Habitar y Espacio urbano by Antonio di Campli

habitar y espacio urbano

antonio di campli | 28.05.15 | utpl loja

el oficio de habitar

Habitar es un fenómeno con múltiples dimensiones, no se puede encontrar una definición única. Habitar se refiere a “tener con continuidad”

El habitante tiene el lugar en el que habite. No tanto en el sentido de que posee o ha poseído, como en lo que tiene, lo conoce, tiene confianza. El residente “tiene” la casa en la que vive, el, tiene” la ciudad de la que es residente. Pero hay un significado más concreto que esta palabra tiene. Habitar, Martin Heidegger ya había dicho, significa construir. Habitar el mundo significa construir un mundo, pero la construcción de un mundo siempre es, sin embargo, la reconstrucción de un espacio ya dado. La vida como la construcción se asocia por lo tanto, el fenómeno de la destrucción. El habitar como construcción està entre uno de los términos de reconstrucción-destruccion.

Este texto de Heidegger fue expuesto por primera vez en Darmstadt, en 1951.

El construir tiene como meta el habitar, construimos porque buscamos habitar, y parece que para habitar sólo podemos llegar si construimos algo. No todas las construcciones cumplen con la función de ser “moradas”, de hecho, Heidegger distingue la vivienda del habitar. Tenemos el caso de construcciones que no son vivienda, como el puente, el aeropuerto, el estadio, una central energética, la estación y una autopista, el muro de una presa, la nave del mercado. Podrá ser que no sean viviendas, al menos no las consideramos así, pero si están dentro de una “región del habitar”.

¿Cuál es la relación que guardan habitar y construir? Para Heidegger es la relación de fin a medio, pero en realidad no son dos actividades separadas : “Construir no es solo medio y camino para el habitar, el construir es en sí mismo ya el habitar”. Construir es propiamente habitar.

El habitar es la manera como los mortales son en la tierra. El construir como habitar se despliega en el construir que cuida “No habitamos porque hemos construido, sino que construimos y hemos construido en la medida en que habitamos, es decir, en cuanto que somos los que habitan”.

Habitar, del alemán Wohnen tiene enclavadas sus raíces en el sajón wuon, y el gótico wuniana, significan igual que el bauen, permanecer y residir. Pero el gótico Wunian significa estar en paz o satisfecho, llevado a la paz y permanecer en ella, Friede paz es lo libre, das Frye, fry significa ser cuidado. Freien (liberar) sería propiamente cuidar.

Así, Habitar es haber sido llevado a la paz, esto es, permanecer a buen recaudo, De aquí que, “El rasgo fundamental del habitar es este cuidar (mirar para)”

Habitar / Hábitat / Habitus

Hábitat : término latino que significa (él) vive es el lugar cuyas caracterisicas físicas y abióticas permitir a una especie de vivir. Habitus. El concepto de habitus (comportamiento, actitud) está presente en la teoría del sociólogo francés Pierre Bourdieu y se puede definir como “un sistema de esquemas de percepción, de pensamiento y de acción adquirido en manera durable sostenible y generado por condiciones objetivas y que tiende a persistir incluso después del cambio de estas condiciones “. El habitus, como un sistema de esquemas, genera acciones coherentes en relación con el grupo o clase de pertenencia: por lo tanto el habitus no es ni universal ni específica para un individuo. Según Bourdieu, el habitus es el elemento central de la reproducción social y cultural, ya que es capaz de generar un comportamiento regular y esperado, que afecta a la vida social de las personas en relación con su clase.

Ecuador. Casas de migrantes

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anzi, le basi per un conflitto tra i nuovi abitanti e le fabbriche vicine. Spesso pi˘ densi e compatti attorno a spazi pubbli venti introducono una scala differente nel paesaggio minuto della citt‡ diffusa italiana e si staccano dai suoi ritmi ed usi Il secondo paradosso riguarda il ruolo sempre pi˘ fragile e tuttavia fondamentale dello spazio agricolo nonostante alcun gna, a coltivare la terra, a passare il tempo libero nei grandi spazi aperti, etc.). Il paradosso riguarda la dimensione impo ogni situazione di dispersione, il loro essere materiale costitutivo della nuova spazialit‡ e la difficolt‡ a rendere redditizio mantenimento. Lo scenario di una progressiva scomparsa delle aree agricole, almeno nella forma nella quale esse c

Questo tipo di casa, per quanto connotato da linguaggi e tecniche moderniste tende tuttavia a riproporre in maniera ambigua modelli spaziali premoderni. Qui affiorano forme dell’abitare arcaiche segnate dalla persistenza di un’idea prevalentemente “interna” dell’abitare, di pratiche che La discussione sul futuro della citt‡ e del territorio Ë tornata ad assumere dimensioni importanti nel dibattito europeo. P hanno luogo in un particolare interno fatto di solo spazio, in luoghi allestiti più che strutturati ed in percezione del rischio e della finitezza delle risorse, pi˘ in generale per la questione ambientale; per i mutamenti epoc persione e di nuova concentrazione; per i cambiamenti negli stili di vita e la progressiva individualizzazione e privatizzazion cui le tentazioni decorativeprossimit‡ sono poche. e distanze legate a reti infrastrutturali che disegnano geografie differenti dal passato; per i processi di globa

stenze ed adattamenti. Parlare del futuro della citt‡ e del territorio Ë sempre molto difficile. Malgrado gli sforzi nella costruzione di scenari, la n bra non riuscire a cogliere la dimensione della trasformazione, non riesce ad elaborare visioni federative che motivino in costruzione di un nuovo spazio. Se il tema della sostenibilit‡ ha fornito di una nuova retorica il progetto della citt‡ e de spazio muove la nostra immaginazione.Questo disagio affiora in molti studiosi e nei progetti recenti che paradossalmente e questioni erroneamente ritenute appartenenti al passato: la questione della residenza, la scala della citt‡ o di una sua

L’interno di questa casa, si può affermare, è uno spazio che lascia tempo alla noia.

Questo tipo di residenza è spesso concepito come infrastruttura a supporto di più economie tra loro integrate: fornitura di servizi professionali, agricoltura, artigianato. La sovrapposizione di più usi, funzioni e utensili in uno stesso edificio descrive questo tipo di alloggio come espressione di un implicito desiderio di autosufficienza dove anche ciò che sta attorno alla casa è spazio tecnico e non luogo da abitare. L’abitante di questa casa è uno che abita in maniera compatta, densa, che “consuma” poco spazio.

El siglo 20 pens贸 en el habitar a trav茅s de la figura de la habitacion, de la casa.

The spatialization of workflow

The rise of the assembly line brought a new strategy for factory space: the spatialization of the workflow, i.e. to ascribe tasks to certain spaces and to position these spaces according to the chronological order they are supposed to happen. The assembly line is the result of abstracting the work processes from the workers, analyzing them under a rational framework, and reintroducing them as physical constraints.

Alexander Klein (Odessa 1879, New York , 1961), proposed in 1927 that the home should be designed to prevent the flow of inhabitants to cross each other. The Functional House for Frictionless Living intended to avoid family conflicts by reducing the everyday confrontation with the other.

El modelo de la “casa” como derecho social, como categoria de proyecto, como dato económico, ha venido a encapsular esta experiencia natural en una densa red de parámetros ordenados por la lógica del pensamiento científico: tipos esquemas funcionales flujos taxonomías de valores .... para traducirlo en un espacio de proyecto y mobiliario inspirado en el análisis estructural, ergonómico, industrial, que ha enmarcado representaciones éticas y sociales más matizadas. El resultado ha sido la definicion del tema de la habitacion para las masas predominantemente a través de protocolos formales desarrolladas a la luz de criterios productivos.

1927, Margarete Sch端tte-Lihotzky, La cocina de Frankfurt

Alexander Klein, Gross-Siedlung, Bad D端rrenberg, 1930

El apartamento > Domesticidad Convertiendo el ‘status’ del habitar en un programa sociologico, la cultura moderna ha traducido esto en el concepto de “domesticidad” que ha redefinido las practicas del habitar dentro de un sistema de papeles y competencias que llevan al centro una imagen de la familia inspirada al modelo de la sociedad industrial. La jerarquía/ structura de la familia refleja la structura social / productiva. Según Max Horkheimer(Studien über Autorität und Familie, 1936), la familia ha sido la ‘célula germinal “de la cultura burguesa.

El habitar se organizó alrededor de la figura de la unidad familiar; en la nueva distribución interior de las casas, Philippe Aries ha visto el surgimiento de una estructura parental y social reducido a padres e hijos (L’enfant et la vie familiale sous l’ancien régime, 1960). Este proceso dio a luz a tipología urbana de el apartamento, sobre que la cultura arquitectónica del siglo 20 basó su ideología de diseño. Las invariantes antropológicas del habitar han sido reducidas y organizadas sobre la base del concepto de función > busqueda de una mayor eficiencia en la dinámica de las operaciones domesticas.

Un proceso muy largo

Dividida en cinco volumenes, esta Historia de la vida privada aborda mas de dos mil anos de historia y se extiende desde la Europa del Norte hasta el Mediterraneo. Parte del contraste que desde siempre ha opuesto lo privado y lo publico. Inscrita por naturaleza en el interior de la casa, enclaustrada, la vida privada se muestra tapiada. Es un lugar familiar. Domestico. Secreto, tambien.No obstante, a un lado y a otro de este â&#x20AC;&#x153;muroâ&#x20AC;? se han entablado combates constantes: el poder privado resiste, hacia fuera, los asaltos del poder publico; pero hacia adentro, tambien contiene las aspiraciones individuales a la independencia. Desde la Edad Media, nuestra cultura se ha dirigido hacia una creciente agudizacion de este doble conflicto.

Witold Rybczynky. La casa: historia de una idea

Esta idea de hogar surgió hacia 1600 de la mano de la clase burguesa en los Países Bajos. No fue algo consciente sino que fue una reacción casi inconsciente de las condiciones de vida, lo que el autor denomina un cambio de actitud. Para empezar su concepto de ciudad era diferente. En Medievo surgió una de las mayores innovaciones en cuanto a la organización de núcleos de población, las ciudades libres. Esto provoco la separación del campo, predominantemente feudal, de esa nueva clase urbanita, los burgueses. Witold Rybczynski utilizará esta nueva figura social como el hilo conductor del análisis del confort doméstico, ya que “[…] al contrario que el aristócrata, que vivía en un castillo fortificado, o el clérigo, que vivía en un monasterio, o el siervo, que vivía en una choza, el burgués vivía en una casa.” Pero, aun con el surgimiento de las ciudades libres, que en realidad no eran más que un caos de construcciones y calles intrincadas llenas de barro, y la aparición de la clase burguesa, el resto de Europa seguía siendo fundamentalmente rural, mientras que los Países Bajos se estaban convirtiendo en una nación organizada mediante múltiples ciudades pequeñas.

Alberto Durero, San Jer贸nimo en su Escritorio Una silla, una mesa, un lugar donde escribir. San Jer贸nimo no hubiese podido nunca disfrutar de la tranquilidad e intimidad.

Durante la Edad Media, en la ciudad libre habitada por los burgueses, la casa, combinada con el lugar de trabajo, se componía tan solo de una habitación con muy escasos muebles y el principal motivo de esta sencillez era la forma en que se utilizaba el espacio doméstico, tan solo para vivir en él y no para disfrutarlo. Desde el final de la Edad Media y hasta el siglo XVIII las casas fueron haciéndose mejores y mayores. La convivencia en una misma casa de diferentes familias aún dificultaba la intimidad, no obstante se mostraba ya cierto interés a este respecto con la separación entre amos y criados o el uso de camas con cortinajes. Pero para entender la casa como sede de la familia debían antes experimentarse lo íntimo y lo privado de una forma que aún era impensable en estas salas comunitarias. El autor ejemplifica el tema de la domesticidad con las casas de los Países Bajos de mediados del s. XVII cuyas características estructurales permitían abrir grandes ventanales en la fachada principal dejando entrar luz en abundancia que se controlaba con la utilización de visillos, esto unido a la presencia de un menor número de personas en la misma casa contribuían a conseguir mayor intimidad que en otros países. Los neerlandeses tenían un sentimiento de afecto único hacia sus casas y por ello necesitaron el término home para definir en su conjunto la casa, la gente que la habitaba y la satisfacción que aportaba dicha conjunción de elementos. La insistencia en la limpieza y el orden en sus casas que, irónicamente los neerlandeses no mostraban por su aseo personal, sugería la nueva idea de delimitación de la casa como lugar propio y privado. Es muy interesante el concepto de Stimmung planteado por Mario Praz en un ensayo sobre la teoría de la decoración de interiores, rescatado aquí por Rybczynski y descrito como una característica de los interiores que tiene menos que ver con su funcionalidad que con la forma en que la habitación expresa el carácter de su propietario.

