JUNE 2018 VOL . 20 – NO.1
The state of democracy – the case of Latin America
Cover: Shabhan Mayet. Democracy, Latin America (Alpiera)
From the Guest Editor The state of democracy – clients, clientalism and authoritarianism While Holland goes through an economic boom, the state of the world is not so rosy. In some countries, what were thought to be established social gains are being continuously challenged, whereas in others the very framework of democracy is being tested. Within academia, we also feel these pressures. For example, as social scientists we strive to promote voice and participation at a local level and models of how this may be seen at conceptual and broader levels of political economy. Yet in our work within institutions we also feel the ‘winds of neo-liberalism’, with concepts like ‘the client’ sometimes replacing the words participants and partners*. It is not just a question of one’s place in a hierarchy - of formal relations between citizen and state (or institution) – that defines democracy. It is more the question of the legitimacy of processes and institutions. What is it that defines legitimacy – when is it questioned? In this issue of DevISSues we decided to explore this complex theme, starting with a view from Latin America.
Colophon DevISSues is published twice a year by the International Institute of Social Studies, PO Box 29776, 2502 LT The Hague, the Netherlands Tel +31 (0)70 4260 443 or +31 (0)70 4260 419 Fax + 31 (0)70 4260 799 www.iss.nl DevISSues@iss.nl Editor Jane Pocock Editorial Board Lee Pegler, Sunil
In the case of Venezuela, Regnault summarizes how battles over legitimacy between the more participative left (Chavismo) and conservative forces have spilled over into desperate problems and constraints for the average citizen, in spite (or maybe because) of the control of oil resources. In contrast, in the case of Brazil, it would appear that internal forces of opposition (using questionable precedent) led to the ousting of an elected President (Rousseff) and the (poorly substantiated) imprisonment of the previous president and highly regarded social reformer (Lula). Whilst the middle class and elites did very well under labour administrations, this was not enough to prevent an internal ‘revolt’. In his article, Requião relates that class differences (grounded in historical norms – e.g. slavery) still appear to question and underline the (slow and uncertain) process of democratization begun in 1988 in Brazil. In an overview of this ‘Decline of Democracy’, Thanka describes how ‘dominant nation’ movements have become quite intolerant in the face of recent challenges to accepted boundaries (e.g. via migration) and opportunities (e.g. for blue collar workers). Yet this recent ‘disqualification of voice’ has been helped by views which support the progressive whittling down in the relevance of the state (vs dominance of markets) as the protector of rights, especially for the most needy. On the other hand, this also suggests that the space to bring about reverse movements, whilst difficult, is still open. These complexities of neo-liberalism are also well detailed in this edition’s review of the work of Wendy Harcourt, and the range of experiences of and responses to ‘body politics’ that her work is highlighting.
Tankha, Sandra Nijhof Design Ontwerpwerk, The Hague Production De Bondt Grafimedia Circulation 6,500
Along with its regular staff-student debate, Rector’s blog and review of recent achievements, we hope you are challenged by and enjoy this latest edition of DevISSues.
The text material from DevISSues may be reproduced or adapted
Dr Lee Pegler – chair, DevISSues
without permission, provided it is not distributed for profit and is attributed to the original author or authors, DevISSues and the International Institute of Social Studies. ISSN 1566-4821. DevISSues is printed on FSC certified paper
* A similar conflation (between market and participative values) is often evident in the objectives used to support bilateral relations and diplomacy.
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Rector’s Blog ISS celebrates spring It is April 2018 as I write this and spring has arrived in The Hague. The trees are starting to bud, the yellow and white daffodils are blooming and between Amsterdam and The Hague the tulip fields are colouring the flat Dutch landscape. People are waking up from winter, entering the public space again and enjoying the sunshine, just as we are at ISS, on the benches in front of our building near the water. And we do celebrate spring. A few weeks ago we did so at the 15th anniversary of the Prince Claus Chair in Development and Equity. In the morning we organized a seminar at Noordeinde Palace, in the company of Her Majesty Queen Máxima and Her Royal Highness Princess Beatrix. Representatives of several Dutch universities and development organizations, as well as individuals with a close link to ISS attended the seminar which included a film on the work of the five latest chairholders. The short film also included photographs of and quotes by Prince Claus on the themes of development and equity, on the importance of community involvement, on sharing knowledge and respecting cultural differences. Watching the film, I felt very strongly that his thoughts are even more relevant in today’s world than ever before, in both the global South and North. One of the speakers at the event, the Euro commissioner for Research, Science and Innovation, Carlos Moedas, elaborated on how science and innovation can be the right instruments for development. And the Minister for Higher Education
Inge Hutter Rector ISS
in South Africa, Naledi Pandor, elaborated on how science and academics develop in her country. A think-tank of Dutch youngsters reflected on how it would be possible, in 2018, to ‘rejuvenate development and equity’ by including all generations. A panel of the five PCC chairholders and their post-doctoral research assistants then conducted a very inspiring debate on present and future needs and developments in academic research, capacity building and development. It struck me that this generation of researchers does indeed hold the future ... and, as they pointed out … they also have the present! The last – musical – contribution was by singer Wende Snijders, who sang three songs, the last one dedicated to her late father entitled ‘Hey, are you okay?’. They were the right songs, at the right time, at the right place. In the afternoon ISS hosted the inauguration of the new PCC chairholder: Ali Bilgiҫ presented a sharp, analytical and inspiring inaugural lecture on migration to Europe from a human security perspective. It is great that Ali will share and develop his expertise with us at ISS in the coming years. I wish you all a good spring and summertime!
Contents
4 The crisis of
democracy in Venezuela
7 The state of democracy in Brazil
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ISS news
19
Focus on ISS
10 ISS Alumni: Where are they now?
17 Staff-student discussion
11 The decline of democracy
22 ISS publications - WP/ D&C
16 ISS publications - staff & PhD
23 Student life
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The crisis of the Bolivarian democracy in Venezuela: a necessary revision Venezuelan democracy is experiencing a complex crisis in which the legitimacy of the political system and the economic model are at a cliff’s edge, creating a situation with few solutions in sight. This two-dimensional crisis has consequences on multiple levels for political representation, participation of social movements, and the exercise of the right of equality before the law. In this article I present some historical dimensions to this political crisis. Blas Regnault – ISS PhD researcher, devoted to the study of global oil price cycles and their impact on sustainable development in oil exporting economies.
Political cartoon by Venzuelan artist Rayma Suprani. The cartoon is an allegory of the painting ‘Saturn Devouring His Son’ by Spanish artist Francisco de Goya.
