Relations between the Generations

3 Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki: Relations between the Generations

Georgia Sarikoudi

Adjunct Lecturer of Panteio University

Corespondence:

e-mail: gsarikoudi@yahoo.gr

Abstract

The last decades there is a growing literature on intergenerational relationships in immigrant families. Different generations perceive themselves through a different process of adaptation and identification in the host country. What are the changing dynamics and the reasons of conflict between parents and children? How the different level of integration and the different visions of the future affect the relationship between first- and second-generation immigrants? This paper examines the relationships between Albanian immigrants and their children that live in Thessaloniki. The goal of this article is to shed light on the immigrant-related and sociocultural context that affect and shape second generation’s identity and provoke the clash with children’s parents.

Keywords:

Albanian immigrants, Thessaloniki, second generation. Citation:

Sarikoudi G. Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki: Relations between the Generations. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 51-62. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.32809.52322

At the end of the 1980s, Greece was transformed from a country of immigration to a host country for populations of the former Soviet Union and the Balkans countries. The majority of them came from Albania, and initially settled close to the Greek-Albanian borders and then moved to urban centers where they could find work. This massive immigration attracted the attention of social scientists and highlighted the issue of diversity and the challenges they posed to Greek society. Studies by sociologists, economists, psychologists, geographers and political scientists gradually were produced focusing mainly on the problems of immigrants’ integration into the labor market and the education system (Παρσάνογλου και Παύλου, 2001; Λαμπριανίδης και Λυμπεράκη, 2001; Πετρονώτη και Τριανταφυλλίδου, 2003). The anthropological studies that began to be produced from 2000 onwards dealt with immigration, not as a problem, but shed light on some aspects of immigration that were not issued before. Such topics are gender migration, household migration, the (social, class, political) problems of the country of origin, bureaucratic procedures, etc (Πετρονώτη, 1998; ΠαπαταξιάρχηςΤοπάλη- Αθανασοπούλου, 2009; Νιτσιάκος, 2010; Παπαγεωργίου, 2011; Voutira, 1991 and 1994; Cabot, 2014; Rozakou 2012). These studies highlight the multiple and complex aspects of migration and give voice to the immigrants themselves. Thanks to these studies it became clear that immigrants are not a homogeneous group, as is usually presented in public discourse (mainly by the media) but are distinguished by gender, age, class, religion, politics, ethnicity and other characteristics and follow different settlement and integration strategies.

The ethnographic material1 that supports this paper was collected from August 2020 until June 2021 in Thessaloniki and was based on qualitative research: mainly participant observation, along with open informal discussions and semi- structured interviews. However, the pandemic changed my direction and I had to redefine my methodology. Many of our conversations took place online and only recently I was able to visit people’s home and be a part of

1 The dada for this paper come from my postdoctoral research that is still in progress and regard the study of the “Second Generation of Immigrants from Albania and China living in Thessaloniki” and is funded by the State Scholarship Foundation (IKY). The aim of the research is to study the dynamics of the formation of the second generation, the interaction and conflicts with compatriots and their wider social environment, their relations with their place of origin, their degree of integration into Greek society, their plans for the future and the gender components of all of the above.

their daily life. During fieldwork research I have made twelve semi-structured interviews (ten with second generation immigrants and two with children’s parents) however the range of the people I regularly talked to consisted of thirty- one people (aged eighteen to fifty-six).

The term second generation refers to children who have one or two immigrant parents. Rumbaut (2004) who studied young immigrants in the United States, suggests the term one and half (1.5) generation for the children who were born in the country of origin and then moved to another country. In Greek literature, the term second generation immigrants2 is used referring to those children who either came to Greece young or were born here. This paper is based only to children that were born in Greece by Albanian parents. Young people who were born in Albania probably would experience different conditions as well as the immigration procedure with their parents; thus, these common experiences would have elaborated a different perception of the new country and diverse relationship with their parents than those children that were born in the new country. For this reason, I prefer to focus only on children who were born in Greece.

1. Second generation of Albanians in Thessaloniki

Albanian immigration to Greece began in the early 1990s, shortly after the fall of Hoxha’s regime. During the first years (1990-1993), the immigration flow took the form of a mass exodus from the country. In the following years, though it decreased temporarily, the political instability, social unrest and the economic crisis in Albania caused a new massive wave of migration after 1997 (Μιχαήλ, 2014, pp 21-22). Μost of the newcomers initially settled near the Greek-Albanian borders and shortly after the first years began moving to urban centers looking for better working conditions.

Nowadays, almost 30 years later, Albanians are the largest foreign population in Greece. Especially in Thessaloniki which is the locus of this research, Albanians consist the 7,67% (about 480.000) of the registered foreigners of the city, according to the census of 20113. There is a whole generation of immigrants that were born or/and raised in Greece.

Migration flows turned social scientists’ interest on various aspects of this phenomenon that highlighted the diversity and the challenges it pose to

2 See Michail (2014, pp. 29-30) for the discussion on the different methodological approaches regarding the second generation immigrants. 3 https://www.statistics.gr/2011-census-pop-hous (last access 2/6/2021)

Greek society. The majority of these studies concern the case of Albanians (Λαμπριανίδης-Λυμπεράκη, 2005; Λαμπριανίδης-Χατζηπροκοπίου, 2008; Παπαγεωργίου, 2011; Michael, 2010a and 2010b; Kokkali, 2012; Hatziprokopiou, 2013; Michail and Christou, 2016; Καπετανάκη, 2017; Χατζαρούλα, 2014). Those researches focus on the economic impact of immigration in the host country, on the networks and strategies they develop at the new place of residence (Thessaloniki, Argos Orestiko, Patras), on the language and repatriation. in Albania. Among them only a few deals with the issues of the second generation immigrants (Gorgonas, 2009; Vathi, 2019). Both Vathi and Kokkali depict the low level of collective organization and representation of Albanian immigrants in Thessaloniki. For Vathi in particular the city identity and the power of peer groups and family plays important role in the construct of Albanian youth identity. There is neither extensive collective network nor places and services addressed only to Albanian migrants; as a result this community is characterized as “invisible” although it is the most numerous. However, none of them focuses on the intergenerational relationships and conflicts between first and the second generation immigrants. This paper seeks to present how cultural and immigration-related factors affect relations and the dynamics in Albanian immigrant families in Thessaloniki.

