of the “learning organisation” concept to the public order and national security structures not only in Europe, but also in other regions. According to Peter M Senge, the creator of this concept, in this kind of organisation people continually develop the ability to achieve the results they truly want, new thinking patterns are developed and cultivated and employees permanently learn “how to learn” together.

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STRATEGIC FLEXIBILITY

India

And China

Parameters For Fresh Engagement With the installation of new nationalistic government of Narendra Modi there have been clear indications that India will alter the nature of its engagement with China.

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s India and China seek to establish new parameters for engagement, both countries have new and strong leaders who soon after assuming office quickly defined a vision for their countries’ future. The relationship is important for both countries, who share a contentious 4,057 km long undemarcated border, as they strive to become prosperous and acquire global influence. India additionally has to contend with China’s assertiveness on territorial issues and the asymmetry in strength.

Jinping’s Emergence

In China, Xi Jinping was appointed General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee (CC) in December 2012 and since then, as the CCP further tightened its grip over key levers of the State, he rapidly accumulated and consolidated greater authority. In addition to holding China’s top Party, Government and Military posts, he has taken over leadership of seven of the Party’s Central Leading Small Groups, which are the highest decision-making bodies. His status in the CCP hierarchy was recently concretised with the authoritative Party theoretical fortnightly journal Qiu Shi (June 2014) describing him as “one of China’s greatest Communist leaders”. Xi Jinping is today China’s most powerful leader since Mao Zedong.

The developments in China were closely followed by the emergence at the national general elections in May this year of Prime Minister Modi with a majority in Parliament, unprecedented for thirty years, after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured a resounding victory in democratic elections. This has strengthened the new Prime Minister, Narendra Modi’s ability to change and implement policy as well as take new initiatives for engagement on fresh and revised terms. He was quick to demonstrate his leadership on foreign policy matters and outline the strategic objectives of his government by inviting leaders of countries, in whom India has an abiding interest, to his swearing in ceremony.

Beijing’s Assertiveness

Beijing, which has pushed for recognition as the dominant power in the Asia-Pacific, since late 2007 accelerated its efforts to change the status quo. Its assertiveness has sharpened the

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implicit contest for strategic space between Japan, the US, India and China and introduced volatility in the region.

The enforcement by China of its maritime territorial claims in the South China Sea has raised tensions and made South east Asian countries nervous. Factors that contributed to China’s assertiveness were mainly: the global economic downturn; China’s considerably enhanced economic and military strength; and Beijing’s perception that the US as a global power is on the decline and that it is now the opportune time for China to regain its self-perceived rightful position on the world stage. The seeming consensus in the CCP leadership that China has a window of opportunity that would last between 5-10 years before the US recovers and regains its ability to project power simultaneously in different theatres, has given impetus to China’s efforts.

Undeterred by US actions like the ‘Asian Pivot’, Beijing has clearly conveyed that it is not about to dilute its aspirations in the Asia-Pacific and is pressing ahead to achieve its global and regional ambitions. In February 2014, China’s Ambassador to the US, Cui Tiankai, reiterated to a Washington audience the role that Beijing desires in the Asia-Pacific.

China appears to have assessed that the US, Japan and Vietnam will stop shy of confronting it militarily. After having applied military and economic pressure first on the Philippines, which opted to seek international arbitration to safeguard its maritime territorial rights, Beijing followed a dual-track policy to exert pressure on Vietnam. While the CCP sought to maintain warmth in its relations with the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV), Chinese armed ships clashed at sea with Vietnamese Navy vessels. Reliable reports state that Chinese ships often receive instructions directly from Beijing, thereby confirming that operations are conducted with approval of the highest echelons in Beijing.

Senkaku Confrontation

Over the past year, China has intensified diplomatic and military pressure on Japan on the issue of the Senkaku (called ‘Diaoyu’ in Chinese) Islands and declined to talk to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The continuing tense stand-off with Japan, which is a US ally and East Asia’s strongest power, as well as confrontations in the sea and air – the most recent in mid-August − with US ships and surveillance aircraft,

underlines Beijing’s willingness to push the envelope. In fact, in response to US accusations of ‘dangerously rash’ actions on August 19, 2014, by a Chinese J-11 fighter jet against a US P-8 surveillance aircraft, the English-language official Global Times, a subsidiary of the CCP’s official mouthpiece the People’s Daily, observed: “The US military has the power to sustain the US dominance internationally, but it is unable to command every country or nation. In East Asia, the US doesn’t have the determination to be fully committed to things that are not in its core interests”. The comments reflect Beijing’s assessment that China’s actions in the past few years have dented US credibility in the region as a reliable ally willing to back its treaty-partners.

Shaping Destiny

Asserting that the international environment has changed, Prof Yan Xuetong recommends a direct approach. Among his suggestions, encapsulated by Dingding Chen recently in the Diplomat are: (i) as the probability of conflict with other countries increases, China’s foreign policy should directly confront rather than avoid the issue of conflict; (ii) China should try to develop rather than just maintain its “strategic opportunity period” because waiting for a strategic opportunity period is always passive; (iii) China should begin to shape rather than just integrate into international society because China now has the capacity to do so; and (iv) China should change its non-alignment approach and make efforts to establish a community of common destiny.

Xu Jin of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) reinforces this view and recommends the jettisoning of six so-called “myths”. These myths are: (i) China should keep a low profile; (ii) China should not seek alliances; (iii) China should not seek leadership; (iv) China will not become a super power; (v) the Sino-American relationship is the most important one; and (vi) China’s foreign policy should serve China’s economic development.