Beatriz Colomina, Domesticity at War, The Mit Press, Cambridge (MA), 2007 Beatriz Colomina, Privacy and Publicity: Modern Architecture as Mass Media, The Mit Press, Cambridge (MA), 1996. Pimlott, Without and Within: Essays on Territory and the Interior, Episode Publishers, Rotterdam, 2007. Mario Praz, La filosofia dellâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;arredamento. I mutamenti nel gusto della decorazione interna attraverso i secoli, Longanesi, Milano, 1964. Christopher Reed (ed), Not at Home. The Suppression of Domesticity in Modern Art and Architecture, Thames and Hudson, New York, 1996. Charles Rice, The Emergence of the Interior. Architecture, Modernity, Domesticity, Routledge, New York, 2007.

En la casa burguesa se encuentran y cristalizar los valores en los que se identifican y caracterizan la vida privada y pĂşblica: la racionalidad, el orden, la fuerza de la familia.

interior burguese Jean Baudrillard espacio structurado > espacio instalado/preparado

Alison and Peter Smithson, The House of the future, Daily Mail Ideal Home Show, London, 1956

Aiming to anticipate the lifestyle of the year 1980, this housing prototype was constructed of a plastic composite and referenced contemporary innovations in airplane construction. Each room was moulded as one continuous piece of plastic and constituted a functional unit. The latest equipment – such as central heating, air conditioning, colour television, dishwasher, compact cooking appliances, and a self-washing bathtub and shower with a warm air drying system – was integrated within the walls. During the exhibition, actors in specially-designed futuristic costumes “performed” for visitors who watched through apertures. In spite of its forward-looking integration of new technologies, its complex moulded shapes are analogous to the carved caves of Provence, while the interior garden was inspired by the atrium houses of Pompeii. Without exterior windows, individual units were meant to be joined to create a compact community.

El perturbante. arquetipo de los miedos burgueses Das Unheimliche es un sustantivo adjetivo de la lengua alemana, utilizado por Sigmund Freud como un término conceptual en la estética de expresar una actitud particular de la sensación más general de miedo, que ocurre cuando algo (o una persona, un sentimiento, un hecho o una situación) se percibe tan familiar y extraño al mismo tiempo causando ansiedad general junto con una desagradable sensación de confusión y alienación. Sigmund Freud Ernst Theodor Amadeus Hoffmann Edgar Allan Poe

Home! Oh my, how inviting!

Home is a very nice place, indeed. Surrounded by water, it seems to go very well with the Durangoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s water town etymology.

Alexander, a balding man in the pristine white sanctity of HOME, typing away at his red IBM typewriter, a blue box to his right (our left) filled with typewritten copy, paper at his left, a stapler, scissors, and other desk top paraphernalia. Bookcases filled with hardbacks stand at his rear. He wears a bathrobe with red and white spiral decoration. The doorbell ringing, Alexander looks to the side and wonders, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Who on earth that can be?â&#x20AC;?

We get a view of the ultra 60s modern interior of two long parallel rooms composed of several tiers. The right room is sparely furnished, functioning more as a museum for its few pieces. On the first, lowest tier is seating compose of a white pod with purple interior. Red and black seating of a quasi heart shape is on a higher tier under a gray heart shaped painting/sculpture on the wall to the right. The white bubble pod with its open door forms also a quasi heart in which sits, reading, the authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s younger red-haired wife, attired all in bright red. HOME obviously is where the heart is.

ALEXANDER’s WIFE: I’ll go see. Alexander’s wife enters a mirrored foyer. She enters a long foyer, its walls left and right being entirely mirrors set in natural wood so we see her reflected on either side. The ceiling is exposed natural beams running left to right, and the floor is black and white tile. At the end of the hall we see a globe light on a pedestal, matching the others in the front room. She answers the door, opening it as wide as the chain will allow. Alex answers in normal, conversational English, revealing he has two modes of speech. ALEXANDER’s WIFE (at the door): Yes, who is it? ALEX: Excuse me, Mrs. can you please help, there’s been a terrible accident.

ALEX: ...it’s a matter of life and death! ALEXANDER: Who is it dear? ALEXANDER’S WIFE: There’s a young man here. He says there’s been an accident. He wants to use the telephone! ALEXANDER (after a moment’s reflection): Well, I suppose you better let him in. ALEXANDER’s WIFE: Well, wait a minute, will you?

ALEXANDER’S WIFE: Excuse me, but we don’t usually let strangers in in the middle of the...AHH! Trapped in the narrow entry corridor, the woman has no opportunity to run. Trapped as she is in the entry, the dual mirrors infinitely play, left and right, the beginning assault upon her and her home. Seizing her, the droogs drag the woman down the hall back into the main body of the house. Despite the assault on the old Irish bum, because of Alex and his droogs saving the young woman from being raped, the audience could hold ambiguous emotions concerning them up to this point, in part to McDowell’s charisma. The old Irish bum was, after all, old. And a drunk Irishman. Who cares about an old, drunk Irishman? But now the droogs have invaded the sanctity and repose of home and things become increasingly uncomfortable, especially due the intimacy of the word HOME.

As the droogs drag the woman into the house, we now more closely observe a peculiar sculpture that resembles some kind of suit of modern armor, which is strange for a “home” so focused otherwise on heart. The suit also brings to mind a kind of environmental suit, such as an astronaut’s. The suit hasn’t the sterile aesthetic of “2001” (though this home has), belonging instead to a world more in line with “Mad Max”. Alex pulling the woman through the door next it, we have a vague sense of the suit being of a size suitable for a giant. It is huge. (http://idyllopuspress.com/idyllopus/film/co_one.htm)

Desde los años 60, este concepto del habitar empieza a mostrar signos de crisis. No es la decadencia de las herramientas técnicas del proyecto moderno pero es la desaparición de sus supuestos culturales, de su proyecto social, papel y alcance. Las preocupaciones que han surgido en la arquitectura postmoderna (recuperación de los conceptos de lugar, memoria, tradición), eran signos de cambios profundos. La cuestión del habitar parece obligada, en este nuevo punto de vista, a volver a sus orígenes, a volver sobre las etapas de una historia que el pensamiento moderno levantò a lo largo del eje de un progreso lineal ilusorio. En la postmodernidad, el concepto funcionalista de “habitacion” se acompaña al concepto culturar de “habitar”, poniendo así en el centro de la figura del abitante ‘, como se ve en su corporeidad, en sus patrones de comportamiento y de interacción social.

El habitar como invariante antropológica

es el mismo cuerpo que define un modelo del habitar y vivir el espacio que no surge como la conquista de la inteligencia, sino como un puro impulso instintivo; Así el espacio de vida es ahora percibido no como “objeto” físico ni como “concepto”, pero como auto-expresión de su habitante.

En las décadas entre el final de la 20ª y el comienzo del siglo 21 el panorama domestico ha sufrido cambios radicales:

La identificación de la “casa” con la “familia” se ha disuelto (la ruptura de la unidad familiar) cambios de comportamientos domésticos resultantes de la introducción de tecnologías cada vez más sofisticadas las incertidumbres de la cultura del diseño a punto entre la confirmación de actitudes funcionalistas y la oferta de nuevos modelos de vivienda. > El habitar se transforma en experiencias divididas en microconductas autónomas que presuponen experiencias del habitar de diferentes tipos.

El habitar líquido: “i rotti avanzi di nobili abitari” (Pietro Giordani) El fin de la modernidad es descrito por la metáfora de la disolución, de las licuefacciónes de las estructuras del siglo XX, nuestro tiempo es ‘líquido’.

Lo que se ve es, en primer lugar, una diferente relación entre el concepto de orden y de desorden: el primero ya no es un modelo cultural y funcional de referencia (la organización de la producción y consumo de alimentos, la meticulosa escenografía y la construcción de la sala, el carácter sagrado de la habitación de los padres, la funcionalidad asépticade los cuartos de baño) la segunda ve el papel de transgresión cada dia mas débil, que se reduce a una simple gama de opciones, todas igualmente legítimas. Los espacios de la casa, una vez caracterizadas por sus funciónes precisas y fisonomías definidas, con una división meticulosa de usos, ahora se estan convertiendo en lugares de tránsito y de usos indiferenciados

Kitchen Plaza

Cual el papel del proyecto arquitectonico y urbano en la experiencia contemporanea del habitar?

多Puede el proyecto incorporar las inagotables posibilidades del cambio del habitar? Los intentos realizados hasta ahora para prefigurar un principio de flexibilidad sondean las posibilidades que ofrecen los open spaces el redise単o de la espacialidad de las estructuras industriales abandonadas Pero en estas propuestas hay siempre un modelo espacial escondido.

Recientemente, la reflexión se hizo más cuidadosoa, desarrollandose principalmente en dos direcciones.

La primera, seguida de Herman Hertzberger, Bernard Caché o Bernard Leupen, supone que la vida media de un edificio cubre al menos el lapso de un siglo: entonces el proyecto creará una estructura que, en su inalterabilidad, pueda permitir en sí mismo la posibilidad de cambios, aceptar una variaciones.

Herman Hertzberger: Diagoon Houses, Delft, The Netherlands, 1970 Diagoon makes creation a requirement. Diagoon presents occupants with a core and some concrete blocks: the rest is up to inhabitants. Panelized systems and unit masonry are infinitely configurable, tradeable, and removable as wants and needs shift. Creation makes ownership tangible. The myriad orientations, combinations, and juxtapositions create a matrix of different unit types, differentiated by the accretion of small changes. Across the site, a gradient of individualized apartments gives the project a visual variety while remaining in a common architectural language.

La segunda direcci贸n se describe por la investigaci贸n de arquitectos como Makoto Sei Watanabe o Tadao Ando. Puesto que cada experiencia del habitar se encuentra inmersa en el flujo continuo de la transformaci贸n, el arquitecto debe renunciar la idea de ofrecer un modelo completo. La casa come imagen y caracter del habitante.

Toyo Ito, U-House, Najano-Honcho, Japan, 1975

The house was designed in 1975 for Ito’s sister and her two daughters. They were in mourning, having just lost their husband and father to a long struggle with illness. It comprised a white U-shape with a roof that inclined toward an inner courtyard. The curved concrete walls had no windows, but there were slot-like openings in the ceiling. The building was designed to be a portrait of this bereaved family, to reflect its emotional state. It was to provide “spiritual consolation.” As Ito recollected, “This house was associated with a family which had just been confronted with death and withdrew from the world outside behind a concrete wall”. The building was in the image of an “introverted family.” Ito’s bereaved sister (his client) acknowledged that the building reflected a “kind of darkness” within her. The dark soil served her wish to be near nature: not a pretty nature, but the nature of submergence.” The building itself, set low into the landscape, was “like an underground labyrinth”. But there was also light. As Ito’s sister reflected: “I did not long for a gentle soft light … but a strong light with the vitality to dispel the darkness” (she has had in mind the kind of light spots found in the otherwise dark paintings of Georges de la Tour). The architect provided for this with the openings in the ceiling, snow-white interior walls, and recessed lighting, which together made the building shine like a white ring in black darkness. This was a building that was “full of life, at the same time, had the mystery of death concealed behind it”. The uniqueness of the U-House as an interpretation in the domestic dwelling as well as the melancholic character of the commission gave it considerable notoriety. Yet on February 28, 1997, the U-House was demolished. The clients had spent some twenty years there, getting over the tragedy that gave rise to the commission. They had outgrown the house, and were leaving. Apparently it was their wish that the house be demolished. They had moved on but their home, which had “a hardly changeable unambiguous symbolic meaning”, had not. The house, ordered by an inflexible formalism, was in a state of spiritual obsolescence. Its demolition occasioned wider reflection.

Estos dos enfoques no se oponen entre sí y, de hecho, de alguna manera se complementan, sus objetivos, sin embargo, siguen siendo distintos.

Si el arquitecto se centra en la estructura de los espacios, la tarea del diseñador será el de diseñar un cuerpo arquitectónico inmutable pero capaz de asegurar la mutabilidad. En este caso, sin embargo, no va mucho más allá del concepto de espacio polivalente o flexible, es decir, un espacio sustancialmente neutro. Si, en cambio, el diseño arquitectónico se desarrolla alrededor de la figura y caracter del habitante, la idea de la vivienda tiende a coincidir con el espacio de la experiencia, pero debe de necesidad limitarse a una esfera individual, subjetiva, históricamente determinada, en la que a su vez se centrará todo el diseño atención.

Hoy hay una renovada atenci贸n hacia el el espacio interior; Adolf Loos y Frank Lloyd Wright, a un dise帽o capaz de comenzar a crecer desde el interior hacia el exterior.