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Bolivarian constitution and Participatory Democracy
From participatory model to 21st century ‘real’ socialism
In 1999 Venezuela inaugurated a new democratic constitution, perhaps one of the most inspiring political models of the last 50 years in Latin America: Participatory Democracy. Previously, popular participation had been marginalized in the 1961 Representative Liberal Constitution. Once Chávez won the Presidential elections in 1998 and proposed that the Constituent Assembly ‘re-establish’ Venezuelan democracy, his popularity was guaranteed. It is important to note that the 1999 Constitution and its Participatory Democracy model never privileged ‘real socialism’ as an economic and political model. However, the operationalization of Participatory Democracy never actually took place. By the end of 2012, few laws1 had been passed to give substance to this democratic model.
In 2007, after two unsuccessful coup attempts (2002 and 2003), two presidential election wins (2000 and 2006) and a defeated recall referendum (2004), Chávez proposed a constitutional reform process. The aim was to promulgate the socialist character of the constitution. This referendum was the only electoral process that Chávez lost. The attempt to establish a Communal Socialist State was frustrated by the outcome of this popular election. Despite Chávez’ struggles to lead the model towards a more conventional socialist system, the Venezuelan Constitution remained formally untouchable. From 2007 until the announcement of his illness in June 2011, Chávez attempted to ‘keep the peace in the party’, consolidating even more the centralized style of leadership. As a leader, he left two uncompleted tasks: the institutionalization of the 1999 Participatory Democracy model, and the deconstruction of the Liberal State founded in 1961. These two unfinished tasks created an institutional limbo that paved the way for the authoritarian twist that took place after 2013.
Participatory Democracy thus now seems to be part of a far past
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he Organic Law for Potable Water and Waste Service T is one of the four laws passed. However, most of the set up policies were Presidential decrees, or voluntary wishes expressed by Chávez during his allocutions in ‘Aló Presidente’ (García Guadilla, María PIlar, 2018).
The authoritarian twist With the death of Chávez in 2013, and the rise of Nicolás Maduro to the Presidency, political forces (into and out of Chavismo) reconfigured themselves, with the military taking an increasingly prominent role. The ruling party founded by Chávez (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela – PSUV)2 weakened, thus undermining the chances of generating consensus for an economic policy strategy to cope with falling oil rents and oil production. In December 2015, the opposition won two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly, radically changing its political configuration. The National Assembly should elect the National Electoral Council (CNE), the General Attorney of the Republic (FGR) and the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ). 2
n 5 February 2018, Nicolás Maduro registered O a new political party with the National Electoral Council. This new party is called ‘Vamos Venezuela’, and is set up as if it were separate from the PSUV.
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However, to forestall this, the outgoing members of the government, in fast track mode, elected new Justices of the Supreme Court just before the new National Assembly was installed. Thus, the TSJ remained in the hands of the central government and systematically overturned the policies of the new National Assembly. In February 2016, the Supreme Court authorized the President to move forward and open up the oil sector to international investment. Maduro was also empowered by the Supreme Court to declare a State of Exception and Economic Emergency, violating the constitutional framework. In March 2017, the Supreme Court declared that the National Assembly was in contempt and transferred its powers to central government. In this way, the Supreme Court became the supreme national body, lending a ‘legal’ gloss to the authoritarian actions of central government.
The present state of democracy in Venezuela The present state of democracy in Venezuela is precarious, with few solutions in sight. The legitimacy of the political system depends on the Supreme Court and not on the popular participation and the political representation of interests. Indeed, the Supreme Court plays a central role in the political system, marginalizing social movements and political parties. Democratic forces in Venezuela are struggling against two authoritarian forces: the ruling militarism and the visible opposition, controlled by conservative forces. This visible opposition seems to have as its unique project the restoration of the 1961 Constitutional framework and the expulsion of ‘Chavismo’. Participatory Democracy thus now seems to be part of a far past, with no discussions into governmental forces or the visible opposition.
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Meanwhile, democratic rights are falling behind. It seems that the political system lost its capacity to guarantee civil rights for every citizen at different levels of social and political life. The working class is increasingly economically dependent on central government, a dependence that limits autonomy and alienates the fundamental freedoms of food, health, job or political participation. The exercise of the right of equality before the law depends on being a member of the ruling party. Furthermore, government forces have excluded criticism from their own followers. Several leaders, both within the government and the opposition, have been barred from politics, this time privileging a new emerging class led by the military.
It is impossible to solve this puzzle without a political agreement that includes popular forces. It is time for politicians and social scientists to be part of the people, paying much more attention to the social and economic history of Venezuela.
References:
Hyperinflation In 2017, non-official figures indicated that inflation was near 2,616 per cent! For instance, by February 2018, a person earning the minimum wage could buy around 10 per cent of the minimum food basket and 8 per cent of a basic family food basket. A public sector graduate could acquire just 19 per cent of the food basket and 13 per cent of the basic family basket.
García Guadilla, María PIlar (2018). Exclusionary Inclusion: Post-Neoliberal Incorporation of Popular Sectors and Social Movements in
This complex situation has perhaps one solution: building a wide agreement of political and economic coexistence between progressive forces within ‘Chavismo’ and the opposition in order to retake the flags of Participatory Democracy. Indeed, Participatory Democracy is the historically unsolved puzzle that has been pending since 1999.
SOCIOECONOMIC ISSUES
New Left 21st Century Socialism: the experience of Venezuela. www.academia.edu/23713466/ Exclusionary_Inclusion_Post-Neoliberal_ Incorporation_of_Popular_Sectors_and_Social_ Movements_in_New_Left_21st_Century_ Socialism_the_experience_of_Venezuela UNICEF (26th January 2018) www.unicef.org/ media/media_102501.html
Political events after the State of Exception Protests April 2017. A wave of protests which ended in July with young protesters either dead or in prison. New Constitution? The Maduro government called for elections on 31 July 2017 to set up a new National Constituent Assembly, parallel to the National Assembly elected in 2015. This National Constituent Assembly was to draft a new constitution. Little is known about this new national political contract. The Constituent Assembly has ratified the power of a new General Attorney of the Republic and the National Electoral Council. Dialogue in the Dominican Republic: towards a transition? From October 2016 to February 2018 several meetings were held in the Dominican Republic between the visible opposition, the Government and international mediators. The aim of these talks was to re-establish a political consensus and end political violence. These negotiations have had no positive results, and constitutional order is not yet re-established. On the contrary, it seems these dialogues have further contributed to the delegitimization of both the political forces around Maduro and the opposition. Presidential elections are planned for 20 May 2018 but the visible opposition has decided to call for a boycott, arguing a lack of confidence in transparent and fair electoral processes.