2. Intergeneration relationships and immigration

According to ethnographic literature, parent–child relationships tend to change as children enter adolescence, a period when young people look for autonomy and independence from their family, and identify themselves more with peers than their parents. (Fuligni, 2006; Suárez-Orozco and M. Suárez-Orozco, 2001).

Immigration is a process that transforms the family system to a large extent. The difficulties and the problems encountered in the country of origin or when fleeing affect family structures deprive children of their familiar environment and supportive social network. Traumatic experiences during the crossing of the borders, malnutrition, illnesses, lack of tranquility and stability are some of the issues that a family can experience entering the new country (Adams and Kirova, 2006; Heger Boyle and Ali, 2010; McBrien, 2011).

In many cases, when immigrants enter a new social and culturally diverse environment, they may be confronted with different parenting styles and practices than the ones they knew and upheld, causing them discomfort and awkwardness (Renzaho & Vignjevic, 2011). Parents integrate and adjust into

the host country slower than their children; therefore, parents face a struggle relating to how to be a role model for their children. Furthermore, lack of knowledge of the host country’s language or even lack of knowledge of English and parents’ concerns to cover the basic survival needs intensify the problem. The need to address to all these issues that came up in the new and unfamiliar context can create great enculturation stress and cause tension in parent-children relationships (Ainslie, 1998; Yeh, 2003).

The Albanian identity itself was one of the main causes of conflicts between the second generation and immigrant parents. The way Albanian immigrants were portrayed by the Greek media played a key role in shaping children’s ethnic identity. The identification of Albanians with crime and mafia was identified in the conscience of most Greeks. This stereotypical representation of foreigners in the hegemonic discourse intensified the stigmatization and marginalization of these communities that were considered inferior (ΓκέφουΜαδιανού, 2003). So, the children, when they began to learn their national identity, they experienced it through the negatively charged “Alvanikotita” (Albanianess) not only in public speech, but also in the institutional environment of the school. Giannis’ mother remembers that his son didn’t want to go to school because his classmates were making fun of his origin. “He was crying, he was saying that he hates us for coming from Albania. It was very difficult period. I didn’t mind when people looking at me with mistrust, but seeing my son suffering was breaking my heart”. Because of these stigmatizing experiences, many of these youngsters have developed a strong sense of alienation from their ethnic identity, sometimes hiding their origin and rejecting anything to do with Albania and Albanians (Vathi, 2019, pp. 34). Giannis confessed to me that he used to be ashamed of his father due to his foreign “accent”. “I remember yelling at him that he lives 30 years in Greece and still can’t speak the language properly. I didn’t want to go out with him because I didn’t want people to recognize me as Albanian”.

Since their settlement in the new country, Albanian immigrants followed some strategies (they speak Greek in public, are baptized Christians and “change their names to Greek ones) to redefine their collective identity and be integrated easily. They hope that this tactic will ameliorate their children’s integration and social mobility into Greek society. However, often they express their awkwardness when their children adopt habits and attitudes far away from their culture. This is a typical case of acculturation, when children get affected and embrace the new culture through contact with peers rather

than their parents. This dissonant acculturation challenges parent–child relationships and family hierarchies. Peer-to-peer networks emerge as a very important and dynamic group in the construction of the identity of second generation immigrants. “When I was at high-school, it was a difficult time. I put an earring and wore torn jeans, like everyone at my age, but in our house this attitude was not acceptable. Every day I fought with my father. He used to tell me that this is how bums dress. He did not see that most young people in Greece, and not just here, dress like that, he was anxious that my sister and I did not deviate from the standards he grew up”, Emre, a 23 years old student of Philosophy express.

Likewise, Elvina 21 years old student of pharmacy admits that when she is coming home late, her mother always waits for her asleep and scolds her because “this is not a proper way of living for a girl”. “She always says that she never did that when she was my age and if I continue like that no one will take me seriously. She lives more than 20 years here and she hasn’t understood yet how people live”. As we see from these examples the youthful urban way of life sometimes contradicts the story of the parents and their cultural background (most of them come from rural areas of Albania). “Greekness” is an identity desired by young people because it is associated with a sense of freedom, autonomy and consumerism. In contrast to their ethnicity, “Greekness” gives opportunities to belong to a global culture of young immigrants without limitations and shortcomings (Vathi 2019: 36-37). In Elvina’s case though, is not only the difference between cultures that creates the tension between mother- daughter; it’s mother’s fear that Elvina’s attitude (going out late with friends and dates, wearing clothing that seem to her sexually provocative) makes her vulnerable and easy sexual target. Elvina’s mother raised her alone after her husband’s death a few years ago, and she feels anxious that if something happened, she would be unable to protect and help her daughter. To prevent such a scenario, she prefers to put restrictions on her to keep her safe (Espiritu, 2009; Lopez 2003).

The fact that most of the migrant parents work many hours to make ends meet diminishes the time they spent with their children. Although the socialist regime in Albania tried to impose a value system different from the traditional Balkan patriarchy, it was not possible to stop the gender segregation of space, with men dominating public life and women remaining at home. Nevertheless, immigration brought about changes in family hierarchies. From the beginning of their settlement in Greece, women entered the working sector

to supplement the family income; as a result, both parents spent many hours away from home and from their children. Therefore, this situation decreased the prospects for parents and children to communicate and connect and also confined parents’ ability to attend their children’s experiences, happiness or disappointments. Τhe little time the family spent together gradually led to an alienation and the children felt that there is no interaction among them.

As Foner and Dreby (2011, pp. 548) explain, it is an oversimplification to assume that relationships between parents and children are characterized only by fights and conflicts. Most of the times tension and quarrels are mixed with caring and support, and rejection of some parental rules and guides goes along with acceptance of/ and agreement with others. The majority of my informants acknowledge their parents’ narratives of immigration, the hazards, the feelings of alienation and the hostility they encountered when they settled in the new environment. Thus, they express their gratitude towards their parents for all the sacrifices they made and the efforts they put to provide them all the necessary things for their upbringing. Thus, they feel the moral obligation to reciprocate and help their parents improve their quality of life (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2008; Michail, 2014, pp. 100-101). Aliona, a 27 years old school teacher, admits that her father’s stories about crossing the borders barefoot and walking 2 days without food made a great impact on her. As she says, she always buys him shoes for his birthday. “I swore to myself that I would do my best for them. He suffered enough in order to offer us a better future, now it’s mine turn”. Aliona chose to study school teacher because it has better employment prospects. She wanted to relieve her parents from any expenses they had for her studies. Almost all of my young informants admit that they feel the need to support emotionally, materially and financially their parents acknowledging their sacrifices. This is not a unique “Albanian” case though; it is a common attitude in immigrant families according to ethnographic literature (Espiritu, 2009; Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002).