Frank Lloyd Wright Robie House, 1909

Adolf Loos, Villa Moller, 1930

El habitar es también considerado en su proyección social desarrollo de formas de habitar compartido / cohousing / diseño de servicios compartidos / participacion

CAMBIOS DE ESCALA EN LAS PRACTICAS DEL HABITAR > MAYOR USOS DE ESPACIOS

diseño urbano> interior urbanism

Contracultura. El tema de el habitar se ramifica: investigacion sobre tipolog铆as residenciales + el habitar como la cuesti贸n antropol贸gica.

Contracultura: valores, tendencias y formas sociales opuestos a los establecidos en una sociedad. El término fue acuñado por el historiador estadounidense Theodore Roszak en su libro de 1968 El nacimiento de una contracultura.

El término contracultura se usa para referirse a un movimiento organizado cuya acción influye a las masas y persiste durante un período considerable. Una contracultura es la realización de las aspiraciones de un grupo social marginal, por ejemplo: el romanticismo del siglo XIX, la bohemia que se inició en el siglo XIX la generación Beat estadounidense de la década de 1950 los movimientos contraculturales de los años 1960, influidos por la generación Beat el movimiento hippie nacido en la década de 1960

En los años 50 se produce la llamada “crisis del proyecto moderno”, llevada a cabo por una serie de reacciones críticas a las concepciones ideológicas y espaciales del urbanismo moderno para la cual la experiencia urbana de sus habitantes y la calle se reducían a parámetros objetivos y pretendidamente científicos. TEAM X Jacob B. Bakema Georges Candilis Giancarlo De Carlo Aldo van Eyck Peter e Alison Smithson Shadrach Woods

Entre estas corrientes críticas se pueden nombrar a los Situacionistas, Jane Jacobs, Henri Lefebvre, Archigram, Superstudio, etc. quienes hacían duras críticas (reivindicando la diversidad de la calle y su relevancia política), sea a través de la teoría o del proyecto, a un modelo urbano extremadamente impositivo y autoritario. Es evidente que el paradigma racional-funcionalista de la ciudad no reconoce las prácticas urbanas en su análisis y solo sabe reducirlas a rígidos parámetros funcionales utilizando como principal instrumento el zoning o zonificación que tanto ha pautado los procesos urbanos del planeamiento estatal y tecnocrático.

Candilis / Josic / Woods, Freie Universitaet, Berlin

Argel. La casbah

La critica del urbanismo moderno en los a単os 70

Se utilizan como referentes metodológicos las siguientes corrientes de pensamiento:

Desde la filosofía, el análisis postestructural de la realidad, especialmente el propuesto por: GiIlles Deleuze, Félix Guattari, Michel Foucault

El análisis de las situaciones propuesto por Guy Debord y los Situacionistas.

Los procesos llevados a cabo por artistas visuales inmersos en el llamado giro etnogrรกfico de las artes como Gordon Matta-Clark, Vito Acconci, etc.

Gordon Matta-Clark

Gordon Matta Clark si laureò in architettura alla Cornell University di Ithaca nel 1968, mostrando subito uno sguardo critico verso l’architettura dell’epoca. Nel 1973, assieme ad amici (tra cui Laurie Anderson, Joan Jonas, Lucio Pozzi, Trisha Brown), costituì l’Anarchitecture Group: artisti eterogenei che utilizzavano la fotografia, le performance e la scultura come mezzi espressivi. Il gruppo criticava con originali performance il fallimento dell’architettura. Lo scandalo e loro disappunto non stava tanto nelle disattese promesse della stessa, ma nell’assenza totale di critica verso la cultura del loro tempo.

building cuts

Gordon Matta Clark bucando i muri, e con essi la separazione interno/ esterno, denunciava l’apparente solidità di un’architettura fatta di strati, incastro o giustapposizione di diversi materiali (solai in c.a., linoleum, listelli di legno, carta da parati…). La casa, con fenditure verticali o fori enormi, si rivela con onestà. E con onestà il giovane dichiarava la natura delle sue performance, manifestazioni artistiche e non architettoniche. Mentre gli architetti degli anni Settanta erano costantemente alla ricerca di aree edificabili, Gordon scovava aree e palazzi abbandonati per eseguire i suoi ‘building cuts’. Rivelando, così, al pubblico i problemi della società, lo squallore dei suburbi delle città e un legame fortissimo fra arti visive, architettura e filosofia. Lo spazio, tagliato e ricucito, diventa mentale, come fosse una manifestazione simbolica o un’anarchica architettura. La ‘superbia protettiva’ delle facciate si sottomette alle operazioni chirurgiche di Gordon.

Splitting (Dividere), 1974 Al centro dellâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;azione performativa vi Ă¨ la tipica abitazione della provincia americana. Matta-Clark la taglia letteralmente in due creando una profonda, dissacrante cesura nel simbolo per eccellenza del concetto di unitĂ familiare.

Conical Intersect (Intersezione conica), 1975 Nel contesto della Biennale di Parigi del 1975 Matta-Clark concepì uno sventramentocongiungimento di due edifici contigui e gemelli del XVIII secolo in fase di demolizione per far posto all’allora nascente Centre Pompidou. Grazie alla sezione conica dei tagli con un solo colpo d’occhio lo spettatore accostava la visione della Parigi “storica” a quella della nuova e moderna metropoli.

Vito Acconci

Vito Acconci, Following Piece New York, between October 3 and 25, 1969

Following Piece was concerned with the language of our bodies in a deeply public manner. By selecting a passer-by at random until they entered a private space, Acconci submitted his own movements to the movements of others, showing how our bodies are themselves always subject to external forces that we may or may not be able to control. Acconci wrote: Following Piece, potentially, could use all the time allotted and all the space available: I might be following people, all day long, everyday, through all the streets in New York City. In actuality, following episodes ranged from two or three minutes when someone got into a car and I couldn’t grab a taxi, I couldn’t follow – to seven or eight hours – when a person went to a restaurant, a movie. [...], Following Piece was part of the revolution that took place in the art world in the late 1960s that tried to bring art out of the gallery and into the street in order to explore real issues such as space, time, and the human body. Acconci read books such as Edward Hall’s The Hidden Dimension, Erving Goffmann’s The Presentation of the Self in Every Day Life, and Kurt Lewin’s In Principles of Topological Psychological All of these books explored the ways in which the individual and the social are interlinked in terms of complex codes that structure the way we act and live everyday. Following Piece, Acconci’s use of diagrams specifically refers to Lewin’s notion of “field theory”: that is, a model that sought to explain human behaviour in terms of relations and in relation to its environment and surroundings.

no stop city

The No-Stop City, developed by the Florentine group Archizoom between 1970 and 71, is, along with the Continuous Monument by Superstudio, the best-known and more studied and interpreted project of the Italian Radical Architecture. It should be noted that this is not a unitary project with defined boundaries, but different crystallizations of an idea due both to the different stages of its development and the occasion that motivated them (internal research, journal publications, competitions…). Even if the grouping of these proposals constitutes a single metaproject that can be discussed under the denomination of No-Stop City, quite often its pluralistic nature has not been taken sufficiently into account. In the “political reference” submitted by Archizoom to the proceedings of the congress Utopia e/o Rivoluzione, held in Turin in April 1969, the group tried to define its position in the intense debate about the relations between politics and architecture that was taking place in Italy. Many of the ideas that were later embodied in the project were already featured in this text: “Until now, the depth of buildings and typologies remained anchored to the limits imposed by spontaneous equilibrium: natural lighting and ventilation, and surface per-capita are the result of an image of income and balanced life with general economic conditions that, defnitely, needs to be blown to pieces. But the problem is not imagining new working-class neighborhoods linked to better typologies, but rather imagining amorphous or monomorphic structures, whose utopian content is performed only in quantitative terms, not imagining the organization of a different society, better and fairer, with more beautiful houses. At the moment, we are only interested in them being much larger”

At the beginning of 1970, the members of the group begin to capture graphically the result of their thoughts about a quantitative city. Gilberto Corretti draws a continuous space supported by huge triangulated trusses inspired by Mies and a magmatic and obscure volume that fills a valley in the wake of the Continuous Monument by Superstudio. Andrea Branzi produces a series of diagrams with a typewriter in which the paper is patterned with a grid of exes and dots representing, respectively, the bearing structure and the dimensional grid of a continuous space without clear limits. Sometimes, calligraphic signs, forming clouds, colonize areas of this space overlapping the isotropic grid. One of these diagrams has an enlightening label: Homogeneous Habitational Diagram. Hypothesis of non-Figurative Architectural Language.

The first publication of the project, with generous graphic content and an extensive text, happens in 1970, in the July-August number of Casabella, with the title: CittĂ , catena di montaggio del sociale. Ideologia e teoria della metropoli.

No-Stop City, CittĂ , catena di montaggio del sociale. 1970

The project shows already most of the items that will make it recognizable: an homogeneous structure of pillars, elevators and floor slabs with undefined facades and number of floors. Sometimes it is depicted as a series of massive prisms in the landscape, while other times it seems that only the orography or the coast may contain its spread. Indoors, the horizontal continuity is interrupted, either by landscape elements that occasionally emerge (rivers, rocks), or by straight and curved free standing walls or divisions between rectangular and pedestrian areas. In one of the plans there are even some courtyard houses of clear Miesian filiation even if, in this case, the patio is provocatively covered. This is a catalog of different situations in which the project shows its absolute flexibility of both implementation and use. The object system, which will be so important for the image of the proposal, has not yet appeared, probably due to the fact that the scale of the plants is very small.

No-Stop City, CittĂ , catena di montaggio del sociale. 1970

Following this publication, Archizoom focused on thinking how life and objects would be like in their new city model. They designed a set of clothes, adapted to life in a micro-conditioned environment, published under the name Nearest Habitat System. They also put forward the Armadio Abitabile, a furniture of considerable size containing everything needed to dwell any point of their homogeneous city.

The next stage in the project development was the proposal that the group submitted to the international competition for the Università degli Studi of Florence convened on May 1970. Although it is an attempt to adapt its abstract model to a specific case, their lack of interest in implementing their proposal is clear by the fact that, breaching the confidentiality required in the competition brief, they sign the proposal and are automatically disqualified. The chosen motto was “projects should be signed”. The proposal explains how the previously developed system is colonized by different teaching, residential, administrative and recreational functions. Transport infrastructures run in the basement and lower levels. This stratification of uses is described in a section that has been frequently published. As it happens in all the stages of the project, the written content is essential: “The only architectural form that we would have liked to propose was [...] a wandering fog bank over the plain between Florence and Pistoia. Not so much as an inspiration or poetic invention, but in the sense that we refuse to design an object, and prefer to design its use instead. [...] In this sense, there is no formal difference between a productive structure, a supermarket, a residence, a university, or an industrialized agriculture sector.”

The final stage of development of the project comes at the beginning of 1971 with its publication in the number 78-79 of Design Quarterly in charge of Peter Eisenman and devoted to conceptual architecture, and soon after, in March of that year, in Domus. For the first time the name No-Stop City appears. The title in both publications is almost identical: No-Stop City. Residential Park. Climatic Universal System in the American magazine while in Domus the original Park was replaced by Parkings. These publications include a new batch of graphic material and an essay in Domus. The study of possible ways of colonization by the inhabitants is further developed including habitats that are unfolded from equipped walls or large furniture that can be moved from one place to another using mechanical forklifts. Forms of sedentary habitats are also proposed through dwellings configured by functional stripes that could be accessed, only, from the elevators. In Domus there are views of interior scenes of the No-Stop City, named Paesaggi Interni and Struttura teatrale continua, which are a particularly valuable contribution to the image of the project. They are dioramas of sectors of the city colonized by furniture and objects of consumption in which an illusion of infinity is achieved through the use of mirrors. These publications were the last development of the project. Later on, Archizoom produced urban proposals and furniture, interior and clothing design that followed the wake of the No-Stop City and complemented it, which have been occasionally published as part of it. These includes Allestimenti di stanze (1971), Distruzione e Riappropiazione della CittĂ (1972) and Dressing design (1972).

A city without architecture This is not, therefore, a conventional project but a generic habitat that has no precise function, location or form. The system is defined by the invariants maintained throughout its evolution: A reticular and isotropic structure of pillars and elevators holding continuous floor slabs, and air-conditioning, lighting, electrical and informational networks housed in modular suspended ceilings and (presumably) under a technical floor. Nothing else. These few elements constitute the minimum common set that allows to house the maximum number of vital functions.

No-Stop City, bosco residenziale, 1971

No-Stop City, tipologie continue, 1971

No-Stop City, Residential Parkings, 1971

Architecture is no longer responsible for the programmatic adaptation and, as it happens in the B端rolandschaft, a system of objects and mobile partitions is the only thing that functionally qualifies the different sectors of the city. The representative character also goes into crisis as architecture is reduced to the bare minimum role of neutral and tempered container, a sheer background for objects and life. The entire iconographic load is transferred to the consumption objects that populate it, causing the almost total semantic emptying and absolute blankness of the built. The system of objects absorbs, therefore, functions that traditionally have been in charge of architecture but escaping from its control and getting rid of its values.