Inefficiency in public management Misguided economic policies created profound distortions throughout the whole economy. Exchange rate parity means drastic reductions in foreign currency and a deterioration of the productive sectors, with damaging effects on the ability to import, and crises in production and distribution of medicines and food. Forced migration The number of people leaving the country is growing. The main reasons for migration are the low wages relative to living costs, and shortages. Unofficial figures estimate that up to 2.5 million people have emigrated in the last 5 years, either to neighbouring Latin American countries or to Europe. Access to basic goods no longer guaranteed for most Venezuelans There is an increased dependency on direct subsidies through the CLAP, a food box provided by the central government. Other social consequences of the food crisis are malnutrition which is preventing children from attending school (UNICEF 2018).
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The state of democracy in Brazil – The fracture of inequality June 2013 started unremarkably in Brazil. A small wave of demonstrations against rises in public transport fares hit Sao Paulo, the country’s largest city. Workers’ Party Dilma Rousseff was riding on the political capital inherited from her predecessor, former metalworker and trade unionist Lula da Silva, registering an approval rate of 57 per cent (Folha de S. Paulo 2013)1.
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ut the marches quickly grew, broadening their agenda yet losing their political tone. By the end of the month, self-proclaimed apolitical groups mushroomed throughout the internet, wearing the Brazilian football jersey and directing their anger towards the national government. Simultaneously, unprecedented anti-corruption raids gained force and shook the centre of
the Brazilian political establishment. Operation Car Wash uncovered bribes and money laundering throughout the public and private sectors and across the political spectrum. However, public outrage seemed to be directed at the Workers’ Party. 1
full bibliography is available A on DevISSues online.
Demonstration in São Paulo against corruption by the Dilma government on 13 March 2016. By Rovena Rosa/Agência Brasil (Agência Brasil) [CC BY 3.0 br (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/br/deed.en)
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wide range of causes (Azevedo et al 2016). One legislator declared to be voting yes to avoid ‘sex-change operations’ for six-year-olds, while his colleague dedicated the vote to peace in Jerusalem. Others seemed less blessed: one deputy praised the work being done by her husband, a mayor, only to see him arrested the following morning on corruption charges in which she would be later implicated. The whimsical evening was not merely verbal: another deputy released a confetti cannon to coincide with his vote.
Marcelo Camargo, Agência Brasil. Mr Bruno Araújo shortly after casting the 342nd vote that authorized the impeachment process.
‘… demonstrators felt threatened by policies towards domestic workers and black students.’
Five years on, President Rousseff has been ousted by her conservative Vice-President. The charges against her in the impeachment process were centred on an accounting practice also used by her last two predecessors and by 17 of the country’s 27 state governors (Medeiros 2016). No one was ever incriminated on these practices before, nor will be in the future, as the legislation outlawing them has since been revoked. Moreover, either through unregulated campaign financing or coalition deals, much of the Brazilian political system runs outside of legal boundaries. Nearly every actor in the major political parties is, often unknowingly, somewhat involved in such practices, giving the police and judicial system unparalleled discretionary power. The routine of recent events in Brazil is almost farcical. Aside from the country’s first female president being re-elected on a relatively progressive agenda only to be impeached by the conservative members of her own coalition, the congressional vote on the impeachment process was an absurd parade aired live on television. The deputies dedicated their votes to a
The new provisional government created further elements of concern. A key example concerns Eduardo Cunha, president of the Chamber of Deputies. The Supreme Court accused him of holding offshore bank accounts and taking bribes. However, these charges were not processed for eight months, during which time he led the impeachment process. Yet once the impeachment was completed, he was suspended from office within three weeks. While the 13-year rule by the Workers’ Party brought moderate, incremental improvements, the few years of President Temer’s tenure have seen quick, radical reversion. His policies include privatization of publicly-owned companies, liberalization of the labour market, reduction of the social security system, and a 20-year freeze on public spending. In February 2018, for the first time since the 1988 Constitution, the government launched a military intervention in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Crimes perpetrated under the intervention are accountable only to the military justice system. In this same context, Marielle Franco – a city councillor, human rights activist and outspoken critic of the military intervention – was assassinated. Two months after the crime, investigators are yet to publish significant progress. In his recent work, Jessé de Souza (Souza 2017) challenges the mainstream idea that Iberian patrimonialism is the
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key feature for understanding Brazilian society. This dominant interpretation sees the country’s history as the story of corruption, transplanted from Portugal and carried on by the state, in practices that mix public and private spheres for personal gain. Souza rejects this view. He writes that what truly sets Brazil apart from its neighbours and the Global North is the dominance and longevity of slavery, not only in its economic mode of production but also in its social relations. Opposing traditional narratives, he locates the national elites in the market rather than within the state. For Souza, slavery and inequality are not restricted to the country’s history but shape the power balance and social relations in the present. For example, Brazil has the largest number of domestic workers in the world – nearly all of them women and most of them black (ILO 2018). Thus, the inclusion of domestic workers in the general labour regulation that protects the Brazilian workforce, together with affirmative action granting quotas for black candidates in public universities and the civil service, represented bold actions by Workers’ Party governments. For Souza, these policies were decisive in turning the middle classes against ex-Presidents Rousseff and Lula. Many who took to the streets in 2013 celebrated accusations against members of the Workers’ Party whilst turning a blind eye on those implicated from conservative parties. For Souza, these demonstrators felt threatened by policies such as those towards domestic workers and black students. The middle classes perceived that they were being deprived of cheap domestic help and of their monopoly in high-level education and public-sector jobs, privileges at the core of their class identity. A reaction once potentially considered class bias gained legitimacy and was voiced as a vindication of public morality, in which corruption, public spending and social policy were interchangeable terms. In Souza’s view, the middle classes and the media effectively sought to criminalize social justice and human rights.
The ferocity of the middle classes’ response suggests Brazil was carrying out a socialist revolution. Yet effectively, through a combination of small cash transfers and a modest increase in the minimum wage, the country’s Gini Coefficient fell, but remains the 10th highest globally (Index Mundi 2015). Socially, despite continued efforts, women still earn 26 per cent less than men, and black individuals earn 45 per cent less than those considered white (IBGE 2016). Under the Workers’ Party, agribusiness and the financial sector registered substantial profits, and domestic consumption fuelled growth in manufacturing, retail and services. The pact between the state and the elites was never threatened, with the middle classes gaining substantially. In fact, the Workers’ Party offered less advantaged members of the country only incremental economic and social gains, leaving racial and gender inequality untouched. As October 2018 nears, Brazilians ready themselves for elections. The main contender is still former President Lula, yet he is presently in prison on questioned bribery charges. He denies the accusations but is unlikely to be allowed to run. With Lula out of the race, Jair Bolsonaro leads the polls, especially among the middle classes and wealthy. A reserve army Captain and Member of Congress, he is the most vocal advocate of the Brazilian far right. His statements include calling Syrian refugees in Brazil ‘the scum of the world’ (Azevedo 2015) and telling a Congresswoman, ‘I would never rape you because you aren't worth it’ (Modzeleski 2017). The combination of the judicial persecution of a popular leader and President Temer’s regressive agenda does not appear to be a mere coincidence. Furthermore, the president sending the army into the streets while many in the middle classes and elites support a candidate who holds racist, misogynist and totalitarian views sends a clear message to progressive forces.