Both Professor Yan Xuetong and Xu Jin feel that President Xi Jinping’s use of the term “Fen Fa You Wei” (“striving for achievement”) signals that changes are already being effected in China’s foreign policy. Confirmation are the adjustments made in 2012 in Beijing’s policy towards countries like Myanmar and Nepal, as well as the strategy of ‘Peripheral Diplomacy’ approved in October 2013.

Rejuvenation

An important ingredient in China’s strategy is Xi Jinping’s ‘China Dream’, which envisages: making the Chinese people wealthy; making China a strong nation; and the ‘rejuvenation’ of China. This muscular aspiration for China, spelt out by Xi Jinping at the 18th Party Congress, was promptly adopted by the entire Party and has now entered the lexicon of the CCP. Pertinent for India, which has been under unrelenting pressure from China since late 2007, is the ‘rejuvenation of China’. The latter implies the restoration to China of its self-perceived, rightful international status and recovery of all its territories. The new passports published by China depict its claimed territories, as do its actions in the South China Sea and East China Sea and expanding claims over Arunachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. China’s increasingly aggressive military posture along the borders and especially in Ladakh since April 2013, is significant and contrasts with

Beijing’s signalled desire to improve relations with India.

Quite clearly China will yield no concessions on issues of territory or sovereignty.

Sovereignty

Beijing’s stance on ‘core national issues’ in bilateral relations was additionally made explicitly clear in two despatches of China’s most authoritative official news agency Xinhua in August 2011.

Though addressed to Japan and the Philippines, these clarified that ‘burgeoning economic ties do not mean good bilateral relations’ which depend entirely on the recognition and acceptance of China’s ‘core national interests’.

JAYADEVA RANADE The writer is a Member of the National Security Advisory Board and former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India. He is President of the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal.

The recent (September 17-19, 2014) interaction between Chinese President Xi Jinping and India’s new Prime Minister Narendra Modi was marred by the unduly protracted intrusion

by PLA troops in Chumar in Ladakh. It is for the first time that an intrusion by PLA troops persisted during and after the visit of China’s highest ranking leader to India. It came amidst hype, quickly belied, that the relationship could promise beneficial economic cooperation and cash infusions for infrastructure development. There have nevertheless been clear indications that India will alter the nature of its engagement with China. China’s primary objective remains to prevent India’s new leadership from drawing closer to the US and Japan or extending support to Vietnam. It does not want India to take a position on the issue of the South China Sea. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit (June 8-9) was intended to engage with India’s new right-wing government and bring the focus on economic cooperation, which it was implied would be built upon by Chinese President Xi Jinping. At the same time, the original decision to combine Xi Jinping's visit to India with a trip to Pakistan, which could not materialise due to the disturbed political condition in Pakistan and despite high-level efforts to find an alternate venue for Xi Jinping to visit, nonetheless, unambiguously indicated that China’s strategic partnership with Pakistan will remain undisturbed.

Xi Jinping’s visit to Sri Lanka similarly underlined that China’s strategic ties with Sri Lanka will grow. Evidence was soon forthcoming with the visit of a Chinese Navy Song class Type 039 submarine to Colombo for the first time ever on September 19, 2014.In this backdrop, while welcoming Chinese investment in identified and specified sectors India will need to give priority to building its armed forces and border defence infrastructure as well as indigenous defence production and defence R&D capabilities. It should simultaneously step up efforts to counter China’s continuing moves – which are gradually succeeding − in international financial and other organisations like the Asian Development Bank (ADB), World Bank etc to secure implied acceptance to its territorial claims on India. Developing and further consolidating ties with the US, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan will enhance India’s strategic flexibility while retaining a competitive environment for foreign direct investment.

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Cyber Security Of NCW Infrastructure

As the stakes are higher and the adversaries more resourceful (state actors), subversion of the supply chain is a far more serious threat for military systems than it is for civilian / commercial systems. Addressing subversion of the supply chain requires stringent inspection regime to mitigate the subversion threat. In addition, since inspection alone cannot totally eliminate the threat, it is necessary to address the threat at the system architecture level as well.

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yber security for Network Centric Warfare must address the usual cyber security threats as faced by civilian cyber systems.

In addition it must address the specific threats arising from the NCW context in terms of it being a high value system that the adversary would like to attack at all costs, a critical military system with its stringent requirements for high availability and a tactical military system that must necessarily be partially open and in potential contact with adversaries.

Cyber security for NCW thus constitutes the ultimate challenge for cyber security technologies and experts as adversaries attempt to disrupt the ICT infrastructure, delay the processing of information and deceive commanders by poisoning their cognitive inputs.

Cyber security in the civilian domain itself is a notoriously difficult problem. While there are solutions galore for every specific problem, there are few that provide any assurance to the user regarding confidentiality of the data or integrity of the computation environment at the level of the overall system. Most offer a number of ‘security features’ that appear to address a specific lacuna. The heart of the problem is that IT systems are generic systems that are expected to provide the users with unprecedented flexibility in customising the system whenever required. The flexibility provided is not just in terms of configuration parameters for fine-tuning given functions, but in adding new functionalities by users during operations. This flexibility, coupled with the faults in the implementation of large software, enable adversaries to induce undesirable behaviours in spite of all efforts by the original system developers. A useful way to model the problem is to view the systems as operating at three different but interacting planes: the data plane is the information being processed, the control plane defines the operations being performed on the data (the applications

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and binaries) and the management plane that sets the rules for the control plane (the configuration parameters). The need to keep open the option to customise generic systems leads to an open control plane in civilian systems, which seriously compromises their defensive posture.

One way in which military systems can leverage their context is to recognise that military systems are always purpose built systems with fixed functionalities, making a lockdown of the control plane a feasible option. While the perennial patches and functionality enhancements would require updates with some acceptable periodicity, there is definitely no requirement to keep them open to changes in applications and OS by end-users in the field at all times. Thus adoption of civilian IT technologies for military in general and NCW in particular, should be based on more stringent controls for correctness of software, installation of the minimum set of functionality required for the system and a lockdown of the control plane to prevent any alterations in system behaviour in the field.

