Al diplomacy 4 by Diplomatic-Institute

Editorial The Speech of His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of the State of Qatar, at the opening of the Eighteenth United Nations Conference on Climate Change (COP18), which was hosted by Doha recently, attests the great attention that the State of Qatar pays to the phenomenon of climate change. It also confirms the willingness of the State to work with the international community to find successful solutions to reduce the negative impacts of this phenomenon. His Highness affirmed that addressing climate change requires a political will and continuous cooperation, and the need to deal with it from a holistic perspective that takes into account all its causes. He also urged developed countries to fulfill their obligations to help developing countries. The phenomenon of climate change acquired more of the scientists’ attention than any other global phenomenon. During the last three decades, it also grabbed the attention of experts, leaders, heads of organizations and international bodies, and civil society institutions concerned with preserving the environment. This kind of attention can be attributed to the negative effects of this phenomenon on the environment and its organisms, as well as to its economic and social complications. Therefore, many international bodies that specialized to follow this phenomenon were established. Other actions meant to address said phenomenon included mobilizing efforts and capacities at the official and popular levels, and issuing periodic reports that warn of the consequences of climate change. At the forefront of the bodies established to tackle climate change was the International Panel on Climate Change, which has taken upon itself to assess the scientific, technical, social and economic information relevant to understanding the scientific basis of risk of human-induced climate change and its possible impacts, adaptation options, and mitigation. The world’s attention to the phenomenon of climate change reached its peak in 1992, when the Kyoto Protocol to reduce greenhouse gas emissions was approved. In the State of Qatar, the attention to the issue of climate change is a top priority to the Qatari leadership. Preserving the environment is one of the main pillars of the Qatar National Vision 2030. The National Development Strategy 2011-2016 included many of the programs and projects concerned with the reduction of the effects of climate change. In addition, the National Committee for Climate Change, which was established in 2007, has the mission of “making Qatar a leader in the region in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enacting the recommendations, policies, laws and, action plans to protect the planet from the negative impact of these gases.” Doha hosting of COP 18, which was attended by representatives from 194 countries, attests the attention that the State of Qatar pays to climate change. Qatar was keen to provide all the means and the facilities which contributed to reaching the positive and effective outcomes of the conference and to meeting the aspirations of the populations of the world. All the above culminated the works of the conference with the agreement on the extension of the Kyoto Protocol until 2020. Khalid bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah

Minister of State for Foreign Affairs

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Contents 1

Editorial

Conferences

The Emir: “We have to deal with the phenomenon of climate change from a global perspective.”

Symposium of the Institute

Al-Nasser: “The Security Council must be reformed in order to perform its task of maintaining international peace and security”.

Public Figures

‫ ‏‬heikh Jassim bin Mohammad Al-Thani S ‫‏‬The Founder of the Modern State of Qatar

Dr. Khalid bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah Minister of State for Foreign Affairs

Spotlight

Spotlight on: The League of Arab States

Editor in Chief:

Reports

Global Investment Report 2012 “A New Generation of Investment Policies”

Articles

Reforming the UNSC Is a Due Necessity

Articles

The Gulf-Indian Relations in a Changing World

Articles

Islam and Diplomacy: Peacetime Envoys of the Prophet Peace Be upon Him (PBUH)

Book Review

‫ ‏‬he Transformation of the Gulf: T Politics, Economics and the Global Order

Publications

Publications of the Diplomatic Institute: Qatar in International Indicators

From the Political Dictionary

Quarterly magazine published by the Diplomatic Institute - Ministry of Foreign Affairs Issue 4 - December 2012

General Supervisor:

Dr. Hassan bin Ibrahim Al-Mohannadi Director of the Diplomatic Institute Publisher: The Diplomatic Institute For more information please contact us: State of Qatar - Doha P.O.Box : 250 Tel. : (+974( 40112500 Fax : (+974( 40112511 Email: Diplomacy@mofa.gov.qa Website: http://di.mofa.gov.qa - All correspondence on behalf of the Editor in Chief - Published articles reflect the views of writers and do not necessarily reflect the considerations of the magazine

The Eighteenth United Nations Climate Change Conference

The Emir: “We have to deal with the phenomenon of climate change from a global perspective.”

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Conferences

The Emir: â&#x20AC;&#x153;We have to deal with the phenomenon of climate change from a global perspectiveâ&#x20AC;?. From November 26 - December 7, Doha hosted the Eighteenth United Nations Climate Change Conference. The conference was attended by a number of Heads of State, senior government officials, United Nations officials, and experts in the environmental field. In the opening session of the high-level meetings, His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of the State of Qatar, called for dealing with the climate change from a global foresightful perspective that takes into account all its causes, addresses this phenomenon in the present, and plans for the future to face its challenges without prejudice to the right of all States in achieving sustainable development.

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Conferences Let us find the appropriate balance between our energy needs and the requirements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions His Highness urged, in this regard, the developed countries to fulfill their international obligations under the Convention on the provision of aid to developing countries. He, also, called for finding the right balance between the needs of the countries and communities of energy and the requirements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. His Highness the Emir emphasized in his speech that the reaction to climate change requires a political will and continuous regional and international cooperation. He stated that “despite the efforts made at all levels during the last period, the road is still long, which requires taking all possible measures to reach the objectives and results that live up to the aspirations of the people and build a future for humanity in which international solidarity, justice and prosperity for all prevail.”

International responsibility In the context of international responsibility, His Highness stressed on the need for international cooperation and the credibility of multilateral international action to meet the challenges of climate change, despite the contrast between countries in regards to the facts and circumstances. His Highness added that “…the negotiating process on climate change convention should stem from the sense of unity of purpose and determination, and should seek to agree on

common goals that embody the concept of interdependence, and should build on what has been agreed upon previously.” His Highness considered reaching a practical and effective agreement and responsibility that rests with everyone. His Highness expressed his confidence that the participants in the work of the Eighteenth Session of the Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change will work during the next few days to find practical and flexible solutions, and appropriate decisions that meet the aspirations of everyone towards a better future.

The Emir of Kuwait: “We support UN efforts to combat climate change” In his speech during the opening session, His Highness Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jabir Al-Sabah, the Emir of the State of Kuwait, affirmed Kuwait’s commitment to reduce carbon emissions through the rehabilitation of its oil installations, the adoption of the oil sector’s new strategies based on scientific grounds to ensure carbon emission reductions, and the use of cleaner fossil energy without prejudice to its industrial obligations. The Emir of Kuwait added that his country has made great strides in the area of reducing carbon dioxide emissions and the processes associated with fossil energy industry. He stressed that Kuwait has paid considerable attention to diversifying its sources of energy, and to searching for alternative sources which are more environment friendly. He requested the developed countries to make rapid strides

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Conferences

in their emissions reduction commitments in order to ensure a better future for the planet. His Highness hoped that developed countries would fulfill their commitments of assisting poor developing countries, especially those that rely on fossil fuels as the only source of income.

Al-Attiyah: “Doha Conference constitutes a historic shift to strengthen the climate change system.”

HE Abdullah bin Hamad Al-Attiyah, Chairman of the Eighteenth United Nations Climate Change Conference, noted that this conference and next year’s subsequent negotiations represent a historic shift. The conference complements an important stage to strengthen the climate change system, which was established in Bali in 2007. His Excellency said, before the opening session of the high-level meetings, that five years of long and arduous negotiations had passed and that anything agreed upon will be implemented next year and that a new phase in the preparation for post-2020 will begin. Al-Attiyah stressed that his mission now is to work with the Member States of the Conference and the Secretariat to ensure a balanced work for a bright future. He stated: “We start from where the negotiators concluded in order to reach a balanced package of decisions that will ensure a smooth

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transition from the negotiations stage to the implementation one. This package will include the Kyoto Protocol, and the post-2020 future arrangements.”

The issue of climate change is one of the most pressing challenges in the current era His Excellency Mr. Abdullah bin Hamad Al-Attiyah affirmed that “the issue of climate change is currently considered one of the most pressing challenges, which must be addressed by the international community; therefore, it is important that we all make our best to undertake cooperative and constructive negotiations.” Al-Attiyah maintained that “he believes that this issue has many dimensions and affects all activities of daily life including sports.” In this regard, he pointed out that the relationship between sport, environment, and climate change is interrelated and evolving and that the importance of this relationship became evident since 2004, when the International Olympic Committee adopted environment as a third dimension, along with sport and culture. Al-Attiyah explained that the development of said relationship can happen through several axils, the most important of which deals with the lack of natural water resources through the use of water recycling technology and studying the addition of this technology to public facilities. His Excellency highlighted that everyone understands the role of the Kyoto Protocol in

Conferences the context of the mitigation efforts by the parties included in Annex I, and the importance of ensuring the continuity of mitigation actions taken by those parties. He stressed that everyone supports the work of the Ad Hoc Working Group on these commitments, and implements the decisions adopted at the Conference of the Parties serving the Kyoto Protocol on its former session.

Ki-moon: “The establishment of the Green Fund gives hope to developing countries.” HE Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, thanked Qatar for hosting the Eighteenth United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 18). He, also, thanked the participants for their participation, support, and commitment to the principles of addressing climate change over the years, whether through climate change talks or sustainable development meetings. Ki-moon pointed out that the conference attests the United Nation’s commitment to address the climate change within the context of its ongoing efforts of collective action to deal with many important issues, notably climate change. The Secretary-General noted, “This is the first time that we are to be in Doha and the Arab Gulf region, and the second time to be in the Arab world.” He stressed that working with the Arab world is an important part of the joint UN effort in tackling climate change; therefore, the Doha conference is important. Ki-moon remarked: “We expect the Doha talks to extend the second phase of the Kyoto Agreement in accordance with our joint commitment of the Durban conference in South Africa last year, and under a legally binding agreement on climate change by the year 2015.” He expressed the hope that the world leaders participating in this meeting show greater political commitment to address climate change. The Secretary-General of the United Nations also urged to provide a clear contract on financing climate change by about $100 billion by the year 2020. He stated, “We must agree on funding until 2015”, while noting that the short-term funding would end by the end of 2012. His Excellency added that the Green Fund had been created for the climate and in order to collect ten billion dollars a year to reach a total of up to $100 billion by 2020. He suggested that achieving this goal is a confirmation of the credibility of and confidence in the United Nations, and it will give hope to developing countries. Ki-moon concluded by calling on governments to cooperate with nongovernmental organizations, and civil society organizations in order to achieve this goal.

Christiana Figueres: “Qatar took the lead towards finding solutions to the problems of drought and desertification” Ms. Christiana Figueres, Executive Secretary of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, maintained that given the close interrelationship between food, water and energy on the one hand, and climate change on the other, the issue of food security is of great importance to the United Nations. She stressed that food security is a challenge which the international community should address seriously. Ms. Figueres praised Qatar’s hosting the COP18 and bearing this responsibility at the national and international levels. She

pointed out that Doha plays a leading role in the fields of sustainability, meeting the challenges of water scarcity, and food shortages through the use of modern technology. She noted that the national initiatives in this context encouraged the countries of the region to search for solutions to these problems and that the State of Qatar took the lead towards finding solutions to the problems of drought and desertification, which “the UN highly appreciates.”

Extension of the Kyoto Protocol COP 18 was culminated with the adoption of the agreement that the conference participants approved and entitled the “Doha Climate Gateway”. This agreement is a package of decisions that include: • The extension of the “Kyoto Protocol” of reducing emissions until 2020, • Developing mechanisms for the “Green Fund”, and • The establishment of: -- A committee of finance and technology, -- An adaptation network, -- A road map for the years 2015 - 2020. The Kyoto Protocol to the Treaty of the United Nations Framework on Climate Change, which became effective in 2005, provides that the European Union, Australia and ten other industrialized countries are obliged to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases. The first commitment period ends, according to the Protocol, on December 31st, 2012.

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Symposium of the Institute

HE Mr. Nasser bin Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, United Nations High Representative of the Alliance of Civilizations

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Security Council must be reformed in order to perform its task of maintaining international peace and securityâ&#x20AC;?. The wise leadership of Qatar aims at excellence in the strategic planning for decades to come

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Symposium of the Institute In the ninth scientific symposium (which was organized by the Diplomatic Institute at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on November 26th, 2012) entitled “My Diplomatic Experience”, HE Mr. Nasser bin Abdulaziz Al-Nasser (the United Nations High Representative of the Alliance of Civilizations) stated: “I am proud of the achievements of our small-in-space but large-in-status country. Those achievements were accomplished because of the wise leadership of HH Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of the State of Qatar, and HH Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, the Heir Prince…This wise leadership aims at excellence in the strategic planning for decades to come including investing in minds, and prepare the new generations to meet the challenges of the present and the future...”. In said symposium, HE Mr. Nasser bin Abdulaziz Al-Nasser talked about his diplomatic experience to the attendants who comprised a number of foreign diplomats from the diplomatic missions in Qatar, and a collection of officials and staff at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. For nearly four decades, HE Mr. Al-Nasser represented the State of Qatar in, especially, the field of international organizations – or multilateral diplomatic work according to the United Nations.