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‘Moreover, … much of the Brazilian political system runs outside of legal boundaries.’
The vulgarity of confetti cannons and messianic judges are not mere idiosyncrasies. The logic of acting as if an elected president can be impeached on ad hoc charges, as if the pursuit of social change is intrinsically related to corruption, as if the country’s most popular politician can be excluded from elections under disputed accusations, as if refugees are ‘the scum of the earth’, as if state repression is the valid response to crime, lies precisely in the recognition that they are not. In an article for The New Yorker, Paul Bloom explains: ‘The logic of such brutality is the logic of metaphor: to assert a likeness between two different things holds power only in the light of that difference’ (Bloom 2017). At no point since the end of military rule in the 1980s has Brazilian democracy been so severely compromised. An unelected president has instigated the withdrawal of the modest safety nets protecting the poorest. Class division has never been so pronounced, with many in the middle class and elites leaning towards the far right and arguing for the reversal of the country’s incipient social progress. As inequality rises once again, a look at the growing gap between rich and poor reveals an empty space where the arena for democratic exchange should be, while the experience of the last few years shows how relentlessly economic power and class discrimination can bend democratic institutions away from the will of the people.
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ISS Alumni
Where are they now?
David Michael Onen
David Wong
Anurag Srivastava
Hind Farahat
Study Governance and Democracy 2006-07 Country of origin Uganda Current occupation Head of Department for Political Affairs, East African Community
Study Diploma in Public Administration in 1965. Seems like such a short time ago! Country of origin Hong Kong Current occupation I am currently a writer. My latest publication, Hong Kong Confidential: Life as a Subversive, was published in March by Blacksmith Books. It is the third volume of my family memoirs and deals with my work in the Hong Kong Government after I left The Hague.
Study Agriculture and Rural Development 1997-98 Country of origin India Current occupation Independent development consultant – I do research on economic policies and carry out editing work for grassroots and emerging organizations.
Study Social Policy for Development, Specialization in Children and Youth Studies 2013 Country of origin Jordan Current occupation Head of Programs Development at Tech Tribes/ Social Innovation Consultant
What made your time at ISS special? Studying amidst life full of fun; student-centred faculties in a multi-cultural environment within the beautiful city of Den Haag – I did not feel the stress of postgraduate studies at ISS! Your most memorable moment? 14th December 2007, at the graduation ceremony when my very close friend and course mate Anja de Vries broke down in tears for not being among the top three of the best students. I then realized that time was up and that I needed to go back home to Uganda. That day we celebrated with tears of joy for successfully completing the programme but also dealt with the fact that friends had to physically part ways! What does ISS mean to you now? ISS transformed my entire life, career and person! I am now a member of a global community of professionals. I am not a stranger to any city in the world – I will find an ISS alumnus there to connect with. My world view is totally different from my peers back home.
What made your time at ISS special? ISS was special for me because I was able to meet other civil servants from other countries all struggling with our different sets of problems. Your most memorable moment? My most memorable moments at ISS were the friendships I made with fellow students and with Dutch people outside. What does ISS mean to you now? What ISS means to me is the appreciation that many idealistic civil servants are trying to make the world a better place in spite of bad politicians!
What made your time at ISS special? The ISS was truly global, with a comprehensive North-South representation. And the faculty was arguable the world’s finest. Also, my generous scholarship made my time at ISS very comfortable. But most importantly, thanks to ISS I will always have friends all over the world! Your most memorable moment? Being elected to the new teaching committee. What does ISS mean to you now? ISS continues to have a significant place in my life. It is an essential, if not directly visible, aspect of the ‘change effecting’ dynamic. Over the years, my work has taken me to many countries where I have met former classmates. Most recently, as a consultant, my assignment was offered to me by another ISS alumn.
What made your time at ISS special? I can’t remember ISS without smiling. The friendships I developed during my MA are priceless and have allowed me to build a base of contacts all over the world. And of course, beer at the Butterfly Bar made gloomy evenings way more tolerable. Your most memorable moment? Arriving at the airport and being welcomed by old batch students. I realized that an initiative like this is all about building community and quality experiences. I can’t imagine anyone being left out at ISS. The night I submitted my MA thesis I realised I was not the same person who had arrived 15 months ago; I was stronger, more capable, yet more humbled. What does ISS mean to you now? ISS forced me to see issues from various angles and perspectives. It tested my convictions and stretched my horizons.
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Democracy = Liberty of expression. Credit: Celine Marsolais
The decline of democracy
Sunil Tankha – Assistant Professor of States, Societies and World Development at ISS and member of the DevISSues editorial board.
When historians write about the fracturing of democracy in the early 21st century, they will argue vigorously about which factors they believe contributed to the weakening of the liberal democratic order so quickly after it had seemed that this order would inexorably spread from North America and Western Europe to the rest of the world.