In addition to this, two threats which are more enhanced for tactical military systems also need to be addressed.

Inspection Regime

As the stakes are higher and the adversaries more resourceful (state actors), subversion of the supply chain is a far more serious threat for military systems than it is for civilian / commercial systems. Addressing subversion of the supply chain requires stringent inspection regime to mitigate the subversion threat. In addition, since inspection alone cannot totally eliminate the threat, it is necessary to address the threat at the system architecture level as well. The systems must be designed such as to ensure that key components are supplied from trustworthy sources and that they enable isolation and confinement of the untrustworthy components such as to thwart or minimise the effects of subversion.

NCW systems can thus never be imported in-toto as a

complete system. The system level architecture and design must be by trustworthy indigenous agencies who take due care in incorporating untrustworthy components where required for their functionalities. The same considerations would apply, at a more macroscopic level, when it becomes necessary to commandeer civilian ICT assets for emergency capacity enhancements of military systems during war.

If at all it becomes necessary to incorporate end points, servers, switches and routers into military networks, their proper sanitisation and their deployment in isolated (and less critical) networks should be ensured to protect the critical networks from getting compromised because of vulnerabilities of the civilian systems.

The second enhanced threat is of adversarial physical access to peripheral elements of the system. Civilian systems are often characterised by restricted physical access but open network access (being connected to Internet or other open WANs). Military networks, on the other hand, can be isolated from Internet and civilian networks, but it cannot be ruled out that during combat the enemy will not gain physical access to some of the peripheral units.

The nature of tactical deployment does not lend itself to the concept of a perimeter based defence as epitomised by the LAN gateways in civilian networks. This threat must be addressed by incorporating much stronger access control and authentication mechanisms, as well as tamper resistance capabilities. The software based features (deployed by or on top of the OS) are inadequate in this context. The access control mechanisms should preferably be implemented at the physical layer ensuring the machines can be booted up and their capabilities activated only by authorised personnel.

Information Security

The above has looked at the typical issues faced by cyber security in civilian space, the specific enhanced threats faced by military systems and the steps that can be taken specifically for military cyber systems. All of these address the problem of protecting the control and management planes and preserving the integrity of the computation environment. The violation of this integrity is the primary source of violation of confidentiality and integrity of the data plane. However, they are not the only way and in the military context there exist significant threats arising from the data plane itself. The sensor grid must remain, at the level of data plane, an open system that accepts information regarding the adversary. The command system, on the other hand, must perforce reveal some information in making the commands known to the lower echelons. The mechanisms used traditionally by militaries in dealing with information processing in these two contexts must now be correctly mapped to information security models of cyber systems.

The intelligence gathering mechanism that is tasked with the observe and orient (OO) consists of a series of steps aimed at gathering all possible intelligence and then analysing the gathered information to arrive at a situation assessment.

There are multiple stages to this process of intelligence processing necessitated by the fact that the raw intelligence is often of low quality both in terms of providing the complete relevant information and in terms of being accurate. Inputs are tagged in terms of reliability (considering both the aspects of trust in source and expected accuracy of information) and relevance to a situation. Low reliability inputs are correlated

with other similar inputs to arrive at more reliable intelligence. In addition, disparate intelligence about different aspects or regions are aggregated to build-up a bigger picture. A further refinement is performed by re-assessing the individual intelligence inputs against the derived picture to detect outliers and anomalies.

This elaborate process, called Multi Sensor Data Fusion, has been extensively modelled and studied in recent times in order to drive process refinement and adaptation to the introduction of ICT solutions.

Information Integrity

CAIR This article is courtesy Centre for Artificial tIntelligence and Robotics. CAIR is the premier systems laboratory of DRDO for R&D in different areas in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for solutions for Defence. CAIR also caters to users from other departments of Government of India.

The overall objective of deriving high quality (ie correct and complete) information from large number of low quality (inaccurate and incomplete) inputs should be viewed as an information assurance process at the highest semantic level. The IA model that deals with integrity is the BIBA model, which gives a theoretical framework for preserving integrity of information. The BIBA model, however, assumes the existence of information having various classes of integrity and mandates restrictions for preserving those integrity levels. It states that low integrity levels should not be allowed to write-up to higher integrity levels, except by passing through a security mechanism called ‘pump’. The higher levels are allowed to freely write-down to the lower levels. The pump is a mechanism for checking that the integrity level of a specific information is actually high enough for the higher level before passing the information up to that level. This IA model exactly matches the MSDF process, where the various correlation, aggregation and filtering steps play the role of pump and the anomaly removal based on assessed situation is the utilisation of the write-down option of BIBA.

Confidentiality

There is extensive literature on the modelling of the MSDF process, most notably the series of multi-level models enunciated by the Joint Directors of Laboratories (JDL, USA).

The MSDF is hierarchical in two ways. There is a hierarchy in formation abstraction process and there is a hierarchy associated with the organisation of the armed forces. The two are expected to approximately align, with higher echelons looking at more filtered, complete and abstracted pictures. The details of the description and rationale for the JDL MSDF models are beyond the scope of this article.

Unlike the BIBA which is about protection of integrity, the military’s MSDF is about the creation of maximum possible high integrity information. Thus MSDF has an additional process refinement step that explicitly addresses the issue of increasing the effectiveness of the intelligence generation process. This process maps to the IA attribute of Availability, a matter on which BIBA model itself is tellingly silent. Strict adherence to the BIBA model (with no write-up) would guarantee no false information reaching upper echelons, but would not guarantee the quantum of information reaching the upper echelons is adequate for the mission

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planning and decision-making. The military’s MSDF deviates from perfection in order to accommodate the need for information while also trying to guarantee the quality of that information in spite of the adversary trying to conceal correct information and providing false information.

age, this has become critical as the voice commands from known superiors are replaced by messages passed between information systems. Fortunately, this class of problem can be solved for bounded systems (ie systems designed and used within a unified administrative control).

