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XIII.
Vol.
January,
2.
MONIST
THE
APOLLONIUS AREFORMER may have
OF TYANA.
of Greek religion fromwithin,whose activity coincided
with the first emergence
Apollonius Artistic
No.
1902.
restoration
of the Christian
op Tyana.
of the contorniate
reproduced
(Speciallymade forTheMonist.1)
on page
162.
from Judaea, is undoubtedly an interesting historical propaganda times Apollonius of figure. And both in ancient and in modern 1The artistic
hand which
effect.
appears
in the original
has been
omitted
because
of its in
I?2
THE
MONIST.
Tyana has been made the subject of parallels which were probably never thought of by the author of his extant Life. The first of Proconsul of Bithynia under Dio these parallels was by Hierocles, to show in which the attempt seems to have been made cletian; that the marvels attributed to Apollonius were better authenticated than those attributed self ; but we
to Christ.
We
do not possess
this work
it
the reply of Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea and the after written historian, triumph of the new faith. elaborate modern parallel is that of F. C. Baur, first pub have
ecclesiastical The most
in 1832.1 Baur here attempts to show, not only that there are resemblances between the Life of Apollonius by Philostratus his and the Gospels, but that Philostratus deliberately modelled lished
Apollonius A contorniate,
of Tyana.
and unquestionably
authentic.2
hero on the type set forth by the Evangelists. Though he was fol so that it is now generally rejected; lowed in this view by Zeller, to enter into controversy on the subject. It re none to to the less determine the mains, however, interesting try character of the reforming activity of Apollonius himself. Was his there is no need
predominant
aim to conduct
supernaturalism,
or was
the world along the path of intensified it to promote the growth of a more rational
1 by Zeller with two essays on related subjects Republished zur Geschichte der alten Philosophie title, Drei Abhandlungen zum Christenthum, h?ltnisses 1876. Leipzig, 2The
under und
the general ihres Ver
medal the philosopher's shows on the obverse head, and on the reverse on a quadriga in the other. with a palm The in one hand and a whip for Tyaneus) of uncommon words wrong spelling (in the present case TEANEYS is not unfrequent in numismatics. from Visconti, Iconogr.. pi. 17, 4, Reproduced a victor
fig. 115.
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
163
and ethical religion so far as this was possible without breaking with the past? The materials for judging are contained in the Life of Apollo by Philostratus early in the third century, and in the extant letters ascribed to him, some of which Philostratus evidently knew. Whether any of these are genuine, it is impossible to be
nius written
in any case the biography of Philostratus is clearly a the composition of it, the writer professes to have a disciple of Apollonius the memoirs of Damis, ; but he tells
certain ; and romance. used
For
us that, as these were wanting in literary form, he has freelyworked them up. Baur argues that the introduction of "Damis the As The obvious anachronism by syrian" is simply a literary device. which Philostratus represents the Babylon visited by Apollonius as identical with the Babylon of Herodotus, he also holds to be in It is not, he thinks, put before the reader for serious but belief, only to bring out the ideal attitude of a Greek philoso There is much to be pher confronted with Oriental ostentation. tentional.
said for this view. nowhere
letters, has presentation claims belief as
art-critic,
an accomplished man of the air of disclaiming credit for the skill of
Philostratus,
shown
who was
in his narrative,
in the stories narrated. is evident
from
the
while
he dis occasionally He was, besides, an original
descriptions
of
real
or
imaginary
; and he puts into the mouth of which he can scarcely have meant us theories aesthetic
in another
pictures
of his works
Apollonius to believe were not his own.
He did not, of course, for a moment was he that drawing up the documents of a new religion, suppose and hence had no motive for concealing his methods. It was only
that they should not be obtruded. We have before us a highly mature work of literary art by an individual author who comes forward in his own name. If we cannot be sure in detail necessary
the facts at the ground of the romance, we are saved from the labor of trying to extricate them from stratum on stratum of
about
redactions. We know at least what type of reformer superimposed to have been. Philostratus conceived Apollonius That Apollonius was a real person born at Tyana, there is no reason
to doubt ; nor
is there any uncertainty about
the general
THE
164
MONIST.
of his life and teaching. He was in manner of life a Neo ascetic, and taught what would now be described as Pythagorean character
a spiritualistic philosophy. The one mode of reforming activity to him with absolute consistency is a vigorous campaign ascribed animal
sacrifices.
powers, especially those of Superhuman and of insight prophetic clairvoyance, were attributed to him by common report. Dio Cassius,1 as well as Philostratus, relates that he saw in a vision the slaying of Domitian. The fact that he had against
a quarrel with a Stoic philosopher named Euphrates, who is known as a historical personage,2 is clear, though its causes can only be from the account of Philostratus. For the rest, there conjectured that Philostratus is no ground for supposing deviated in the gen eral spirit of his representation from the authentic type of his hero; and he must have had sources of information open to him for the details, with whatever Lives
of Apollonius,
freedom he may have treated them. Other now lost, are known to have existed. some of which, as has been of Apollonius/'
In the "Epistles mentioned, Philostratus
had
before him, the type is already indi from these may be given as a preliminary
A few points to the more detailed biographical account which will follow.8 The style of the most of them, it may be observed, is of the laconic
vidualised.