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L
iberal democracy was certainly not something with long and established traditions. Even the countries with strong democratic traditions and institutions were profoundly undemocratic in their own overseas occupations, sacrificing principle for profit. Then the post Second World War period found national independence struggles rarely resulted in consolidation of popular will expressed through democratic processes. In the global south, even the longer independent countries of South America tamped democratic tendencies in domestic struggles embedded within larger global contexts of superpower rivalries. Nevertheless, it appeared that as the 20th century was beginning to give way to the 21st, the last vestiges of authoritarian rule from both right and left would soon become historical artifacts. How wrong we were. In Europe, nationalist, populist and authoritarian movements against the liberal democratic traditions are resurging, as is happening in the Americas and Asia. What could have brought about this severe weakening of the principles to which these governments and peoples still express theoretical support but subvert in practice? Increasing populism, nationalism or tribalism, sometimes referred to as identitarianism are the primary symptoms of democratic decline. In political science, states are defined as territories under one government while nations, often used as a synonym for the state in casual speech, are references to a people, who are united on the basis of some ethnic, linguistic or cultural identity or tradition. In non-homogenous states, the differences between the nation and the state are becoming more acute. In the industrialized world, increasing immigration is coinciding with increasing intolerance manifested through debates about integration, citizenship and refugee rights. In ethnically diverse societies, minorities are being targeted and persecuted. If authoritarian leaders are now insisting upon co-alignment with the interests and desires of the dominant nation within the state as a guiding principle
of politics, then we could reasonably infer that the dominant ‘nation’ must be feeling insecure and the cause of this insecurity must inevitably be traced to the transformation of domestic economic structures in response to global trends and the fragmentation of economic opportunity. In the advanced industrialized countries, this threatened group is that of the white (mostly male) blue collar worker who is now, as several scholars have noted, suffering increased economic insecurity. The loss of blue collar work is partly a result of changing production technologies and primarily a result of shifts in manufacturing location. While trade is not a zero-sum game, evidence suggests that the massive development of the Chinese manufacturing sector has cost blue collar jobs in the west. In the absence of social policies for dealing with these obsolescing skills, and indeed the increasing stinginess of welfare policies which are presented as unaffordable, it is inevitable that reactionary forces will manifest themselves. This situation has been exacerbated by the weakening of the traditional left which was based on the strength of collective bargaining institutions, and by the emergence of a new left which is motivated more by social and environmental concerns and is, indeed, one which is in many cases practically, if not ideologically, aligned with the old right on capitalism and freer trade. Meanwhile, the new right is gravitating towards sectarianism. Under these conditions, it is argued that these neglected people have gravitated towards populist movements and leaders. While it could be claimed that these insurgent populist movements are manifestations of a more dynamic democracy in which established political parties are forced to cede space to the manifest desires of the electorate, it should not be forgotten that the rhetoric of these movements is fundamentally intolerant, and while they do express themselves against an ill-defined global capital, they are aggressive against the more visible
manifestations of globalization: immigrants and refugees. In this sense, the new populists do not promise redistribution from the wealthy to the less fortunate, but rather from the least fortunate to the less poor. Their intolerance is not restricted to minorities but to the entire democratic political process, for in their attempts to carve out space for themselves they have inveigled against the established liberal democratic order, painting their political opponents as not to be respected or negotiated with. If this is the case in industrialized economies, what is happening in the developing world or the global south? The global south too is being buffeted by economic insecurity, and the revelation of endemic and systemic corruption within this context of economic and public insecurity has spawned equally abusive rhetoric against the established political order. But here, where the democratic institutions and traditions are more precarious, accepting the opposition as legitimate or the idea that back-and-forth transitions of political power are positive manifestations of institutional strength and a country’s maturity are losing ground. At best, the opposition is open to corruption;
… it is inevitable that reactionary forces will manifest themselves.
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at worst, it is anti-national. Incumbent leaders are loath to relinquish power, partly because of their opponents’ use of legal mechanisms to disqualify them from future contests (e.g., in Ukraine, Georgia, Brazil and Argentina) and partly because their supporters fear reversal of hard won policy victories. This is even more the case where parties coalesce more around charismatic leaders than an ideological or policy agenda. The situation did not necessarily have to degenerate this quickly. One of the primary causes of the weakening of democratic tendencies has been a larger government failure, particularly in the area of social and public security. This can be traced to a decades-long process of campaigning against the public sector. If government organizations are, as argued, congenitally inefficient and to be avoided and underfunded, and private organizations unsuitable for delivering public services, we will see a progressive impoverishment of the social fabric which protects communities and individuals. People’s frustration with their deteriorating quality of life results in their blaming both the government and groups of their fellow citizens, resulting in further polarization and cleavage. With increasing socio-economic insecurity, people are moving away from the very democratic traditions which are known to be more effective in dealing with such situations and taking refuge in authoritarian leaders and demagogues who are using the very deteriorating situation which they are creating to justify their tactics and gain more adherents. While strongmen are selling themselves as indispensable bulwarks against a coming anarchy, an anarchy which they themselves are fomenting, it should nevertheless be remembered that autocratic leaders are the symptom of and may exacerbate the malaise but they are not its primary cause. In this environment of increased polarization of public opinion and political belief, the sobering influence of a responsible media is diminishing as citizens gravitate towards prattling personalities and shrill demagogues.
… intolerance is stemming from a decline of both economic and public security
What were once hailed as a democratization of media and channels of communication, are now being vilified as manipulative echo chambers. The conflation of traditional news sources and info-tainment or even worse ‘viral’ posts which cannot be traced to a responsible source but gain legitimacy merely because of how widely they are spread, incentivizes gross exaggeration if not outright dishonesty. These sources are not credible, but we should not make them a scapegoat for the loss of trust in other institutions. Again, these phenomena are symptoms and not the cause. Regulatory approaches to social media are unlikely to bear fruit in this environment. Paper laws are poor protection from backsliding on democracy when crises hit and trust erodes. Underpinning formal institutions and their rules are informal norms and it is the undermining of these norms which have permitted the erosion of liberal democratic traditions. To summarize, intolerance is stemming from a decline of both economic and public security, exacerbated by underlying changes in production patterns and ideas of public responsibilities. If the state’s primary task is to provide desired goods and services which the market is not able to, then hobbling governments through spurious arguments about the public versus private will be detrimental to democracy. True, democracy may not be efficient from the market perspective, but it shouldn’t be subject to that test.
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ISS news
ISS news alumni awards EUR events PhD projects research staff students
15th anniversary Prince Claus Chair events
On 12 April, the Prince Claus Chair on Development and Equity celebrated its 15th anniversary. The celebratory event was held at Noordeinde Palace and included a speech by Queen Máxima and inspiring keynotes by the Minister for Higher Education for South Africa, Naledi Pandor, and the European Commissioner for Research, Science and Innovation, Carlos Moedas.
Arjun Bedi new Deputy Rector research ISS
Professor Pauline Meurs joins ISS Advisory Board ISS
Professor Arjun Bedi was unanimously selected to be the new Deputy Rector for Research Affairs. He replaces Professor Wil Hout who stepped down in April. Arjun will take on his new post in June.
Professor Meurs’ appointment is effective as of 17 April. She joins the board as its Chair. Professor Meurs is professor of Healthcare Management at the Erasmus School of Health Policy & Management where she carries out research into management practices in the healthcare sector.
1000 views per week on ISS blog ISS
ISS research is ‘Excellent’ research
In the few months that it has been online, Bliss, the ISS blog, has had almost 5000 views and 2000 visitors. In the past month alone, views have tripled. The blog is a forum where scholars and activists discuss development-related research and topics.
In November 2017, an International Peer Review Committee carried out an assessment of the ISS research programme Global Development and Social Justice. In terms of research quality, relevance to society and viability, the programme was deemed ‘excellent’.
ISS news
Brazilian researchers at ISS research In April, the last Brazilian academic visitor on a CapesNuffic GOLLS (Governance of Labour and Logistics for Sustainability) funding grant, Camila Ferracini Origuéla, finished her PhD period at ISS. The GOLLS project welcomed a stream of Brazilian visitors to ISS from nine Brazilian universities and organizations working on various aspects of the global value chain connection and labour outcomes between Brazil and the Netherlands.