Conclusions

Relations between the generations are not fixed or stable but change over time as tensions come up or diminishes as a response to different social, economic and political circumstances. Cultural beliefs and background, different views on future plans and prospects may generate or magnify quarrels between generations in immigrant families. Children get more influenced from peers and school than family, especially during adolescence. They get emo-

tionally detached from their parents who feel powerless and afraid of losing the control of their family. Especially in the case of Albanians, the racism and stigmatization that the second generation experienced made them develop a strong sense of alienation from its nationality and identify itself not on the basis of their ethnic identity, but on other, alternative identities. Youth interests and emotional ties between peers are the most important elements of their identity. At the same time, those experiences and hardships experienced by the first generation during the process of moving to the new country are some of the elements that strengthen the relationships within the family. However, at the same time, young immigrants feel proud for their parents successful efforts to make ends meet in the new country despite the difficulties and try hard to meet their parents standards and support them emotionally and practically.

Acknowledgment

This research is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund- ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning» in the context of the project “Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers - 2nd Cycle” (MIS-5033021), implemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).

Adams L. D., & Kirova, A. (2006). Introduction: Global Migration and Education. School, Children and Families. In L. D. Adams & A. Kirova (eds), Global Migration and Education. School, Children and Families. New York, London: Routledge, 1-12 Ainslie, R. (1998). “Cultural Mourning, Immigration, and Engagement: Vignettes from the Mexican Experience” in Suarez-Orozco M.M (ed.) Crossings: Mexican Immigration in Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 283-300. Βουτυρά, Ε. (1994). «Προσφυγική Ελλάδα: Παράδειγμα προς μίμηση;» Ιστωρ 7 :175-184.

Cabot, H. (2014). On the doorstep of Europe. Asylum and citizenship in Greece. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press. Espiritu, Y. L. (2009). Emotions, sex and money: the lives of Filipino children of immigrants. In Foner, N. (Ed.), Across generations: Immigrant families in America, New York: New York University Press,47–71 Foner, N. and Dreby, J. (2011). “Relations Between the Generations in Immigrant Families” Annual Review of Sociology 37: 545- 564. Fuligni A. 2006. Family obligation among children in immigrant families. Migr. Inf. Source. http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/pring.cfm?ID-410 Fuligni A, Pedersen S. 2002. “Family obligation and the transition to young adulthood” Developmental Psychology. 38:856–68 Heger Boyle E. & Ali, A. (2010). Culture, Structure, and the Refugee Experience in Somali Immigrant Family Transformation. International Migration, 48 (1), 47-79.

Γκέφου-Μαδιανού, Δ. (2003). «Εννοιολογήσεις του Εαυτού και του ‘Άλλου’: Ζητήματα Ταυτότητας στη Σύγχρονη Ανθρωπολογική Θεωρία», στο Δήμητρα Γκέφου- Μαδιανού (επιμ.) Εαυτός και «Άλλος»: Εννοιολογήσεις, Ταυτότητες και Πρακτικές στην Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο, Αθήνα: Gutenberg, 15- 110 Gogonas, N. (2009). “Language shift in second generation Albanian immigrants in Greece”, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 30 (2): 95 -110. Καπετανάκη, Ε. (2017). Νέα Ζωή, Επιστρέφοντας στην Αλβανία. Μια

Εθνογραφική Προσέγγιση. Τμήμα Κοινωνικής Ανθρωπολογίας, Διδακτορική Διατριβή, Πάντειο Πανεπιστήμιο Kokkali, Ι. (2011) “Absence of a ”community” and spatial invisibility: migrants from Albania in Greece and the case of Thessaloniki” in Eckardt, F. and Eade, J. The Ethnically diverse city, Berliner- Wissenschaafts-Verlag, 85-114, Λαμπριανίδης, Λ., Λυμπεράκη, Α., (2005). Αλβανοί Μετανάστες στη Θεσσαλονίκη. Διαδρομές Ευημερίας και Παραδρομές Δημόσιας Εικόνας. Αθήνα: Πατάκης. Λαμπριανίδης, Λ., Χατζηπροκοπίου Π. (2008). “Μετανάστευση και Κοινωνική Αλλαγή στη Θεσσαλονίκη: Η Ένταξη των Μεταναστών και η Νέα Πολυπολιτισμική Πραγματικότητα της Πόλης” in Καυκαλάς Γ., Λαμπριανίδης Λ., Παπαμίχος Ν. (επιμ). Η Θεσσαλονίκη στο Μεταίχμιο. Η Πόλη ως Διαδικασία Αλλαγών, Αθήνα: Κριτική, 217- 258. Lopez N. (2003). Hopeful Girls, Troubled Boys: Race and Gender Disparity in Urban Education. New York: Routledge McBrien, J., L. (2011). The Importance of Context: Vietnamese, Somali, and Iranian refugee mothers discuss their resettled lives and involvement in their children’s schools. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 41 (1): 75-90. Μιχαήλ, Δ. (2010a.). “Διάβαση Ορίων και Διατήρηση Ορίων Μεταξύ των Αλβανών Μεταναστών και της Ελληνικής Κοινότητας του Άργους Ορεστικού Καστοριάς” in Αυδίκος Ε. (επιμ.) Λαϊκοί Πολιτισμοί και Σύνορα στα Βαλκάνια, Αθήνα: Πεδίο, 347- 370. Μιχαήλ, Δ. (2010b). “Γλωσσική Διατήρηση/Μετατόπιση στη Δεύτερη Γενιά Αλβανών Μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα: Κοινωνική Ενσωμάτωση”, Εθνολογία 14: 207- 224.

Μιχαήλ, Δ. (2014). Αλβανική Μετανάστευση στην Ελλάδα. Μελέτες και Ζητήματα. Ανθρωπολογικές και Διεπιστημονικές Προσεγγίσεις, Αθήνα: Σταμουλή Michail, D. and Christou, A. (2016). “Diasporic Youth Identities of Uncertainty and Hope: Second-generation Albanian Experiences of Transnational Mobility in An Era of Economic Crisis in Greece” Journal of Youth Studies, 19 (7): 957- 972.