to all the genuine
brevity attributed by Philostratus lonius.
on
Two
the
subject
of
sacrifices,
letters of Apol
addressed
to
the
sacer
at Olympia and at Delphi, may be quoted in full. "The gods need not sacrifices. What then might one gratify them as I think, and by benefiting By obtaining wisdom, by doing? dotal
bodies
worthy men to the gods;
These power. things are dear are of those the godless."4 "Priests defile altars with then some wonder whence cities are unfortunate, while
blood; 1Lxvii. lungen, 2A
to the extent of one's
18.
Epistles
to Kayser's pended used Westermann's
von Tyana
Apollonius
und
Christus
{Drei Abhand
pp. n?-m).
laudatory reference loc. cit., p. by Baur,
quoted 3The
4 Ep
See Baur,
etc., ed. Zeller,
to him
in the Epistles
of the younger
Pliny
(i. 10) is
153W.
of Apollonius and the reply of Eusebius to Hierocles are ap edition of Philostratus, Vol. I. For Philostratus himself I have edition.
26 : to?? kv 'Qlvfinia QeqK?poi?.
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
they do ill in great things. Oh folly ! Heraclitus was wise, but not even he persuaded not to wash out mud with the Ephesians mud."1
The
contrariety
dwelt
on
between
virtue
and
riches2
may
over as a well-known be passed ; but commonplace philosophic the way in which love of family and country is brought into union seems to offer something distinc with the widest cosmopolitanism tive of the philosopher who, having travelled over the known world, is said to have been always pleased when addressed by the name of his birthplace. it is well, he declares, to think all the While earth a fatherland and all men brothers and
friends, as being chil dren of God, of one nature ; there being the same community of reason and of passions to each and all, barbarian or Greek : yet neither men nor even irrational animals can lose the memory of seat or find anything to replace it.3 Men need cities next after the gods; and after the gods cities are to be honored and their interests to be placed foremost by every rational their home
being.4
and native
While
he accepts
(or
is made
to accept) as an honor the seeks to attain insight into
charge that his Pythagorean philosophy the future by revelations from the gods?only
given, as he con also claims for the Pytha
tends, to those who are pure in life?he goreans, as Iamblichus did afterwards, the idea of a demonstrable religion.5 Against the credulity of the time, we find the reproof ad dressed
to the Milesians
is called their father, that, while Tha?es accuse a they in their folly philosopher who predicts an earthquake of causing it.6 A distinctive point again is the protest against the
In an imaginary dialogue, cynical strain in Stoicism. is made to reproach Apollonius with relieving pains and Euphrates the body (which are no evil, according to the rigor of sufferings exaggerated
1 Ep. 2See
27 : ro??h
AeaQo?? lepevatv.
' fieiov especially Ep. 35 : 'Aperr/Kai xpyuara nap r)filv?XkrjAo?? evavri?rara, uEvov y?p t? trepov avi-ei r? erepov, ?? /lleio?. ir?? ovv ?war?v ?ficp?repa irepl aigav?/iEvov r?v avr?v yev?c&at ; ttAt/vel fir)r? t?v ?vorjruv A?yu, irap' ol? Ka? ? ttAovto? ?perr/. 3Ep.
44
4Ep.
il
from a Pythagorean the things received teacher, Apollo 5Ep. 52. Among nius mentions, and medical besides mathematical science, yv?oiv ?e?v, ov ???av, E??rjoiv ?ai/jL?vorv,ovxi ttlgtlv. 6 Ep. 68.
THE
MONIST.
ists). His answer is that the same charge might be brought against the god of healing.1 Of actual miracles nothing is said; and one who could utter the fine gnomic saying, "To lie is unfree (char of the unfree),
acteristic
cannot
nature),"
well2
truth is noble
have
a
been
(characteristic
counterfeiter
of a noble
of miraculous
that may be regarded as a A piece of practical powers. refinement upon this occurs in a letter to a sophist on literary com the absolutely best mode of speech is hard to position : "Since advice
speak in your own character rather than try to imitate to be best?if you have it not is best?or what you suppose
determine, what by
nature."3
letter obviously different in style from the others4 is never theless interesting as bearing the mark of the period though not of At the end there is an expression the individual ideas of Apollonius. One
pantheism, which, in the transitional phase of the time, was often presented in fusion or confusion with Platonism. Every or in the to done suffered individual is be re appearance thing by of Stoic
ferred to the one first essence tive
and
The
passive.
teaching
(wpuTrj ov<rta)bas
its cause,
of Apollonius
himself,
both ac so
far as
we can judge, though not without Stoic elements, laid stress rather on the transcendence of the supreme divinity. In the earlier part to be is supposed of immortality is asserted.