‘A Human Security Perspective on Migration’ events
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ISS part of consortium to win research grant into climate change research
Best paper in Economics award for Arjun Bedi and Matthias Rieger award
A consortium of four institutions that includes the ISS Political Ecology research group won a competitive research grant to study the intersection of climate change politics and the global land rush in Mali and Nigeria.
With their co-author Tanmoy Majilla, ISS faculty Arjun S. Bedi, and Matthias Rieger won the award for their paper 'Gender Norms and the Motherhood Penalty: Experimental Evidence from India', at the Asia Pacific Business and Economics Conference.
Mindi Schneider awarded NIAS fellowship research
PhD researcher Ana Portocarrero wins Association of Social Economics award award
Mindi Schneider will carry out her research at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences from September 2018 to January 2019. She will work on her research project entitled ‘Food, Waste, and Value in the 21st Century: A Global Perspective’.
Ana Victoria Portocarrero Lacoya is one of the recipients of the William R. Waters Research Grant for her research entitled ‘An Emancipatory Feminist Economics View of Food, Trade, and Climate Change: The Case of Nicaragua’.
ISS alumna receives 2018 Martin Luther King Jr Award awards
On 12 April, newly appointed Prince Claus Chair Professor, Ali Bilgiç, gave his inaugural lecture on ‘A Human Security Perspective on Migration’. In his lecture, he discussed the insecurity felt by both European citizens and migrants to Europe – the former fears how the borders are secured, the latter, the violence she faces during her migration.
Dr Rose Mensah-Kutin from Ghana was honored with the Martin Luther King Jr. Award for Peace and Social Justice for courageously taking a stand for justice and her indefatigable work as a champion for women’s rights.
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ISS news
ISS publications
In Memoriam Paul van der Wel Former ISS staff member, Paul van der Wel died on 27 November 2017 at the age of 83. Paul worked at ISS from 1967 until 1999 and was a key member of the Public Policy and Administration specialization. He was a sincere, decent and thoughtful colleague.
Some recent publications by ISS staff and PhD researchers Sustainable Development Goals and Income Inequality Edited by Professor Peter van Bergeijk and Emeritus Professor Rolph van der Hoeven, this book argues that the treatment of inequality in the Sustainable Development Goals is insufficient due to their failure to recognize the growing difference between the income of work and the income of capital and the super-rich, and the strain this places on a country’s social fabric.
Eric Ross Former ISS staff member, Eric Ross died on 20 December 2017. Eric was Associate Professor at ISS from 1992 to 2008, teaching Rural Development, Environment and Social Development. Our thoughts are with his family and friends.
Frugal Innovation and Development Research Special edition of The European Journal of Development Research, co-edited by Peter Knorringa and André Leliveld. In this special issue on Frugal Innovation, the editors argue that while the top-down business and management literature on frugal innovation has claimed developmental relevance, at least equal importance should be given to much longer-standing bottom-up development studies discourses on grassroot innovation, bricolage, and livelihood strategies.
Lenneke Warnars Former ISS staff member, Lenneke Warnars died on 5 December 2017 at the age of 73. Lenneke worked at ISS for over 25 years until her retirement. We remember Lenneke as a hardworking and straightforward colleague, who was very committed to ISS and its community.
PhD defences PhD
Annisa Gita Srikandini (27 March 2018) Politics of Disaster Risk Governance in Indonesia and Myanmar: A Study into the Dynamics of Governance Network on Disaster Risk Reduction
Maria Gabriela Palacio Ludena (7 December 2017) A Matter of Choice? Cash Transfers and Narratives of Dependence in the Lives of Women in Southern Ecuador
SiuSue Mark (7 December 2017) Land Tenure Reform in Myanmar's Regime Transition: Political Legitimacy vs Capital Accumulation
Alonso Ramirez Cover (27 November 2017) A Political Ecology of Neoliberal Multiculturalism: Social Inclusion and MarketBased Conservation in Indigenous Costa Rica
Saba Kassa (17 November 2017) Disciplining Governance in Africa: A Comparison of the World Bank’s Country Policy and Institutional Assessment and the African Union’s African Peer Review Mechanism
Staff-student dialogue
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Refugee issues – conversation between Dr Katarzina Grabska and PhD researcher Mahardhika Sjamsoeoed Sadjad Kasia (K): There has been a dominant focus in the media and in policy discourses over the past three years on the situation of refugees and migrants to Europe and the US. The situation has been framed in terms of a crisis. Why do you think so much attention has been given to refugee and migrant flows towards Europe when the majority of migrants and refugees remain within the so-called Global South? Dhika (D): Even though about 80 per cent of the world’s refugees are in developing countries, the ‘refugee crisis’
exists in the west because that’s where news, knowledge and information are produced and shaped. The tragedy of 9/11 has left a strong sense of insecurity in the Global North. As a result, migration has largely been perceived from a security lens, as the majority of refugees are often identified as young Muslim men of colour who are portrayed as threats. K: I agree. Identities are now being framed in the European and American context – a very anti-Muslim, anti-‘other’ discourse. Also, the 1951 Convention has
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Staff-student dialogue
been criticised for being very Eurocentric and often not applicable to other contexts. How do you think debates about refugees and migration, but also policies addressing refugee protection, are being shaped in the Indonesian context? D: Some refugees are protected by organisations like UNHCR and IOM, but generally there is little protection for refugees in Indonesia. The government claims to uphold international customary law of non-refoulement, but this is not necessarily followed with policies and practices that uphold refugees’ basic rights. UNHCR recently told refugees in Indonesia that they might have to stay for another 15-20 years before they can be resettled to a third country and some may end up staying permanently in Indonesia. This makes them very vulnerable. This is a knock-on effect because Australia, the intended destination for many refugees that pass through Indonesia, has very strict border policies and bilateral agreements to keep refugees in neighbouring countries, including Indonesia. K: What you’re saying is very relevant to many other contexts such as EU policies on externalizing refugee protection outside of European borders and blocking migratory routes towards Europe. In the context of Sudan, the EU is and has been very active in building these kinds of frontiers on the borders between Sudan and Libya, or on the borders with Eritrea or Ethiopia. The result is that many people are arrested, detained, refouled or stuck, and often have to use even more dangerous routes to reach their destinations. While Sudan and many other countries in Africa and the Middle East are criticised for their treatment of refugees, it is often not reported that they also host the largest groups of refugees and migrants. What I find is that even in countries where the 1951 Refugee Convention has not been ratified, those seeking refuge are allowed to stay and survive in one way or another. This allows them to