Νιτσιάκος, Β. (2010). Στο Σύνορο: Μετανάστευση, Σύνορα και Ταυτότητες στην Αλβανο-ελληνική Μεθόριο. Αθήνα: Οδυσσέας.

Παπαγεωργίου, Β. (2011). Από την Αλβανία στην Ελλάδα. Τόπος και Ταυτότητα, Διαπολιτισμικότητα και Ενσωμάτωση. Μια Ανθρωπολογική Προσέγγιση της Μεταναστευτικής Εμπειρίας. Αθήνα: Νήσος. Παπαταξιάρχης, Ε., Τοπάλη Π., Αθανασοπούλου, Α. (επιμ.) (2009). Κόσμοι της Οικιακής Εργασίας. Φύλο, Μετανάστευση και Πολιτισμικοί Μετασχηματισμοί στην Αθήνα του πρώιμου 21ου αιώνα, Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια Παρσάνογλου, Δ., και Παύλου Μ. (επιμ.) (2001). Μετανάστες στην Ελλάδα, Αθήνα: Ελληνικά Γράμματα. Πετρονώτη, Μ. (1998). Το Πορτρέτο μιας Διαπολιτισμικής Σχέσης. Κρυσταλλώσεις, Ρήγματα, Ανασκευές. Αθήνα: Εθνικό Κέντρο Κοινωνικών Ερευνών Πετρονώτη Μ., και Τριανταφυλλίδου Α. (2003). Σύγχρονα μεταναστευτικά ρεύματα προς την Ελλάδα, Αθήνα: Ε.Κ.Κ.Ε. Pratsinakis, M. (2005). “Aspirations and Strategies of Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki”, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 7 (2): 195- 212. Renzaho, A. and Vignjevic S. (2011). “The impact of a parenting intervention in Australia among migrants and refugees from Liberia, Sierra Leone, Congo, and Burundi: Results from the African Migrant Parenting Program” Journal of Family Studies 17 (1): 71-79. Rozakou, K. (2012). “The biopolitics of hospitality in Greece: Humanitarianism and the management of refugees”. American Ethnologist 39 (3): 562-577. Rumbaut, R. G. (2004). “Ages, Life Stages, and Generational Cohorts: Decomposing the Immigrant First and Second Generations in the United States”, International Migration Review 38 (3): 1160 1205. Suarez-Orozco, C., and Suarez-Orozco M. (2001). Children of Immigration. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press Suarez-Orozco C, et. Alia. (2008). Learning in a New Land: Immigrant Students in American Society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press Χατζαρούλα, Π. (2014). «Προσλήψεις της ιδιότητας του πολίτη: Αλβανίδες οικιακές εργαζόμενες στην Ελλάδα in E. Παπαταξιάρχης (επιμ.) Πολιτικές της καθημερινότητας. Σύνορο, σώμα και ιδιότητα του πολίτη στην Ελλάδα, Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια, 319- 344. Vathi, Z. (2019). “Identifications of Albanian-origin teenagers in Thessaloniki and the role of ethnicity: A multi-scalar perspective” Global Studies of

Childhood 9 (1): 29-41 Voutira, E. (1991). “Pontic Greeks Today: Migrants or Refugees?”, Journal of Refugee Studies, 4 (4) : 400-420. Yeh, Ch. (2003). “Age, Acculturation, Cultural Adjustment, and Mental Health Symptoms of Chinese, Korean and Japanese Immigrant Youths”. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 9 (1): 34-48.

4 The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna

Georgios Gaitanos

Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious Studies, University College Logos, Tirana Corespondence:

e-mail: gaitanosg@yahoo.gr

Abstract

The purpose of the paper is to present the data on the religious policy of the Roman Empire at the time of Saint Polycarp of Smyrna and to indicate whether there were particularities in the treatment of Christian communities by the central Roman state. To this end, reference will be made to the religious context of the time, but also to the general attitude of the Roman authorities towards the religious communities in general. This presentation will help in our attempt to understand whether Polycarp of Smyrna’s martyrdom can be incorporated into a more general Roman state policy or can be considered as an isolated event.

Keywords:

Emperor, Polycarp of Smyrna, Martyrdom, Persecution, Religious Policy. Citation:

Gaitanos G. The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 65-78. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.36164.96641

Religion in the Roman Empire was a force for both integration and an expression of great diversity and variety. Many common opinions and beliefs about the divine world formed the basic framework for discussions and exchanges of views. Of particular interest was the fact that many people participated on local or regional religious events of various deities, while some chose to join and devote themselves to some of them, without having to worry about whether these deities were necessarily of their national tradition. Thus, many people were practicing foreign to them and to their people traditions and deities, which were spread by traders, immigrants, soldiers, or officials. Many of these cults attracted interest and became particularly popular. In essence, a religious syncretism prevailed, as many deities not known could be recognized now through the use of images, symbols, and forms of earlier deities, a practice that helped reduce the distance between the various cults but also led to the use of common practices in worship. Of course, the Emperor was the most popular figure, as he was the religious focal point that everyone should have shared in the Empire (Pachis, 2003a; 2003b; Martin, 1987; Rives, 2007; Burkert, 1984).

1. Imperial Cult

As we have mentioned, the Roman Empire was an amalgam of different religious traditions despite the political system’s attempt for general religious integration (Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). The personality that united the Empire and everything that happened in its territory was the Emperor, who symbolized the unity of the Empire and was more than a mere symbol. The Emperor was the supreme commander of the army and the center of imperial bureaucracy. At the same time, he was at the top of the social hierarchy and managed the complex patronage system (Garnsey & Saller, 1987; Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). In every sense the Emperor was the empire itself; given the fact that the political, social, economic, and religious factor in the Greco-Roman world was closely intertwined and constituted a single system, it comes as no surprise that the Emperor had to play and a central role in the religious life of the Empire.