B端rolandschaft (SOM: Weyerhaueuser Company, Washington, 1963

From the point of view of Archizoomâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s young members, the anomalous would not be the typologies that take advantage of this new technological environment for becoming independent from the outside (the factory, supermarket, parking ...) but those typologies that have not done that yet. The environment technification, taken to its extreme consequences, allows the most remarkable and transcendent decision of the project and to which, in fact, owes its name: to establish an unlimited constructed depth, a potentially endless building. Thereby, the system not only encompasses all kinds of functions but, ultimately, the entire city. Although, in some images, the project shows different forms of containment, these limits and shape they define are understood as trivial and inconsequential: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The outer perimeter of the whole is not identified or represented: we do not care about its shape since it will be determined by the result of certain quantitative ratiosâ&#x20AC;?. In most plants the edge of the building is not shown (unless when it is an insurmountable geographic feature) and the drawing is trimmed by the illustration frame suggesting an unlimited expansion. The primacy of plants and interior views over exterior representations, together with the total absence of elevations, emphasize the project latent infinitude.

What is paradoxical about this operation is that as architecture grows, occupying everything homogeneously, it loses most of the defining characteristics of the canonical architectural object that depend on its finitude and heterogeneity: its own object condition, its shape, facade, hierarchy, compositional nature, representative and iconographic capacity or the typological and functional specialization. A dissolution of architecture with few precedents and not at all involuntary; in its first publication Archizoom claim: “The ultimate goal of modern Architecture is the ‘elimination’ of architecture itself”. The difficulty of analysis of this project, if we stick to its graphic content, lies precisely in the fact that it is very difficult to study under conventional categories (volumetry, implementation, composition, hierarchy, function, distribution) because it simply lacks them. The intuition that the proliferation of systems and technology could end up shaping a new type of habitat that would turn the traditional building into something superfuous and unnecessary was, somehow, in the air. In the years in which the Radical was brewing in Italian universities, Reyner Banham said: “When your house contains such a complex of piping, flues, ducts, wires, lights, inlets, outlets, ovens, sinks, refuse disposers, hi-fi re-verberators, antennae, conduits, freezers, heaters -when it contains so many services that the hardware could stand up by itself without any assistance from the house, why have a house to hold it up?”

Reyner Banham, “A Home is not a House”, Art in America, n. 2/1965

Another even more extreme example of the solvent potential of technology on architecture is the science- fiction film THX 1138 by George Lucas, a speculation about a future society, marked by electronics, strictly contemporary with the NoStop City (it was filmed in 1969 and released in 1971). The film shows a space, in this case of imprisonment, which is a white, homogeneous, infinite and pure background devoid not only of architecture but also of objects.

The No-Stop City, attempting to liberate man from architecture, also points toward that potential disappearance that was in the air, but does so, and this is important, grounded in the most absolute technical realism. While many other proposals of the neo-avantgardes of the 60s and 70s based much of its visionary and provocative load on a technology pushed to the limits of plausibility and close, sometimes, to science fiction; the No-Stop City seems to avoid any boast or speculation: the deployed technology is limited to what was already available, was commonly deployed in offices and supermarkets and, therefore, did not pose any challenge. In this sense, the project proposes nothing new. It is the application of two constructive types well settled at that time: the Domino system by Le Corbusier and the B端rolandschaft. A clear evidence of this absolute technical prudence is the structure of the project based on a pillar grid of 5x5 meters: dimensions that are, and were then, surprisingly modest.

But this is not just a crisis of architecture, the city that arises from this operation is, by no means, a conventional one. In the proposal definition, not only the hypertrophy of the built environment is crucial, but also the fact that this happens in a continuous and homogeneous way. By pushing out any interior void and ignoring the outside, a concave city is generated. The definition of this model, by Andrea Branzi, as a “city without architecture” is best understood if we consider that it is also an “interior city”. The disappearance of urban fragmentation, of the succession of solids and voids that shapes the traditional city, deepens the crisis of representation pointed in the interior configuration of the proposal: the vanishing of the limit that was shaping the different elements and the whole city entails the vanishing of the meaning or, at least, of all meaning linked to architectural and urban form. We find ourselves in a city without qualities, devoid of any attribute other than the pure undifferentiated and homogeneous extension.

Therefore, the infinity and concavity of the No-Stop City are, not only unusual and provocative traits of the project, but the essential characteristics that shape it and the key to its solvent and subversive potential for the architecture and the city. As we have seen, available technology allowed such a construction to be thought of. However, the pure technical feasibility does not fully explain the project. There are other reasons that explain Archizoomâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s bet for an infinity and a concavity that are not accidental: we refer to Marxism and Pop art.

Marxist Roots of Concavity Regarding this, it is essential to understand that we are facing a manifesto, and that the drawings and images of the proposal are, also, the illustration of its written content. Texts that very explicitly want to reflect the political activism of the members of the group in the field of Marxism. Field in which, on the other hand, were included most of their radical fellows and a good part of the Italian architectural and intellectual environment. The “quantitative” concept appears recurrently in the project, from the time prior to its first formulation (in the group contribution to the congress Utopia e/o Rivoluzione) until its last publication in which they claim: “Nowdays the only possible utopia is quantitative”. Through this concept the members of the group sought to develop a “non figurative” architecture and move away from figurative utopias and visionary architecture which had been condemned by influential figures of Italian Marxism like Mario Tronti, Manfredo Tafuri or Massimo Cacciari. It is important to remember that one of the three laws of dialectical materialism stipulates, precisely, the passage from quantitative changes into qualitative changes. The operation by which the No-Stop City is generated as an endless and interior city can be seen as a radical application of this principle of the “official” philosophy of Marxism. As we have seen, through the boundless increase of the built depth (a

change, in principle, strictly quantitative) a number of radical qualitative changes are triggered: not only the architectural and urban form and the associated figurative load disappear but, ultimately, the architecture and the city itself as we know them. This dissolution by hypertrophy (as architecture grows, it loses its architectural character) represents a true quantitative revolution able to completely redefine the built realm. The mentioned use of a relatively low-tech construction, compared with other contemporary projects, cannot be accidental. What Archizoom seems to be telling us with this operation, both simple and sophisticated, is that forcing technology and pushing it to its limits is not necessary in order to put forward an innovative and provocative proposal: it would be enough to extend the established technology without quantitative limits.

A very important influence in the work of Archizoom was the Operaismo, a tendency of the Italian “new left” that had Mario Tronti as his main ideologue. This trend intended to overcome the impasse that the workers struggle seemed to have reached with the connivance of the parliamentary left parties and trade unions. For the Operaismo, the labor force is the ultimate contradiction of capital. The worker occupies the economic centrality being his work indispensable for the capitalist system of value creation, and that should enable him to transform the system in his favor. The task is not to resolve the capitalist system contradictions, but to use them to take control over it. The liberation from the system occurs, therefore, from within the system and in order to take control of the economic cycle, not to destroy it. The project concavity can be read as an abstraction of the operaista “against from within” principle. If subversion against the system must come from within the system, subversion against the city happens from within the city. Besides, the No-Stop City functional homogeneity, that merges production, consumption and residence, as well as its boundless extension over the territory, are in debt with two concepts of Marxist filiation: the “society as a factory” by Tronti and the “city territory” by Tafuri and the AUA. These two concepts occupied a central role in the debate about the city that took place in Italy in the early sixties and inevitably influenced the young radicals who were students then.

Mario Tronti publishes, in 1962, the article La fabbrica e la società in Quaderni Rossi, where he detected an unstoppable process of capitalist integration in which the factory (the production) is extended to the whole of society, fully occupying it: At the highest point of capitalist development, social relationships become a ‘moment’ of the relations of production; the entire society becomes an ‘articulation’ of production, which means that all society lives according to the factory, and the factory extends its exclusive dominion over the whole of society”. Tronti formulated this analysis in highly metaphorical terms and without pretending that an alternative urban model should derive from it. However, and almost inevitably, his equation of factory and society wastaken by many young architects, orphans of alternative models to the bourgeois city, as an appealing proposal for a new and genuinely Marxist urbanism in which the total coincidence between the social space and theproduction space would take place.

At the same time, Manfredo Tafuri and his fellows of the AUA (Architetti Urbanisti Associati) were developing a concept, the “city territory”, that was very close to the thesis of Tronti. The year in which this term is proposed is, in fact, the same in which La fabbrica e la società is published. The city territory sought to advance toward a greater territorial integration that would transcend the city-countryside division and the traditional concentric arrangement of functions to respond to the new needs of the productive apparatus, and the imbalances caused by the rapid urban growth. It was an “open” urbanism unconcerned about urban form.

The infuence of these concepts in the work of Archizoom is easily traceable already in their student projects of mega-structures such as the 1964 Città Estrusa. The name of the project refers to the extrusion of the city into a previously agricultural land (the Piana of Florence) that would allow its systemic integration: “A true extrusion of the elements that constitute the current production system”. The presence of these ideas is also evident in the No-Stop City. The text of its first publication in Casabella, in the summer of 1970, is, first and foremost, a political manifesto on the relationship between economic system, society and city, full of explicit references to Mario Tronti, Tafuri and other Marxist intellectuals, and significantly entitled City, assembly line of social issues.

The city overflow on the territory does not imply, in the case of No-Stop City, the integration of the rural world but, rather, its exclusion. The introversion of the project highlights the absolute ignorance of its exterior alternative, of the realm that the city has traditionally confronted with. A lack of interest in the agrarian that is also ideological. Moving away from its rousseaunian roots, Marxism sees the countryside and agriculture, rather than as a happy arcadia uncontaminated by industrial capitalism, as the lair of reactionary and counter-revolutionary values. Marxism distrusts the countryside and the rural, and it is aware that it owes its origin, as ideology and as political movement, to the development linked to the industrial city. It is also aware that the city, despite being the maximum theater of capitalist exploitation, is a much more fertile breeding ground for the workers struggle that the rural world. The writing by Friedrich Engels “The Housing Question”, from 1872, clearly influenced the urban discourse of Tronti and Tafuri and, as Branzi recalled recently , we know that it was circulating in those years among the Florentine architecture students. For the Marxism co-founder rural areas: “produced only servile souls […] Only the proletariat created by modern large-scale industry, liberated from all inherited fetters, including those which chained it to the land, and driven in herds into the big towns, is in a position to accomplish the great social transformation which will put an end to all class exploitation and all class rule.”

Pop and Unlimited Commodification Pop Art is another fundamental influence in the work of Archizoom. The evident interest of the group in this phenomenon and, more generally, their clearly Anglo-Saxon cultural background, coupled with their political militancy (an apparently absurd and contradictory position between communism and consumerism shared with other Radical members) earned them criticism both from the most uncompromising Italian Marxism and from opposed ideological positions in the Anglo-Saxon world. Yet, the ideological and politicized rereading of popular culture and consumerism carried out by these young Italians, is not only a specific feature of the Italian Radical Movement that distinguishes it from other neo-avantgardes (with less political content or more ideological prejudices), but it also explains much of the interest, the signficance and the remarkable cultural depth of the movement. Although in the No-Stop City the building (the microconditioned and homogeneous container) seems to have been entirely freed from the sharp Pop image of earlier proposals of the group , the presence of this trend and of the reflections that it triggered are latent in the texts and the images of the project. The economical, sociological and iconographic centrality of the consumer product is an ingredient of the proposal that, while being completely alien to the most orthodox Marxist discourse and its moral values (although not so distant from the operaista motto â&#x20AC;&#x153;more money and less workâ&#x20AC;?) is, however, perfectly coherent with the influence of Pop.