The Diplomatic Institute is a landmark of the future vision of a privileged generation of Qatari diplomats HE Mr. Al-Nasser initiated his speech in the symposium with praising the exceptional effort of the Diplomatic Institute at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which (according to Al-Nasser) is a landmark of the future vision of a privileged generation of Qatari diplomats. He also maintained that the Diplomatic Institute “is the fruit of the active diplomacy of HE Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabor Al-Thani, Premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as the fruit of the constructive administration of HE Dr. Khalid bin Mohamed Al-Attiyah, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs.” He added that the Diplomatic Institute attests the wise leadership that believes in human development, refinement of future generations, and openness to the world for a better future. HE Mr. Al-Nasser discussed the United Nations, its main

bodies, its specialized agencies, and relevant consultative non-governmental organizations. He said: “There is no organisation that has a global character like the United Nation as the world at large is represented in this multilateral institution”. Al-Nasser elaborated by saying that “working in such a divergent environment gives meaning to the title “multilateral action”, which is more complex than working in the field of bilateral relations. And although each and every one of us has a role, i.e. competence and jurisdiction, we complete each other through the embassies, the consulates, the representative offices etc.” His excellency pointed out that after spending 13 years (1998-2011) as the permanent representative of the State to the United Nations in New York, one can say that “The State of Qatar has proven its ability to adopt the principle of mediation to resolve disputes between states by peaceful means and in accordance with the provisions of international law, the Charter of the United Nations, which enabled Qatar

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Symposium of the Institute

to win the presidency of the General Assembly of the United Nations after a fierce competition with countries of major roles in the international arena.”

The State of Qatar has a leading role in the international relations

The United Nations High Representative of the Alliance of Civilizations highlighted that the State of Qatar, as an Arab state, has distinguished itself by playing a leading role in the international relations. This comes at a time when the Arab world lacks any presence in the march of the forces which advances humanity in the fields of science, technology, arts, music, literature and other creative fields in general, and in the areas of international peace and security in particular. He suggested that the Arab awakening, which was sparked by hunger and deprivation, might be the beginning to reviving the glorious Arab past and achieving the aspirations of the peoples of the region – as it is the case with the State of Qatar. HE Mr. Al-Nasser noted that when the leadership of Qatar honored him with making him the head of the Qatari delegation

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that presided the 66th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, he adopted the approach of mediation as it is the policy of the State of Qatar. He added that he chose the area of “mediation to resolve disputes by peaceful means” for the organization to focus on. Due to the fact that Qatar is a prominent supporter of the Alliance of Civilizations as an approach to promote coexistence in a world which became more complex than ever, Al-Nasser made this issue a focal point throughout his presidency from September 13th, 2011 to September 17th, 2012.

Alliance of Civilizations can play an important role for the establishment of human values and fundamental rights emanating from the Charter of the United Nations Al-Nasser believes “that the Alliance of Civilizations can play an important role in the establishment of human values and fundamental rights emanating from the Charter of the United Nations.” He stressed the possibility of investing in this alliance to resolve disputes between states and blocs with

Symposium of the Institute different cultures and to promote dialogue, rapprochement and development. Thus, this alliance contributes to the deepening of co-existence, and maintenance of international peace and security. He confirmed that the Alliance of Civilizations is good grounds to promote an approach to preventive diplomacy. It plays a significant role in the enhancement relations between different communities and ethnicities and in the mediation to resolve disputes. Al-Nasser expressed his pleasure for the trust given to him as he was chosen president of the Alliance. His Excellency praised the great political and financial support, made to him by the State of Qatar, in order for his mission to succeed. According to Al-Nasser, his success in meeting his responsibilities as the president of the General Assembly of the United Nations can be attributed to said support. Good examples on his success are the field visits that he, accompanied by Secretary-General, made to both Libya and Somalia in order to provide the necessary support from the United Nations to these two countries, and the series of conferences on: mediation and the Alliance of Civilizations, the state of the global economy, the way to the Rio Conference, encountering disasters, revitalization of the General Assembly and the reform of the Security Council, and the culture of peace.

The State of Qatar is interested in empowering women to work in the diplomatic corps After concluding his speech, HE Mr. Nasser bin Abdulaziz Al-Nasser answered a number of questions posed to him by the audience. The questions focused on various topics, the most important of which were the following: Security Council reform, the agreement of its five permanent members on its expansion, the tragedy experienced by the Syrian people because of the inability of the United Nations to enforce justice, preventing the Security Council from taking a resolution similar to the decision on Libya in order to implement the principle of the “responsibility to protect”, preventing the Security Council from performing its mission to assist the Palestinian people, the possibility of the success of the Palestinian Authority in its quest to upgrade its status in the United Nations to “state as an observer”, the attention that the State of Qatar pays to empowering Qatari women to qualify them to work in the diplomatic corps, the role of the Diplomatic Institute in this empowerment, reforming and restructuring the Arab League, the challenges facing the work of the Alliance of Civilizations because of the abusive practices against sacred symbols and cultures, and media discourse that involves hate and renounce of the other in both the Western and Islamic media spaces.

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Public Figures

‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammad Al-Thani

‫‏‬The Founder of the Modern State of Qatar ‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammad Al-Thani was the founder of the modern State of Qatar and its Emir from 1878 to 1913. He took over the reins of power after succeeding his father, Sheikh Mohammad. He descended from Bani Tamim, which is one of the biggest tribes in Arabia, and to which many Arab knights like Ghagaa bin Amro Al-Tamimi, Qatri bin Al-Foja'a and Otba bin Al-Harith belong. The State of Qatar celebrates its national day every year on December 18th, marking the day on which Sheikh Jassim acceded to power.

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Public Figures ‫‏‬His Early Life and Personality: ‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim was born in 1826. He had his education in his early life from Islamic scholars. He was a committed Muslim which was manifested in his behavior. He used to lead congregation prayers and give Friday speeches. He was also supervising the education of the people by himself and used to act as a judge on their disputes. Sheikh Jassim was a bold knight and a fearless man who shouldered the burden of leadership, policy-making, and the establishment of the state with tolerance, self-denial, truthfulness and he never asked for anything except from his creator. Sheikh Jassim was interested in knowledge and loved Islamic scholars. He was a renowned poet with broad-minded and eloquent poems. His poetry reflected some aspects and gave an epic narration of his feelings towards the different stages of the emerging State as well as his firm and instinctive inclination towards faith, regardless of life’s hardships. ‫‏‬The late Sheikh Jassim was convenient with the Islamic scholars when they visited him in Qatar and deliberated in various issues of knowledge. In addition, he used to send some Qatari students to learn from scholars of Najd, such as Sheikh Abdullah bin Abdullatif Aal-Alsheikh. ‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim also had brotherly relations on scientific and literal issues with the Iraqi scholar, Sheikh Mahmoud Shukri Al-Alousi, who quoted in his book "History of Najd" about Sheikh Jassim: "Between me and him a transcendental affinity and we had nice exchange of letters which included in my book 'Badaie Al-Inshaa' ". ‫‏‬In his youth, Sheikh Jassim was known by his striking intelligence, sensitivity, and quick intuition. For this reason, his father Sheikh Mohammad bin Thani, charged him with difficult tasks. Sheikh Jassim had physical features that qualified him for leadership. He was tall, with broad shoulders, and when he walked among others, it looked as though he was riding. He had a yellowish tan color and was handsome with a slightly hooked nose. The intelligence and insight shone clearly in his wide eyes and the features of nobility and sobriety appeared on his face. ‫‏‬His favorite hobbies were horse riding and hunting.

‫‏‬Managerial Abilities: ‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim was capable of gaining experience and acquiring knowledge of the management of the State affairs since his early life. ‫‏‬He was also acting on behalf of his father and was his right hand in managing the State affairs. For this reason, he succeeded in discharging his policy wisely and successfully in a tumultuous sea full of events and variables. ‫‏‬On the local level, he did his best to upgrade Qatar to be an independent united country, so the State became prominent under his leadership as he gathered its tribes under his control and planned for their future. ‫‏‬He also gave boundaries and existence to his country, so his time was distinguished by security, fairness and prosperity. As a result, the State witnessed a comprehensive emergence and development which prevailed in all economical and life activities, especially in the field of trade and diving for pearls, which made Qatar one of the biggest exports and dealers of pearls. Sea transport was also developed and the preparation of the harbor helped the growth of exports and imports. ‫‏‬In fact, the number of ships working in the fields of trade, diving,

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Public Figures and transportation multiplied. Also, business and resources diversified, and consequently, markets flourished, the population increased and urban construction expanded.

His Political Competence ‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim was competent in the political level. He dealt wisely with the two biggest competing global powers, which were trying to dominate the Arabian Gulf and its states of the region at that time. One of them was the British Empire, which began to practice its influence through the government in India, and the other was the Ottoman State, which tried hard to have hegemony in the region after the end of the Portuguese influence in the 16th century. At that time, the British influence was concentrated at adjacent areas of Qatar, particularly the south coast to the Arabian Gulf; either through physical military presence or contracts and treaties by which Britain bound the Sheikhs of the area; with the pretext of protecting the commercial interests and stopping pirates and slavery trade. Sheikh Jassim thought of a balanced presence; parallel to that influence when Britain failed to provide complete protection to Qatar in some cases of "pirates" and in bringing justice to the citizens of Qatar. So, he asked the Ottoman administration in Al-Ihsaa to reinforce its presence in Qatar. That happened in April 1871, when the regiment of Medhat Basha, "Ottoman Governor of Baghdad", invaded east of the Arabian Peninsula. Sheikh Jassim asked the Ottoman government to supply him with military forces to support him against the British pressure, which restricted his father Sheikh Mohammad bin Thani in accordance with the treaty he signed with the British in 1868. He desired to get rid of these restricting pledges and of the fees imposed on the Qatari tribes to Bahrain. Al-Bedda castle was used as the headquarters for the Ottoman’s military garrison. This resulted in remarkable tension between Qatar and Britain’s relations, which expressed its protest based on the treaty they had with the Sheikh of Qatar since 1868. The governor of Baghdad, Medhat Basha, under whose direct management the Gulf region fell, welcomed the initiative of Sheikh Jassim, so he appointed him as mayor of Qatar in 1876. Then in 1888, he was granted an important civilian rank by Sultan Abdulhamid, and an even higher rank in 1893. Sheikh Jassim intended to benefit from the competition between the two big countries in order to secure the freedom of movement and the independence of Qatar, as he was convinced that the

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"limited" Ottoman presence; particularly at that time, did not pose more threat than that of the British, and that the Ottomans would not constitute a restriction on his leadership and ambition. The presence of the Ottomans was only in Al-Bedha and AlWakra, and the real power of governance and administration was in the hands of Al-Thani , but the Ottoman Empire didn’t stop there. They tried to reinforce their presence in Qatar. The Sheikh's position had decisively rejected this move, which was originated from the Ottoman officials in Al-Basra, Al-Ihsaa and Istanbul. So, the relations between the two sides began to deteriorate fast, until it reached the final stage in February 1893.

‫‏‬Leadership of Al-Wajba Battle

‫‏‬As a result of that insistence, military confrontation erupted between the two sides and a decisive battle was fought in AlWajba under the leadership of Sheikh Jassim, in which he and his troops from the sons of the Qatari tribes had done a good job which led to a decisive victory, and defeated the Ottoman garrison forces. Al-Wajba battle took place on the 25th of March 1893. The location lies about 15 kilometers south west of Doha city and took the name of this historical battle. It became a landmark in the modern history of Qatar. The valor and courage of the Qatari leadership appeared clearly; in spite of the Ottoman superiority in equipment and arms. Sheikh Jassim was capable to resolve the battle in one day and reduced the Ottoman presence to the minimum. This battle increased the cohesion of people around its leader in front of the persistence of his enemies, who tried to discredit the independence of Qatar.

July 1913 Agreement ‫‏‬The competition over Qatar ended between Britain and the Ottoman Empire by signing the agreement of July 1913. Meanwhile, the Ottoman Empire gave up its dominance over Qatar. The agreement stipulated that an independent Sheikh from Al-Thani will govern the emirate, and that his successors should inherit his rule. It also stipulated in another article that the British government have committed to not support the Sheikh of Bahrain in case he tried to occupy Qatar. ‫‏‬Sheikh Jassim died on 17th July 1913; may Allah forgive him, after a rich life and a fragrant memory. He was buried in Al-Waseel village; a village that lies about 24 kilometers north of Doha. He had sixteen sons and six girls. His son, Sheikh Abdullah bin Jassim Al-Thani, assumed the power after him. One of the miracles of fate was that; in the same year in which Sheikh Jassim passed away, there was an agreement in blue color to draw the lines to determine the authority of the two countries; the British and the Ottoman, and put an end to the conflict between them, which lasted for about 42 years. The records of the Ottoman Empire subsequent to the high door in Istanbul (Topkabi) stipulated on revealing the truth that Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammad Al-Thani was the real founder of the State of Qatar who made it internationally known, manifested geographically on the map district, transferred its political and social cohesion to a cohesive strength, and made for it a wellknown regional status among countries.

Spotlight

Spotlight on:

The League of Arab States In the 1940s of the last century, the League of Arab States was established as a consensual union of independent Arab states. Soon after the end of WWII, a preparatory committee convened to prepare for a general Arab conference which was held in Alexandria during the period from September 25th to October 17th, 1944. Seven Arab countries (Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen) met to discuss the idea ofâ&#x20AC;&#x2039;â&#x20AC;&#x2039; establishing an Arab League. This conference had the task of the Preparatory Committee of the League of Arab States. It had set the foundations which were deemed proper for the establishment of the League. It also set forth the reasons behind establishing it. Those were recorded in a special protocol called the Alexandria Protocol on October 17th, 1944. In March 1945, the seven Arab countries met again in Cairo to sign the Charter of the League, which stipulated that the purpose of the League is to draw the relations between member states closer and coordinate their political activities with the aim of realizing a close collaboration between them, to safeguard their independence and sovereignty, and to consider in a general way, the affairs and interests of the Arab countries. It also has among its purposes, a close cooperation of the member states with due regard to the structure of each of these states and the conditions prevailing therein.