Once the desired quantity and quality of intelligence has Military Models been created, the commanders analyse the intelligence and The military processes for information processing predate arrive at decisions regarding further conduct of battle. Both of the cyber age. They have evolved over time driven by the these, the top level intelligence assessment and the decisions requirements of warfare. The information assurance models of the commanders, are information that need to be kept are of more recent vintage and have been formulated in confidential from the adversary. Knowledge of the latter the context of protecting different aspects of information would directly enable the adversary to preempt and counter assurance in isolation. As brought out above, the joint the commander’s plans, while knowledge of even the former optimisation of all objectives (confidentiality, integrity, would enable a smart adversary to anticipate a commander’s availability) is better modelled by the military process models decisions. However, conduct of war requires that both the than any individual information assurance model. There is situation assessment and the commander’s plan be shared yet another theoretical problem that comes in the way of with those at higher echelons for purpose of planning and straightforward application of information assurance theory coordination and with those below for execution of the plan. to top level information processing in military context. Both Given that confidentiality of information is easier to maintain BIBA and Bell-LaPadula models talk of categorisation into at the more resource rich and physically protected upper levels, one from point of view of integrity and the other echelons, the process of informing the upper echelons poses from point of view of confidentiality. Having done so, while no challenge for preservation of confidentiality. However, mapping to the military (or more generally government) passing information to the lower echelons poses a challenge context, they map their levels to the document classification levels of unclassified / restricted since they are resource constrained / confidential / secret / top secret. and in greater physical proximity As the cyber technologies come The original intent and continuing to the adversary. The military addresses this issue with the to be recognised as critical for practice, of this classification system remains confidentiality alone. It need-to-know principle, with lower NCW, they will increasingly is a convenient assumption that formations being provided with the minimum subset of the sensitive be the focus of offensive they also define a hierarchy for integrity, but this is actually a poor information that is necessary for (and preemptive) actions. assumption. All high integrity them to function.

The detailed delineation information is most certainly Deception Techniques top secret information that of these problems and the not In terms of information assurance requires guaranteed long-term (IA) models, confidentiality is search for their solutions is confidentiality. There could also modelled by the Bell-LaPadula situations where information is expected to continue into the be model that states that there can marked top secret because of the future as cyber security and impact of its leakage, though it is be write-up but no write-down, except where mediated by a ‘guard’. appreciated that it is unreliable NCW continue to co-evolve well The guard is a mechanism that and may need revision in future. in the 21st century decides that information coming from a higher confidentiality class Further, the application of these can be downgraded to a lower confidentiality class because IA models for ensuring security of a cyber system platform it specifically has been checked and found to not contain poses a fresh set of problems. The security of a computer content requiring the higher level of confidentiality. It is this cannot be related to ensuring confidentiality or integrity of role of guard that is played by individuals who are executing the top secret data items on it. The classification status of an the ‘need-to-know’ logic during information dissemination OS could be unclassified, but its integrity is vital for security to lower ranks or subordinate units. Strict adherence to the of the platform. A BIBA model mapped to classification levels Bell-LaPadula model (without guards enabling write-down) cannot address the issue. The problem has to be re-phrased in would guarantee no loss of confidentiality, but would not terms of a categorisation of desired integrity levels of various guarantee the quantum of information available at the lower hardware and software components in a cyber system before echelons is adequate for them to execute their mission. The BIBA can be applied to the problem. The separation of data military’s need-to-know deviates from perfection in order to plane, control plane and management plane provides a better accommodate the need for information while also trying to abstraction of the platform security problem. Integrity of guarantee that the quantity of information that may leak to the control and management plane is accorded higher priority adversary is minimal. In addition, commanders deliberately than data. It remains to be seen if this two level model (data feint manoeuvres and apply other deception techniques to vs control / management) can suffice or a more graded convey false information to the adversary. This deliberate model with finer distinction between elements such as degradation of information is also a guard function. In terms user applications, system applications, kernel functions, of the direct commands for action, requiring no disclosure configuration files etc is required. Just as pumps, guards and of information by higher echelons, the issue is integrity compromises had to be made for military information flows, and authenticity rather than confidentiality. In the cyber similar situations are encountered for design of complex

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cyber systems. (Further, it may emerge that in order to present a higher entropy to an attacker (‘moving target defence’), certain details about a cyber system do need to be kept confidential. Such a labelling, if done, would then make Bell-LaPadula applicable for cyber security at the platform level). One approach to the problem has been to break the system down to multiple separate pieces and solve the security problem for each simple piece by applying the models. This requires the implementation of a separation mechanism that can control information flow between the partitions (in effect implementing reliable pumps and guards defined by policy).

This is the MILS approach and has led to the requirement of high assurance separation kernels for implementation of the partition strategy on a shared platform.

New Challenges

Traditionally, the complications with cyber security have afflicted information processing platforms alone. The communication technologies, based on much simpler single purpose devices, have undergone successful security evaluations.

However, the dynamism underlying the NCW paradigm has led to the emergence of software defined radios (SDRs) is a key communication technology enabler. The downside is that the SDR delivers the versatility and in-field reconfiguration capability by being a cyber system, with all its attendant complexities, failure modes and security vulnerabilities.

The design and evaluation of secure SDRs has proved to be a daunting challenge even for the advanced nations.