In fact, and not by chance, in parallel with its development, the group undertakes the study and design of furniture and clothing. An activity as designers to which they would later devote themselves on a priority basis. The project implies an assessment of consumerism as something not only unavoidable, but liberating. Unlike the Marxist debate on the city that emphasized the production, understanding consumption as something secondary and inconsequential for the urban form, the project equates these two moments of the economic cycle by being the simultaneous support for both, and poses a continuous and homogeneous system designed to offer no resistance to this cycle and to speed it up. For the group, Pop turns everyday life into art accessible to everyone, being, in this sense, anti-elitist. This trend flattens reality and dissolves the categories of high and low culture. The resulting scenario is very similar to the undifferentiated homogeneity of the No-Stop City. In fact, this trait of the project reflects an egalitarian society freed from social hierarchies, something also expressed in the horizontal nature of the proposal, free of skyline, and in the absence of center and periphery. The infuence of Pop is particularly evident in the project dioramas. In what looks like the epiphany of a consumption paradise, and in sharp contrast with the absolute abstraction of the building, a food of consumer goods saturates iconographically the space. In this sense, the contrast between the inexpressive stability of the building and the hyperexpressive transience of the mobile is striking. The tension between these two spheres reflects an increasing loss of prominence of architecture, despite the permanence of its presence and the provisionality of consumer products or, perhaps, precisely because of this. Faced with the growing complexity and constant renewal induced by the production system, the stability

of the built proves problematic. It is this constellation of highly obsolescent and continuously renewed objects of consumption which, more than anything else, constitutes human habitat, involving an increasingly secondary role for architecture. It does not seem accidental that Branzi has always demonstrated an explicit admiration for Richard Hamilton, nor that his collage Just what is it that makes today’s homes so different, so appealing?, considered one of the foundational works of Pop Art, appears illustrating several of his writings over the years. Let’s compare this work of the British artist with the interior images of the No-Stop City: what we see is, in many respects, a premonition of the interior city without architecture proposed by Archizoom fifteen years later. Not only because it is a scene built from consumer products, but because the environment that houses them is a completely superfluous interior. What makes this home so “different and appealing” is, precisely, everything that is not home: the set of consumer goods ready to meet any need, any desire, in short, the market. A market that, as was felt even then, was beginning to have an unlimited dimension, to occupy everything. While Banham persuaded us that “a house is not a home”, Hamilton, by presenting in his collage the commodification of all spheres of life, including leisure and intimacy, shows us a home that, dissolved in the market, has ceased to be.

Richard Hamilton, Just what is it that makes todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s homes so different, so appealing?

Richard Hamilton uses popular images and symbols as fodder to explore an interior realm and to comment on the rapid and fundamental change of everyday existence. Just what is it that makes today’s homes so different, so appealing? Technological advancements are infiltrating this warped interior, with the presence of the television playing an ad of a woman speaking on the telephone, the obscure box-like recording device on the floor, the glitz and glamour related to the theater beyond the living room window, and the Ford hood ornament adorned on the lampshade. The iconography of modernity, material comfort, and desirability present in Hamilton’s labor has opened the possibilities of Pop Art by assuring an idyllic realm of the upcoming buyer’s paradise, while relaying a doubtful and ironic tone – pronouncing the mode of sheer parody. This piece therefore becomes not only a visually creative playing field, but also a historical milestone in the world of art and in the context of societal criticism.

Pop detects and, at the same time, encourages the dissolution of boundaries between public space and private space, between exterior and interior. If in Hamiltonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s collage, this solution produces a domestic internalization of urban space and a simultaneous urban externalization of domestic space; in the No-Stop City it goes one step further by ending with the domestic as a category. What is in crisis in the project is not the nature of the home, but its own existence as a protective sphere of privacy: everything is a home and nothing is a home. The internalization of public space implies the disappearance of the traditional interior space, that of intimacy, something evident in most of the project images that present living as a nomadic activity. Somehow, the relationship that the No-Stop City maintains with the domestic space is parallel to the one maintained with the rural sphere: pure omission. This interior space, public and urbanized, doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t accept competition and extends a panoptic domain over the whole of the existence that leaves no room for rural externality or private interiority. As the market does.

A Project Without Limits for a System Without Limits Ultimately, in their contribution to the project, Marxism and consumerism are not so far away. The materialistic and totalizing logic shared by both promotes the fusion of all built reality in an homogeneous continuum that, as these systems, lacks an outside, that is to say, alternative realities that limit and question it. In this sense, the project reflects a profound change in the very nature of the urban reality that is not alien to the influence of Marshall McLuhan. It does not seem accidental that the text of its first publication already made reference to the “global village”. The city is no longer a specific place defined by opposition to another place, the countryside, but is understood as a condition: wherever information and consumption reach, reaches the city: “But now the use of electronic media takes the place of the direct urban praxis: artificial inducements to consumption allows a much deeper infiltration into the social structure than did the city’s weak channels of information. The metropolis ceases to be a ‘place’, to become a ‘condition’: in fact, it is just this condition which is made to circulate uniformly, through consumer products, in the social phenomenon. The future dimension of the metropolis coincides with that of the market itself.

The No-Stop City puts forward an infinite interiority because the urban has ceased to be a place, and has become a virtually ubiquitous condition. If the system occupies everything, everything is interior to the system and nothing is external to it. A project without limits and without outside for a system without limits and without outside. Or, as Branzi recently stated: â&#x20AC;&#x153;â&#x20AC;Ś a freed society (freed even from architecture) similar to the great monochrome surfaces of Mark Rothko: vast velvet, open oceans in which the sweet drowning of man within the immense dimensions of mass society is represented.â&#x20AC;?

climatic universal system

Un edificio talmente ingrandito da diventare di fatto invisibile nei suoi confini. All’interno é uno spazio vuoto cablato, climatizzato e protetto dagli agenti atmosferici che può essere utilizzato per praticarvi qualsiasi attività; una distesa antropizzata dove tutto si muove, ma dove è possibile ritagliarsi un àmbito, una sosta al proprio errare nomadico. Precedenti di No-Stop city sono il supermercato e l’officina con i loro spazi indistinti dove gli addetti o le merci circolano liberamente, cambiando nel tempo le loro reciproche posizioni e configurazioni. Ma sono proprio le dimensioni dilatate di No-Stop City che permettono tre nuove possibilità. Si annulla la differenza tra architettura e urbanistica mostrando che, in una società fatta di flussi e di relazioni, il vero problema è la gestione dello spazio della comunicazione. Si oppone alla logica dell’existenz minimum, fatta di muri e di barriere che delimitano ambienti angusti e tayloristicamente organizzati, quella della libertà del corpo e degli oggetti nello spazio illimitato. Denunciano, attraverso l’attenzione per ciò che è immateriale, effimero, mutevole, la fine dell’ architettura tradizionale intesa come composizione di oggetti, di forme, di stili. Architettura senza qualità.

archizoom

/ no stop city, 1969

Una città controllata da sistemi elettronici, in cui i sensori costituiscono i cardini attorno ai quali far ruotare tutte le funzioni urbane. No-stop city è immaginata come uno spazio dilatato ed indifferenziato, completamente cablato e climatizzato in cui, data l’estrema mobilità che lo caratterizza, risulta problematico – nonché impossibile – trovare dei punti di riferimento. Il modello al quale Archizoom fa riferimento, con un sentimento più di critica che di approvazione, è il supermarket per via della sua spazialità anonima in cui persone ed oggetti fluttuano liberi da vincoli. No-stop city promuove uno spazio nomadico per gli uomini e gli oggetti, rinnegando la «logica di existenz minimun, fatta di muri e barriere» e proclama la morte «dell’architettura tradizionale intesa come composizione di oggetti, forme e stili, a vantaggio di tutto ciò che è immateriale, effimero, e mutevole.

È possibile vedere la Non-Stop City come un progetto-manifesto per “l’architettura non figurativa” collocandosi in un pensiero che non è del tutto interno all’architettura, ma piuttosto ad un punto di vista sull’architettura che appartiene agli artisti. La cosa è nata tentando di definire “la città” come un indice di accesso, come standard o fenomeno fisico che funzione se c’è: “un ascensore ogni 100mq”; “un computer ogni 20mq”; “un gabinetto ogni 50mq”. la legge genetica senza la quale non si verificano le condizioni che strutturano la città. Questo progetto è connesso ad un teorema politico. In quegli anni si era verificata una diffusione della catena di montaggio a tutta la società; l’alienazione di fabbrica riguardava tutta la società e tutte le sue funzioni. Questa è la premessa, ben rappresentata dai primi disegni, come quelli battuti a macchina dove si perseguiva un’idea di “inespressività” totale; da questo però derivano, subito dopo, questi altri disegni dove si vede uno spazio liberato, uno spazio creativo, non più ad alta densità come i primi, ma a bassa densità. Qui c’è l’idea che l’omologazione è una forma di straordinaria libertà esistenziale, la rottura da qualsiasi genere di armatura caratteriale> un’architettura in meno, non una nuova architettura. Ridurre, per arrivare a questa specie di Nirvana. la Non-Stop City, l’origine è in questo passaggio con questa valutazione. L’alienazione, la perdita di identità, la standardizzazione della società di massa. Perché si deve continuare a difendere questi valori che non hanno mai prodotto nulla? E quindi tabula rasa, si microclimatizza e ognuno poi fa quel che gli pare. Un progetto come un’ipotesi di grande liberazione.

La Non-Stop City all’inizio produce dei prismi, può sembrare iper-figurativa, mentre invece quelle volumetrie sono da intendersi intese semplicemente come dei “contenitori di gelatina”. Come trasferire rappresentare un’idea di spazio come riproduzione possibile della società? Qui inserisce anche il discorso di Cedric Price (Fun Palace) di una architettura fatta di impianti e di prestazioni immateriali, microclimi, strutture in movimento… Nella Non-Stop City ci sono due tipi di disegni, quelli battuti a macchina ed altri più tradizionali (assonometrie, fotomontaggi).

Nel progetto della Non-Stop City emerge un sentimento di indifferenza verso l’architettura; questo progetto si oppone a tutte le teorie della forma della città, vedi “L’architettura della Città” di Aldo Rossi.

Nella storia di Archizoom tutto appare eccessivo, generoso, ingordo. L’architettura degli inizi, siamo a metà degli anni sessanta, si coniuga al superlativo: è “Superarchitettura”, il gruppo alter-ego è “Superstudio”, il loro primo grande oggetto di design è il divano in poliuretano “Superonda”…

“… la superarchitettura è l’architettura della superproduzione, del superconsumo, della superinduzione al superconsumo, del supermarket, del superman e della benzina super…” “ la superarchitettura accetta la logica della produzione e del consumo e vi esercita un’azione demistificante. È un’architettura con una forte carica di figurabilità, capace cioè di evocare immagini rigorose e di ispirare comportamenti, capace cioè di indurre il suo stesso consumo, è un’architettura con la carica eversiva della pubblicità, ma ancor più efficace perché inserisce immagini cariche di intenzionalità in un grande disegno e nella realtà della città con tutte le sue permanenze e la sua storia.”

the battle of the megastructures:

no-stop city vs new babylon

1922, Le Corbusier In 1922 Le Corbusier presented the first of his “ideal” cities. La ville contemporaine pour trois millions d’habitants was an urban layout of cruciform skyscrapers, housing slabs and a carpet of parks intersected by juxtaposed grids of car infrastructure. In this urban plan Le Corbusier was not only aspiring for a greener, denser, centralized, bureaucratic, car oriented city, but the plan suggested the ideal conditions for Modern Architecture to flourish. The Ville Contemporaine was like an abstract diagram. When the modernist plans started to take shape on real cities, first in Paris with the Plan Voisin (1925), then in the rest of the world with the Ville Radieuse (1935), the image of Le Corbusier oscillated between a visionary and a madman. His preoccupations were clearly fundamental problems of his time, but the formalization of his ideas were not always welcomed. Even if the cities of his time had needed more hygienic and organized schemes, buildings that were more suitable to live in, collective housing that distanced itself from the Haussmanian family flat and an overall vision that complied better with the new technological advancements, the people were not ready for Le Corbusier. Alongside with the criticsm generated by his ideal cities, the core urban values of travailler, habiter, circuler et cultiver le corps et l’esprit, adopted by the CIAM and integrated in the Athens Charter (1933), turned out to be the focus of attacks after the Second World War broke out in Europe and left the urban and social situation in a much worse and urgent condition than the one that Le Corbusier had rebelled against in the 1920’s.

Bifurcation After evidencing the destructive side of modernization (of warfare), the social and economic conditions at the end of the war put under harsh scrutiny the urban plans which aimed to bulldoze the old city centers away. The love for the old city was politically reinforced by the collective memory. With this situation in the background, a young generation of architects willing to continue to explore the possibilities of the modern plan (Team 10 being one of them) wished therefore to distance themselves from the highly criticized urban visions of Le Corbusier. The war with its obliterating outcome not only represented the destruction of the old-European world, but marked the meltdown of the urban visions of Le Corbusier. After the war a halt was put to the avant-garde and its city, at least on European soil. However, the year 1956 saw three distant although simultaneous events that marked the fate of the avant-garde for the remainder of the 20th century, not only giving new life to the plans of Le Corbusier, but creating new forms of urbanism. Unfairly overlooked, these events characterize key moments in the development of an international program for â&#x20AC;&#x153;theâ&#x20AC;? city

1956, BRASILIA In 1956 Brasilia started construction. The Brazilian president Juscelino Kubitschek orchestrated the creation of the new capital with the construction of the first government building by Oscar Niemeyer, and with the “Plano Piloto de Brasília” competition which was won by Lucio Costa a year later. Anchored on a virgin site, Brasilia was the apotheosis of the modernist city; a tabula rasa without the bulldozer. Was Kubitschek the client Le Corbusier always wanted? At first sight Brasilia makes its aesthetics recognizable to the modernist lens. But, even if in the the Brazilian capital the spotlight tends to shift to the features of Niemeyer’s concrete monoliths and radically thin slabs, a closer inspection reveals an even deeper connection with the Le Corbusian city. The layout with its centralized government, its concrete housing slabs, its grid of streets and avenues, and with the years, the park within the city –all the vegetation and trees— not only appear so strikingly similar but reinforce the belief in the city of the four values. Modern Architecture in a Modern City. Brasilia was, after so many defeats, a victory for the modernist front.