The ability of the League to settle conflicts has been associated with the degree of acceptance of its role by the parties to the conflict.

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Spotlight

.....................................

The League has expanded its activities to include employment issues, economic and social development issues, scientific and cultural affairs, and means of communication and the media. ..................................... The organizational structure of the League: The Arab League consists of three main bodies, which were established under the provisions of the Charter. They are: the League Council, Standing Committees, and the Secretariat. In addition, there are the bodies which were created by the mutual defense treaty of 1952, as well as other bodies which were created in accordance with the decisions of the Council of the League of Arab States. The League also established or encouraged the establishment of specialized organizations in order to gather economic and social activities on technical grounds and make them free of political complications. These organizations include ministerial councils concerned with health, education, environment, culture, media, politics, sports, youth and security (internal). The tasks of the three main bodies which were established by the Charter can be summarized as follows:

1- The League Council This is the highest authority within the League. It is composed of the representatives of the member states. Each state has one vote, regardless of the number of its representatives. Member states determine the level of their representation, which may rise to the level of Presidents, or less, with no effect on the nature of the Council. The Council shall, in accordance with Article III of the Charter, achieve the following objectives: • Follow-up on the implementation of agreements of the member states in all spheres. • Take the necessary measures to defend member states against any actual or potential aggression. • Resolve disputes between member states peacefully

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through arbitration or mediation. • Identify the means by which the League is to cooperate with the international bodies to be created in the future in order to guarantee security and peace. • The appointment of the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States. • Determine the share of the expenses to be borne by each state of the League. • Establish the regulations of the Council, Standing Committees, and the Secretariat. The Council of the League shall convene in ordinary session twice a year, in March and in September. It shall convene in extraordinary session upon the request of two member states of the League whenever the need arises. The Council’s meetings are valid if attended by the majority of the members. The presidency of the Council rotates between member states according to the Arabic alphabet.

2- Standing Committees Article IV of the Charter stated that for each of the questions listed in Article II, there shall be set up a special committee in which the member states of the League shall be represented. These committees shall be charged with the task of laying down the principles and extent of cooperation. Such principles shall be formulated as draft agreements to be presented to the Council for examination preparatory to their submission to the aforesaid states. According to Article IV, a number of committees were formed, such as: • The Political Committee, which comprises of the member states’ foreign ministers or their deputies. • The Legal Committee, which is specialized in studying issues such as unifying national legislations in several fields. • The Economic Committee. • The Media Committee. These committees tackle all the activities that lead to achieving the goals and principles of the League. They prepare the results of their works in the form of draft resolutions, or prepare recommendations or agreements presented to the Council for approval. Each member state is represented in each of the standing committees with one delegate, which has one vote.

Spotlight The League Council appoints the Chairman of each committee to a renewable two-year term. The committees’ resolutions are passed by the majority of the votes of the member states. The committees’ meetings cannot be considered legal unless attended by the majority of the member states. The committees have the right to form sub-committees dealing with specialized technical matters. They also have the right to recommend making use of the advice of experts from the member states of the League whenever necessary. It is worth noting that these committees managed to accomplish many agreements concluded by member states, such as: the Joint Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty, the Arab Union Agreement, the Convention on Criminals Extradition, the Protocol on the Treatment of Palestinians in the Arab Countries, the Convention of the Great Arab Free Trade Area, etc.

3- The Secretariat The Secretariat is the administrative executive body of the League. It is composed of the Secretary-General and Assistant Secretaries and a number of staff. The Secretary-General is appointed by the majority of two-thirds of votes to a renewable five-year term. The Secretary-General shall, with the consent of the Council, appoint the assistant secretaries and the principal officers of the League. Six individuals have been appointed to the post of Secretary-General of the Arab League, they are: Secretaries-General of the Arab League Name

Nationality

Duration

Abdul Rahman Azzam

Egyptian

1945

1952

Mohamed Abdel Khaleq Hassouna

Egyptian

1952

1972

Mahmoud Riad

Egyptian

1972

1979

Chadli Qulaibi

Tunisian

1979

1990

Ahmed Esmat Abdel Mejeed

Egyptian

1990

2001

Amr Moussa

Egyptian

2001

2011

Nabil Elaraby

Egyptian

2011

---

According to the Statute of the League, the SecretaryGeneral of the League has the following tasks: • Administrative and technical tasks: These include followingup on the implementation of the decisions of the League Council and its committees, determining the date of the sessions of the League Council, sending out invitations for meetings of the League Council and the committees, organizing relevant secretarial work, and preparing the draft budget for the League. • Political tasks: These include the right to attend meetings of the League Council and participate in its discussions, the right to submit reports or oral/written statements on any issue discussed by the Council, the right to draw the attention of the Council or the member states to any issue he deems important, the right to represent the League's international organizations, and the right to speak out on behalf of the League and make public statements.

Achievements of the League of Arab States Over the past six decades, the League of Arab States tackled major roles and missions that can be summarized as follows:

• Contributed to the independence of Arab states such as Algeria, South Yemen (before the unity of the two parts of Yemen), and Sudan, which resulted in increasing the number of the League’s member states to become twenty-two Arab countries in comparison with the seven signatories to the Charter of the establishment of the League. • Participated in the settlement of some inter-Arab conflicts including the Egypt-Sudan conflict of 1958, the MoroccoAlgeria conflict of 1963, and the Yemen-Yemen conflict of 1987. It is worth noting that the ability of the League to settle conflicts has been associated with the degree of acceptance of its role by the parties to the conflict, which is an important issue especially that the power of the individual members exceeds that of the League. The League has also established a temporary security force during the Kuwait-Iraq conflict in 1961, and developed the diplomacy of the Arab summits. • Encouraged cooperation inter-Arab through a range of specialized organizations formed at various levels within and outside the League. Within the League, the latter has expanded its activities to include employment issues, economic and social development issues, scientific and cultural affairs, and means of communication and the media. Some organizations, such as the Arab Labor Organization (ALO), the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development, the Arab Organization for Education, Culture and Science, the Arab States Broadcasting Union, and the Arab Organization for Agricultural Development (AOAD), managed to achieve relative success. Outside the League, the Arab syndicate/union work was active to the point of generating (with the great support of the League and the continuous coordination between its bodies) unions such as those of the Arab lawyers, doctors, engineers, economists, journalists, human rights activists, Arab workers, etc. • Represented the Arab States in the various international forums and organizations, like the United Nations and its organizations and specialized agencies, and the Organization of the African Unity. It cooperated with the latter in the establishment of a range of joint institutions such as: the Arab Bank for Development in Africa, and the Arab Monetary Fund. Also, the Arab League was a distinctive party in the dialogue with Europe in the seventies. • Since the founding of the Arab League in 1945, the Arab leaders held 33 Summits, including 22 usual ones, the last of which was recently held in Baghdad in 2012, and 9 emergency ones. In addition, there were two economic Summits, where the first was held in Kuwait in 2009, and the second in Egypt in 2011, to address the issues and questions concerning the economic and social development. • Despite the fact that the League played a role in promoting joint Arab action (like supporting the efforts to achieve Arab economic integration through the establishment of some institutions, such as the Council of Arab Economic Unity, and some other organizations and associations which specialized in economics, finance, trade, development, agriculture, industry and tourism), this role has recently been less effective in the political sphere, especially in the field of conflict resolution. This requires a reconsideration of the League’s charter and its organizational structure in order to comply with the international and regional changes and transformations that overshadow Arab countries.

17 Issue 4 - December 2012

Reports

Global Investment Report 2012 “A New Generation of Investment Policies”

‫‏‬By: Dr. Nawzad Abdulrahman Al-Hiti *

‫‏‬The world investment report, which is issued annually in the UN Conference for Trade and Development, is regarded as one of the most important international documents dealing with the directions of inward and outward foreign investment flows on the global level. The conference was held in Geneva, Switzerland. ‫‏‬The foreign investment report is highly appreciated for its importance and ability to highlight the local economic challenges, such as infrastructure development, promoting the competition in the local market, creating new jobs for citizens, and developing the laws and legislation. ‫‏‬A particular foreign direct investments issue is focused in every report. The global investment report for 2012 focused on 'the new generation of investment policies'. ‫‏‬The report noted that developing economies continued to acquire nearly half of the foreign direct investments flows in 2011 (45%), which had registered a new high record of 11% to reach 684 billion US Dollars, despite the continuing repercussions of the global financial and economic crisis and the sovereign debts crisis in the Euro zone. Economies flows acquired experienced processes of democratic transition (transition countries) to 6% of total flows of direct foreign investment on the global level, thereby achieving an increase of 25% compared to 2010.

*‫‏‬International Cooperation Expert in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

18 Issue 4 - December 2012

Reports ‫‏‬Development of inward foreign direct investments (FDI) divided by the geographical areas in the world‫(‏‬Billions of US Dollars) Areas‫‏‬

2009

2010

Developed Countries‫‏‬

606.2

681.6

747.9

Developing Countries‫‏‬

519.2

616.7

684.4

Africa‫‏‬

52.6

43.1

42.7

206.6

294.1

335.5

East and South East Asia‫‏‬

2011

South Asia‫‏‬

42.4

31.7

38.9

West Asia‫‏‬

66.3

58.5

48.7

Latin America and the Caribbean‫‏‬

149.4

187.4

217

Metamorphic Economies‫‏‬

72.4

73.8

92.2

The World‫‏‬

1198

1309

1524

‫‏‬The rise of foreign direct investment flows inside these economies can be attributed to increased flows to Asia and to a higherthan –average growth in Latin America and the Caribbean and to the direct transitional economies. The flows directed towards the least developed countries declined. On the contrary, flows to Africa continued to fall in 2011, and the poorest countries remained suffering from stagnation in the direct foreign investment. ‫‏‬It should be noted that the size of direct foreign investment in developing countries has reached 1240 billion US Dollars, increasing by 25% in 2011 compared to 2010. ‫‏‬The three major investment blocs (European Union, North America and Japan) participated in this increase. ‫‏‬The United States has re-invested its revenues from foreign exchange acquisition of transnational companies; also the operations of acquisition and merging across the borders increased the flows of foreign direct investment from the European Union. Moreover, the high exchange rate of the Japanese Yen raised the purchasing power of transnational Japanese companies, which resulted in a doubling foreign direct investment flow and net value of acquisitions and mergers in North America.

‫‏‬Development of outward foreign direct investments (FDI) divided by the geographical areas in the world (Billions of US Dollars) Areas‫‏‬

2009

2010

2011

Developed Countries‫‏‬

857.8

989.6

1237.5

Developing Countries‫‏‬

268.5

400.1

383.8

3.2

7.0

3.5

East and South East Asia‫‏‬

176.6

243

239.9

South Asia‫‏‬

16.4

13.6

15.2

West Asia‫‏‬

17.9

16.4

25.4

Latin America and the Caribbean‫‏‬

54.3

119.9

99.7

Metamorphic Economies‫‏‬

48.8

61.6

73.1

The World‫‏‬

1175

1451

1694

Africa‫‏‬

‫‏‬Outward FDI flows to Arab countries have witnessed a remarkable decline during the period of 2008-2011, dropping from about 96.3 billion dollars in 2008 to about 43 billion dollars in 2011, which means it has decreased by 56%. Also, the total global outward FDI flows in the Arab world fell from 5.4% in 2008 to 2.8%, dropping by 2.6%. ‫‏‬The same goes for the Arab world's share of the total foreign investment inward for developing countries, where the rate was 6.4% compared with 14.8% in 2008.‫‏‬Saudi Arabia was ranked first in the Arab world as the largest country to receive FDI amounting to US$16.4 billion, which represents 38.2% of the total inward foreign investment flows to the Arab world. It is followed by the Emirates in second place at about US$7.7 billion with the share of 17.9%. In third place comes Lebanon at about US$3.4 billion, with the share of 7.9% from the Arabian total in 2011. ‫‏‬The Arab Spring revolution countries witnessed a very sharp decline in foreign investment flows, but these flows have achieved negative results in Egypt and Yemen and were non-existent in the Libyan case.