of the letter, what doctrine
or Pythagorean and birth alike are
the Platonic Death
is alternation
the visible and There between only appearance. tangible of nature (^vo-cw?) and the invisible and intangible of essence (ovo-ta?),but in reality nothing is created or destroyed. The and rarefac process is conceived as taking place by condensation tion of matter; growth,
the former being the phenomenon of birth and As may be seen, there is here no
the latter of death.
strictly defined
immateriality of the soul, which
is either identified
1 8 : roir? ttov Kai ~f>o? rbv 'Agk/s/ttiovkoiv?v t? b/k/y/ia. Ep. 2 83 : ipev?eGOai ?v?/.EvO?pov, ?/.r/??ia yevva?ov. This may Ep. on occasion diation of the yevvalov iOe??o? permitted by Plato guardians 5
of the State. 3Ep.
19.
rj ?r) fi?vT)ttole? te Kai Tz/iGx^i~?ai ytvofi?vriKavTa Tpoc?jToir ?oatpw/i?vr/ t? ??ir/v??iKovfi?vr/te.
Ep. ?i?
a repu to his philosophic
have been
58.
Tz?vTL?v6eo? ?l?io?.
?v?juaat Kai
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
167
or very imperfectly discriminated from a fiery or ethereal in flux such as the Stoics took to be the basis of life and thought.
with
seems
to be nothing here specially characteristic of Apollo nius ; but it is clear that in the speculation of the time the Platonic in a kind of eclectic metaphysic was in danger of being swamped There
animism.
The
immaterialism Platonic
to a definitely formulated advance metaphysical as regards the soul itself had to wait for the Neo
development.
turn from a religious
Neo-Platonism
to a more
was
scientific
in some
respects
interest in Plato
a
re
; whose
had not hitherto been carried through so in of point expression that the idea of incorporeal mind rigorously and soul could not again be lost. critique
of materialism
this later development we are not at present concerned ; and in the teaching of Apollonius himself, as presented by Philo stratus, there is abundant interest on the side both of thought and With
to which he belongs, the phase if unoriginal in other ways marked by advances that proved metaphysically, the still enduring vitality of the ancient culture. It was not indeed but by the inva by intrinsic decay that that culture disappeared, of practice.
For
was
sion of alien forces.
In the third century it still seemed possible to preserve with modifications the inherited type. The method itself to the minds that were still in the ascend which commended ant was
reform. The imperial monarchy, of abolishing, was to be made the cen tre of institutions as republican as possible in spirit. The ancient in some form of union under the religions were to be preserved
which
that of conservative
no one now dreamed
ethical direction in the second
of philosophy. Oriental cults, severely opposed were in the third century, regarded with more favor
if only their underlying community with those of Greece and Rome The movement could be brought into view. found its precursors, of the first century ; both political and religious, in philosophers it his special among whom, as we shall see, Philostratus makes In more than one aim to assign the place of honor to Apollonius. was a the of better hero respect Tyana philosopher adapted to the needs of the time than men whose teristic of their own age.
activity had been more charac Speculative minds were now decisively
THE
MONIST.
and seeking a more transcendental turning away from Stoicism had been a Pythagorean. The doctrine ; and Apollonius imprac to monarchy ticable character of much of the Stoic resistance during the first age of the empire was also recognised ; and, while no philosophy would have been listened to that did not repudiate the language of political absolutism, the need was felt of one which laid little stress on the external form of government. This need which, while it supplied by a Platonising Pythagoreanism had no more sympathy than the other doctrines with Oriental king too was
a high place among ship, assigned according to law. To us it is visible
to a monarchy that the facts of the situation
constitutions
a monarchy by divine now rapidly growing
were making for a formal despotism, sanctioned by the theocratic Church, the surface
of ancient
life ; but
right, under
seen or sus
this at the time was
by few. A still noble civilisation, lowered, as was con in range, but accompanied fessed, in type though extended by of advance both administrative advances and many possibilities and spiritual, seemed to thinking men worth preserving against pected
from without or from within.
forces whether
disruptive
*
*
How
far Philostratus
from insisting on seen at the opening
was
the Oriental
affin
of his first book ities of his hero may be he begins with an apology for them. Some, it appears, re a place fused Apollonius among philosophers precisely on the ground that he was said to have put forward his doctrine and dis
where
from the gods. cipline as revelations himself to show that, in spite of all
Philostratus
therefore sets
that can be urged on that cultivator of true wisdom ground, he was a sane and philosophical as understood among the Greeks. Earlier also were philosophers to have been enlightened by divine revelations ; and not believed
and Plato and others, himself, but Democritus only Pythagoras had frequented Eastern and Egyptian sages and priests : yet they were not suspected His "daemonic is not of "magic." sign" brought
as
meteorological of his wisdom.
an
accusation
against
Socrates.