1956, NEW BABYLON In 1956 Constant was gestating the ideas of Brasilia’s antithesis: New Babylon. While the first urban avant-garde was evaporated from the post-War Europe and re-launched as poured concrete and asphalt in Brazil, it was in the old continent again where a “new” avant-garde was to set its second attack on the contemporary city. Constant’s model for urbanization was comprised of an ever-expanding, evermutating series of sectors that were to hover above the old European city like a weightless cloud. New Babylon was one of the first Megastructures: colossal complexes that could mix programs and be developed ad infinitum. Architectural plankton accumulating in the urban ocean.

Using automation as the tour de force of the new city, New Babylon proposed to abolish the city from the core values of a Le Corbusier driven urbanism. If Brasilia was centralized, bureaucratic and predictably pre-programmed, New Babylon didn’t have a center, possessed no cars, and its people needed no recreation since there was no need to work. New Babylon was the apotheosis of the laissezfaire lifestyle, an Eden for drifters. In New Babylon even environmental conditions like daylight were evaporated, giving the homo ludens that inhabited it total freedom to drift à la dérive. The first proposal of a perversely naïve post-war avant-garde, New Babylon was betting on the originality of a plot that like a form-less black hole was to absorb everything into designed disorder.

1956, SOUTHDALE CENTER Meanwhile in 1956 Victor Gruen’s Southdale Center, the first air conditioned, enclosed shopping mall, opened to the public in a Minneapolis suburb. Southdale Center was the first of a series of buildings that—like the Megastructures—were to create an artificial environment that would free the users from the complications of the city. A shelter from crime, dirt, and any kind of environmental problem, the shopping mall represented the ultimate achievement of commercial architecture; the apotheosis of consumer culture. The Shopping mall offered a new type of facsimile reality enclosed in a cluster of walls and juxtaposed corridors. Soon these programs would mutate –like the promise of the Megastructures—to include all kinds of uses, from theme parks, to museums, to housing, working and recreation, in a kind of forced marriage between Le Corbusiean urbanism, and New Babylonian dreaminess. Was Victor Gruen the architect New Babylon needed? Or was New Babylon the Shopping Mall of the avant-garde? How can the ultimate capitalist enterprise coincide with the ultimate Marxist project? Was the post-war avant-garde dreaming about what the most commercial of enterprises was already achieving? Or was the commercial architect revealing a parallel form of urban avant-garde far from the utopian orthodoxies of Europe?

Aprés Garde This series of urban aspirations and confrontations: the Le Corbusiean city as the Modernist city Brasilia as a Le Corbusiean city New Babylon as the anti-Brasilia Southdale Center as the anti-New Babylon reveal at least two outcomes that are opposed to the general perception of the role, potential, and limitations of the urban European avant-garde, and highlights the existence of other simultaneous forms of non-European urban intelligentsia. At first hand, while it can be argued that Le Corbusier didn’t accomplish on European soil the plans envisioned in his first three urban models, the fact that it was in Brasilia that the unavoidable triad—client, urbanist, architect—was finally summoned to concretize the modernist master plan, highlights if not a relay of the avant-garde in South America, a parallel version of it, and exposes the vindication of what at first seemed to be just a frustrated attempt by Le Corbusier to frame the contemporary city with his modernist values. On the other hand, the struggle of New Babylon to break away from the values of the Le Corbusiean city displayed not just the incapability of the post-war avantgarde to draw a new urban program, but the failure to precede its commercial counterpart in America when trying to “invent” a new form of Megastructure or contained city.

This reinforces the idea that a new form of urban intelligentsia that differs from the pre-established canon of the European avant-garde was not only a possibility, but already a fully fledged reality, creating what could be the first urban AprèsGarde: a group of architects that not only managed to complete the unfulfilled dreams of the avant-garde, but that were able to “invent” the forms of urbanism that were not yet “created” by the avant-garde. In this sense, these two “discoveries”, the afterlife of the modernist city, and the birth of the Après-Garde, not only highlight the vital possibilities of the avantgarde in a post-Pruitt-Igoe world full of post-modernist non-sense, it emphasizes other forms of urban innovation. And even if it might well be true that these new forms of urban intelligentsia have existed parallel to the avant-garde, the avantgarde’s inherent potential, even with misconceived or untimely proposals is that it is and will always be just a beginning.

new babylon

constant nieuwenhuys, new babylon

Another situationist project was New Babylon by artist-architect Constant Nieuwenhuys. This project proposed an interactive labyrinthine structure across cities; a completely internalised space where the ambiance and climate could be controlled as people wandered freely and this in turn would lead to new social relations. While more architectural than the “constructed situations” – and hence critiqued by fellow situationis Debord – this was an attempt to produce an interior environment that was not fixed or static but in a process of perpetual becoming. “The ambiances will

be regualry and consciously changed, with the aid of every technical means, by teams of specialised creatore who, hence, will be professional situationists”. Urban interiorists as professional situationists. Techniques here for an urban interiorist include the idea of producing a structure within which to enable interactivity and responsiveness, with the potential for changing and controlling the climate – very interiorised. There is something of the New Bablylon in the “continuous interiors” of malls designed as spaces of “individualised-interiorised territory”.

urban interiorist as professional situationists

New Babylon è un modello di città adatto ad una popolazione nomadica sempre disposta al cambiamento, senza legami con vecchi modelli sociali che si rifanno alle “ormai obsolete ideologie della proprietà privata e della sedentarietà”. Gli accampamenti dei nomadi e i parchi gioco sono i suoi modelli ideali. New Babylon è temporanea, mutevole, ipertecnologica, ludica, nomadica la creazione delle situazioni è spontanea e naturale, il desiderio ed il suo soddisfacimento la fanno da padroni (e ne sono lo scopo). Constant, inizia ad ideare una città per una nuova era dell’umanità, in cui tutto il tempo libero, unito ad una visione della vita assolutamente nomadica, senza occupazione fissa del suolo, senza appropriazione fissa dei mezzi di produzione, deve essere utilizzato solamente per creare quegli oggetti e quegli strumenti in grado di sostenere la libertà creativa del nuovo homo ludens. La città appare come sospesa, senza né strade, né marciapiedi, non essendoci una vera e propria città, ma uno spazio senza confini o, comunque, dai confini instabili, sempre mutevoli in base ai desideri alle esigenze che si manifestano. Se si cerca di trovare dei punti di riferimento che possano chiarire una sua comprensione, in base ai canoni classici di città comuni a tutti, è tempo sprecato, non si troverà un centro urbano, dove sono collocate tutte le attività terziarie, o governative che siano, non si troveranno delle enormi periferie con caserme-dormitorio, né enormi strade per un continuo andirivieni casa-lavoro, lavoro-casa, per il semplice fatto che nella società di New Babylon non c’è lavoro, è stato eliminato, tutta la produzione è stata automatizzata. New Babylon è la città per una società del desiderio dove l’uomo dedica tutta la giornata alle attività creative. Non si troveranno cartelli stradali che ci indicano direzioni, non essendoci direzioni da percorrere, ma una semplice erranza.

Constant stenta a definire New Babylon un progetto, almeno nel senso architettonico del termine, preferendo la denominazione di programma artistico. Si può parlare di uno spazio, dai confini instabili alla cui esplorazione dedica gli anni dal 1958 al 1973, con tutti i mezzi artistici che gli sono congeniali (modellini dei singoli settori, combinazione dei modellini, acquerelli, schizzi a matita, a penna, collages, sculture, fotomontaggi, installazioni multimediali) Feroce avversario del funzionalismo, dei miti illuministici, della città razionale e dell’ideologia lecorbusieriana della macchina per abitare, Constant dal 1956 al 1960 è stato compagno di strada di Guy Debord. Segnato dall’insegnamento di Van Eyck, dalle teorie del Team X ma soprattutto dalla lettura di Homo Ludens di Huizinga, l’architetto olandese ha propugnato la città non stanziale e, pertanto, l’abolizione della l’organizzazione dello spazio in funzione dell’ottimizzazione dei processi, delle routine e delle abitudini. Intendendo la vita come un viaggio infinito attraverso un mondo che cambia così rapidamente da apparire sempre un altro. “L’urbanistica, per come viene concepita oggi – afferma Constant – è ridotta allo studio pratico degli alloggi e della circolazione come problemi isolati. La mancanza totale di soluzioni ludiche nell’organizzazione della vita sociale impedisce al’urbanistica di levarsi al livello della creazione, e l’aspetto squallido e sterile di molti quartieri ne è l’atroce testimonianza ”. Centrale nel discorso di Constant è il concetto di situazione cioè “ l’edificazione di un microambiente transitorio e di gioco per un momento unico della vita di poche persone ”. Che trova concretizzazione nell’invenzione di una città ideale, pensata sino al dettaglio e battezzata New Babylon, per sottolineare l’obiettivo di confondere le lingue, destrutturare i comportamenti acquisiti, rifuggire dalle città ordinate e zonizzate e acquisire tutto ciò che là vi è precluso. E anche per riacquisire all’uomo la condizione nomade degli zingari, in cui l’architettura si confonde con il paesaggio in un continuum senza frontiere, senza fine. In aperta opposizione alla concezione heideggeriana dello spazio, inteso come luogo cristallizzato, idolatria dell’immobile e negazione della dimensione temporale del divenire.

Il Settore arancione è un’enorme struttura sospesa dove fili, tiranti, puntoni giocano a organizzare uno spazio variabile sempre mutevole, libero da strutture fisse. Vi sono solamente tre piloni laterali che poggiano a terra e hanno una funzione strutturale. Un intricato gioco di trasparenze, di materiali leggeri per una dimensione enorme, indefinita e ancora una volta mutevole. Prende il nome di Settore arancione e vuole essere il primo degli infiniti settori

Settore arancione

della città di New Babylon, un quartiere, a cui seguiranno il Settore giallo, Settore rosso, e quello dei “divoratori di spazio”, splendide sculture in plexiglas sospese sul terrain vague della città. Gli spazi di New Babylon vengono immaginati seguendo queste derive della mente, e creati i suoi quartieri trasformando il metodo di lettura in metodo di costruzione degli ambienti. Nel “quartiere giallo” nascono: la zona dei giochi d’acqua, la zona del circo e del ballo, una piazza verde sopra una bianca. Percorrendo l’intero quartiere è possibile ritrovarsi nella casa labirinto dove una serie di percorsi a tema invita all’esplorazione, all’avventura su infinite scale a chiocciola che conducono, nella sala sorda, o nella sala della riflessione.

Settore giallo

Spaziodivoratori

Combinazione di settori

Gruppo di settori

Constantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s New Babylon was to be a series of linked transformable structures, some of whichthemselves were the size of a small megastructure. Perched above ground, Constantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s megastructures would literally leave the bourgeois metropolis below and would be populated by homo ludens--man at play. (Homo Ludens is the title ofa book by the Dutch historian Johan Huizinga.) In the New Babylon, the bourgeois shackles of work, family life, and civic responsibility would be discarded. The postrevolutionary individual would wander from one leisure environment to another in search of new sensations.

Gruppo di settori

Settore orientale

guy debord

/ internazionale situazionista

I situazionisti sono un gruppo di artisti che hanno l’idea di rivoluzionare la società attraverso una nuova visione di arte sperimentale, libera da qualsiasi precedente tradizione culturale. Per attuare questa sorta di sovvertimento (che presuppone un sovvertimento della stessa società) essi fanno uso di diverse forme d’arte come: la letteratura, la poesia, il cinema, l’architettura e la pittura; ma sarà l’architettura a rivestire il ruolo principale e a rappresentare, in qualche modo, il fulcro dell’ipotesi palingenetica e rigenerativa della società. Nella città ligure di Cosio D’Arroscia (Imperia), i componenti dei gruppi CoBrA, Internationale Lettriste, Comitato Psicogeografico di Londra, il Movimento Internazionale per una Bahuaus Immaginista (MIBI), e tutti gruppi artistici operanti nell’Europa del secondo dopoguerra, nel 1957, formeranno un più ampio raggruppamento che prenderà il nome di Internazionale Situazionista.