With the adoption of NCW technologies, there opened up the possibility of doctrines hitherto deemed ill-advised.

The execution of the OODA cycle in the context of hierarchy has been alluded to earlier. The OODA is usually run at Corps, Division, Brigade and Battalion levels with a two way information flow to ensure convergence of decisions before action. From battalion downwards into Company, Platoon, Section and soldier level the emphasis is on execution of given orders. The above was based on factors like speed of convergence, availability of cognitive ability for larger situation analysis at lower levels and availability of reliable situation assessment inputs at lower levels. With NCW technologies, the convergence rates can be greatly speeded up. The incorporation of decision aid technologies can inject superior decision-making at lower levels. By increasing the information available to lower echelons and incorporating technologies for generating relevant situation assessments, the availability of information for decision-making at lower echelons can also be increased. This has led to concepts like ‘need to share’, ‘self-synchronisation’ and ‘power to the edge.’

All of these endeavour to leverage technology to ensure that the lower echelons can have a tight local OODA loop running and remain cohesive at all times, even if cut-off for some time from upper echelons. The cyber security challenge that these new doctrines throw up is that isolation and containment at the network level cannot be as strictly invoked. The onus of cyber security in this paradigm shifts towards strengthening of the end point systems in terms of strong authentication, integrity preservation and tamper resistance.

A key tenet of NCW is the ability to learn and adapt at the organisational level and also to incorporate increasingly sophisticated adaptive and learning capabilities into the decision support system applications. As discussed above, an applicable security model is to decompose cyber systems into

the data plane, control plane and management plane, followed by strategies to protect the control and management plane.

Currently the strategy is to ensure separation between the three planes, to lockdown the control and management systems and to allow guarded access to selected individuals to alter the management plane in operations. The control plane changes (application, OS updates) are done as part of maintenance rather than operations (combat). In order to incorporate learning and adaptation during operations, it will be necessary to introduce a pathway that derives changes in control and / or management based on data and then updates the control / management.

Security would now require that there be a reliable pump to ensure that the computed changes are safe. The construction of such a pump would require that we be able to characterise the changes as correct / incorrect as well as safe / unsafe in order to ensure that only correct and safe updates are made. It would also be required to lockdown this pump mechanism itself. This is still an emerging field without well-defined problem statements.

Trade-offs

Cyber security for NCW, when taken to encompass information assurance and mission effectiveness, is a system engineering problem involving many trade-offs. The trade-off between availability and integrity for MSDF and also for availability and confidentiality for C2 has been discussed. The same trade-off may be revisited at the system level as a trade-off between availability of capability (features) and security (assurance). In the specific case of military systems, a comparative lack of capabilities vis a vis the adversary directly translates into a lack of security as well (since the adversary could win a fight and destroy our assets, thereby affecting availability). This makes a hard system design problem harder as the optimum solution now depends on adversarial capability, which is unknown and subject to change. (Note: this adversarial capability is not the cyberspace capability that is used for cyber threat analysis, but the functional capability of the adversaries’ cyber systems.) A further complication is that while the functional capabilities can be easily measured by the users and the producers, the assurance properties cannot be measured by users nor, in most cases, be guaranteed by the producers. This makes the trade-offs being made hard to articulate or justify.

Specifically, for security design itself, this leads to a focus on security features rather than security assurance. Given the evolutionary nature of NCW development, it requires a well-formulated policy and governance framework to be in place to ensure that adequate cyber security measures are incorporated into the NCW systems.

The Future

NCW and Cyber security are both fields that can best be described as ‘work in progress.’ Given the critical dependence of NCW on ICT, cyber security becomes a key ingredient of any NCW implementation, both at the technical and process levels.

Some of the salient issues with respect to each individually as well as consequent to their fusion have been elaborated in this article. There are yet other problems which have only just begun to emerge and have not been adequately studied as yet.

However, as the cyber technologies come to be recognised as critical for NCW, they will increasingly be the focus of offensive (and preemptive) actions. The detailed delineation of these problems and the search for their solutions is expected to continue into the future as cyber security and NCW continue to co-evolve in the 21st century. (Concluded)

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CORRECTIONAL REGIMES

Serious Games In Law Enforcement Organisations Method To Handle Multi-generations In The Workforce

Work necessities, incomplete and limited training facilities and budgetary constraints limit the number and quality of training opportunities for prison staff, principally with regard to dealing with critical incidents, such as hostage situations, prison riots etc where the capacity to make precise split-second decisions with minimum information is essential.

E

uropean public authorities responsible for the prison regimes are facing complex structural problems in this period. Structural changes in the European labour market with special difficulties for the low or unskilled parts of the population has affected substantially the state of affairs in prisons. In the last decades the prison population has spectacularly enlarged in almost every European country.

Growing Density

The new member-states are already confronted with severe changes in offence and crime due to a considerably elevated incarceration rate than western Europe under poorer developed environment. Rising intricacy in prison systems requires higher concern for the citizens and for the status of the prison systems.

There is an advanced responsibility of fulfilment with rightful authority, duty to report and duty of efficiency; duty of care; transparency; confidence in the service, professional conduct and independence.

Work necessities, incomplete and limited training facilities and budgetary constraints limit the number and quality of training opportunities for prison staff, principally with regard to dealing with critical incidents, such as hostage situations, prison riots etc where the capacity to make precise split-second decisions with minimum information is essential.

To keep rationalised knowledge and competencies prison administrations need enhanced, cost-effective means to perform pragmatic interactive training to deal with such situations, using minimal or no training infrastructures. Ideally, technology would allow realistic, meaningful training to be conducted on location or, less desirable, in an accessible training facility.

Game Theory

Serious Games can have the power to connect the modern game-acquainted workforce generations in self-motivated education. Learning by doing has been proven to be a proficient method of training and electronic games compel learners to take part in the learning course of action.