manoeuvre the system much more than in Europe or the US where people are very much labelled or categorized. D: A criminal prisoner often has more rights than a refugee who can be detained for an unlimited period without trial. K: Exactly. Another point is that we get the impression that most refugees and other migrants coming to Europe are young Muslim men and pose a threat to the imagined Christian heritage of Europe. How are migration and refugee flows portrayed as threatening in the Asian context? D: When Rohingya refugees became stranded in Indonesia in 2015, people expressed a strong sense of solidarity. Meanwhile refugees from other countries don’t receive as much attention. A few months ago there was a news article from South Sulawesi that raised concern that young refugee men were causing a moral decline by having affairs with local women. The news story portrayed these young men as threats to family values as in Indonesia adultery is against the law. K: This brings us to an interesting comparison. In Sudan, the migrants and refugees who are perceived as threatening morality are the women because they are seen as corrupting or seducing men. There was a case of a young Ethiopian woman, 17 years old, who was raped by six young Sudanese men who recorded the rape and posted the recording on social media. Yet this woman was put into jail as the perpetrator for breaking Sudanese public order. She had to confess and was sentenced. So what we see is the use of gender, religion, colour, race, ethnicity as expressions of national morality, making divisions between the other and us, and how the other threatens our moral values. D: When we look at refugees we look at them as either a security threat or a humanitarian cause, without considering pre-existing notions of patriarchy,
gender relations, patriotism and nationalism, and pre-existing ideas about who the state is responsible for. This complicates the dichotomy between a security threat and someone who deserves humanitarian aid, because often someone can be both, or neither. K: That brings us to our last question. How do we as researchers show that the situation of refugees is so much more complex than simplifications of refugees as security threats or humanitarian beneficiaries? D: I think a big challenge researchers face is that what is factual is not always popular. There are a lot of preconceived notions about refugees and other migrants that need to be critically discussed. For example, they are often perceived as a burden to the economy, despite research that shows the opposite. It’s a complicated puzzle, not something we can adequately cover here. K: No, but it’s an important discussion to have.
Refugees … either a security threat or a humanitarian cause
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Creating feminist spaces at ISS: Learning, thinking and knowing otherwise Arla Gruda, Brenda Rodríguez Cortés, Jacqueline Gaybor and Natalia Lozano
Wendy Harcourt’s appointment is a recognition of her academic contributions to the critical thinking of development and it was our goal to engage in a close dialogue around such issues. We held five reading circles facilitated by ISS PhD and postdoctoral researchers, each one guided by different pieces of Professor Harcourt’s work. The selected readings are must-reads for anyone interested in gender, body politics and the environment from a critical feminist perspective.
Starting in October 2017, students at the International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) organized a series of reading circles to celebrate the contribution of Wendy Harcourt, newly appointed Professor of Gender, Diversity and Sustainable Development. The main objective of the reading circles was to engage with Professor Harcourt’s work by discussing the themes of body politics, feminist political ecology, the politics of place, and sustainable livelihoods.
This article is a summary of the points discussed during the sessions and a collective reflection on the significance of creating and keeping alternative spaces in neo-liberal academia where informal group conversations are a way of learning in their own right. We aimed to create a space where emotions and feelings are encouraged and thought through together, and where participants could analyse theoretical concepts and social justice issues via their own everyday affective embodied experiences. The series of reading circles builds on several earlier efforts to create alternative spaces at ISS where we can candidly discuss personal and political ideas around alternatives to development, diversity, feminist theory and action. The five sessions were well attended by ISS students, faculty and staff, as well as participants from other Dutch universities. In some sessions we used non-textual forms of conversation, including drawing and collage. These methods allowed us to discuss difficult concepts in a more informal and relaxed manner. By creating a caring space to listen in solidarity and respect, we were able to discuss our personal and intimate experiences in and outside academia, our passion for social justice, and the many political and personal challenges we face in doing research.
‘What is Body Politics?’ During the first reading circle we discussed 'What is Body Politics?’ (2009). This session focused on the importance of the body as a site of resistance and contestation. By asking whose bodies are seen as worthy of scholarly attention and which bodies are producing knowledge about which other bodies, the participants engaged in a conversation around the problem of representation and inequality in academic work and development practice. This led us to talk about science and how, in its attempt to be ‘objective’ and ‘disembodied’, it actually reinforces power relations and inequalities.
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Focus on ISS
Participants reflected on how bodies can be sites of oppressions but also of knowledge, how bodies are constructed and by whom, and how the body is a denominator of different types of intersections. We also critically reflected on concrete examples of body politics from our own contexts, such as the pink bus in Turkey, doing research in Europe in a gendered and racialized body, and the #MeToo movement.
Living feminist political ecology In the second reading circle we discussed the text ‘The Slips and Slides of Trying to Live Feminist Political Ecology’ (2015), which puts ‘the personal is political’ at the centre of the conversation, and discusses how our experiences with the environment are deeply personal and relational. Through the text, we followed Harcourt’s life and her experience with the environment. From being a child in Australia developing a sense of ecological belonging; to growing into a young student involved in environmental and feminist activism; to being a Europeanbased feminist advocate for sustainable development; to the current chapter in her life as a scholar activist involved in community-based environmental groups. The article illustrates how all of these experiences have informed and shaped her understanding of feminist political ecology and her gendered relationship with the environment. The use of drawing in this session enabled the participants to openly discuss concepts such as embodiment, situated knowledges, nature cultures, and labours of love in deeply personal and intimate ways. Immersed in an emotional atmosphere, the participants contributed with their experiences and some of the challenges they face when trying to live a feminist and environmentally conscious life.
Alternatives to capitalism The third reading circle discussed the ‘The Future of Capitalism: A Consideration of Alternatives’ (2014). Participants discussed the ‘New Green Deal’, the feminist critiques and alternatives to mainstream economics, and Buen Vivir (Living Well) as the main entry points that Harcourt envisions as alternatives to neoliberal capitalism. In three groups, each representing one of the alternatives, participants shared examples of alternatives to capitalism in other parts of the world and the personal and collective ways these challenge the neoliberal system.
‘Bodies in Resistance’ The fourth reading circle was guided by the chapter ‘Bodies in Resistance: Conversations on Gender, Body Politics and Authoritarian Neoliberalism’ (2016). The text is a contribution to a feminist critique of neoliberalism through five women activists and researchers who are
struggling against neoliberal forces. By evoking the voices of these women, Harcourt explores how the coercive, marginalizing and disciplinary practices that neoliberalism inflicts upon subjects are experienced and felt on the body, instigating physical and emotional pain which is too often written out of academic work. We discussed how the concept of embodied thinking can help us question and challenge authoritarian neoliberalism. This session was an invitation to think through the body by looking at authoritarian neoliberalism from the point of view of the physical experiences and emotions of anyone engaged in social change and resistance. In the sense that embodied knowledge allows us to make visible the consequences of different systems of oppression in our daily lives through our own experiences, it also has the potential to make visible other narratives of resistance and to open up spaces in academia for other ways of thinking and knowing.