19 Issue 4 - December 2012

Reports ‫‏‬Inward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows to Arab countries (2008-2011‫ )‏‬Millions of US Dollars Country‫‏‬

2008

2009

2010

2011

Saudi Arabia‫‏‬

38151

32100

28105

16400

Emirates‫‏‬

13724

4003

5500

7679

Lebanon‫‏‬

4333

4804

4280

3381

Sudan‫‏‬

2601

1816

2894

2692

Algeria‫‏‬

2594

2746

2264

2571

Morocco‫‏‬

2487

1952

1574

2519

Tunisia‫‏‬

2759

1688

3113

2265

Jordan‫‏‬

2826

2413

1471

1653

Iraq‫‏‬

1856

1598

1396

1617

Syria‫‏‬

1467

1514

1850

1059

Oman‫‏‬

2952

1508

2333

788

Bahrain‫‏‬

1794

257

156

781

Kuwait‫‏‬

1114

319

399

Palestine‫‏‬

301

180

214

Somalia‫‏‬

108

112

102

Djibouti‫‏‬

229

100

Mauritania‫‏‬

343

131

Qatar‫‏‬

3779

8125

4670

87-

Egypt‫‏‬

9495

6712

6386

483-

Yemen‫‏‬

1555

129

93-

713-

Libya‫‏‬

3180

3310

1909

96258

76295

67577

42960

Total Arab Countries‫‏‬

‫‏‬With regard to the sectoral distribution of foreign direct investment projects on the global level, there was improvement in downstream and services sectors of foreign direct investment levels after two years of decline. High foreign direct investment (FDI) in the services sector, which reached US$570 billion in 2011, is attributed to increased activity in the utilities (electricity, gas, water), transport and communication sectors, while the downstream sector for investment, which reached US$200 billion as a result of strong commodity prices and industrial promotion increased. The sector distribution indicates a slight increase in the shares of both the downstream and industrial sectors slightly compared to service sector. ‫‏‬The report indicates a rise in economic activity at subsidiaries of foreign companies in 2011 in all major indicators in sector during the year. These foreign firms' subsidiaries hired nearly 69 million workers around the world, who produced sales of US$28 trillion and US$7 trillion of added values. ‫‏‬With regard to the prospects for future foreign direct investments in the world, the World Investment Report in 2012 confirms that it is still unstable and risky with expectations that continue to settle the recovery in flows in 2012 to around US$1600 ‫‏‬The sectoral distribution of foreign direct investment billion with the probability of moderate rising, but steady in projects (2005-2011) B ‫ ‏‬illions of US Dollars the long term to about US$1800 billion in 2013 and about US$1900 billion in 2014 in the absence of any shocks on the Downstream Industrial Service Year‫‏‬ macroeconomic level. 2005-2007 Average‫‏‬

130

670

820

2008

230

980

1130

2009

170

510

630

2010

140

620

490

2011

200

660

570

20 Issue 4 - December 2012

‫‏‬The report is also expected that investment would continue to rise in developing and transitional economies in general to reach US$720 billion, US$100 billion in 2012; respectively; increases of between US$760-930 in developing countries; and between US$110-150 billion in transitional economies in early 2014.

Articles

Reforming the UNSC Is a Due Necessity Prof. Inad Fawaz al-Kubaisi * The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has reached another impasse because of the situation in Syria. Its permanent members are divided amongst themselves between those who support taking an appropriate action to support the people of Syria, and other members who oppose such an action and consequently support the Syrian regime in killing its people and destroying its country. This has paralyzed the UNSC and disrupted its effectiveness in carrying out its functions, which fulfilled the prophecy of the founding conference of the UN that emphasized the importance of the full cooperation of all the members as a condition to the effectiveness of the organization. The course of the UN life, since its inception until the fall of the Soviet Union, is good evidence with cases of division in point such as the Korean War of 1950, the tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956, and

the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1960. The reason behind this predicament lies in the veto right, enjoyed by five permanent members, which is a violation of the principle of equality of all the members of the UN. If the veto right was acceptable in 1945, it is no longer the case now as the Cold War is over, and there is a large increase in the number of UN members, which jumped from 51 countries to 193 countries at present. This led to the need to reconsider the UNSC structure, composition, functions, and its work methodology. The UNSCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s voting system, in particular, needs to be reconsidered in order to correspond with the new context, and the balance of power in the world, so that third world countries participate in equal footing with other major powers in international policy making in an effective and equal manner, according to their capacities and capabilities.

* Professor of International Relations, Al-Jabal Al-Gharbi University - Libya.

21 Issue 4 - December 2012

Articles Proposals for reforming the UNSC: The rise in the number of the UN member states in 1963 to 113, and the possibility of changing the balance of power, were behind the increase in the number of the non-permanent UNSC members from six to ten. Consequently, the voting power of the UNSC jumped from 11 to 15, and the number of votes required for a decision became nine instead of seven. This amendment became effective in 1965. Today, there are 193 UN members. The UNSC has huge responsibilities that call for the need to reconsider its structure and modus operandi, which would lead to its enhancement, to providing political capacity to its work, and to making it more effective. The need to reform UNSC is not recent; however, it dates back to the 1960s when the Non-Aligned Movement called for such a reform. This was reflected in the 1974 General Assembly resolution, which called for the review of the UN Charter, and explored ways that would strengthen the role of the organization and make it more effective. For this purpose, the General Assembly established the “Special Committee on the Charter of the UN and on the strengthening of the role of the organization”. The UN Secretaries-General demanded, in their annual report, to reform the UN and especially the emphasis on the need to establish a new international system based on the UN reform as being the incubator of such a system. The call to reform the UN was not only limited to its members or its general secretaries, but thinkers and researchers in international affairs also called for the very same thing. A group called the “International Lawyers for Peace and Justice” conducted an active campaign on this issue in order for justice and equality to prevail among member states and replace injustice and discrimination. The group’s first step was

22 Issue 4 - December 2012

to provide data (in the form of a report submitted to the UN) that highlight the various shortcomings of the legal system of the UN. This legitimate aspiration formed the beginning to different claims and proposals all demanding a change in the status quo, which is no longer responding to the new balance of power. This initiative has shown that there is a need to reconsider not only the issue of the UNSC membership, but also its mandate and the nature of the relationship between the Council and the UN organization as a whole.

........................................... UNSC division over the Syrian case. ...........................................

Perhaps, the proposals of the High-Level Panel, which was formed by the former Secretary-General Kofi Annan to study the threats, challenges and change, were the most objective recommendations, and were received with a high level of support by the member states. The General Assembly resolved to intensify the efforts “to achieve a comprehensive reform of the UNSC in all its aspects”. This reflected the view of the majority of the member states that a dramatic change in the Council’s composition is needed to make it more geopolitically representative of the international community, as well as to make its mechanism and working methods and decisions more efficient and transparent. In light of these difficult and complex aspirations, the HighLevel Panel provided two types of proposals, each of which rely on specific grounds. The Panel expressed its belief that the reforms of the UNSC should meet the following principles:

Articles A- They should, in honoring Article 23 of the Charter, increase the involvement in decision-making of those who contribute most to the United Nations financially, militarily and diplomatically, specifically in terms of contributions to United Nations assigned budgets participation in mandated peace operations, contributions to voluntary activities of the United Nations in the areas of security and development, and diplomatic activities in support of the UN objectives and mandate. As for the developed countries, achieving or making substantial progress towards the internationally agreed level of 0.7 per cent of GNP for ODA should be considered an important criterion of contribution; B- They should bring into the decision-making process countries more representative of the broader membership, especially of the developing world; C- They should not impair the effectiveness of the Security Council; D- They should increase the democratic and accountable nature of the body. The High-Level Panel expressed its conviction that any expansion of the UNSC, which has become necessary, must meet the above criteria. Then, the High-Level Panel proposed its visions through two specific models. According to the Panel, accepting either model should solve the problem of the UNSC membership. The two models suggest the distribution of seats among four major regions: Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Europe, and the Americas. Regional block

No. of States

Permanent seats (continuing)

Proposed new permanent seats

Proposed two-year seats (non-renewable)

Total

Africa

Asia and Pacific

Europe

Americas

Total for model A

191

Model B provides for no new permanent seats but creates a new category of eight four-year renewable-term seats and one new two-year non-permanent (and non-renewable) seat, divided among the major regional areas as follows: Regional block

No. of States

Permanent seats (continuing)

Proposed new permanent seats

Proposed two-year seats (non-renewable)

Total

Africa

Asia and Pacific

Europe

Americas

Total for model B

191

The Panel was of the view that for the election of any permanent member for the UNSC, according to Model A or Model B, the General Assembly should take into consideration “ states that are among the top financial contributors in their relevant regional block to the regular budget, or the top voluntary contributors, or the top troop contributors from the regional area to United Nations peacekeeping missions”. The Panel did not propose “any expansion of the veto or any Charter modification of the UNSC’s existing powers”, although it recognized that the whole institution of the veto “has an anachronistic character that is unsuitable for an increasingly democratic age.” It urged for the use of veto “to be limited to matters where vital interests are genuinely at stake.” The Panel, also, asked “the permanent members, in their individual capacities, to pledge themselves to refrain from the use of the veto in cases of genocide and large-scale human rights abuses.” Regrettably, the Panel did not make “any reform proposal in regards to the expansion of the veto.”

The need to reconsider the structure of the UNSC and the modus operandi was instigated by the Non-Aligned Movement since the sixties.

23 Issue 4 - December 2012

Articles For more transparency in the voting process, the Panel proposed what it called the "indicative voting”, whereby “members of the UNSC could call for a public indication of positions on a proposed action.” According to the Panel “Under this indicative vote, “no” votes would not have a veto effect, nor would the final tally of the vote have any legal force. The second formal vote on any resolution would take place under the current procedures of the Council.” Kofi Annan had urged, in his report to the General Assembly, the member states to consider the two models and agree to take a decision on this important issue before September 2005, when the UN Summit on the occasion of the UN 60th anniversary was held.

...........................................

The proposals of the High-Level Panel to study the threats, challenges and change, are the most practical ones.

...........................................

Along with the proposals of the High-Level Panel, other proposals got their share of currency. Some of them suggested that the membership in the UNSC to be rotated alphabetically in order to determine the list of the few countries (three or four countries at most), which has a membership in the UNSC as a regional representative for a limited period. Thus, the “south” seat will be a regional one which countries from the “south” will alternate in seizing without having the authority of a veto vote. Another kind of membership is one which is governed by the standard model that the UN aspires to. In other words, the choice for membership will be made in accordance with the state’s commitment on the issues of the international community, and the size of its achievements in this field. According to this proposal, two seats will be available – one for the “north” and another for the “south”. It is a new kind of membership through which states can remain members in the UNSC for a period that is longer than the current two-year limit. The General Assembly elects these countries regardless of their size, capacity or regional affiliations; the only criterion to be taken into consideration is the state’s belonging to the “south” or the “north”. In addition, one proposal suggests transferring the UNSC into an executive board (of the UN) that has the required authorities to enable it to implement executive decisions in areas such as “preventive diplomacy”, or “making”, “keeping” or “establishing” peace and security. This means that the UNSC will have the same powers in the suppression of aggression as well as in the fields of environment protection, tackling poverty, protection of human rights, etc. The UNSC, according to this proposal, will comprise 25-30 seats – half of which will be seized by the permanent members which will be determined according to a set of criteria that pertain to the military, economic, demographic, etc. elements of overall strength. This is to ensure a balanced geographical, cultural and civilizational representation of the international community. The other half of the seats will be occupied by non-permanent members elected periodically by the General Assembly, and according to the same system currently in place to fill the nonpermanent seats of the UNSC.

24 Issue 4 - December 2012

Based on all these facts, it was proposed to form, through the Executive Board, four committees or councils: A “Security Council” to monitor and manage issues that relate to the settling and solving of international disputes; the Council of “sustainable development” to monitor and manage issues that relate to the environment, development, technical assistance, etc.; and the Council of “human rights and humanitarian assistance.” In this regard, four major states (G4) became candidates for a permanent seat in the UNSC, namely: Germany, Brazil, India, and Japan. However, India’s nomination raises the concerns of its neighbor and rival Pakistan, while China does not favor the nomination of Japan. Italy has openly declared its opposition to the nomination of Germany, and Mexico opposes Brazil’s nomination request. In the other hand, some countries may wish to grant Africa a permanent seat. Japan, in turn, has been insisting for some time now that it has a right in a permanent seat due to the size of its economy, that ranks second globally, and financial contributions, which ranks second after the United States, to the UN. Germany orients its claim on similar credentials, citing also its economic weight and the size of its contributions. India and Brazil’s claims are based on the magnitude of their geographical spaces and their demographic and regional weights. The draft of the G4 plan would increase the UNSC from fifteen (its current number) to twenty-five members by adding six permanent members (two African) with no veto right, and four non-permanent members. However, Africans did not see a fair distribution of powers in this project. Europe, now, has two permanent members of the UNSC (Britain and France), so what is the need for a new member (such as Germany)? The African Union offered its own project for the expansion of the UNSC. It suggests increasing the number of members of the UNSC to 26 with six permanent seats, two of them for Africa, each with a veto power, and five non-permanent seats, two of which for Africa as well. Italy and Mexico submitted a proposal which is similar to that of the G4. Yemen had, also, suggested that the Arab countries have two members in the enlarged UNSC – one for Asian Arab States, and the other for African Arab States. The “World Summit” meeting of 2005, which was held on the 60th anniversary of the UN, was the most important one on the issue of the UNSC reform. But they ended up with a statement that looked like a press release. The “final document” of the summit was spiritless and was intended to suggest that the summit did not fail. In reality, the summit expressed frustration and the aspirations of the small and poor countries of the world thwarted at the rejection rock of the big countries, which agree only on what corresponds with their interests. The United States went as far as declaring that it is not bound by any undesirable commitments mentioned in the final document. The demands made by these countries to the World Summit included expanding the membership in the UNSC from 15 to 25 members, increasing the number of permanent members that have the right to veto, allowing the General Assembly to play a more effective and dynamic role in global decisions, and making the developed countries abide by a timetable to eradicate poverty, especially in Africa. The summit concluded with making non-functional promises to eradicate poverty and without agreeing on any of the reform proposals, which caused the issue of expanding the UNSC to be deferred.