Anaxagoras
made
predictions ; and these are looked upon as instances then should similar predictions of the future Why
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
169
be ascribed to magical arts? Since, however, he is by Apollonius decried as a magician, and is not generally known in his true char to bring together the facts acter, I have tried, says Philostratus, all
from
sources.
accessible
the disciple and companion of Apollo of Damis, he to nius, proceeds explain, were made known to the Empress (the wife of Septimius Severus) by a relation of Da Julia Domna were and committed by her to Philostratus, who was a mem mis, The memoirs
ber of her literary circle.1 Damis, being an Assyrian by birth, was not a skilled writer;2 but Philostratus has put into shape the mate rials
by him.
supplied
groundwork
of
the
we
These,
are
to suppose,
furnish the
narrative.
story begins with some legends about the birth of Apollo nius, agreeably and romantically told. Before his birth he was to his mother by "Proteus, the Egyptian god," as an announced "The incarnation of himself. country people say that he was a The
At the but he calls himself the son of Apollonius."3 of fourteen he was taken by his father to be instructed by a
son of Zeus, age
the luxury of the rhetorician at Tarsus. Disliking distinguished city, he was permitted to migrate to the neighboring ^Egae, where He gave attention to all the there was a temple of Asclepius. to that of Pythagoras. His to live the principles he Pythagorean according taught; but Apollonius, while not ceasing to love his preceptor, Be life in all its austerity. aimed at practising the Pythagorean but
philosophies,
attached
teacher
himself
did not
ginning, as he said, like physicians, with discipline of the body, to the he gave up animal food, both as impure and as coarsening as also he gave up, not indeed intellect. Wine impure, but be cause
itmakes
turbid the aether in the soul.
He wore
linen gar
rejecting those made from the skins or clothing of animals; barefoot ; let his hair grow long; and took up his abode in the temple. There, Philostrates relates, the god used to appear
ments, went
with his approval, blames the offering be forehand of costly sacrifices, which seem to him to be in intention in person.
Apollonius,
2
i. 19.
3i. 6,
THE
170
MONIST.
the priest dismiss a wealthy suppliant, who is a wrongdoer, with his gifts. The gods, he observes, are most just, and will not consent to be bought off in this way. To another bribes
; and bids
the office of mediator, suitor, he declines telling him the good without that the gods welcome intermediaries.1 When he had come of age, he returned to Tyana, having made the tem evil-minded
for ple at JEgae, says his biographer, a Lyceum and an Academy; it resounded with all philosophy. At home, he reformed a debauched elder brother ; and when his patrimony, distributed most of it among his poor relations, reserving only a small portion for himself. Going be a man the of famous that should be precept Pythagoras, yond he received
faithful to his wife, he resolved on a life of chaste celibacy, and to the Pythagorean According kept his resolution even in youth. rule, he submitted
to the probation
says Philostratus,
was
of five years' silence. During and partly in Cili this time, which he passed partly in Pamphylia cia, he was able to calm factions about games by mere signs. This, and horses
about dancers
so difficult ; for people who quarrel are easily made ashamed of themselves.
not
less easy to quell a tumult caused by a famine. This Apol in Pamphylia, where the people were going lonius did at Aspendus to burn the prefect, though he had taken refuge by a statue of And at that time, which was in the reign of Tibe the Emperor. It was
statues
the Emperor's
rius,
than those of the Olympian tioned by signs, protested
were
more
and
more
inviolable
prefect, on being ques and accused certain innocence,
Zeus. his
terrible
The
it powerful citizens, who were refusing to sell corn and keeping a a at To them Apollonius note addressed back to export profit. from is who the mother of she for all, Earth, threatening expulsion the mother of they, being unjust, have made In fear of this threat they yielded and filled with corn.
is just, but whom themselves alone. the market-place Having
completed
his probation,
Apollonius
visited
the great
" " " ? (V virola ??v "Kai ri gol ?e? tov ?vott] i. 12 (i) : t-voTrjodvfie '?tyrj r? 6e?." " elirev el d oovto? "; ] Tov? y?p CKov?aiov? oi Beo?mi ?vev r?v irpo?evovvTGW?crr? XPV^T^? 1
?ovtcli"
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
171
found the people there not only wanting inmental and effeminate ; and, to judge from the re culture, but luxurious seems to have liked that "cradle of the port of Philostratus, here Church" no better than Julian did afterwards. Philostratus
Antioch.