Simulations are mainly helpful for training skills that would be unsafe or expensive to exercise in real life.

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Simulations can be also used to present learners with diverse scenarios played out depending on the choices they formulate. Since games require the learner to proactively slot in the process, they may, at their best, teach more than inactive following of a subject in class.

Enhancements in virtual reality training technologies provide the prospect for considerable development in training for prison personnel. Technologies that keep as many of the five senses as possible are used to facilitate trainees to practice each scenario in as realistic a context as possible.

Through the use of Serious Games, using immersive learning technologies, prison staff (command officers and non-supervisory staff) can learn how to react to situations that prevail over their every day operations. Training content and simulation environments focus on real-time decision-making and reaction to simulated (game-based) − but close to reality − crises or critical incidents, focusing on problem judgment, preparation, re-planning and acting, but also on measures and familiarity with the existing.

Simulators As Trainers

The Serious Games solution could embrace definite scenario for operations in post-conflict situations. The simulation game could be accessible to all member-states in order to support the in-house training of personnel from European prison systems but also the ones that are selected to work in peacekeeping missions outside the EU borders.

Correctional facilities are workplaces where verbal and physical disagreement is frequent and can vary considerably from prison to prison. Within the custodial setting, inmate or staff deaths, injuries, riots, hostage situations or even major instability are uncommon events. On the other hand, any large number of occurrences in a year may have permanent effects on staff and society perceptions and for this reason qualify as critical incidents outside the norm.

The resolutions that are made or not made, throughout the first thirty to sixty minutes of a critical incident (either intentional or accidental) in prison context, radically impact the numbers of fatalities and quantity of property destruction that results. These decisions, which are typically made by first and second level prison

staff − and in some cases non-supervisory staff − will set up whether the incident is brought under control in a timely fashion or allowed to accelerate.

Serious Games solutions could be created to develop the ability of staff:

Because of the potentially grave consequences that can occur from such an event ie loss of life, litigation, loss of public confidence etc each and every manager and command officer must be prepared to manage this crisis phase. Knowledge shows that these extraordinary conditions arise only a few times in any supervisor’s career. Given the lack of occurrence, it is difficult to suppose competence in these highly charged situations unless adequate preparation is provided.

1. To be culturally sensitive in the work environments: do’s and don’ts 2. To work in a multicultural environment 3. To respect the code of conduct and address potential breaches among staff 4. To cope with resistance and promote and / or engage in mediation / negotiation processes as a basic tool to overcome deadlocks 5. To operate in insecure, hostile environments 6. To deal with persons having experienced a traumatic event

Post-conflict Management

Prison staff operational and managerial factor, together with military forces or police are often chosen to operate in post-conflict situations in various countries in or outside Europe (eg Kosovo, Iraq, Afghanistan).

Even if national approaches have been developed, there is a call to build-up a common approach regarding the management of critical and operational incidents in European prison systems. A common approach on how to operate in critical situations would help leading European prison systems to develop successfully their unity of action in peacekeeping missions outside the European Union borders.

The classic traditional system and the constant pressure of the environment (sometimes provoked by the over occupation of prison facilities, the degradation of the social and psychic health and more and more hazardous behaviours of the inmates) lead to the degradation of the material circumstances for everyone living inside prison walls. This state of affairs creates “an immature” coping among prison staff and inmates, that promote high levels of stress and sometimes potentially aggressive and harmful behaviours.

Through the common evaluation of needs and the development of specific learning content, the Serious Games solution is contributing to the transparency and acknowledgment of qualifications and competences, as well as those acquired through non-formal and informal learning. In fact, one of the main reasons for the development of this solution lays in the diversity of approaches, processes and procedures on how to handle critical incidents in prisons and the lack of common training and competence recognition approaches.

Disparate Backgrounds

This variety of options creates big difficulties when prison staff from diverse countries works collectively in missions outside the EU in post-conflict situations, as the procedures and the training they acquired are not common. This is one of the main reasons why a Serious Games solution could be used to build those crisis management and adaptation skills needed to cope with diverse, challenging and difficult situations.

Serious Games environment could be designed to simulate the most common accidents suffered by field staff in order to develop their crisis management and adaptive skills in analogous situations.

DORIN MURESAN The writer is currently Head of Security and Regime Service at Dej Prison Hospital in Romania.

In 2011 and 2012 he was Deputy Director General of the Romanian Prison Service. He coordinated projects like the evolution of e-learning project for prison staff; the development of telemedicine project in Romanian Prison Service; provision of expertise to post conflict prison services (Libya, Iraq).

Crisis Management Training

At the EU level, there is no common policy related to the use of SG environments for training personnel of civilian crisis management missions. However, in the field of disaster / crisis management such an approach has been explored.

Specifically, some FP7 projects are relevant in this field even though their scope of application does not relate to Common Security Defence Policy missions: 7. PANDORA, aimed at creating advanced virtual training environments for crisis scenarios to increase the pace and efficacy of crisis management efforts; (http://pandora.xlab.si/en/) 8. SICMA, aimed at improving decision-making capabilities through an integrated suite of modelling and analysis tools providing insights into the joint performance of organisations in response to crisis scenarios; (http://cordis.europa.eu/projects/217855/) 9. CRISIS (Critical Incident Management System using an Interactive Simulated Environment), intended at developing a train on demand simulation platform, which adapts advance video games technology to train first responders and crisis managers. (http://idc.mdx.ac.uk/projects/crisis/) The Serious Games solution also supports the development of ground breaking ICT-based content and pedagogies − though the introduction of software based scenario simulations and game based learning and the development of e-learning for lifelong learning. Developing competences − throughout the simulation of intense situations that cannot be experienced in normal working situations − while being at work, allows Vocational Education Trainers (VET) to become closer to working life and more receptive to labour market needs. This approach supports the EU “New Skills for New Jobs” strategy as it fosters the use of immersive learning environments and allows the revealing of further training needs customised to job and situational requirements.