Articles In light of this failure, many countries called for submitting new proposals that might find acceptance. On March 20th, 2006, Switzerland, Jordan, Costa Rica, and Liechtenstein proposed a draft resolution before the General Assembly that aimed to introduce reforms to the UNSC. These countries made it clear (in the letter sent to the state members with the draft resolution) that attention (since the beginning) has been focused on the conditions of membership rather than the functionality of the UNSC. Hence, the proposal aimed to find a way out of the impasse that the process of reforming the UNSC had reached. In addition, it targeted shedding light on how to improve the functioning of the UNSC and adding more transparency to its activities. This proposal’s most important demand was that the UNSC presents its accounts to the General Assembly through an informal discussion of the annual report of the UNSC before the Assembly. It, also, requested the UNSC to provide periodical reports on the specific operations which are of interest to all member states, such as the completion of the peace-keeping operations, or the initiation of processes that pertain to imposing peace by force. The proposal called for: • Enhancing the consultation processes between the UNSC and the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. • The need to expand the scope of consultation to include even non-members of the UNSC. • Where decisions by the UNSC require the implementation by all member states, the UNSC should seek the views of the member states and ensure that their ability to implement decisions is taken into account. • More transparency in the work of the subsidiary bodies of the Council and better interaction with interested (UNSC members and non-members alike) countries. • The establishment of a permanent and continuous dialogue between the countries and the committee overseeing the sanctions in order to avoid the adverse effects of sanctions imposed by the UNSC, as well as the abuses that occurred through false accusations during the anti-terrorism campaign. • The need to identify procedures for a periodic review that allows the hearing of those whose names were included, by error, in the lists of persons or institutions subject to sanctions. As the power of the permanent members of the UNSC lies in the right to use the veto to absolutely block any decision, the project of the four countries is aimed at limiting the use of this right by forcing the permanent members of the UNSC to provide written explanations, to the

Assembly, as to why they used the veto within 5 days of using it. The states that submitted this proposal wishes to force permanent members to refrain from using the veto in cases of genocide, crimes against humanity, and “grave breaches” of international humanitarian law. This resolution comes at a time when the reform of expanding the UNSC, and distributing the new seats and powers to geographical groups and new members has reached an impasse. Due to the fact that the issues that this project tackles are highly sensitive, the countries that submitted it suggested that “the UNSC controls the approach of its own work” and that the ideas contained in the project are only addressed to the member states of the UNSC for their consideration, and to report thereon to the General Assembly. The U.S. ambassador John Bolton commented on this proposal by saying that “the UNSC shall reform itself from within.” In other words, the UNSC does not need anyone to teach it how to work!

...........................................

The whole institution of the veto “has an anachronistic character that is unsuitable for an increasingly democratic age.”

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On September 24th, 2009, Libya submitted a proposal to the General Assembly suggesting that increasing the number of seats in the UNSC is not a solution. Libya proposed transferring the membership and the authorities of the UNSC from countries to regional unions/organizations. Thus, the UNSC will become a tool that implements the Assembly’s resolutions. According to this proposal, permanent seats in the UNSC will go to the European Union, the African Union, the Union of Latin America, the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Non-Aligned Movement, and the SAARC (if established). In case a country existed outside these unions and/or organizations, it can be given a permanent seat whose occupation rotates every six months or a year. The Libya paper also proposes that each member should or should never have the veto right. To conclude, I think that the issue of reforming the UNSC is not easy because it puts the interests of the permanent members at risk. All reform attempts had utterly failed. But this does not mean that reform is not needed. It is still a necessity for the UNSC to fairly represent the new geopolitical realities and the change in the balance of powers. It is a due necessity, particularly because of the UNSC’s ineffectiveness with regard to the tragic conditions in Syria.

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Articles

The Gulf-Indian Relations in a Changing World Dr. Abdullah Al Madani * The Gulf-Indian relations is acquiring growing importance in light of the increasingly significant role that both parties play on the regional and international arenas. India, today, is an emerging international power which will have a significant impact on the international scene in the foreseeable future. The Gulf area will always be geopolitically and economically important due to its strategic location on major international waterways, and the large energy reservoirs. Geographical, historical, religious and cultural factors (besides the resulting social and intellectual interactions) played a significant role in connecting the Gulf to India with everlasting ties that date back to times immemorial. It is true that political and economic changes at the local, regional and international levels reflected on the GulfIndian relations (whether positively or negatively) in some historical periods; yet, these relations continued and still continue to exist without interruptions. This can only be attributed to the fact that said relations are deeply rooted and highly immune to challenges and variables. The relations between India and some Gulf countries should be renewed and enhanced for their mutual benefit, especially that: • Recently, India made big strides towards reaching the ranks of the major powers, • India occupies a politically, economically, militarily, and scientifically prominent position among major powers, • The Arab Gulf states are encountering a series of challenges on the political, security, development and other areas, • India does not have a colonial past, • The Gulf countries and India do not have divisive issues between them on water, land or borders that may prevent their partnership, • A lot of the thorny files and issues (between India and some Gulf countries) that date back to the Cold War era have been closed forever, or on the way to closure.

* An academic researcher and lecturer (from the Kingdom of Bahrain) in international relations, and a specialist in Asian affairs. 26 Issue 4 - December 2012

Articles The Gulf and India in Ancient Times Archaeological studies show that the relations between the Gulf region and India date back to the third millennium BC, as commercial ties were established between the ancient Indus Valley and Mesopotamian civilizations. As a result of the geographical location of the Gulf, which is located between these two civilizations, and the relative prosperity that certain areas of the Gulf witnessed at the time (such as the Kingdom of Dilmun in Bahrain, and the Kingdom of Magan in Oman), some of the commercial ships travelling between India and Mesopotamia used these locations as transit stations to get their supplies of food and water, or to rest.

The history of the Gulf-Indian relations dates back to the third millennium BC. Thus, the beginnings of the relations were limited to indirect trade exchanges. They remained so until the inhabitants of the Gulf learned the arts and methods of direct commercial transactions with Indians. Those inhabitants employed their navigational expertise to monopolize most of the export and import operations with India, before migrations in both directions started to take place.

The Gulf and India in the Era of British Domination During the period of the Portuguese dominance, which began at the end of the fifteenth century, over the coasts of the Gulf as well as those of Western India, the Gulf-India relations witnessed an outright decline due to the recklessness, suppression, and greed of the Portuguese. Those relations were resumed with the advent of the seventeenth century, when the British extended their influence to both regions. Relations witnessed unprecedented positive progress as both regions became under the single administration of the British colonial authority represented by the government of British India, which encouraged such relations because they served their own interests. We do not want to discuss here the details of the methods, events and facts that led first to the colonization of the Indian subcontinent by the British, and then the coercion of the Gulf sheikhdoms into colonial protectorate treaties. However, it is useful to emphasize that constraining the Gulf region with those colonial treaties took place only because of the colonizer’s interests, and economic and strategic ambitions in India. In other words, we have been a victim of the importance of India, and its geographical proximity to the Gulf on the one hand, and the colonial ambitions on the other. In the era of the British domination of India, which lasted until 1947, the Gulf was highly connected to India on more than one level. The government of British India ran the Gulf, and the fateful decisions thereon were made in Calcutta or Bombay, and they were implemented through English agents residing in Muscat, Sharjah, Bushehr, Bahrain and Kuwait. The Gulf’s administration was under the control of selected

staff from the civil service apparatus in India. The currency used was limited to the Indian rupee, and the postage stamps were Indian ones with the words Bahrain, Muscat, Kuwait or Qatar printed on them. The dialects of the Gulf were inlaid with an abundance of vocabulary and phrases of Indian origins. However, it is superficial to reduce the relations between the two regions and the Indian role in the Gulf during that era in such general terms. Due to the firm control that the British kept over both regions, and restricting (by the British) the relations and the dealings of the Gulf inhabitants to Bombay, the relations between the Gulf and India were deeper, more complex, and comprehensive enough to include various areas and up to the smallest most detailed things. This made India occupy a prominent place in the popular, social and cultural legacies of the Gulf for a relatively long period of time. Such a relation did not pass without leaving a clear Indian influence on most of the aspects of social, economic and cultural development in the Gulf.

The Gulf and India during the Cold War After World War II, a global bipolar system emerged and motivated the appearance of camps and treaties. Accordingly, the world became divided into two camps: Eastern that was led by the Soviet Union; and Western that was led by the United States. Most of the developing countries preferred to adopt an ostentatious neutral stance within the "NonAligned Movement". This movement was initiated by India in collaboration with Egypt and Yugoslavia in the early sixties. This context produced strong political ties between India and the radical revolutionary Arab regimes in Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Algeria, while the relations between India and the conservative Arab states (led by Saudi Arabia) became frosty. It is important to point out that the conservative Arab bloc did not adopt a hostile stance towards India, for there were no substantive issues that call for enmity, despite the fact that India was bias to its radical opponents to the point that Nehru considered his friend Abdel Nasser the sole leader of Arab nationalism. India, in turn, responded to the stance of the conservative Arab bloc in the same manner. India was driven by a set of things, inter alia: • Its commitment to keep, within the Non-Aligned Movement, as many of the countries whose Muslim populations are religiously connected to Saudi Arabia, • Its interest to keep its oil imports from the Gulf states flowing, • Its interest to keep its traditional exports to these countries. Thus, India’s relations with these Arab countries were confined to the economic, trade and cultural fields – they were not strategic. The India-Gulf relations, despite the fact that they continued quietly, concealed under the surface a lot of doubts and misgivings because of the different positions of the two sides in regards to international and regional issues, or due to the influence of external factors such as Pakistan – India’s rival and ideological opponent. In order to strengthen its political and military position in the Gulf region at the expense of India, Pakistan employed its Islamic identity and its presence in the same trench of the superpower ally of the conservative Arab camp to influence the Gulf-Indian relations. Pakistan, also, disseminated doubts about the intentions of India against

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Articles Muslims by focusing on its secularity, socialist ideology, and coordination with the Soviet Union. The influence of Pakistan’s actions had become clear when India was sacked with humiliation from the first Islamic summit in Rabat in 1969. No one objected then, despite the fact that more than 80 million Muslims live in India. The conservative camp’s individual countries’ relationships with India were not influenced to the same extent by said doubts and misgivings. These countries differed in how deep their ties with India were. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait (in the sixties and seventies) are cases in point. They are two good different models of how the conservative camp countries dealt with India. Estrangement dominated the political scene of the Indian-Saudi Arabian political relations. This can be attributed to: • The close political ties that India kept with Nasser’s Egypt and the latter’s radical Arab allies, • The harmonious character of the Indian-Eastern bloc Communist policies, • The Saudi’s resolute backing policy of Pakistan, as both share the same religious beliefs, • The Saudi’s promotion of the Islamic solidarity notion in the face of the national leftism tide, which India (agreeing with Nasser) described as "a new version of an alliance that is not different from the Baghdad Pact." The Kuwaiti-Indian relations, on the other hand, was marked by friendliness and serenity, and kept on progressing politically. This is because: • Kuwait adopted balanced foreign policies that put it at the same distance from both superpowers, • Kuwait adopted the same kind of policies that placed it at the same distance from the two camps of the Arab adversaries, • India defended Kuwait’s independence against the Iraqi demands of sovereignty over Kuwait in 1961, and Kuwait returned the favor by condemning the Chinese aggression against India in 1962.

The Gulf Arab states were keen to tap into the potential of India's large development projects. With the advent of the oil boom era, in the mid-seventies, or perhaps a bit before, a major breakthrough in the Indianconservative camp relations took place. Many reasons were behind this breakthrough, inter alia: • The retreat of Arab nationalism and the Nasser influence in the wake of Egypt’s 1967 defeat, • The death of Nasser in September 1970. Consequently, one of the ideological factors that caused the estrangement in the inter-Arab relations or ArabIndian regional relations, disappeared. The oil boom (that followed the October 1973 war) caused the center of the Arab world to shift from Cairo to Riyadh. At this point, a new

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foreign policy trend (led by Premier Indira Gandhi) appeared. At Indira’s time in power, the semi-isolation that her father Jawaharlal Nehru imposed on India became part of the history. Nehru imposed that semi-isolation on India as a result of the bitterness he felt after India’s defeat by China in the short border war between the two countries in 1962. He discovered then, and because of that defeat, that it is a mistake to rely on foreign policies driven by ethics. The new trend of the Indian foreign policy was characterized by prioritizing the national Indian interest to emotions and ideological principles in shaping relations with the nations. This policy focused on the economy rather than politics as a way to strengthen relations with conservative Arab states in the Gulf, especially with the growing need of India to oil, whose price went rocket high at the time and had become a burden on India. As the Gulf states (and other rich-in-oil Arab countries) inaugurated large and continuous development programs and projects, the Arab and the Indian parties’ need to strengthen their bilateral relations became a necessity. The Gulf was interested in importing cheap skillful labor, while India was keen to get a share in the oil boom projects in order to increase its hard currency reserves needed to import oil, and achieve an economic presence in the Gulf in order to counter Pakistan’s strategic presence. In light of these facts and in accordance with the new political line drawn by Mrs. Gandhi, the latter paid her first official visit to Saudi Arabia in 1982. That was the second Indian official visit to Riyadh since Nehru’s visit in September 1956. This development did not put an end to the doubts and misgivings that governed the political relations. The following are among the factors that kept the relations cold: • The Indian-Pakistani enmity, • The growing military ties between Pakistan and many Arab countries within the Western system strategies, • The strategic alliance between Moscow and New Delhi, • The divergent views (that Arabs and Indians maintained) on some regional issues, such as Kashmir and Afghanistan. All the above had cast a shadow over the Arab-Indian relations and prevented them from becoming friendlier or being transformed into a strategic partnership. The steady and explosive growth in the size of the expatriate Indian labor in the Gulf region did not succeed in creating better social and humanitarian relations between Indians and their hosts. We can say that the Indian labor had an almost counterproductive effect on the India-Gulf relations. Although the Indian labor assisted in establishing and in managing a lot of the infrastructures, as well as in providing the daily services in the Arab countries of the Gulf on the one hand, while providing India with hard currency through the large financial transfers of its citizens working in the Gulf on the other hand, this very same Indian labor had caused unprecedented crises in the Indian-Arab relations. Most of these crises could be traced back to taking advantage of or mistreating the Indian labor by some Arab employers, not to mention the fraud and deception practiced by some private employment offices in India and the Gulf.