However, it is necessary to make a clarification as to the Emperor’s religious role, because the conventional term, “Imperial cult”, may eventually prove misleading, as it implies that there was an organized cult system that

promoted the Emperor as a God. There were, therefore, different perspectives through which the Emperor appeared in religious life. In particular, it was sometimes ambiguously claimed as a god, sometimes as a mortal, and in some cases a combination of the two identities was applied. Many times this was done on a general scale by the imperial authorities, while in other cases it was applied locally. In any case, one should not forget the influence of Alexander the Great and his successors on the Hellenistic kingdoms, where the Emperor was the object of worship. Indeed, some Roman generals of the 1st century BC had claimed to have had special relationships with the divine. Although Julius Caesar had promoted some self-apotheosis efforts, his successor, Octavian Augustus, eventually established these methods, followed by most of his successors. Thus, the official public calendar included a number of dates related to the Emperor’s birthday, succession anniversaries, major military successes, or other milestones. Indeed, public ceremonies and festivities were instituted for this purpose with a specific format, just as was the case with traditional deities. Another practice was the official deification of the deceased Emperor. Thus, Octavian after Caesar’s death in July established and promoted the worship of Divus Iulius, for whom he built a temple and appointed a priest. The same thing happened after the death of Augustus in 14 AD, where the formal process of his deification began. More generally, the Senate decided to officially recognize an Emperor as a god and was subsequently awarded the title of Divus, followed by the construction of a temple, the appointment of a priest, and the establishment of annual public offerings. Of course, the Roman authorities had attempted to make a distinction between the divine emperor and the living, non-worshiped god, except in certain cases of tyrannical emperors, such as Caligula or Commodus, who demanded to be worshiped as gods while they lived (Rives, 2007; Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987).

Since August, all provincial assemblies have been obliged to worship the Emperor, where the annual feast in honor of the Emperor was held at a temple in the province. These ceremonies were organized by the official bodies of the province, not officially instituted by the Empire, but organized with the official permission of the Emperor. In essence, their organization and execution were promoted by the local elite with the aim of expanding their influence on local society and their rise to social hierarchy. Certainly, the imperial authorities had some control over these ceremonies, which were held in parallel with official public worship events in favor of the Emperor (Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987).

For sure, worship was not the only means of expressing the Emperor’s official religious role. The image of the Emperor was present through statues in public buildings, but also through their images on coins. Indeed, the portrayal of the Emperor as a god next to the traditional and popular deities of the time dictated a connection and relationship with the divine, while sufficiently defining public opinion for the status they held (Martin, 2003; Green, 1990; Shipley, 2000).

Overall, it should be emphasized that the image of the Emperor was particularly ambiguous, because in other cases he was treated as a god while in others he was presented as a human being. In some ways, the Emperor was both human and divine, so that one or the other could be used as appropriate. For this reason, there were different approaches and manifestations on his person concerning his religious role. Thus, there were dedicated temples and appointed priests in his honor, just as they did for the various deities, while offering sacrifices for his health rather than for them. They portrayed the Emperor as a deity or sovereign of the gods, but at the same time as a pious faithful.

It may not be easy to fully and clearly illustrate this ambiguity in the variety of images of the Emperor, but there were some characteristics in the mentality of the Greco-Roman culture that justifies this tendency. Specifically, the boundaries between divine and human in the Greco-Roman tradition were not so clear, since a mythology had developed that approached any difference (Beard, North & Price, 1998), while many philosophers spoke of the immortality of the human soul, so the presentation of the Emperor, such an important figure, with divine characteristics was not so provocative and strange. The religious role of the Emperor also had the characteristics of the intermediate between the divine and the human sphere, as the Emperor appeared to sacrifice to the gods and was allegedly acting on behalf of the Empire. In essence, the Emperor was the symbol of prosperity and progress of the empire, so people would pray to the gods for his health, as they would prosper themselves as well (Rives, 2007). At the same time, the value of the Emperor’s religious role was increased by the mention of his name by different religious traditions, which increased his influence on the subject of religious integration that he sought to achieve. Thus, public worship towards the face of the Emperor further expressed a wish for the prosperity and unity of the Empire, which inevitably gained a religious expression1 .

1 For example, the Jews sacrificed two lambs and one calf daily in honor of the Emperor at the Temple of Jerusalem, while similarly Jewish communities in other parts of the empire devoted their rallying places to the health of the Emperor. Similarly, Christians prayed for the

Roman religious policy was not intended to persuade or force the subjects of the empire to believe and worship the Emperor, as is generally understood to be. Although governors and government officials issued decrees establishing formal celebrations of the victory or succession to the throne, essentially only the local authorities shouldered the burden of implementation. Indeed, it was the local upper class that furthered this status of the emperor purely aimed at serving the political careers of local patrons. Under no circumstances were the local and government authorities intended to pressure, enforce, and inspect citizen participation in these ceremonies, as in other public worship events (Rives, 2007). However, it is not wrong to point out that the worship of the Emperor was indirectly supported and promoted. At the same time, government agencies intervened and banned specific traditions and religious practices and behaviors. These interventions concerned more general perceptions of inappropriate religious behavior, situations that disturbed the peace and security of an area, and of particular cases that aroused the interest of society.

Specifically, there are two characteristic terms to the issue of inappropriate religious behavior. The first term was about the person who failed to participate in acceptable forms of worship or didn’t show any respect to the divine. Of particular value was the fact that some were not consistently making sacrifices, which was also the most important and widespread way of expressing piety. The Latin term is impius or sacrilegus, while the Greek is disrespectful (ασεβής) and atheist (άθεος), in the sense of not accepting the traditional ways of worshiping the divine. Indeed, it is necessary to note that in Greek-Roman tradition the emphasis was on worship practices rather than on personal beliefs. The second term associated with an unacceptable relationship with the divine was superstitio (superstition), and it was related to relationships with the divine, which were divergent. Any religious behavior that was considered inappropriate, inaccurate and unacceptable was characterized by this term. In general, anything related to worshiping divine values was presented differently, characterized as superstition, and gathered attention (Bremmer, 1994; Beard, North & Price, 1998; Ogden, 2007; Wilt, 1954).

Certainly, Roman officials did not have a central interest in the proper observance of religious expression or in examining whether the citizens partic-

Emperor’s health and the prosperity of the Empire, as we can note in several texts of the Early Christian Literature.

ipated on public ceremonies. The most important issue of Roman bureaucracy was the collection of taxes and the maintenance of social peace. However, the interest in the proper observance of religious duties was mainly of concern to the local elite, who usually made these complaints. The main reason for the complaint of non-compliance with the religious rules was the risk of overthrowing the social hierarchy and the prevalence of anarchy. This kind of complaint raised the concern of government bodies, who took action if they found that these practices could cause disturbance and eventual overthrow of the social order (Rives, 2007).