Questo gruppovuole creare dei nuovi paradigmi per una società più libera dove a predominare siano le stesse passioni creative e spirituali dell’animo umano. Lo scopo principale che si prefigge il movimento è quello di “creare delle situazioni”, definite come “momenti di vita concretamente e deliberatamente costruiti mediante l’organizzazione collettiva di un ambiente unitario e di un gioco di eventi”. Queste situazioni, avrebbero dovuto trovare attuazione all’interno di un ambiente unitario, concepito come unità fisica, reale, dove momenti di vita liberi da vecchi condizionamenti culturali e sociali, sottoposti alle sole regole del gioco e del comportamento ludico, avrebbero creato nuove opportunità creative. I situazionisti sviluppano quella che è chiamata la Teoria dell’Urbanismo Unitario, che diventa la generatrice del processo creativo dei nuovi ambienti unitari. Nello specifico, i situazionisti cercano di creare un ambiente reale e concreto, in cui attuare la dimensione ludica della vita e il libero dispiegamento delle passioni. L’architettura è usata per ricreare nuovi ambienti per la vita quotidiana, attraverso la realizzazione di nuovi quartieri tematici o “quartieri di stati d’animo”: “quartiere dell’allegria”, al “quartiere della passione”, al “quartiere della sorpresa”, al “quartiere del sogno”, al “quartiere della paura”, in cui vengono esaltati gli stati d’animo più semplici.

The shift to question of function and program as distinct from architectural fabric and site brings different techniques and thinking to hand as a process of interior-making where the equation with room as architectural moud is not implicated as a starting point. Instead energies and forces become part of the composition. The practices od the 1950s avant-garde group the Situationists aimed to transform the stasis of the architectural fabric into “constructed situations”. “the comrades who call for a new free architecture” Debord warned “must understand that this new architecture will primarily be based not on free, poetic lines and forms – in the sense that today’s “lyrical abstract” painting uses those words – but rather on the atmospheric effects of rooms, hallways, streets, atmospheres linked to the gestures they contain.

were provisioanl and lived. These “constructed situations” have been referred to as gesamtkunstwerk- a total work of art – which is interesting because this term is used in interior design in relation to an interior environment which has been designed in every detail. The interior nuance of these constructed situations is palpable. “Each constructed situation would provide a décor and ambiance of such power that it would stimulate new sorts of behaviour, a glimpse into an improved future social life based upon human encounter and play. The Situationst as an urban interiorist. The shift from site and architectural space to situation and construction through a foregronding of the temporal invokes an urban interior which shifts from one which relies on only on spatial inversion.

Architecture must advance by taking emotionally moving situations, rather than emotionally moving forms, as the material it works with. And the experiments conducted with this material will lead to unknown forms” . Techniques such as the dérive and détournement were used to identify and construct situations from existing forms to produce momentary ambiances that

the situationist as an urban interiorist

no-stop city vs new babylon

Constant fa lo stesso ragionamento che è all’origine della Non-Stop City. I due progetti si collocano in un pensiero che non è del tutto interno all’architettura ma, diversamente da Branzi, Constant sembra dirigersi verso il brutalismo.

Campo per zingari, Alba (CN) , 1957

layering

rete

bürolandschaft / microclima

creazione di situazioni

“un’architettura (nirvana)

sorvolo dell’esistente

meno”

articolazione interna inespressività / spazio isotropo assenza di lavoro spazio labirintico

entrambe condividono: abitante come soggetto nomade desiderio di dissoluzione dei caratteri di domesticità dell’interno borghese

El anรกlisis de las prรกcticas propuesta por Michel de Certeau.

01 Michel de Certeau el cotidiano, la tactica, las estrategias, las practicas

En 1980, el teórico francés Michel de Certeau (1925-1986) publica en París los resultados de una investigación colectiva sobre la vida cotidiana que marcará un jalón importante en la historia de la antropología.

En esta obra de dos volúmenes, titulada de manera general La invención de lo cotidiano, de Certeau se propone redefinir la forma en que los usuarios, diariamente, formalizan artefactos y combinan rituales con el fin de construir una identidad y una representación particular del mundo en que viven. de Certeau sostiene que “los hombres sin atributos” (expresión proveniente de la novela de Robert Musil) no son sujetos pasivos, sino consumidores activos que se valen de “tácticas” con las que establecen lazos de solidaridad comunitaria y con las que resisten, de manera silenciosa, la embestida de los controles institucionales, que controlan el espacio a través de estrategias. Esta “anti-disciplina” no obedece a una lógica de insurrección deliberada, sino a un tipo de “invención” singular y contingente que, por lo general, suele pasar inadvertido para esos propios consumidores. el cotidiano / las tacticas

las practicas Una noción clave para aproximarse al fenómeno de la vida cotidiana es la de práctica. De Certeau explica como la práctica de la vida cotidiana posee una peculiar creatividad para subvertir de forma activa los modos estandarizados del vivir que le son impuestos desde fuera, ya sea por los medios de comunicación, la publicidad o los espacios geométricos e institucionales del diseño urbano en la ciudad. Esto último sugiere que las prácticas urbanas se desarrollan también sobre espacios asumidos y reconocidos como cotidianos. En este sentido, cada individuo, pero también cada grupo, posee formas específicas de producir el espacio cotidiano en el que se desenvuelven y que, a la vez, condiciona esa misma producción. El espacio urbano no es un simple telón de fondo, hay que desearlo, producirlo y reinventarlo en forma continua. El espacio urbano es un producto cultural, una producción social derivada, a su vez, de una práctica social inseparable de su dimensión cotidiana.

practicas

almuerzo en la playa

Mapeando prácticas urbanas. Según el filosofo chileno Humberto Giannini lo cotidiano es “aquello que pasa todos los días”.

Re-defining meaning and function of a space: The pedestrian walkways on the street are subject to strict prohibitions that do not allow them to be used for any other functions except circulation. Shop and stall owners and residents have established their own small place for gathering socially and chatting with neighbours.

Re-building the planned environment: Shop owners with shops on the ground floor of a building have set up a canvas that covers the whole pedestrian area. This kind of construction forms an â&#x20AC;&#x153;inner marketâ&#x20AC;? between the buildings and the stalls on the roadside. Such semi-enclosed spaces attract people to stay and chat and take part in other types of human interactions. The stalls on the roadside are also extended by the use of temporary constructions towards the middle of the road.

Re-establishing rules: Parking is not allowed on the street during certain time periods. To occupy a parking space for later parking or for delivering goods, shop owners place objects (i.e., any kinds of objects) on the road to “reserve” the space. In some cases, the shop owners do not have cars, but they do not want cars to affect their business. Obviously, these parking-space conventions are not rules that are determined or recognized in any formal way. Nevertheless, all of the neighbours (including residents, shop and stall owners) know these “unspoken” rules, and no outsiders will try to break the rules. Re-ordering the temporal order: Instead of having social meetings or gatherings at periods set aside for leisure time (such as the times scheduled during the opening hours of the community centre), the residents (including older persons, retired persons and foreign domestic helpers) prefer to meet their friends during the busiest times on the street (8:30 to11:00 a.m. and 4:30 to 6:30 p.m.). This is because these time periods are the most convenient times for them to meet and because they know the regular schedules of their neighbours and friends. Residents can be seen here sitting on the bollards of a tram stop waiting for a social meeting or gathering.

Michel de Certeau, en “La invención de lo cotidiano” afirma que: “la investigación se ha consagrado sobre todo a las prácticas del espacio, a las maneras de frecuentar un lugar”, y su interés primordial es descifrar la lógica de esta producción secundaria, definida como las maneras de usar y practicar el espacio urbano producido oficialmente por el mercado, la planificación, los medios, etc. El uso del espacio urbano es en sí mismo una producción cultural. La mirada se centra sobre todo en los procedimientos de consumo del espacio urbano mediante su práctica: caminar, ampliar la casa, comprar el pan en el negocio de la esquina, jugar a la pelota en la calle, juntarse a tomar en la plaza, hacer fiestas en la casa, andar en bicicleta, ir la feria, sentarse en una cuneta a conversar.

Las prácticas constituyen una apropiación y desvío del sentido propio de las cosas, las transforman según otras lógicas, producen otra cultura distinta de la dominante.

de Certeau y Foucault han distinguido una diferencia fundamental entre dos modos de hacer las cosas (de práctica y producción), o más bien, dos modalidades del pensamiento: una estratégica y otra táctica. El modelo estratégico se refiere exclusivamente al establecimiento de un lugar propio, aislado de la contingencia y heterogeneidad del mundo exterior: un espacio científico. Al contrario, la modalidad táctica no posee lugar propio y es inseparable de las circunstancias y situaciones que condicionan su accionar. Resumiendo brevemente, las tácticas cotidianas se alimentan y ocupan el lugar producido por estrategias abstractas, realizándolo, modificándolo y desviándolo siempre utilizándolo de manera parcial, jugando con sus fragmentos (un trozo de una película, de un libro o de una calle, que mezclados e irreconocibles han influenciado nuestra manera de proceder).

tacticas / estrategias

Instrumentos de análisis Con el objeto de ejemplificar sobre posibles nuevas maneras de realizar el análisis de la realidad urbana y especialmente las prácticas cotidianas que en ella se despliegan, se proponen una serie de instrumentos. Relatos y focus group Los relatos de la gente que habita un lugar son una herramienta potente para el análisis espacial. De Certeau asigna un tremendo valor a estos relatos, calificándolos de prácticas espaciales: “Estas aventuras narradas, que de una sola vez producen geografías de acciones y derivan hacia lugares comunes de un orden, no constituyen un suplemento e las enunciaciones peatonales y la retóricas caminantes. No se limitan a desplazarlas y trasladarlas al campo del lenguaje. En realidad, organizan los andares. Hacen el viaje, antes o al mismo tiempo que los pies lo ejecutan.” Los Focus Group, aunque mas institucionalizados, nos permiten una aproximación a los modos de organización social de un lugar determinado, la información que se obtiene es, especialmente aquella, que no tiene registro.

Cuenca. Cooperativa Santa Ana

relatos

Croquis de ‘Avelina’. “En el diseño de la vivienda los autoconstructores, sobre todo, prestan atención a la distribución de una casa, la forma del techo, las decoraciones de la fachada y las combinaciones de los colores. La imagen final que buscan lograr puede ser basada en casas que vieron en otra parte. Habitantes del barrio que trabajan en la construcción en la mayoría de las veces observan las casas que construyeron para otros. ‘Marisa’ explicaba cómo su esposo llegó al diseño para su casa: Mi esposo [lo hizo], sí, o sea la imaginación de él. Como él siempre trabajaba en la construcción, ha sido albañil, el pues ya ha hecho una casa otra casa; así, como saben hacer que hay de personas que tienen no, de ingenieros todo eso, y por ahí ya fue diseñando, y les dibujó e hizo este modelo. Ah ah, mi esposo lo hizo.” Christien Klaufus, Construir la ciudad andina: planificación y autoconstrucción en Riobamba y Cuenca, Flacso, Quito, 2009. Pag. 168

Familias en las que algunos miembros salieron al extranjero traen sus diseños del exterior. Los hombres o mujeres que envían dinero desde los Estados Unidos o Europa para la construcción de una casa, mandan también una foto de una casa o un edificio que han visto y que quieren imitar, a veces sin tomar en cuenta la factibilidad de la idea. ‘Nancy’ explicaba cómo hizo diseñar y construir una casa en la Cooperativa Santa Anita, mientras su esposo ganaba el dinero en los Estados Unidos: ‘Nancy’: [E]l mismo [maestro] que cogió la obra más o menos la dibujó y la hizo. No es con planos, no tiene nada. No. Es solamente dibujado por él. Christien: ¿con ideas de ustedes también? ‘Nancy’: sí. Con la idea mía. Porque yo vi una casa abajo. Christien: ¿en el centro? ‘Nancy’: sí. Entonces yo dije más o menos que haga así. Christien: ¿y dónde? ¿Es en el centro mismo o es en algún barrio? ‘Nancy’: en la ciudadela La Cemento Chimborazo. Ahí, ahí vi una casa que era de un arquitecto, entonces yo, el mismo señor que hizo la obra él hizo esta casa. Entonces yo le dije que haga así, y él me hizo así. Christien: ¿entonces él ya conocía la otra casa? ‘Nancy’: sí, ya conocía, sino que los acabados son abajo más finos y el mío no. Acabados de segunda misma. Eso. Christien Klaufus, Construir la ciudad andina: planificación y autoconstrucción en Riobamba y Cuenca, Flacso, Quito, 2009. Pag. 169

Ensayos visuales Desde al arte y la crítica de la cultura visual han surgido con fuerza los llamados estudios visuales o estudios visuales culturales (cultural visual studies), una práctica que intenta levantarse como herramianta de aproximación transdisciplinar al fenómenos de la cultura popular. Estos estudios buscan el registro de producciones esteticas cotidianas, especialmente en el ámbito de la cultura urbana. Registro fotográfico; experiencias cinematográficas como “Koyaanitsqtsi“o “Baraka: el último paraíso” ejemplifican de modo penetrante el estado de las cosas relativas a la producción estética y cultural a nivel mundial. Cartografías La cartografía no debe entenderse en su sentido literal, es decir, como la representación bidimensional del espacio físico. Más ampliamente el mapeo es un modo de acción sobre la realidad, un modo cercano a la táctica. El mapa propone un enfrentamiento lo más directo posible con lo real, despojándose de mediaciones de sistemas o modelos preconcebidos.