Articles India in the Post-Bipolar Era: An economic rise and change in foreign policy Despite its heavy burdens, India managed to impose itself as an economic, military and scientific reality on the map of world powers rising rapidly toward the top. Hence, it is hard now to ignore, exclude or underestimate it. There is no doubt that this turn in the Indian scene was motivated by: • The collapse and disintegration of the Soviet Union (the most important trading partner and India’s largest strategic ally), • The repercussions of the liberating Kuwait war, which resulted in raising oil prices, and the disruption of Indian workers’ remittances from the Gulf, • The hostilities in the Gulf waterway, which affected India’s foreign trade, • The fact that the above pushed the Indian economy to the brink of bankruptcy, which left India with no option but to comply with the demands of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to liberalize its economy in exchange for a loan of about $ 1.8 billion. Thus, after decades of the Fabian socialism to which Nehru and his successors committed, the Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao in cooperation with the Minister of Economy at the time (the current Prime Minister) Manmohan Singh inaugurated (at the beginning of the nineties of the last century) the process of liberalizing the Indian economy and integrating it into the market economies. This process unleashed the talents and abilities of Indians. It had amazing and positive effects on the different aspects of life, economic activities, standards of living, per capita incomes, annual growth rates, export rates, foreign investment ratios, and the country’s income of hard currency. Today, 41.6% of Indians, according to the World Bank estimates, still live below the international poverty line. The old habits and myths are still widespread among the different Indian social classes, corruption still accompany electoral practices and the works of the bureaucratic administrations, and India is still the state of the outcasts and the appalling system of social inequality. On the other hand, India is constantly evolving and strikingly developing on the levels of economy, commerce, industry, agriculture, science, military, nuclear energy and space. In accordance with its achievements and rise in the various fields, India renewed some of the features of its foreign policy and international relations patterns to match its ambitions in the twenty-first century. The flexibility that accompanied its foreign policy assisted India in confronting the challenges and seizing the opportunities created by the absence of its ally, the Soviet Union, and the end of bipolarity. Thus, its new policies shifted from dependence on the Soviet Union to self-reliance, and from having strategic links with Moscow, to having strategic links with Washington. In addition, India improved its relations with Beijing. It is obvious that the objectives, determinants, and pillars of the Indian foreign policies are different now from those of post-independence India. One can, also, notice that the GCC’s foreign policies meet, in general, with that of India. Both parties’ policies are concerned with the issues of globalization, economic openness, economic development, international peace and security, (including regional security and the security of waterways) combatting terrorism and

piracy, reforming the United Nations, cooperating with third world countries, and cooperating for a world free of all nuclear and mass destruction weapons in accordance with an international agreement that does not exclude anyone. India is of the opinion that the regional security in the Gulf, for example, should be the responsibility of the international community. This coincides with the view of the largest Gulf country (Saudi Arabia), as stated by Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal during the "Gulf Security Dialogue" which was held in Manama in December 2004. The Foreign Minister said, for the first time, that: "the international dimension of the security proposal requires the active participation of Asian powers that have emerged recently, particularly China and India…the security of the Gulf needs international guarantees that cannot be met on an individual basis even if it comes from the sole superpower in the world."

India is of the opinion that the security of the Gulf region should be the responsibility of the international community. This concurrence between the foreign policies of the two parties, and the absence (for a relatively long time now) of the two most important factors, created doubts and misgivings between India and the Arab countries of the Gulf, namely: • The fact that India was part of the communist camp led by what was called in the political literature of the Gulf the "Russian Bear aspiring to reach the warm waters", • The support that India provided for revolutionary Arab regimes led by Nasser’s Egypt; besides, • The emergence of India as a stable and a strong nation with whom everybody is keen to cooperate, • The decline in the power and importance of Pakistan because of its internal crises, the growing influence of Pakistani extremist groups, and the fact that India and the Gulf are not considering their bilateral relations through the Pakistani spectrum, • The absence of inter-Arab ideologically clashing camps. All this creates the right environment, and provides a solid ground for a true Arab-Indian cooperation that is based on their common interests, mutual trust, and their ancient civilizational ties. In fact, this kind of cooperation had already been established in recent years. However, it still needs more attention to be enhanced and become more solid. Diplomatic exchanges or seasonal exchanges of visits between Arab and Indian decision-makers, the occasional prosperity of trade, and the continuing flow of Indian labor into the Gulf labor markets are not enough. The relations between the two parties need to be reframed so that they take the form of a multi-faceted longterm strategic partnership within a clear methodology and permanent institutional structures. Only then, can the Gulf greatly benefit from the giant Indian potential.

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Islam and Diplomacy Peacetime Envoys of the Prophet Peace Be upon Him (PBUH)

Dr. Muhammad Habash* The era of Prophet Mohammad’s (PBUH) prophecy was dominated by conflict, hardships, and confrontation with paganism and ignorance. More than 59 confrontations with the pagan factions were imposed on the Muslim community. Some of those confrontations involved military action. Nevertheless, the noble Prophet managed to set a unique example with regards to diplomacy. Great lessons can be drawn from that example. Contemplating the said example and the diplomatic missions that the noble Prophet delegated throughout his life, reveals the secrets behind the successes of those unique diplomatic missions. Let’s keep in mind that the Prophet’s greatest mission was the prophecy which was a divine diplomatic mission on earth. His task was to deliver the messages from heaven to earth and offer, through the Sunnah, additional clear adequate explanations for this great divine discourse. The divine diplomatic mission to earth took the form of delegating Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) with the final prophecy. In other words, his mission was meant to end the era of paranormals and inaugurate the era of Sunan (true paths to God). It was, also, meant to put an end to the era of miracles and start the era of human model by practice. The Prophet’s major

mission was, according to Malik bin Nabi, to show humanity the way out of the paranormal fog to the clarity of human action. In the field of prophetic diplomacy, one must acknowledge the efforts made by a number of the Islamic history scientists (who brought forth the diplomacy features in the Prophetic heritage), such as: Al-Mawardi (in his Al-Ahkam As-Sultaniyyah “Sultanic Provisions”); Al-Kettani (in his At-Tarateeb Al-Idariyyah fid-Dawlah al-Nabawiyyah “The Administrative Hierarchy of the Prophet’s State”); Al-Jouini (in his Ghiath Al-Umam fi Iltyath Aldhulam “Rescuing Nations from the Darkness of Confusion”); Abu Yu’la Al-Faraa (in his Al-Wulayat Ad-Deeniyyah “Religious States”); Ash-Shizariy (in his approach An-Nahj Al-Maslook fi Nahj Al-Mulook “The Right Path to the Politics of Kings”); and Ibnu Taymiyyah (in his As-Siyasah Ash-Shar’iyyah fi Islah Ar-Ra’i walRa’iyyah “The Jurisdictional Policy in Reforming the Ruler and the Subjects”). Only a number of the successful Prophetic diplomatic missions will be tackled in this article. To be more specific, only the diplomatic missions at peace time will be discussed here – hoping to seize another chance to discuss those that took place at the times of war.

* Director of the Center for Islamic Studies in Damascus.

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Articles Jafar ibn Abi Talib Jafar ibn Abi Talib was the first envoy of the noble Prophet. The Prophet chose him to head the first group of immigrants who went to Abyssinia. It is worth noting here that the choice of Jafar was made wisely by the noble Prophet as this choice was intended to establish excellent ties with King Negus, who was known for his justice and support for the oppressed against the oppressors. It seemed only logical for King Negus to become the closest ally of the emerging Islamic state, especially since it was founded on principles such as: • Establishing human brotherhood, • Cooperation in all matters which are righteous, • Unifying the noble men of earth – no matter their religion or race, • Supporting and protecting the oppressed, • Setting the foundation for equality on earth. Ja’far ibn Abi Talib was not of poor descent in Mecca. His father, Abu Talib, the main protector of Islam, was open in his providing support and protection for his nephew Mohammad (PBUH). It will only make sense to presume that Abu Talib will provide as much support and protection for him as for the Prophet. Therefore, I believe that choosing Ja’far ibn Abi Talib was a wise choice, for it boosted the negotiator’s status and saved him from looking like a person of poor descent who is begging for mercy. He was more of a diplomatic negotiator who was aiming at holding a coalition and establishing equal relations between Ethiopia and the emerging Islamic state. Should the head of diplomatic delegation have been one of the slaves whom Meccans tortured; the mission would have seemed that of seeking sympathy, food, and shelter. But the role of Ja’far (who was of the Hashemite Quraishi Muttalibi noble descent and the son of Abu Talib, the Sheikh of Quraish and its spiritual leader) was to initiate relations between equals. These relations were to be founded on trust, respect and what is common between the two divine religions. The Prophet chose Ja’far as the spokesman despite the fact that Uthman and his wife Roqayyah (God bless them) were among those who migrated to Abyssinia. Contrary to Uthman, Ja’far was well-known for his eloquence. In addition, the noble Prophet was willing to give King Negus the impression that the emerging state was that of institutions and competencies, not just a family who rebelled against the traditions of the tribe. In my opinion, there was another reason behind the Prophet’s choice, namely the role that Ja’far’s wife Asmaa bint Umays could play. This woman was one of the wisest and most intelligent in Quraish. After Ja’far’s martyrdom, Abo Bakr (God bless him) (the Prophet’s companion and the first caliph) proposed to her and married her; then she married Ali ibn Abi Talib (Allah honor him) (Ja’far’s brother, the Prophet’s cousin and the third caliph); then Mua’wiya (who is a man of noble descent and the fifth caliph) proposed to her, but she turned him down. Hind bint Awf, Asmaa’s mother, was known for her most noble descent. Hind’s daughters were married to the noble Prophet, Hamza (the Prophet’s uncle), Ja’far, Abbas (the Prophet’s uncle) and Al-Walled bin Al-Mugger (a noble

man and the father of Khalid bin Al-Walled, the famous Islamic leader). In brief, kings and noble men proposed to Asmaa. Her sisters were the most important women in the court of the Quraish, as well as throughout the time of the Prophet’s message. She had all the characteristics of the First Lady. She brilliantly managed to build a network of relationships among the women within Negus’s court, which contributed to establishing deep confidence between the emerging Islamic state and Negus. It goes without saying that envoy Ja’far was brilliant in convincing King Negus of the fairness of the Muslims’ case. This brilliance was clear when he confronted Amr ibn alAas, Negus’s friend and the shrewdest Arab, who was sent by Quraish to retrieve the immigrants from Abyssinia. Envoy Ja’far ibn Abi Talib managed to explain the immigrants’ just case and confronted Negus with his responsibility to support justice and protect the vulnerable. The speech that Ja’far delivered in the presence of Negus did not include a mention of the pillars of Islam (praying, fasting, zakat and Hajj), the differences between monotheism and the doctrine of the Trinity, the necessity to advocate monotheism, or its details. Rather, it was a clear statement that explained the injustice inflicted on people whose only guilt was hoping for freedom from an oppressive, racist and arrogant dictatorship. This was exactly what persuaded Negus that their case was just and made him take his noble stance of protecting the immigrants, turning down the request of his friend Amr, and defying the latter’s claim that the immigrants were a group of mobbish rebels with no true faith.

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Ja'far ibn Abi Talib is a diplomatic negotiator who seeks establishing equal relations between Abyssinia and the emerging Islamic state.