As we mentioned, controlling the society of each province and maintaining the peace and balance between the social classes was a very important task for the Roman authorities. This approach also included religious traditions, as Rome either incorporated deities associated with the Greco-Roman tradition into the public cult or instituted rules to control the hierarchy of religious traditions that had nothing to do with the Greco-Roman world. Indeed, the local upper class, which had developed political and economic relations with Roman power, was always suspicious of the attitude of these priests because, as we have noted above, they did not in any way wish to create a climate of reversal. Therefore, when there was an emerging personality outside the system of hierarchy that could gather the interest of the public and possibly to overturn the situation and disturb the peace, then the Roman authorities did not hesitate to send as many forces as needed to suppress any movement of revolutionary action. Of course, this notion concerned not only charismatic religious or non-religious personalities, but also various texts, prophetic or apocalyptic that foretold the destruction of Rome and its punishment through the coming of a Messiah or a supernatural being (Russell, 1964; Nickelsburg, 1972; Boccaccini, 1991; Collins, 1974). Thus, the Roman authorities restricted the circulation of these texts, but also identified those who were responsible for disseminating these ideas2. So, this case is also directly linked to the greater concern of the authorities, whether someone from the religious cloak outside the socio-economic system overthrows the situation and disturbs public peace.

However, there is a third possibility of interference by the Roman authorities in matters of a religious nature. There are special cases that have aroused the interest not only of the wider society, but also of some Emperors who decided to intervene and attempt the immediate solution of the problem. Clear-

2 It is characteristic that Augustus at 12 BC had collected more than 2,000 prophetic texts in Greek and Latin and burned them (See Suetonius, De vita Caesarum, 31.1).

ly, these cases also need to be studied in the light of the general philosophy of Roman religious policy, as the Roman authorities decided to intervene whenever there was a danger of disturbing the peace and overthrowing the social hierarchy and system. Such special cases were the subject of magic3, Jews4 and Christianity.

The general conclusion is that Roman power did not implement a particular religious policy program, but rather addressed these cases in the general context of maintaining public peace and social balance in every province and region of the empire.

3. The Roman state treatment of Christianity

During the early period of the emergence and spread of Christianity, its

3 It should be emphasized that the practice of magic in the Roman Empire was illegal. Of course, the Roman authorities were not responsible for looking for suspects in performing magic, but they were examining public complaints of people accused of this practice. Usually people were accused of having habits and lifestyles that did not fit with the rest of the community, but also cases where an accident or an unexpected event was associated with individuals possessing a particular ability, power or knowledge. Indeed, these accusations were taken seriously because it was perceived as an attempt or provocation of criminal activity against another person. This situation created a social anomaly for the Roman authorities, and as a result they were seriously involved in such accusations. See J. Harrisson, Religion in the Roman World: Gods, Myth and Magic in Ancient Rome, London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2017. J. Z. Smith, “Great Scott! Thought and Action one more time”, in P. Mirecki & M. Meyer (eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 75-91. Ν. Zarotiades, Μαγεία και Δαιμονολογία: Η αντιμετώπιση των μαγικών τεχνών από τους εκκλησιαστικούς συγγραφείς της Δύσης μέχρι και τον 5ο αι., Θεσσαλονίκη: Ostracon, 2016. 4 The Jewish nation was a special group, maintaining a very different way of life from the more general Greek-Roman culture. Despite significant differences, the respect for the Roman upper class in ancient traditions and the maneuvering of the Judaic diplomacy helped ensure that the Jews continued to carry out their ancient worship traditions without interference. In fact, Augustus with a decree allowed the Jews to continue to follow their religious traditions. However, at the beginning of the 1st century A.D. after continued revolutionary movements, the Romans expanded their military presence in the region, resulting in the Romans to destroy the Temple of Jerusalem and the city itself after the First Jewish War (66-73 AD), to found in its place a new city (Aelia Capitolina), and after the suppression of a Jewish revolution of the Diaspora in Cyrene and Egypt (115-117 AD) and the Bar Kokhba movement (132-135 AD) was the mark of the change of Jewish presence and tradition within the empire. See, Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 16,162-165. M. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 bce–117 ce), Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996. S. Cohen, “The Political and Social History of the Jews in Greco-Roman antiquity: The State of the Question”, in R. Kraft & G. Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Interpreters. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986, pp. 33-56. L. Feldman, Jews and Gentiles in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993. A. Gunneweg, Η Ιστορία του Ισραήλ έως την εξέγερση του Βαρ – Κοχβά (trans. Ι. Μούρτζιος), Θεσσαλονίκη: Πουρναράς, 1997.

legal position on the official state was unclear, as it was initially regarded as a sect of Judaism. This meant that it was in principle aligned with the legal framework applicable to Judaism, so that no recognition or intervention by the Roman state was needed immediately. However, once Christianity with the new communities began to separate from Judaism, the situation changed. Specifically, official complaints from Jewish communities, such as in the case of the Apostle Paul, forced the official state to treat Christians differently, originally from the Nero era with small scale persecutions (Pheidas, 2002). Of course, no formal legislation was adopted to endorse such a practice, since persecutions were committed locally and Christians were treated as common disturbances.

Through the network of the Roman Empire and initially centered on the Jewish communities of the Diaspora, Christianity spread to all the provinces of the empire (Sanders, 1992). There may be various theories for the successful expansion of Christianity that focused on either the psychology of individuals or the superiority and quality of Christianity’s teaching over other cults or even “divine providence”, but we appreciate that the answer can rather be found on the “strange” system of religious policy developed by the Roman state and the network of relations developed among the new Christian communities. It is, therefore, a ‘strange’ system, because the Roman authorities allowed for religious change at a private level - since it did not impede the functioning and course of the state - and not in the public sphere. Thus a public “official” cult was formed that promoted stability and peace under the protection of the Emperor, while in the interim he did not control religious innovation and the expansion and dissemination of new worship traditions through the network of the empire at an unofficial level. Thus, since the Roman authority had formed a cult of “public image” and was only concerned with the maintenance of peace and order, it was reluctant to steer the course of new religious traditions. Groups that could better manage this policy of the Roman Empire and form a network of relationships in the private sphere had better chances of developing and gradually establishing awareness in the wider society. The first Christian communities belonged to this category.

The period of the 2nd century, which is the focus of this paper relating to the treatment of Christians by the official state, includes a few official documents. Perhaps the correspondence of Pliny the Younger5, Governor of Bithynia, with Emperor Trajan in the early 2nd century A.D. is the most indicative example of the situation at that time and the attitude of the state towards the Christians.