Partituras urbanas Al igual que las partituras musicales son un conjunto de instrucciones para ejecutar una pieza musical, los planos y dibujos de la arquitectura son un conjunto de instrucciones para la construcción de un objeto real, pero mas importante aún, son un conjunto de instrucciones para la ejecución de la realidad o su performance, una puerta es una instrucción: “entre por aquí y no por allá”. Las partituras urbanas permiten integrar variables temporales y espaciales a la vez que permiten revelar itinerarios cotidianos y modelos de acción en el tiempo. https://ruabcn.wordpress.com/partituras-urbanas/

02 Henri Lefebvre producci贸n del espacio /(derecho a la ciudad)

la idea de Lefebvre es que en el Renacimiento y hasta el siglo XIX, había un código de lectura del espacio, perfectamente claro e inteligible para todas las clases sociales. Dicho código permitía no sólo leer, sino también producir el espacio y, simultáneamente, entender las representaciones del espacio y las concepciones del mismo y la forma como se vivía la cotidianidad. En la modernidad, y más particularmente en la época contemporánea a la obra de referencia, la burguesía ha roto este código para, en cierta forma, ejercer su propia hegemonía por medio de una “…lógica subyacente, y por el empleo del saber y de las técnicas, un ‘sistema’…”. La fragmentación del abordaje del espacio llevó a la construcción de un espacio mental regido por la geometría y la técnica y, por ende, menospreciando la dimensión de la vida cotidiana: la transformación del concepto de espacio en espacio euclidiano, propio del neopositivismo. Frente a esta tendencia reduccionista, el propósito central de Lefebvre ha sido el de buscar una teoría unitaria del espacio que articule lo físico, lo mental y lo social. Por ello, se requiere: pasar de una teoría de los productos a una teoría de la producción del espacio. A partir de este postulado fundamental, el autor deriva la necesidad de proponer un análisis del espacio, que califica de “espacio-análisis” o “espaciología”. Afirma que: “...el conocimiento no se refiere al espacio como tal, no construye modelos, tipos o prototipos de espacios, sino que expone la producción del espacio…”.

producción / producción del espacio

El espacio social debe ser analizado a partir de una tríada de elementos: lo percibido, lo concebido y lo vivido 1 LO PERCIBIDO –> LA PRÁCTICA DEL ESPACIO 2 LO CONCEBIDO –> LA REPRESENTACIÓN DEL ESPACIO 3 LO VIVIDO –> LOS ESPACIOS DE REPRESENTACIÓN Cada sociedad, dice Lefebvre, secreta su propio espacio. Genera prácticas que definen que el espacio es suyo y sólo suyo, es decir, diferente de otros espacios generados por otras sociedades.

1 La Práctica Espacial o lo percibido, “esta encarna una asociación cercana… entre la realidad cotidiana (rutina diaria) y la realidad urbana (las rutas y redes que conectan los lugares reservados para el trabajo, la vida privada y el ocio)”, en otras palabras, este momento es lo que podemos experimentar mediante los sentidos, lo visual, el tacto etc., al relacionarnos cotidianamente con los objetos y flujos que percibimos cada día, como el caminar por las calles, ver u ocupar las casas, los edificios, etc. 2 Representaciones del Espacio o lo concebido, este es el espacio dominante en cualquier sociedad, es el espacio del conocimiento convenido, el de la ciencia, y de todos aquellos que tienen el rol de diseñar y distribuir los espacios urbanos, como urbanistas, proyectistas, arquitectos y tecnócratas, su dominio se da principalmente a través del discurso, ya que gozan de legitimidad. 3 Y si hay un espacio dominante, entonces existe uno dominado, este es el llamado Espacios de Representación el espacio es vivido directamente a través de sus imágenes y símbolos asociados, y por consiguiente, el espacio de habitantes y usuarios”, son estos lo que viven el espacio, quienes se someten pasivamente a las representaciones del espacio, sin embargo al mismo tiempo abre la posibilidad a la emergencia de contraculturas y oposiciones a la hegemonía en el espacio, lo que confirma y reproduce la lucha en y por el espacio social. Sus orígenes están en la historia tanto individual como colectiva, en cómo interpretan y dan significados a los objetos, este espacio es esencialmente cualitativo según Lefebvre.

Henri Lefebvre propone la siguiente categorización del espacio, esta vez desde una perspectiva histórica: el espacio absoluto, el espacio histórico, y el espacio abstracto. El espacio absoluto está formado por fragmentos de la naturaleza que se está poblando progresivamente por fuerzas políticas y religiosas. El espacio histórico es aquel que, marcado por las fuerzas de la historia, rompe con la naturaleza del espacio (aunque el espacio absoluto queda como sustrato o sedimento). En él, aparece la ciudad histórica y su territorio, la producción, las fuerzas políticas, etcétera. Con el capitalismo, se pasa a una nueva fase, esta vez de objetivización del espacio. El espacio abstracto, impuesto como concepto espacial del capitalismo, niega lo vivido, lo manipula y de esta manera lo vuelve instrumental a sus fines.

03 Pierre Bourdieu habitus / distinci贸n

En “La Distinción” Bourdieu propone una aplicación de sus conceptos de habitus y campo al estudio de la relación de los distintos grupos sociales con la cultura y el espacio. El habitus es la forma que tiene una persona al andar, hablar, comer, al vestirse... Este habitus viene determinado según el entornoy hace que personas que comparten un entorno social tengan estilos de vida parecidos. El habitus depende de las relaciones que existen en un individuo / grupo entre el capital económico y el capital cultural. Las diferentes especies de capital cuya posesión define la pertenencia a una clase y cuya distribución determina la posición en las relaciones de fuerza constitutivas del campo de poder y, al mismo tiempo, las estrategias que pueden adoptarse en esas luchas son simultáneamente unos instrumentos de poder, desigualmente poderosos en realidad y desigualmente reconocidos como principios de autoridad o signos de distinción legítimo.

habitus

Bourdieu propone una diferenciación de los habitus en función de la clase social, encontrándose en cada una, una multiplicidad de matices al modelo general. El sentido de la distinción, se basa en la búsqueda del máximo de “rentabilidad cultural”. Esta rentabilidad se maximiza mediante el establecimiento de una relación próxima con la cultura legítima y se encuentra representada por la clase dominante. Es la clase dominante la que quiere poseer y posee la “cultura legítima” y esto es lo que les confiere el más alto grado de habitus distinguido.

La pequeña burguesía puede ser caracterizada por su buena voluntad cultural. El pequeño burgués venera la cultura dominante, reconoce su valor como fuente de distinción social pero no participa de una relación estrecha con ella. Con asiduidad, la distancia entre el conocimiento y el reconocimiento, evidencia su falta de proximidad con la cultura legítima. La cultura pequeñoburguesa genera una serie de subproductos de la cultura legítima que son más baratos y producen el mismo efecto. El jazz en contraposición a la ópera; la divulgación en lugar de la ciencia.

Por su parte, el habitus de clase obrera se define por la elección de lo necesario. Es decir, se trata de la “necesidad hecha virtud”.

El concepto campo hace referencia a “una esfera de la vida social que se ha ido autonomizando progresivamente a través de la historia en torno a cierto tipo de relaciones sociales, de intereses y de recursos propios, diferentes a los de otros campos”. así encontramos el campo político, campo deportivo, campo intelectual... etc. Por lo que cuando hablamos de campo tenemos que hablar de habitus, existe una relación recíproca, el uno no puede funcionar sin el otro, Consumo, ocio, arte. Todos estos niveles de interacción de la vida cotidiana, se explican por una cosa muy obvia aunque no por ello insignificante, a saber, el gusto. El gusto limita nuestras preferencias, nuestras actitudes, ideas, acciones, pero, ¿qué es lo que limita y da forma a nuestro gusto? El gusto pertenece a un orden abstracto que conforma nuestros criterios y disposiciones hacia las cosas, y que en este orden, se definen las relaciones diferentes e incluso antagónicas con la cultura, según las condiciones en que hemos adquirido nuestro capital cultural y los mercados en los que podemos obtener de él, un mayor provecho.

Este orden al que Bourdieu hace referencia no es otro que el habitus.

campo

Chalet segĂşn ejemplo europeo en el barrio Bellavista, Riobamba

Viviendas de migrantes en Ciudadela Carlos Crespi, Cuenca

de Certeau, Lefebvre, Bourdieu. Por una teoria de la pratica Social theorists agree that there is no such thing as a coherent, unified ‘practice theory’, only a body of highly diverse writings by thinkers who adopt a loosely defined ‘practice approach’. Theodor Schatzki distinguishes four main types of practice theorists: philosophers (such as Wittgenstein, Dreyfus, or Taylor), social theorists (Bourdieu, Giddens), cultural theorists (Foucault, Lyotard) and theorists of science and technology (Latour, Rouse, Pickering). It is also possible to distinguish two ‘waves’ or generations of practice theorists. Whilst the first generation, led by some of the foremost theorists of the twentieth century (e.g. Bourdieu 1977, de Certeau 1984, Foucault 1979, Giddens 1979, 1984) laid the foundations of what we now regard as practice theory, the second generation is currently testing those foundations and building new extensions to the theoretical edifice (Ortner 1984, 2006, Schatzki 1996, Schatzki et al 2001, Reckwitz 2002, Warde 2005). The first generation of practice theorists sought a virtuous middle path between the excesses of methodological individualism (‘the claim that social phenomena must be explained by showing how they result from individual actions’) and those of its logical opposite, methodological holism (the explanation of phenomena by means of structures or social wholes, Ryan 1970). Put differently, they wished to liberate agency – the human ability to act upon and change the world –from the constrictions of structuralist and systemic models while avoiding the trap of methodological individualism. These theorists regarded the human body as the nexus of people’s practical engagements with the world.

El oficio de habitar

Las representaciones contemporáneas del habitar muestran una pérdida, la de la linealidad del habitar, de la previsibilidad de sus formas. Habitar hoy es un oficio, una profesión, relacionada con las limitaciones y oportunidades del contexto, que se construye con la experiencia y el ingenio. Habibtar es un ejercicio de imaginación, exploración. Una composición entre paisajes complementarios.

Ensayo critico El ejercicio es leer unos textos en materia de habitar y escribir un ensayo crítico. El objetivo es adquirir conocimientos sobre los temas discutidos en el debate sobre habitar y espacio urbano Desarrollo del ejercicio 1 hipótesis y posiciones del autor 2 técnica argumentativa adoptada por el autor 3 propia interpretación del tema 4. Conclusiones el documento se entregará 10 días antes de la fecha del examen

Formato y jaula. El ensayo debe dimensionarse en 2500 / 3000 palabras, sin incluir referencias. Será posiblemente acompañado de imágenes. El tipo de letra a utilizar es: para el texto: Helvetica de 10 puntos interlineado 13 pt (o 15 pt) para las notas: Helvetica de 9 puntos interlineado 13 pt para los títulos: Helvetica cuerpo 12

Bibliografia

Los estudiantes pueden elegir entre estos textos: Michel de Certeau, La invenci贸n de lo cotidiano 1. Las artes del hacer Michel de Certeau, La invencion de lo cotidiano. Habitar, Cocinar Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life Henri Lefebvre, El derecho a la ciudad Henri Lefebvre, La produccion del espacio Henri Lefebvre, Writing on Cities Pierre Bourdieu, La distincion. Criterio y bases sociales del gusto

Berman, Marshall. Todo lo sólido se desvanece en el aire. La experiencia de la modernidad. Siglo XXI Editores, 1988. Augé, Marc. Los no lugares. Espacios del anonimato. Ed. Gedisa, 1995. Baudrillard, Jean. Cultura y simulacro. Ed. Kairós, Barcelona, 1984. Deleuze, Gilles; Guattari , Félix. Mil mesetas (capitalismo y esquizofrenia). Ed Pre-textos, Valencia, 2000. De Solà-Morales, Ignasi. Territorios. Ed. Gustavo Gilli, Barcelona, 2002. Foucault, Michel. Los espacios otros. Revista Astrágalo. Cultura de la arquitectura y la ciudad nº 7, septiembre de 1997. Celeste ediciones. Soja, Edward. Thirdspace. Journey to Los Angeles and other real-and-imagined places. Blackwell Publishers, U.K., 1996. En especial el capítulo Inside and outside Los Ángeles.