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The following is a quote (as narrated by Ummo Salamah) from Ja’far’s speech: “O King, we were a people in a state of ignorance and immorality, worshipping idols and eating the flesh of dead animals, committing all sorts of abomination and shameful deeds, breaking the ties of kinship, treating guests badly and the strong among us exploited the weak. We remained in this state until God sent us a Prophet, one of our own people whose lineage, truthfulness, trustworthiness and integrity were well-known to us. He called us to worship God alone…He commanded us to speak the truth, to honor our promises, to be kind to our relations, to be helpful to our neighbors, to cease all forbidden arts, to abstain from bloodshed, to avoid obscenities and false witness, not to appropriate an orphan’s property nor slander chaste women… We believed in him and what he brought to us from God and we follow him in what he has asked us to

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Articles do and we keep away from what he forbade us from doing… our people attacked us, visited the severest punishment on us to make us renounce our religion and take us back to the old immorality and the worship of idols. They opposed us, made life intolerable for us and obstructed us from observing our religion. So we left for your country, choosing you before anyone else, desiring your protection and hoping to live in justice and in peace in your midst.” This brilliant presentation of the Muslims’ case had a great impact on King Negus. He was pleased with what he heard from Ja’far. He ordered that Ja’far and his companions be taken good care of. The next day, Amr ibn al-Aas played the religion card. He said to King Negus: “These have left the religion of their people and they did not convert to neither your religion nor that of any other king.” This made King Negus summon the Muslims again to ask them about where they are standing in regards to Jesus Christ and his mother. Ja’far’s response to King Negus shows his brilliance and diplomatic awareness. He exhibited courage, confidence and wisdom. He only read verses from the Quran that pertain to showing the high status of Christ in Islam. Ja’far did not grovel to King Negus. Perhaps, another negotiator, with less wisdom, would have groveled to King Negus in order to ensure the safety of the Muslim immigrants justifying his attitude by the principle set forth by the Holy verse: “…save him who is forced thereto and whose heart is still content with Faith…” King Negus’s reaction was different from that of his patriarchs and everybody else in his court. King Negus said: “This and what our Jesus brought are from the same source.” Despite his patriarchs’ objections, King Negus said to Ja’far and his companions: “Go! You are safe in my land. Whoever hurts you will be punished! I won’t take a mountain of gold in exchange for hurting one of you!” But the success of envoy Ja’far had other more important aspects. Immigrating to Abyssinia preceded, by seven years, immigrating to Medina. It is known that the Islamic state was actually established in Medina; hence, most of the migrants to Abyssinia returned to the Arab Peninsula and joined the Islamic state there. However, Ja’far remained in Abyssinia and was assigned other diplomatic tasks. His major task was no longer securing a refuge for those fleeing Quraish’s oppression, but to continue the successful diplomatic mission that he and his wife Asmaa undertook in the court of King Negus. Ja’far ibn Abi Talib narrated lots of the situations in which he exercised the role of the envoy of Islam in Abyssinia; space limitations prevent us from elaborating thereon. But, in order to point out how successful Ja’far was in his diplomatic mission, it suffices to say that King Negus named his crown prince Ja’far. It was not a common name in Abyssinia. This, also, indicates how close family ties were between the Ja’far’s and the Negus’s. Ja’far resided in Abyssinia another seven years after the return of the migrants to Medina. He managed to organize several delegations of Abyssinian leaders and patriarchs who visited Mecca and supported Muslims during the Quraish boycott. Those delegations visited Medina as well and met with the Prophet (PBUH). Jafar returned to Medina at the time of conquering the Khyber fortress in 7 A.H. On the occasion of Ja’far’s return, the noble Prophet said: “By God, I do not know with which event I should be pleased, conquering Khyber or the return of Ja’far.”

Hatib ibn Abi Balta’ah The noble Prophet’s envoy to Egypt was Hatib ibn Abi Balta’ah, who was not among those who first believed in Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), nor among one of the ten men whom God foretold that they will enter paradise, nor a very pious man. Yet, he was the most appropriate man

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Articles for the mission of initiating dialogue with Egypt. The Prophet knew that Egypt had an ancient civilization. The Copts had established, at the time, a national church which they conjoined with the throne. So, the envoy to be sent to Egypt must have had thorough knowledge of the Egyptian’s doctrine. Hatib was well-equipped for such a mission. In the conversation that Hatib had with Pikaukasos the Vicegerent of Egypt, the former showed a unique knowledge of the Christian faith. Hatib adopted the Quranic text to pave the way for the diplomatic negotiations that he had with a ruler who represents the church and its power. During that conversation, Pikaukasos asked: “Your companion is a prophet and supported by God?”. Hatib said: “Yes!”

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In his conversation with the governor of Egypt, Hatib ibn Abi Balta'ah exhibited exceptional knowledge of the Christian doctrine.

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Pikaukasos asked: “What prevented him from praying to God to punish his people when they defied his message and accused him of being a liar?” Hatib said: “O king, so what prevented Jesus from praying to God to punish his people when they defied his message and accused him of being a liar?” Pikaukasos said to Hatib: “You are a wise man who was sent by a wise man!” Although the meeting did not result in causing Pikaukasos to have second thoughts about his faith, Hatib managed to extend bridges of friendship and harmony between Egypt and the emerging Islamic state. He returned from Egypt laden with Pikaukasos’s gifts which included a doctor, a servant boy, and a servant woman who later became the Prophet’s wife. The next time he went to Egypt, Hatib delivered the Prophet’s part of the will that pertained to Egyptians. That part says: “Treat the Copts kindly for the kinship we have with them.” Thus, Hatib’s was one of the most successful diplomatic missions in Islam, as it had yielded building good-neighborly relations with Egypt that saved Muslims from encountering the Egyptian army while conquering Syria and Palestine. It, also, saved the Egyptians a devastating war with the Muslim army as opening Egypt, by Amr ibn al-Aas, took place with the least casualties.

Dahyah bin Khalifa al-Kalbi Dahyah bin Khalifa al-Kalbi was an Arab prince from the Kalb tribe. He was known for being handsome and well-groomed that when he used to pass through the Medina streets, young girls could not resist gazing at him. The Prophet (PBUH) said that Gabriel used to come to him in the image of Dahyah. Thus, they called him the angels’ peer. The noble Prophet chose him to be his envoy to Levant. Dahyah had substantial wealth and he was the Khazraji with the greatest commercial ties with Levant. He was the owner of the great caravan that reached the Medina during the Friday prayers while hitting the drums and

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Articles playing the trumpets that made people leave the prayers as mentioned in the Quran (Friday Surah: verse 11). There is no doubt that the Prophet’s choice of Dahyah as his envoy to Levant was a wise one. Dahyah had close connections with the Levant merchants and the Caesar court. Therefore, Dahyah’s continuous caravans were a clear message to the Levant people that the Islamic conquest will open a big market for them in the Arab Peninsula. The success of businessman Dahyah’s diplomatic mission, proves the wisdom behind the choice. I think that the indigenous Levant people (especially those who inhabited the coastal strip of the Mediterranean) had, perhaps, felt that the Romans with their blond hair and blue eyes were closer to them than the dark skinned Arabs; therefore, choosing handsome Dahyah as an envoy was meant to hit two sparrows with one stone: • Show the Levant people that they have racial roots in the Arab Peninsula. • Remind the Levant people that the Arabs from Medina were the ones who were filling the Levant markets with the fine goods of the desert.

Amro ibn Omayyah Al-Dhamriyy This is a unique and mysterious envoy. I have explained above how close the diplomatic relations with Abyssinia became; therefore, one would expect the envoy to Abyssinia to be of the highest Islamic rank. But the Prophet chose a vague not very well-known man. In fact, Amro ibn Omayyah Al-Dhamriyy was fighting with the pagan infidels against Muslims in the battles of Badr and Ohod!! He was described as short, very dark skinned with fat lips. So, what qualified Amro to be the envoy to the most important country to Muslims at the era of the Prophet’s message? The way that Amro addressed King Negus adds another element of surprise. An envoy, normally, addresses a king using the titles that the latter expect people to address him through. However, the Prophet’s envoy to Abyssinia bypassed all that and spoke to King Negus in a manner that only friends or relatives used. Amro said to King Negus: “O Ashama…I am talking, so you have to listen [!!]…You are so kind to us as if you are one of us, and we trust you because whenever we wished you to do something good you did and we have always felt secure with you. We are holding the righteousness of the Bible against you. The Bible is a fair judge; otherwise, you are nothing to our illiterate Prophet but like the Jews to Jesus. The Prophet (PBUH) hopes in you what he hopes in nobody else and he trusted you on what he feared everybody else on. This he did because he wishes you a good reward [on Judgment Day].” One cannot help but to notice (in the above quote) that

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Amro is addressing King Negus by his first name “Ashama”. Besides, he is commanding the King to listen to him in the manner of: “I am talking, so you have to listen”?! This has puzzled me, especially that narrators stated that Negus responded positively to the call of the noble Prophet, was kind to his envoy, and converted to Islam!! So, how could such a rough tough manner of speaking have such good positive results? I, personally, think that the answer to this question can be found in the story that Al-Toosi mentioned in his book “AlAmali”. The story says that King Negus summoned Ja’far ibn Abi Talib and his companions. Upon their arrival, they noticed that he was wearing rags and sitting on the ground. Ja’far said: “O dear King! What made you wear rags and sit on the dirty ground?” King Negus said: “I have just heard that God granted His Prophet victory over Quraish in the Badr valley…we are told in the Bible that we have to show modesty when God bestow a blessing upon us!” Ja’far said: “O King, do you know the Badr valley?” King Negus said: “Yes…As if I’m looking at it now!...When I was young and my Kingdom was taken away from me, I crossed the sea to Arabia. I travelled until I arrived at the oasis at Badr. I lived there working as a shepherd for my master who was a man of the Dhamrah tribe.” Keeping in mind that Amro ibn Omayyah Al-Dhamriyy is a member of that Arab tribe that embraced Negus when injustice was done to him, there is a chance that Amro knew King Negus at that time and perhaps they were childhood companions. This is an indication of the deep insight and knowledge that the Prophet resorted to in choosing his envoys. Amro’s success as an envoy in establishing good relations with Abyssinia was further pursued by his success in establishing inter-Arab relations.

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Many lessons can be drawn from the wise choices of envoys that the Prophet made.

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This has been a rapid review of the Prophet’s envoys at peace time. Many lessons can be drawn from the choices he made in regards to his war time envoys, which can, probably, be discussed in future studies. Although no one can claim that the lessons we learned from the above envoy’s mannerisms can be enough as a guide to diplomatic protocol, (which requires lots of experience and has specialized institutes to teach, organize and direct) they still contain inspiring instructions on which the logic of diplomatic exchanges can be established and managed in the best way that benefits the nation.

Book Review

‫‏‬The Transformation of

the Gulf Politics, Economics and the Global Order

‫ ‏‬dited by: E David Held (Professor of Political Science at London School of Economics and Political Science, he has many publications in the field of globalization, changing forms of democracy, and the prospects of regional and global governance) Kristian Ulrichsen (Deputy director of Kuwait Program on Development, Governance and globalization in the Gulf States, Research fellow at LSE, research interest include history of Iraq, political and security transition in the Gulf region, He has many publications) ‫‏‬London: Routledge, 2012

‫‏‬Dr. Mohammed Hussein Sharfi * ‫‏‬The volume is a culmination of three years' research efforts of the Kuwaiti Program on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States. The Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences sponsors the project, which will be for 10 years, and this book is the first portion of the program. Research specialists in globalisation (David Held), and on the Gulf region studies (Kristian Ulrichsen) edited this valuable book; a combination that furnishes the right lay out. The book debates the political, economic and social transformation dynamics in the Gulf by examining the internal and external dimensions that affect the region. Prominent contributors in various related fields injected the needed substance for the reader. They emphasize the fact that the GCC emerges as an important block in the international and regional levels, especially with its geostrategic location and the huge hydrocarbon and financial resources.

thematic topics were examined such as nationalism and identity, migration, and gender; while the second part delve into particular facets of economic reform such as sovereign wealth funds, Islamic finance, energy and sustainability. The third part of the volume looks into the vital issue of security and foreign policy by exploring issues such as security and strategic trends, Gulf security and the challenge of transition, Qatar foreign policy, aid, and the Pacific Asia linkages. All these chapters encompassing the volume deliberate the interrelation between the global and the far-reaching domestic transformation occurring in the region. The contributors also stress and refer to the changing nature of institutional and governing structures in the six member states of the GCC. Chapters in the volume were researched in an extensive manner by the authors with plenty of information and data along with perceptive analysis.

‫‏‬The volume is structured around three main pillars (the domestic context, economic reform and governance, and security and foreign policy). The expert contributors offer a glimpse of the region in various subjects related to these three issues. The methodology of the book is a multidisciplinary approach, which includes thematic, empirical and country specific studies chapters. In the first part of the book,

‫‏‬In the first part, Greg Power discusses in "The Difficult Development of Parliamentary Politics in the Gulf" the dynamics of supervised politics in the six GCC states, and the pace of institutional political progress taking place. Power examines the pattern of distribution of power by looking at the parliamentary experiences in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman. In "Nationalism in the Gulf States” Neil Patrick

* International Affairs Advisor – The Diplomatic Institute.