According to the letters, the conclusion is that obviously being a Christian was a problem, but if a Christian publicly followed the usual religious practices, such as sacrifice, then he would not face any charges and remain free. If by any chance there was a refusal of the requests of the Roman authorities, then would suffer martyrdom (Croix de Ste, 2005).

The official letters of Pliny the Younger to Emperor Trajan thus indicate that the persecutions against Christians took place locally and were due to the fact that Christianity was characterized as a new superstition and its faithful members were persecuted as members of an illegal society (illicita collegia)6 . From this information we reaffirm that there was no generalized persecution of Christians - this attitude was interrupted by Decius afterwards - as a formal impeachment for individual prosecution is required on a case-by-case basis. Obviously, confession of faith was punishable by death, but at that time Christianity did not seem to be the biggest problem of the daily life of the empire7 .

4. The case of the Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna

The case of Polycarp of Smyrna martyrdom, as described in the work Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, should be included in the context described above. That is, there are acts of violence and persecution at the local level, an accusation of atheism, which concerns the disrespect on the Emperor and the

6 The letters provide important information on the local persecution of Governor at that time Pliny in Bithynia, while record the entire process of questioning, punishing or acquitting Christians and Roman citizens. We should mention that they are probably the most important Roman sources of the time, as they demonstrate the official Roman state policy on this issue. Pliny seemed generally concerned about the way of interrogations, the tortures and punishments Christians would have to face if they confessed or repented. The Emperor Trajan had praised the way the governor acted, since those who repented later should have been forgiven, while anonymous complaints should not have been accepted. See, Pliny the Younger, Letters, 10,96-97. 7 Indeed, Emperor Hadrian in a decree rescued by Eusebius of Caesarea stated that a person should be brought to trial after a thorough investigation so as to avoid unnecessarily disturbing honest people. To be convicted, one would have to do so in accordance with the law and not on the basis of information from someone who might have slandered for their own purposes. This political approach was echoed in yet another decree by Emperor Antoninus Pius, in which it seems that those who proved to slander would eventually end up in the defendant’s position. It is noted, however, that whatever hardship the people faced was not necessarily the responsibility of the Christians and the worship of their own God. Christians were particularly made an impression to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who during his campaigns was able to get to know their faith. He was a stoic and through his personal diary he commented on their attitude, as he could not comprehend their zeal moments before their punishment in front of the Roman authorities. He even commented on the attitude of Christians as flamboyant and selfish. See, Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, Book 4, Chapter 9 and 13. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, 11,3.

offerings to him, and the need for atonement and appeasement of social peace by the demand of the local population the issue of the “illegal society” to be arranged.

In general, Christians of the first centuries have expressed a willingness to imitate Christ through their participation in the martyrdom and to somehow repeat the sacrifice of the Son of God, the last human sacrifice (Stroumsa, 2009; Moss, 2010). In the New Testament, the term became even more important as it stated the confession of the nature and work of Christ (Petiki, 2009). Specifically, the term “martyr” referred to the Christian, who willingly endured physical death, in order to remain faithful to the confession of his/ her faith in Christ (Act. 22,20. Rev. 1,5; 2,13; 3,14; 17,6). From the 2nd century, the concept of martyrdom has acquired the meaning of voluntary physical death to declare faith in Christ (Ferguson, 1990). The early Christian texts, which dealt with the issue of persecution of Christians locally at the expense of Christians, provided some examples of the attitude of Christians, as well as the rationale for their persecution for the sake of their faith. In an extensive level, metaphors are made to describe the martyrdom as a sacrifice for Christ’s sake. This notion was not a special case that appeared only in one text, but it is found that the meaning and the characteristics that were attributed to the martyr are also found in other texts of the time, leading us to conclude that the martyr in particular was a means of Early Christian Literature for imitation of Christ, the central face of Christian worship (Petersen, 2013).

We also have a similar reference to the martyrdom of Bishop Polycarp, as recorded in the Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, which contains the complete development of martyrdom theology as an expression and testimony of faith in Jesus Christ. In particular, the formal charge brought by the bishop to trial was atheism. In the text it is clear that Polycarp rejected this accusation, while at the same time obeying neither the threats nor the exhortations to deride Christ and to profess faith to the Emperor8. The text also presents the

8 Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, 8-12: “… Τί γὰρ κακόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν· Κύριος Καῖσαρ, καὶ ἐπιθῦσαι καὶ τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα καὶ διασώζεσθαι; ὁ δὲ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτοῖς, ἐπιμενόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔφη· Οὐ μέλλω ποιεῖν ὃ συμβουλεύετέ μοι. οἱ δὲ ἀποτυχόντες τοῦ πεῖσαι αὐτὸν δεινὰ ῥήματα ἔλεγον καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς καθῄρουν αὐτὸν ὡς κατιόντα ἀπὸ τῆς καρούχας ἀποσῦραι τὸ ἀντικνήμιον. καὶ μὴ ἐπιστραφεὶς ὡς οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς προθύμως ἐπορεύετο ἀγόμενος εἰς τὸ στάδιον, θορύβου τηλικούτου ὄντος ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ ὡς μηδὲ ἀκουσθῆναί τινα δύνασθαι. Τῷ δὲ Πολυκάρπῳ εἰσιόντι εἰς τὸ στάδιον φωνὴ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐγένετο· Ἴσχυε, Πολύκαρπε, καὶ ἀνδρίζου. … Ὁ δὲ ἀνθύπατος εἶπεν· Θηρία ἔχω· τούτοις σε παραβαλῶ ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν· Κάλει. ἀμετάθετος γὰρ ἡμῖν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κρειττόνων ἐπὶ τὰ χείρω μετάνοια, καλὸν δὲ μετατίθεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν χαλεπῶν ἐπὶ τὰ δίκαια. ὁ δὲ πάλιν πρὸς αὐτόν· Πυρί σε ποιήσω δαπανηθῆναι εἰ τῶν θηρίων καταφρονεῖς, ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς.

torture in every detail, while Bishop of Smyrna was willing to receive the martyrdom, presenting himself as a sacrifice dedicated to God (Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, 13-16). It is clear that confession of faith in Christ is the only criterion that leads to martyrdom.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the Roman authorities did not seek to identify who is a Christian or not, but only proceeded after a public accusation. Clearly, there is uncertainty as to whether the prosecutions concerned only the imposition of police measures or even the criminal part, as the persecution against Christians was due to their name and not to any proven criminal act. In total, according to their accusers, Christians rejected all the traditional features of piety and were not active members of society, as they had always found the opportunity to isolate themselves. Thus, they refused to offer sacrifice to other deities or any kind of sacrifice in general, did not participate on the public worship of the cities, did not honor the Emperor, their worship did not come from an ancient tradition, and always met in secret, thus being accused of politics conspiracy or other immoral acts. Consequently, they were obliged to declare faith in the Emperor, to worship the statue of the emperor, or to offer sacrifices to the gods. Those who accepted one of those requirements were then released, while those who refused would then be punished for treason.