He
excuses
himself
for relating myths connected with the temple of His purpose, he remarks, is not to mytholo Apollo Daphnaeus. came to utter the wish that gise,1 but to explain how Apollonius the god would turn the "semi-barbarous and uncultivated" inhab of all seriousness, into trees, so that thus some sound worth listening to. Visiting the they might give forth rites to their primi temples, he sought to bring back the Hellenic itants, with
their want
tive form : when
the rites were
alien,
he
tried to discover
their
original meaning and to get them corrected in accordance with it. His mode of exposition was not disputatious and but magisterial, this at least gave him some influence with the men of Antioch.2 From Antioch
he set out with two attendants
to visit the Brah
mans
of India, and, in the course of his journey, the Magi of Baby a native of the place, asks and lon and Susa. At Nineveh, Damis, obtains leave to become his companion. the Arabians. Among
Apollonius acquires the knowledge they have of the speech of ani on his journey, he encounters a satrap of King mais. Proceeding the
Vardanes,
whose
"Mede,"
who
officials are known as
has
lately
recovered
the
empire,
anc
as
the King's and "Ears.' "Eyes" titles seem of Aristophanes, these Oriental
in the days to produce an effect of th? grotesque and to form part of adapted need We the traditional picture ofWestern Asiatic despotism. riot try to refer the whole account to the age of Apollonius, though the Parthian king Bardanes chronologically corresponds to the ap Still,
The general representation is sufficiently con proximate date. formable to the revival of the Persian monarchy under the Sas sanidae in the time of Philostratus himself, decked out with circum stances narrative
The records of the ancient empire. is obviously written with a view to contrasting the sim
from the historical
1 ravra. i. 16 (2) : ovx vTr?p jLLvdoAoyta? 2 ?. 17 (2) : KOL ?7VGTp (f)EV?? kaVTOV?v0p?)7TOV??/jLOvaoT?rov?.
THE
172
MONIST.
plicity and independence of the philosopher with the combination art that had dis of despotism, luxury, and elaborate mechanical Nor is the con tinguished the old civilisations of those regions. The difference of attitude here ception, taken broadly, untrue. and in the description of the Indian journey which follows is notable. The Greeks by the time of Philostratus had accumulated some knowledge of India ; and, vague as this must have been, it is evident that they had already detected the profoundly philosophical character of the Indian intellect. Thus we are told nothing of what in the ac Apollonius was able to learn from the Magi ;1 whereas count of his stay in India there is abundance in of philosophical A but of religion terchange thought. relatively high unspeculative or Judaism seems never to have appealed to such as Zoroastrianism the Greek mind as did even merely general reports on the tenets of the Brahmans Among
and afterwards of the Buddhists.
told, figures of Greek Perhaps frequently. are pleased with they and
song.
of the royal palace at Babylon, we are legend were to be seen, Orpheus appearing it is his tiara and his Oriental dress that
the decorations
The
there : it is not
capture
the charm
of his music
of Athens was
represented, and the Per rivers things still more Medic,
"and sian victory at Thermopylae, diverted from their course, and the bridging of the sea, and how to refuses to do obeisance Athos was cut through."2 Apollonius the golden
The King, who knows him already image of the King. to hear of his coming and sends for him. by repute, is pleased a white horse to the Sun, he asks Apollo to about sacrifice Being nius to accompany him, but the Pythagorean philosopher replies : O King, sacrifice in your own manner, and give me leave to sacrifice in mine." Then, having thrown frankincense on the a and uttered flame, prayer to the god, he departs, so as to have
"You,
no share in an offering of blood.3 When the King invites him to join in hunting the animals which the barbarians preserve in their he reminds him that he could not even be parks or "paradises," 1 Questioned
by Damis 2i. 25.
(i. 26), he says
that they are oo<f>o?fi?v, ?TJC ov navra. 3i. 31
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
173
present at his sacrifices, and expresses disapproval of the pleasure taken in the hunting of wild animals kept for sport.1 In accordance with the general spirit of the picture, he is represented as neither nor impressed by material mar by the regal magnificence and the walls of Ecba vels such as the tunnel under the Euphrates
dazzled
leave, provides him with the means of continuing his journey to India ; and Apollonius describes as an excellent man and worthy of a better him to his companions tana.
fate
The
than
when
King,
to rule
over
he
takes
barbarians.
he saw the says that in crossing the Indian Caucasus fetters of Prometheus hanging from the rocks, though itwas not to tell of what material easy Apollonius they were composed. Damis
Then, after appearing by moonlight. frightened off a hobgoblin a remarkable disqui these and other strange stories, there follows sition on the inwardness of the divine.2 Apollonius questions so high a moun the effect on his mind of ascending thinks that he ought to be wiser, passing over Damis tain-range. said he, looking up at the such a lofty and trackless spot: "For,"
Damis
about
summit, "you hear from our guide that the barbarians make it to and be the house of the gods." Moreover, sages like Anaxagoras the heavens from just such Tha?es are said to have contemplated elevations.
"Yet,"
of all, shall
he
confesses,
go down
height did they," replies Apollonius, display only bluer skies and
"I,
having
no wiser
ascended
the
than I was before."
loftiest
"Nor
"merely by such prospects, which larger stars and the sun rising from
visible also to shepherds and goatherds : but how the night?sights the divinity cares for the human race, and how it delights in being served by it, and what is virtue and what justice and temperance, neither will Athos
show those
that climb it nor Olympus
admired
see
of the poets, unless the soul through them, which, if it take hold of them pure and undefiled, darts farther than this Caucasus." Indian nomads having furnished the wayfarers with palm-wine and honey, Damis
thinks Apollonius
38 : Kai ?A?G? ovx f?v ?E?OVAQfl?VOL?klUTidEodai. M.