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Book Review explores the question of national identity in the Gulf where issues of Islam, tribal solidarity, citizenship, and political reform were all mishmashes in the endeavor to offer an insight for this question. He drew attention to regional political aspects surrounding the creation of the GCC indicating that "the development of the GCC promoted the notion of haweeya Khaleeji (Gulf identity) as a conscious alternative to the delegitimizing radical Islamism of the newly born Iranian Republic and of the rival resurgent assertions of Arab nationalism being expressed by Iraq as a tool of its own national interests". ‫ ‏‬igration politics are also debated at length, while M another chapter indicated the profound progress on the status of women in the Gulf. Wanda Krause in "Gender and Participation in the Arab Gulf" referred to the great contribution of Sheikha Fatima Bint Mubarek, the wife of the late Sheikh Zayed, and Sheikha Moza Bint Nasser, wife of Qatar’s Emir, to the advancement of women in their societies. One of the most interesting chapters in this volume is "The Arab Gulf Moment" in which he takes on the current prominence of the GCC countries, and poses questions that "revolve around how durable is the Gulf moment, and how much of the new thinking is, in essence, old thinking?" Abdulkhaleq Abdulla provides a range of the issues that poses future challenges for the Gulf States such as "how successfully Gulf States deal with complex sociopolitical issues and challenges: the global and the local, change and continuity, the old and new, political reform and stagnation, and the evolving relationship between the entrenched Gulf monarchies and the modernizing Gulf middle classes". ‫‏‬The second part of the book focuses on the merge of the Gulf region with the international economic system, especially with the vitality of hydrocarbon resources to the Western economies. In "Governing Markets in the Gulf States", Mark Thatcher discusses the creation of independent regulatory agencies in the Gulf States, and the sweeping governance institutional reform in securities, trading, and telecommunication markets. Islamic finance in the region was examined at length, providing a perceptive landscape of this economic sector. Rodney Wilson contends that the Gulf region is the epicenter of Islamic finance in the Muslim world. The author also referred to the opportunities for further development existing to this financial sector by stating that "the increasing international respect for Islamic finance is noted in the GCC, and encourages local acceptance by both governments and bank consumers, not least because no Islamic bank has failed in the crisis or required a substantial government bail-out." Kuwait was discussed in another chapter as a case study in the issue of welfare and the use of oil to raise the standards of living. ‫‏‬A chapter in this part of the volume adopts a comparative analysis approach on economic volatility, diversification and development, while another debates the context, constraints and challenges facing energy and sustainability. Gawdat Bahgat maintains in "Sovereign Wealth Funds in the Gulf" that the region SWF contributed positively in confronting the global financial crisis. In the meantime, the chapter looks at the dynamics, transparency and performance of the Gulf SWF as well as their future in the international financial

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system. Bahgat has two conclusions in his chapter: "First, while the GCC states' short term economic outlook is clouded by the global economic slowdown and by the credit crisis in Dubai, the region's medium-term outlook seems broadly positive...Second,…the efforts to diversify the region's economies away from oil and create other sources of national income have achieved only a modest success." Despite all the shortcomings and challenges confronting the world economy, this chapter paints a constructive picture of the Gulf region’s financial outlook. ‫‏‬The book concludes with several chapters on the critical subjects of security and foreign policy. This part of the volume points out the GCC countries’ direction towards the “internationalization” and “diversification of its geopolitical interests and choice of partnership”. Parallel to this, the strong and strategic security linkages with the USA continues to be a vital policy option to the GCC countries. In “Security and Strategic Trends in the Middle East”, Anoushiavan Ehteshami debates the changing nature of the gravity of power in the region and its impact in the overall political outlook. He argues that the international engagement and involvement in the affairs of this region, which is characterized by complexity and volatility, is derived from its importance for international security. Kristian Ulrichsen argues in “The Challenge of Transition: Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century” that other nonmilitary aspects of insecurity are reconfiguring the “the security paradigm”. He refers to the necessity of the region to adopt a holistic security approach, which includes nonmilitary issues with the emergence of a range of new and non-traditional threats such as “transnational terrorism, cross border criminal networks and flows, and global issues such as climate change”. ‫‏‬There is a chapter on Gulf States’ humanitarian and development assistance which provides solid background, analysis and future strategy, and options. Regional Linkages with Asia Pacific offer a broad overview of different aspects of cooperation. In “Foreign Policies with International Reach: The Case of Qatar”, Steven Wright discusses the “uniqueness” and “pragmatism” of Qatar foreign policy by deciphering how these attributes came about. The author stresses the synergy in the generational changes that led to the adoption of these policies and approaches in foreign affairs. In this context, Wright discusses Qatar’s security diversification strategy, while pursuing the mediation diplomacy with “autonomy and independence”. He indicated that what “the lessons of Qatar teaches us for the increasingly globalized Gulf region is that the old rules of the game do not necessarily apply; yet this is very different from suggesting that this is part of a wider transformation in GCC foreign policy-making”. ‫‏‬When finishing reading the volume, many questions arise in regard to the future outlook of the Gulf region, while painting an overall optimistic picture. These future challenges facing the six GCC countries were tackled in a comprehensive manner and provide food for thought. Undoubtedly, the book provides solid reference for anyone who is interested in the region and needs to further his understanding and analysis.

Publications

Publications of the Diplomatic Institute:

Qatar in International Indicators Within a series of studies published by the Diplomatic Institute at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a study entitled “The State of Qatar in International Indicators” has been issued recently. As mentioned in the preface, the international indicators of world organizations on the various political, economic, social, institutional, environmental and cultural issues are, nowadays, considered the most important criteria for evaluating progress in various fields of development, especially if these indicators were the mirror that reflects a country’s economic, political, social, cultural, scientific and institutional realities of development. Countries around the world pay great attention to the reports of international indicators on institutional, political, and new economic developments. These are particularly important to decision-makers, senior officials, ministries, state agencies, and planners of development programs aimed at achieving economic, social and political progress. The indicators identify the progress in the development process and point out its defects. The above study is a rigorous scientific analysis of the status of the State of Qatar, according to said international indicators. It indicates the strengths and weaknesses of each of the indicators, and concludes with some proposals that can promote the State of Qatar’s rank in the various development indicators. The study was divided into five chapters. The first chapter deals with the international political indicators, which were of five types: good governance indicator, global governance indicator, failed states indicator, the global peace indicator, and Bertelsmann political transformation indicator. The second chapter focuses on indicators that pertain to institutional aspects such as: the global competitiveness indicator, travel and tourism competitiveness indicator, ease of doing business indicator, transparency indicator, and economic freedom indicator. The third chapter tackles the new economy indicators such as: knowledge-based economy indicator, digital infrastructure readiness indicator, e-government readiness

indicator, development of information and communication technology indicator, and the global innovation indicator. The fourth chapter highlights the indicators for assessing country risk, such as: the composite indicator of country risk, indicator of the institutional investor of country assessment, etc. The fifth chapter reviews the indicators relevant to developmental and environmental aspects and media, such as the indicator of human development, the indicator of press freedom in the world, the indicator of globalization index, and the indicator of environmental performance. The study arrived at a number of conclusions that can be summarized as follows:

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Publications Articles 1. International indicators represent a major source of reference for decision-makers in government institutions because of these indicator’s capabilities of evaluating the policies and performance of the various national economy sectors. Businessmen and investors can also utilize them effectively to direct their investments and develop their plans and programs of investment. 2. The fact that the State of Qatar ranks high in many international indicators is not a stroke of luck. It is the product of the intensive efforts of the three sectors: the government, the private sector, and the civil society organizations in all areas for several years now. These intensive efforts were directed to support the business sector in order to achieve sustainable development, to build a knowledge-based community and a knowledgebased economy, and to strengthen the internal security and stability. 3. The institutional work in the State of Qatar has been improved. This can be deduced from the fact that Qatar seized high ranks in some international indicators. For instance, it came in 12th in the global peace indicator, 14th in the global competitiveness indicator, 22nd in the economic freedom indicator, 25th in the digital infrastructure readiness indicator, and 27th in the corruption perceptions indicator. 4. The State of Qatar progressed in all international institutional indicators, the new-economy indicators, and the political indicators. The only exception, however, was the indicator of press freedom, where Qatar ranked 114th in 2011-2012, compared to its rank of 79th in 2007. This requires the relevant authorities to study the reasons behind this decline. 5. Despite the progress that Qatar obtained in the environmental performance indicator, which made Qatar jump from its position of 122nd in 2010 to the new position of 100th in 2012, this rank does not reflect the true attention that the State of Qatar pays to the environment. This can be attributed to the lack of information and environmental statistics which are involved in the calculations of this indicator. 6. The State of Qatar was not even ranked in some international indicators, especially the financial, commercial or economic indicators, such as the economic prosperity indicator, financial development indicator, and international retailers development indicator. These indicators are important in the evaluation of the safety of the financial system, and the level of luxury enjoyed by members of the Qatari society. 7. Hopefully, the implementation of the National Development Strategy 2011-2016, which includes several programs and projects, will contribute to improving the business environment in Qatar, increasing the competitiveness of the national economy, and improving human development indicators and the indicators of the new economy. 8. There is an urgent need to exert greater efforts to stimulate the use of the internet technology, whether by the individuals or by the business sector. This requires providing the appropriate infrastructure and the information

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technology resources in all economic sectors. 9. The parliament elections, which are expected to take place in 2013, will have a tremendous role in boosting the rank of the State of Qatar in many international indicators (which depend on the political participation as the major factor in the calculations of the indicator), such as: the indicator of good governance, the indicator of Bertelsmann political transformation, and the indicator of global governance. The study came out with the following set of recommendations and constructive proposals, which could contribute to enhancing the status of the State of Qatar in international indicators in the next few years: 1. Prepare a report (every two years) that includes studying and analyzing the ranks of Qatar in the international, institutional, economic, political and social indicators in order to benefit from the results to improve and enhance the competitiveness of the Qatari economy and the status of the State of Qatar in these indicators, and to review the aspects behind the decline in order to strengthen the position of the state in those indicators. 2. The QSA should create a comprehensive statistical database, in cooperation with all relevant institutions; especially the Ministry of Environment. The lack of environmental data caused the rank of Qatar in the environmental performance indicator to be a false reflection of the great efforts made by the State of Qatar in the area of environmental development. 3. Urging the government institutions, as well as the business sector, to take the international questionnaires, opinion polls, and field surveys relevant to the indicators seriously and answer them as accurately as possible. And requesting the concerned authorities to update and provide accurate data on the State of Qatar in the international reports which include those indicators. 4. Coordinate with the organizations that prepare the international indicators for the aim of improving the ranks of Qatar in said indicators. 5. Coordinate with the international organizations and bodies, and the international institutions specialized in the calculations of some indicators, which did not include the ranks of Qatar, in order to provide them with the necessary data. This will assist in identifying the amount of progress made in the developmental aspects related to these indicators. 6. Forming a work group (of the bodies concerned with the international reports) that includes (but not limited to) the QSA, the Ministry of Business and Trade, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Supreme Council of Information and Communication Technology, the General Secretariat for Development Planning, the Administrative Control and Transparency Authority, the Supreme Council of Health, the Supreme Education Council and the Ministry of Environment. The group’s mission is to study all international indicators, analyze the performance of the State of Qatar, and identify the strengths and weaknesses in this performance as well as the mechanisms and the methods to improve it.

From the Political Dictionary War Crime: A war crime is the violation of the laws of war that leads to individual criminal responsibility. In 1945, the International Military Tribunal Charter of Nuremberg defined war crimes as "violations of the laws of war or traditions"; including: murder, ill-treatment, deportation of civilians in the occupied territories, abusing or killing prisoners of war, killing of hostages, looting of public or private property, destruction of cities and any sabotage which was not necessary as far as military requirements are concerned. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 recorded the first attempt to define war crimes through a legal humanely treaty. War crimes have been identified as a serious breach of each of the four charters (on the wounded and sick on the land, the wounded and sick at sea, and prisoners of war and civilians). These violations include: • Intentional murder. • Torture or inhumane treatment. • Causing great torment. • Property destruction in a manner not justified as a military necessity. • Forcing civilians or prisoners of war to serve the enemy force. • Depriving civilians or prisoners of war of a fair trial. • Deportation or illegal detention of civilians. • Hostage taking.

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Ethnic Cleansing: It is a literal translation of the phrase "Etnicko Ciscenje" in the Serbo-Croatian language. However, it is difficult to determine the origin of the phrase, but media reported "ethnically cleansed lands" in Kosovo after 1981.

Genocide: The origin of the word genocide in English goes to "Genos" which means race or tribe, and "cide" which means killing in Latin. Genocide happens when a government, or any other organization, intentionally destroys a group of people, or threatens their survival as a group. Thus, forced sterilization, mass rape, psychological and physical torture, deportation, resettlement and ethnic cleansing may all be means to promote genocide, even without representing a genocide crime in the narrow sense of the term. Although genocides occurred throughout history, they had in the twentieth century two distinctive features: The first is the unprecedented number of victims reaching at least (150) million people. The second is the scientific and systematic nature of the slaughtering process, which reached its maximum extent during the Nazi Holocaust. In short, genocide is an attempt to exterminate people because of their nationality, race, ethnicity or religion. The second article of the Charter of the United Nations on the Punishment of the Perpetrators of Genocide Crimes and Prevention of such crimes specifies the following five actions as genocide crimes: • Killing members of the same group. • Causing physical or psychological harm to members of the same group. * Intentionally subjecting the group partially or completely conductive to physical destruction. • Imposing measures to prevent births within the group. • Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

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At that time, this concept was linked to administrative matters that were not related to violence, but to the treatment of Albanians in Kosovo to the Serbian minority. The current term got its meaning during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1982-1995). Since the military officers in the former Yugoslavia had a leading role in all these events, we can say that this concept goes back to the military terminology. The phrase "land clearing" is usually directed to the enemy, and is used most often in the last phase of fighting in order to have full control of the invaded land. There is a difference between ethnic cleansing and genocide. Ethnic cleansing seeks to purge or clean the land from the ethnic group by terrorism, rape or murder to force residents to flee, while genocide aims at destroying the group by closing borders so that no one can escape. We should not look at this issue as if the ethnic cleansing is not an international brutal crime, but as a punishable crime against humanity. The policy of ethnic cleansing constitutes a fundamental breach of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law when the means and methods adopted in the ethnic cleansing are similar to those of genocide and when several elements intentionally collaborate to destroy a group. In this case, we are talking about genocide. There is no precise legal definition for ethnic cleansing as in the case of genocide, although the phrase is used frequently in the UN General Assembly, the resolutions of the Security Council, the documents of the special rapporteurs, and in the booklets of non-governmental organizations.