ὁ δὲ Πολύκαρπος εἶπεν· Πῦρ ἀπειλεῖς τὸ πρὸς ὥραν καιόμενον καὶ μετ’ ὀλίγον σβεννύμενον. ἀγνοεῖς γὰρ τὸ τῆς μελλούσης κρίσεως καὶ αἰωνίου κολάσεως τοῖς ἀσεβέσι τηρούμενον πῦρ. ἀλλὰ τί βραδύνεις; φέρε ὃ βούλει. … Πολύκαρπος ὡμολόγησεν ἑαυτὸν Χριστιανὸν εἶναι. τούτου λεχθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ κήρυκος, ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος ἐθνῶν τε καὶ Ἰουδαίων τῶν τὴν Σμύρναν κατοικούντων ἀκατασχέτῳ θυμῷ καὶ μεγάλῃ φωνῇ ἐπεβόα· … ὅτε ἰδὼν αὐτὸ καιόμενον προσευχόμενος εἶπεν ἐπιστραφεὶς τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ πιστοῖς προφητικῶς· Δεῖ με ζῶντα καῆναι”.

Barclay M., Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 bce–117 ce), Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996. Beard M., J. North & S. Price, Religions of Rome, vol. I, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Boccaccini G., “Jewish Apocalyptic Tradition: The Contribution of Italian Scholarship”, in J. Collins & J. Charlesworth (eds.), Mysteries and Revelations, Journal for the Study of Pseudepigrapha, Supplement Series 9, Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991, pp. 33-50. Bremmer J., Greek Religion, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994. Burkert W., Μυστηριακές λατρείες της αρχαιότητας (trans. Έφη Ματθαίου), Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Καρδαμίτσα, 1994. Cohen S., “The Political and Social History of the Jews in Greco-Roman antiquity: The State of the Question”, in R. Kraft & G. Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Interpreters. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986, pp. 33-56. Collins J., “Apocalyptic Eschatology as the Transcendence of Death”, CBQ 36.1 (1974), pp. 21-43. Ehrman B. (ed.), The Apostolic Fathers, vol. I-II, Cambridge; London: Harvard University Press, 2003. Feldman L., Jews and Gentiles in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993. Ferguson E., Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, New York; London: Garland Publishing, 1990. Garnsey P. & Saller R., The Roman Empire: Economy, Society and Culture, Oakland: University of California Press, 1987. Garnsey P., Saller R. & Goodman M., The Roman Empire: Economy, Society and Culture, Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Harrisson J., Religion in the Roman World: Gods, Myth and Magic in Ancient Rome, London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2017. Green P., From Alexander to Actium, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

Gunneweg A., Η Ιστορία του Ισραήλ έως την εξέγερση του Βαρ – Κοχβά (μτφρ.

Ι. Μούρτζιος), Θεσσαλονίκη: Πουρναράς, 1997. Martin L., “Kingship and the Hellenistic consolidation of religio – political power”, in Luther H. Martin – Panayotis Pachis (eds.) in: Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Graeco – Roman Religions, Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2003, pp. 89-96. ------, Hellenistic religions: an introduction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Maier P., Eusebius-The Church History: A New Translation with Commentary, Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 1999. Moss C., The Other Christs. Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 75-111. Nickelsburg G., Resurrection, immortality, and eternal life in intertestamental Judaism, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972. Novak R. M., Χριστιανισμός & Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία (trans. Ντ. Σιδέρη), Αθήνα: Κονιδάρης, 2008. Ogden D. (ed.), A Companion to Greek Religion, Malden; Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Pachis P., Ίσις Καρποτόκος, τόμος Ι – Οικουμένη. Προλεγόμενα στον συγκρητισμό των ελληνιστικών χρόνων, Θεσσαλονίκη: Βάνιας, 2003. ------, “The Hellenistic Era as an Age of Propaganda: The case of Isis’ cult”, Luther H. Martin – Panayotis Pachis (eds.) in: Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Graeco – Roman Religions, Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2003, pp. 97-125. Petersen A., “Attaining Divine Perfection through Different Forms of Imitation”, Numen 60 (2013), 7-38. Petiki M., Η έννοια του μαρτυρίου στον Τερτυλλιανό και στον Κυπριανό Καρχηδόνας, Θεσσαλονίκη: ΑΠΘ, 2009. Pheidas V., Εκκλησιαστική ιστορία, τ. Α΄, Αθήνα: Διήγηση, 32002. Radice B. (ed.), The Letters of the Younger Pliny, London: Penguin Classics, 1969.

Rives J., Religion in the Roman Empire, Malden; Oxford; Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Russell D. S., The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic: 200 BC – 100 AD,

London: SCM Press LTD, 1964. Sanders J., “Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire: A Conversation with Rodney Stark”, Sociological Analysis 53.4 (1992), pp. 433-445. Shipley G., The Greek World after Alexander, London; New York: Routledge, 2000.

Smith J. Z., “Great Scott! Thought and Action one more time”, in P. Mirecki & M. Meyer (eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden: Brill, 2002. Ste Croix de G. E. M., Ο Χριστιανισμός και η Ρώμη. Διωγμοί, αιρέσεις και ήθη (trans. Ιωάννα Κράλλη), Αθήνα: Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, 2005. Stroumsa G., The End of Sacrifice. Religious Transformations in Late Antiquity, Chicago; London: Chicago University Press, 2009. Wilt H., Religio: A Semantic Study of the Pre-Christian Use of the Terms Religio and Religiosus (Ph.D. dissertation), Columbia University, 1954. Zarotiades N., Μαγεία και Δαιμονολογία: Η αντιμετώπιση των μαγικών τεχνών από τους εκκλησιαστικούς συγγραφείς της Δύσης μέχρι και τον 5ο αι., Θεσσαλονίκη: Ostracon, 2016.