October 2014 | DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT

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NEFARIOUS NEXUS

Extortions In India

Funding Insurgency And Terrorism Insurgencies in India like the Maoists and the Naga groups have digressed from their ideals once they fought for, degenerating into criminal organisations, thriving on revenues derived from criminal methods like extortion. The extortion activity not only results in violence but also translates into evolutions within the insurgent groups and transformations in the larger environment in which they operate.

T

raditional terrorism studies have considered organised crime and terrorism as two different dispensations. However, recent scholarly investigations have revealed that terrorism and crime have fused as one, as more and more terror and insurgent groups have adopted criminal avenues to finance their operations.

Newer sources of funds like kidnap for ransom, extortion, robbery have relegated other traditional sources of funds like state sponsorship, narcotics etc in majority of the insurgencies around the world. Indian insurgent groups are no exception to this phenomenon.

Politics Of Extortion

Extortion revenue contributes as a major part of the financial portfolio of most of the insurgent groups in India, literally transforming into an industry, funding the insurgent economy. These groups require funds to underwrite costs which are associated not only with conducting terrorist attacks (operational costs) but also with developing and maintaining an organisation and its ideology (organisational costs). The underpinnings and eventual fallout of the extortion phenomenon has huge ramifications for the economic as well as national security of India. Extremes of organisational dynamics of insurgent groups such as inter-group alliances and intra-group conflicts, resulting in escalating violence levels complemented with an equal pressure of higher economic cost on the common man are directly proportional to such extortion activities.

Among the plethora of insurgents groups in India, the Communist Party of India (Maoists) and Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) along with its factions1 are the oldest and the most dominant groups.

Both these groups rely extensively on extortion to fund their operations targeting different segments like traders, contractors, companies and individuals. Each of the target segments has different slabs based on the importance and its size. As a result, there exists a broad continuum of slabs and rates which can be classified into different variants based on the target segment (Table 1).

Maoist’s data pertain to Maoist present states like Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh. NSCN data pertains to Nagaland and other border areas with Manipur. These are indicative figures which closely resemble the tax slabs of other splinters as well. It pertains to Naga groups.

Category

NSCN (IM)

CPI (Maoists)

Commercial − Taxing small traders and big business houses

From a few thousand to 5-6 lakh for all the shops and establishments Bakery Rs 30,000 (PA) Automobile spares Rs 5,000 (PA) Stationary Rs 8,000 (PA) Rice mill Rs 20,000 (PA)

Rs 8,000 from manual crushers Rs 15,000 from brick-kiln owners Rs 17,000 from mechanised crushers Rs 25,000 from petrol pump owners and Rs 70,000 from coal sidings Sand mining companies are charged at Rs 1,00,000 (PA) Bauxite mine owners owned by big industrial houses are charged at Rs 10 per tonne while the smaller ones are charged at Rs 8 per tonne

Infrastructure − Taxing contractors and raw materials

5 per cent to 10 per cent of 5 per cent to 10 per cent of the the revenues or work order tender amount or work order amount amount Cement imports are taxed at Rs 1,50,000 to Rs 1,80,000 per 50,000 bags imported through trains Construction and hardware items Rs 7,500 for 6 wheelers and Rs 10,500 for 10/12 wheelers (per truck)

Taxing individuals

Government servants − 24 per cent of a month’s salary (PA)

Taxing natural resources

Bamboo tax – Rs 300 per truck and Rs 120 per bag Rs 4,000 (PA) per shop from Tendu leaf contractors

Supply chain and logistics − Taxing transport operators

Rs 6,000-7,000 for 6 wheelers to Rs 12,000-15,000 for 12 wheelers (All goods) Godown tax − Rs 150 per box

Essentials − Taxing food items and medicines

Rs 2,25,000 for three wagons of imported pigs Daily retail tax of Rs 50 for every pork and beef stall Rs 6,000 to Rs 10,000 per truck of fish imports. Annual tax of Rs 1,20,000 to Rs 1,50,000 Rs 1,000 for every mutton stall Rs 5,00,000 monthly on potato imports Rs 5,000 to Rs 6,000 per truck for eggs Yearly tax of Rs 15,000 and Rs 2 per carton of fruits Rs 3,000 per wagon on rice imports

Ideology Of Collection

The Maoists and the NSCN factions target all commercial activity like small traders, big industries which are key to generating revenue for the state and its constituents. On the other hand, they also target infrastructure projects, key raw materials like cement, hardware items and also the services of the contractors who implement the development projects. Business activities associated with natural resources like Tendu leaf and Bamboo are taxed by the Maoists and the Naga factions respectively. The supply chain in the form of transport and warehousing facilities are also taxed by these groups. However, there are also divergences in the extortion activities between these groups. For instance, there is no evidentiary trail to suggest taxation of essential items by the Maoists. On the contrary, NSCN and its factions deliberately target food items and medicines. Likewise, government employees are also targeted by the Naga factions which is not observed in the areas controlled by the Maoists.

The extortion activities churn out an enormous revenue flow. Open source reports indicate that the Maoists and the NSCN factions derive Rs 1,500 to Rs 2,000 crore and an upward figure of Rs 400 to Rs 600 crore respectively.

However, this flourishing extortion industry has pitted the parent entity against its progenies in the fight to control this resource. For instance, the Maoists have competed with multiple splinter groups like PLFI, TPC in states like Jharkhand. On the other hand, NSCN factions like NSCN (IM), NSCN (K), NSCN (KK), have often competed to control the same resources which has resulted in escalating violence and bloodshed. The ensuing violence can again be segmented as factional violence and extortion related violence.