‘Gender and Sustainable Livelihoods’ In the fifth reading circle we looked at ‘Gender and Sustainable Livelihoods: Linking Gendered Experiences of Environment, Community and Self’ (2016). The article brought us to Bolsena, Italy, once an agricultural and fishing town. Multiple economic, social and environmental changes have transformed the dynamics of this town in the last two decades as agribusiness has taken over small orchards and gardens. The soil that was once used for agricultural activities is now fallow and the waters of the lake are contaminated with arsenic. Through the voices and stories
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of three local women who experienced these changes, Harcourt explores how their lived bodily and environmental experiences shape daily practices of care for themselves and their community. In reflecting on the stories of these women, we discussed how their efforts, while embedded in socioeconomic and cultural regimes of hegemonic power, are still able to craft sustainable life worlds. We talked about the challenge for researchers to listen with attentiveness to and tell such stories, with their multiple ecologies and complexities, in a simple and clear way. Finally, we discussed how we can avoid positioning nature as passive, asking how we can listen to nature’s stories and how we can write about them. Without finding immediate answers, the collective reflections left us feeling the importance of creating safe spaces for such musings.
References: Harcourt, W. (2009) 'What is Body Politics?' in Body Politics in Development: Critical Debates in Gender and Development, London: Zed Books 2009 Harcourt, W. (2015) ‘The Slips and Slides of Trying to Live Feminist
During this last session, participants also had the chance to reflect on the impact of the reading circles and to think about the future of the sessions. We decided that the circles will continue and will be opened up to other authors and different forms of productions such as music, theatre, and dance.
Political Ecology’ in W. Harcourt and I.R. Nelson, Practicing Feminist Political Ecology: Beyond the Green Economy: London: Zed Books (238-259) Harcourt, W. (2014) ‘The Future of Capitalism: A Consideration of Alternatives’ Cambridge Journal of Economics. 38 (6): 1307-1328 doi: 10.1093/cje/bet048
As Wendy Harcourt stated: ‘the reading circles were a wonderful experience for me as a feminist activist scholar as I learnt and listened to members of the ISS community reading and reflecting on my work. It was truly an embodied, feminist collective experience; I felt humbled and inspired by the stories shared and they made me realise why ISS is such a special learning space.’
Harcourt, W. (2016) ‘Bodies in Resistance: Conversations on Gender, Body Politics and Authoritarian Neoliberalism’. In C. Burak Tansel (Ed.) States of Discipline Authoritarian Neoliberalism and the Contested Reproduction of Capitalist Order (Transforming Capital). London: Rowman and Littlefield International. (67-86) Harcourt, W. (2016) ‘Gender and Sustainable Livelihoods: Linking
In conclusion, we find it important to continue creating these types of spaces as they give us the opportunity to encounter each other as engaged scholars and share experiences in a safe space.
Gendered Experiences of Environment, Community and Self’ special section on Feminist Perspectives on Human–Nature Relations. Agricultural Journal of Human Values (print), 33 (4). doi: 10.1007/ s10460-016-9757-5
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ISS publications
Development and Change
Working Papers
Development and Change is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal devoted to the critical analysis and discussion of current issues of development. It was established by the ISS in 1969, in response to the perceived need for a multidisciplinary journal dealing with all aspects of development studies. www.iss.nl/publications/development_and_change
The ISS Working Paper series provides a forum for work in progress which seeks to elicit comments and generate discussion. The series includes academic research by staff, PhD participants and visiting fellows, and award-winning research papers by graduate students.
Volume 49, Number 2, March 2017 Forum issue Daniel Bendix and Susanne Schultz The Political Economy of Family Planning: Population Dynamics and Contraceptive Markets Susanne Soederberg Evictions: A Global Capitalist Phenomenon Debate: Financialization and Economic Development Servaas Storm Financialization and Economic Development: A Debate on the Social Efficiency of Modern Finance
Dilemmas of externally financing domestic expenditures: Rethinking the political economy of aid and social protection through the monetary transformation dilemma A.M. Fischer ISS Working Paper Series / General Series Vol. 629, pp. 1–41. Has growth been good for women’s employment in Pakistan? H. Majid and K.A. Siegmann ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 630, 1-33. Has populism reached economics? Two criteria for assessing normative empirical concepts in economics I.P van Staveren ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 631, 1-34.
Gerald Epstein On the Social Efficiency of Finance Arjun Jayadev, J.W. Mason and Enno Schroder The Political Economy of Financialization in the United States, Europe and India Pablo G. Bortz and Annina Kaltenbrunner The International Dimension of Financialization in Developing and Emerging Economies Daniela Gabor Goodbye (Chinese) Shadow Banking, Hello Market-based Finance C.P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh The Financialization of Finance? Demonetization and the Dubious Push to Cashlessness in India Jennifer Clapp and S. Ryan Isakson Risky Returns: The Implications of Financialization in the Food System Philip Mader Contesting Financial Inclusion Razmig Keucheyan Insuring Climate Change: New Risks and the Financialization of Nature Lena Lavinas The Collateralization of Social Policy under Financialized Capitalism Robert H. Wade The Developmental State: Dead or Alive?
Measurement error of global production P.A.G. van Bergeijk ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 632, 1-18. Condemned without hearing: An intersectional analysis of the practice of branding, banishing, and camping of alleged witches in Northern Ghana I. Wumbla ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 633, 1-51. Global trade finance, trade collapse and trade slowdown: a Granger causality analysis T.K. Đào and P.A.G. van Bergeijk ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 634, 1-21. DeMo by NaMo (Demonetization by Narendra Modi): Money burning in India N. Gupta ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 635, 1-80. Financial inclusion of urban street vendors in Kigali D. Irankunda and P.A.G. van Bergeijk ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 636, 1-22. China’s economic hegemony (1-2050 AD) P.A.G. van Bergeijk ISS Working Paper Series / General Series, 637, 1-26.
Student life
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STUDENT LIFE
Martin Blok – International day – Annual event in which the ISS community can enjoy the rich culture of our students Joanna Goossens – A very tidy student kitchen!
ISS student in discussion with the King of Jordan
‘Sunshine project’ – dancing to Sunshine
Erika Wennberg – For their Global Food Politics course the students had to create an ‘ethical’ meal, considering factors such as health, environment, social equity, culture, waste, and cost. They had to explain the planning, shopping, and cooking process of each dish.
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