2ii. 5.
can have no objection
dqpioiq ?e?acaviofikvoig
to tast
Kai irap? rrjv tyvav ttjv ?avr?v
THE
174
ing this wine, as it is not made to him that it is really wine,
MONIST.
from the grape. Apollonius proves are no as less of coins bronze just
whose Moreover of silver or gold. Bacchus, is close at hand, will not be angry with him for not drinking wine at all ; but, if he refuses that which comes from the vine and yet drinks that which is made from dates, the god will than coins
money
mountain
of Nysa
And other wine, as well as be angry and think his gift disdained. as seen in the case of the be that from grapes, intoxicates, may Indians who drink it. This, however, has been said only to excuse To himself, since he is bound by a vow. not wish to forbid wine, nor even flesh.1
he does
his companions
They meet a boy riding on an elephant, and Damis wonders at his skill inmanaging such a huge beast. by ques Apollonius tioning brings out that the credit is due not so much to the boy's goes on the various accounts of the elephant, one of himself to discuss is that them by the Libyan King Juba. The general conclusion elephants are second only to man in practical sagacity. skill as
of the animal.
to the self-restraint
King Vardanes
Philostratus
over
has sent a letter to the satrap placed on his way. him to conduct Apollonius
Indus, requesting plies him with the means
the
He sup of navigating the river, and gives him a to com Here Philostratus takes occasion
letter to his own king. pare the Indus with the Nile,
in both cases expressing scepticism to lie is said upon the mountains and to aug ment the stream by melting.2 At Taxila was the king's palace. The dress of the Indians is of linen and of "byssus," which comes from as to the snow which
a
plant.
the temple before the city-walls, the travellers find representations with metallic materials on brazen tablets. These Visiting
were
for expression comparable defeat of Porus The painters.8
to the works
of the best Greek
and
the clemency of Alexander were among the subjects on painting In a dialogue represented. and imitative art generally,4 Apollonius draws the attention of to the shapes
Damis 1 ii.
7.
2ii.
seen
18 (2).
in the clouds, which ii. 20 (2).
appear
to us
Mi.
22.
like
APOLLONIUS
centaurs educes
OF TYANA.
175
and other forms of living things, known and unknown. He that, while such shapes are casual so far as
the conclusion nature
external
there
is concerned,
is yet
an
imitative
faculty
man
ifested in our seeing them. This faculty is in us. For man is the power of naturally imitative, even when he has not acquired is the hand natural with and it this imitative ; drawing faculty, itself, that makes us see such shapes. exercising spontaneously Nor can the faculty be absent in those who merely view pictures, at least if they are to take pleasure in them. To make possible the in artistic representations, there must be an active power pleasure This is shown in the case of supplying something from ourselves. Draw correctly the features of an of paintings in black and white. in white, and he will appear
Indian
to the fancy as dark ; the color So likewise in viewing the
being filled in from past experience. of the madness picture by Timomachus
of Ajax : he who is to regard some to it itwith admiration bring image of Ajax and some notion of the whole sequence of events of which his madness formed The figures on brass seen in the temple are to be classed, part. proceeds, not under the head of mere metal-working Apollonius must
(xaAKcvTi/oy),but as products of some art intermediate between that It is an art, he concludes, most and painting in the special sense. in Homer's like that of Hephaestus description of the shield of Achilles. name
is Phraotes, to stay invites Apollonius as the construction for three days. of the viewed Describing city by the company, and in particular the temple of the Sun, Philo to note the "symbolical stratus takes occasion manner" inwhich The
the
statue
king, whose
of
the
god
was
fashioned,?a
to the sacred art of all
mon
manner,
the barbarians.1
he
remarks,
The Greek
com
sage ad
the modesty in the ordering of the palace as compared with In conversing with the king, Apollonius the luxury of Babylon. finds him to be a true philosopher. Phraotes, having dismissed the in to let him join him at a Greek interpreter, requests Apollonius
mired
banquet. 1 ii.
24.
On
being asked why he puts his invitation in this form,
THE
176
MONIST.
he replies that it is because he regards wisdom as more kingly than asks him how he ac his own rank.1 At the banquet Apollonius The king of philosophy. quired Greek and came to be possessed the people of old times inquired of those smiling returns : "As that who came to their coasts whether they were robbers, because seem to of life, though hard, was common, so you Greeks are come contact whether with in all who of you phi they inquire so the divinest much do think ; you though philosophy, losophers
mode
thing that can fall to the lot of men, to be the affair of every one. And indeed I hear that most of those who profess philosophy you are in fact robbers ; the reason being that, while you have laws to punish coiners of false money and such people, you and for have no law for trying those who claim to be philosophers 2 excluding pretenders." to explain that in India there are few He then proceeds among
and that these are carefully tested be philosophers, professional to enter upon the philosophic life. First fore they are allowed back must have done nothing their ancestors for three generations disgraceful next place
In the from public records. ; this being ascertained on offering themselves at the age of the candidates, are examined in respect both of their moral and intellec
eighteen, tual fitness. The
use especially of the indications is held in high honor, as philosophy that those who profess it should be
examiners3 make
of physiognomy. For where in India, it is most necessary
to every kind of test. Next Phraotes relates how he subjected himself came to receive a philosophical education. His grand father was king before him ; but his father, having been dispos sessed during his minority, was sent for refuge to a foreign king. king, who had a better realm than his own hereditary one, have adopted him ; but he preferred, as he said, not to con tend with fortune, and obtained leave to devote himself to philos
This
would
ophy, so that he might bear married the king's daughter, 1
his
ills more
and brought
easily. up his
He
afterwards
son Phraotes
ii. 27 (1) : t? y?p ?aatXiKCJTEpov oo(f>ia lxu 3 Described (ii. 30) as acxpoi re Kai Qvoiko? ?v?pe?.