Important Maoists splinters are People’s Liberation Front of India (PLFI), Tritiya Prastuti Committee (TPC) in Jharkhand. NSCN factions are NSCN (Isak Muivah-IM), NSCN (Khaplang-K), NSCN (Khole Kitovi- KK), NNC / FGN- Naga Nationalist Council / Federal Government of Nagaland.

1

Table 1: Extortion Slabs of NSCN and the Maoists for Different Categories

Tendu leaf pickers – One day’s wage (PA)

Rs 1,000-Rs 5,000 from private bus operators in Chhattisgarh

V BALASUBRAMANIYAN The writer is Research Scholar, Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, Guru Nanak College, Chennai.

Violence

There were 535 extortion related violent incidents committed by Maoists in various states from 2008-2011. Out of this, 315 incidents took place in Jharkhand alone which clearly highlights the importance of the state for the financial portfolio of the Maoists. On the other hand, there were at least 39 incidents of factional clashes between these groups, resulting in 74 fatalities, from 2007 to 2013 in Jharkhand.

Extortion related violence level in Nagaland stood at 41 incidents from 2010 to 2014.

However, SATP has stated a caveat that this could be only a fraction of the extortion incidents in Nagaland as many of the incidents go unreported due to fear and compliance. In spite of the factions NSCN (IM), NSCN (K) individually entering into ceasefire with the Union government in 1997 and 1999 respectively, factional fighting still has resulted in 584 deaths from 2004-2008 primarily as a result of extortion revenues.

Extortion activity has huge ramifications for the society as a whole.

Driven By Money

Firstly, higher incidence of extortion related violence appears to be directly proportional to the number of splinter groups. A splinter group would attempt to outdo

Source: Compiled by the researcher

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NEFARIOUS NEXUS

its parent entity which in turn would force the parent entity to escalate the violence levels, thus resulting in a cycle of violence.

Secondly, the enormous revenue and the ease of collections associated with extortion, would ideally facilitate emergence of more and more fringe groups with a skeletal membership, which would break away from its parent entity. Thus, even small groups with a few hundred members from a particular ethnic or tribal background could hold the states to ransom controlling the territories and running parallel governments.

This could also result in creation of new smaller outfits without any ideology but driven only by money. For instance, PLFI has been described as purely money making outfit without any ideology. Fragmentations in Naga groups are also a direct result of this.

Partnership Arrangements

Thirdly and quite contrary to the above, groups could form strategic alliances to undertake joint extortion operations. For instance, NSCN (IM) has been known to have understanding with other smaller groups such as Gorkha Liberation Army (GLA), West Bengal and All Adivasi National Liberation Army (AANLA) of Assam for joint collections or extortion drives where the income levels are shared on 50 / 50 basis.

Such an arrangement would facilitate higher revenues, longer reach and by extension larger territorial control for

delay in carrying the peace process forward since 1997, these insurgents indulge in extortion activity as they require funds for their living expenses violating the ceasefire agreements.

However, as pressure mounted on them for honouring the ceasefire, these groups started issuing receipts to victims in order to make it appear as a contribution rather than extortion (Figure 1). This has even prompted the state government to offer grants to the Naga groups in order to stop them from indulging in extortion activities.

Fifthly, on the regional scale, there are 63 designated camps with a minimum of 11,000 insurgents in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Meghalaya since 1997. Factoring this account, negotiating with these groups creates an imperative to include all the groups with varied and diverse objectives and interests which could delay arriving at a solution. The Indian government is in such an unenviable situation at present with each of the Naga groups claiming that they are the true representatives with a concomitant demand to exclude others.

Extortion measures in Nagaland appear to be a direct fallout of continued government apathy, postponing the talks since 1997. This has led to an influx of youngsters inspired to make a career opportunity in this lucrative venture. On the other hand, the increasing extortion incidents in the Maoists controlled areas have attracted criminals towards the Maoists.

Ideologies Abandoned

To summarise, insurgencies in India like the Maoists and the Naga groups have digressed from their ideals once they fought for, degenerating into criminal organisations, thriving on revenues derived from criminal methods like extortion. The extortion activity not only results in violence but also translates into evolutions within the insurgent groups and transformations in the larger environment in which they operate.

Fourthly, groups in ceasefire pacts with the government have resorted to extortion to meet their subsistence. For instance, Nagaland is home to four major groups all of whom are technically in “Suspension of Operations Agreements” with the government. There are at present 14 designated camps in Nagaland hosting roughly 5,000-7,000 insurgents of the Naga groups. Though, they are technically in ceasefire, they still have the right to carry arms. Given the inordinate

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Indian Government Predicament

Sixthly, the most important fallout of this extortion activity is that it increases the inflation in the region. Though, this phenomenon is not observed in the Maoists controlled areas as they do not target essentials like medicines and food items, it is highly visible in Nagaland. As more and more businesses are taxed, the cost incurred in paying these extortions Figure 1 – NSCN (KK) Notices Seeking Contributions is passed on to the end customers by the traders and business houses. As a result, prices of commodities in Nagaland are inflated more than 100 per cent which places a huge burden on the common man.

the bigger groups in turn providing a protection umbrella and a revenue stream for the smaller ones.

get connected

Superficially, extortion activities of these groups which has dominance over at least 30-40 per cent territories in India, may appear rudimentary and even less sophisticated. However, on closer scrutiny, the extortion mechanisms of both Maoists and the NSCN have been deliberately calibrated to target all the core ingredients of development and subsistence in the federal setup of India. It triggers a chain reaction which increases the violence levels and impacts the physical security, economic security of the populace and by extension India’s national security.

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