2 ii. 29.
to
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
177
follow the philosophic life. To this end, he taught him Greek. in sages consequence readily received him as a pupil at twelve, for they regard a though this was earlier than the usual age; as a of for Greek training in philosophy.1 knowledge preparation
The
Lastly, Phraotes relates how he came to be then asks him if the sages dom. Apollonius not become subject to Alexander and appear their physical philosophy. The King replies
to his king he has spoken of did before him to expound restored
that Alexander
indeed
in contact with some who profess wisdom of a kind, but who The genuine philosophers of India
came
are really a race of warriors. are those who dwell between
the Hyphasis and the Ganges, and to did not extend. Had he gone on, he
their country his expedition never have taken their tower, which, without are able to defend by superhuman means.2 they
could
preparation,
next day at dawn the King comes to the chamber of Apol Those who do not lonius and rallies him on his water-drinking. drink wine, he says, do not sleep well. Apollonius replying that they sleep more quietly than those who go to bed drunk, the King The
protests against the sophistry, and explains that his meaning was that those who drink wine in moderation sleep better than those who drink none at all. This nius
contends
that
even
leads to an argument
moderate
wine-drinkers,
in form. Apollo while
not
excited
are yet liable to be affected by pleasing illusions, and that these too are troubling to the soul and sometimes prevent They that drink no wine at all remain always equable, sleep. to hallucination,
it neither elated by good fortune nor dejected by bad. Moreover, is only to the soul untroubled with wine that true divinations come Phraotes, having heard the argument, asks Apollonius ifhe will make him one of his company ; but he puts the question for kings to be conversant mod by with the remark that it is good a too exact and overstrained de that but erately with philosophy, in dreams.
votion to itwould At Mi. known
seem unbecoming
and pedantic in their station.8 and his sends Apollonius
the end of the visit, Phraotes
that anything and later the question occurs, Is it possible 31. Here as to the affinity between Greek and Sanskrit ? or conjectured 2ii. 33.
3ii.
37.
was
THE
i78
MONIST.
on their journey with new provisions and a letter to companions Iarchas, "the eldest of the sages." They arrive at the plain in is said to have fought with Alexander. the which Porus Beyond come altars the inscribed Macedonian upon thirty they by Hyphasis to his father Ammon, his brother Hercules, and the conqueror There is also a stele, they record, marking the place other gods. where the expedition stopped. This, Philostratus conjectures, was not himself Alexander but those erected by beyond the Hypha by sis, pluming themselves on his not having been able to go further. The by more journey to the remoter regions is accompanied and more marvels, zoological and other, which however are related not without
occasional
touches
of scepticism. At last we reach the Indians fear more than theKing,
of the Sages ;whom because the King himself has to consult them about everything is to be said or done.1 A young man sent to meet Apollonius the Tower
dresses
him
in Greek
; at which
since all in the neighboring village sage from the sages inviting?or come.
In the form of expression
the travellers
ad
are not surprised, He brings a mes
speak Greek. rather commanding2?him Apollonius
that
recognises
to
something
Pythagorean.
Traces Hercules
still apparent of the rout of Bacchus, who with an unsuccessful once made assault on the tower.
were had
images of the gods were like the most ancient of those among the Greeks, and the rites observed were Hellenic. Apollonius him self, says Philostratus, has described the Brahmans. "They dwell
The
the earth and not on it, and are fortifiedwithout walls, and of all men."8 Out of this possess nothing save the possessions on an account constructs the authority of Damis, the biographer,
upon
to which they raise themselves in the according for the sake of vainglory, but to be air when they choose?not are furnished with nearer the Sun-god, to whom they pray?and the con gift of the earth. Perhaps everything as a spontaneous of the Brahmans
1 iii. io (2).
2 iii. 12 : keaevovoi y?p avTOL.
3iii. 15 (1) : el?ov 'Iv?ov? Bpaxp?va? oiKovvra? ?ir? rjj? yrj? kovk kir' avTij?, Kai aru X'lotu? TereixiGft?vov?, Kai ov??v KSKTrjfi?vov?rj r? iravruv.
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
jecture is permissible that we have here some real saying of Apollo nius misapprehended by a disciple. Iarchas addresses Apollonius in Greek, and gives proof that he has the minutest knowledge of his whole history. Going in to the temple, the Brahmans choral procession chanted an ode like the paean of Sophocles which is sung at Athens to Asclepius. After the service of the gods, in which Apollonius had taken part, he asks Iarchas if the Brahmans, knowing all things else, "know them " Iarchas instantly replies that it is in consequence selves. of know first themselves that they know all things. "What then," asks ing to be?" think yourselves he an "Gods," he said, "we are good swered; and, being asked why, "Because," men." In answer to the question, what they think about the soul, he replied, "We hold the doctrine that Pythagoras handed down Apollonius,
"do
you
to you, and we to the Egyptians." as Pythagoras declared himself
then asks whether, Apollonius to have been Euphorbus, Iarchas too can say that before he came into this body he was one of the
Trojans
or Achaeans
the observation
or
some
one
that the Greeks
else.
are
Iarchas
thereupon
makes
too much
pre-occupied with the greater number of
the Trojan war and its heroes, and neglect more divine men whom their own land and the land of the Egyp tians and that of the Indians bore. Then he says that he too will declare who he was. cient Indian god. back
He
proceeds
to relate the history of an an who was the son of the River
king named Ganges, In that he founded cities instead of destroying them, and drove an invasion of the Scythians from beyond Caucasus instead
of bringing the yoke of slavery upon another city,1 this king was More of his deeds would Iarchas record if superior to Achilles. he did not shrink from praising himself. For he, at the age of four, revealed his identity by discovering seven swords embedded in the and now sought for to fulfil a command of earth by King Ganges, if he also knows who he was He then asks Apollonius the gods. he that does, but that his position replies formerly. Apollonius was an inglorious one. He was the steersman of an Egyptian ship. 1 iii. 20 ?Kovaav avripizdodai. (3) : Kai ravff vir?p ywatK??, fjv e?k?? fiTjff
THE
i8o
MONIST.
In that capacity, however, he once performed a just deed in refus This leads to a ques ing to betray his ship to Phoenician pirates. tion about the use of the word "justice," afterwards more fully dis cussed when Apollonius visits Egypt. Iarchas raises the problem by his criticism justice
that the Greeks
seem
to think the absence
to justice, whereas
equivalent
a positive
of in
conception
is
needed.1
to the dwelling of the sages, the the visit of Apollonius During a was not He like Phraotes, but came entered. King philosopher arrayed more in the fashion of theMedes, and full of pomp. While for sparingly, abundance was provided the King ; though it is not lawful for him to partake of the flesh of He approaches with profound respect in their presence. animals the sages who keep their seats. For the repast, self-moving tripods the sages
come
themselves
in, and
there
are
ate
automata
to serve
as
cup-bearers.
Apollo
asks Iarchas why he sees precisely eighteen Brahmans pres a nor number" other neither of is since ent, any "square eighteen are we slaves Iarchas replies : "Neither those that are in repute.
nius
to number
nor number
to us."2
they are more, and or fewer of sufficient
Sometimes
fewer, according as there are more Then he goes on to blame the and virtue to be chosen. democratic mode of appointing to offices by lot, and the fix
sometimes wisdom Greek
in the Greek cities at a particular number. ing of ruling bodies The king interrupts the conversation by asking questions about the Greeks, of whom, however, he has a mean opinion ; imagining, for Apol example, that the Athenians had been enslaved by Xerxes. was he unfor lonius corrects this impression. Xerxes, maintains, tunate in not having died as well as been defeated at the hands of in that case would
have
instituted games in his honor, thinking as they do that it is a praise to themselves to praise The King explains that he those whom they have vanquished. had got his false opinion from the Egyptians, who abuse the Greeks the Greeks,
as borrowers
who
of everything
from themselves,
and
1 iii.
25.
2 Hi.
30 (2) oi)& fjfie???pi8p<f ?ovleiofiev ovt* ?pid/j?? yu?v.
as a race of law
APOLLONIUS
He
less cheats.
OF TYANA.
l8l
to be his guest, but the invita
invites Apollonius
tion is declined. as to their and his associates, questioned by Apollonius that the of views world, reply they hold it to consist of elements (ck o-roixetW). These are the four elements of Iarchas on
the constitution
earth and fire, together with ether as the fifth. No element came into being before the others, but all exist to This is at once male and gether as parts of the living whole. water and air and
female, and is held in unison by love of itself. The parts of the world are governed by the mind that is in it. As bearing an anal ogy to this government of the fabric by mind, Iarchas describes a In the vessel send to India. ship such as the Egyptians of the world, the first place is to be assigned to God the begetter of this animated universe (0co> ycvcropt tovSc tov ?uov) ; the next to
merchant
Of such deities, following the gods who preside over the parts. the poets, we may admit many, of sky and sea and springs and earth and under the earth. The place beneath the earth, however, since they sing of it as an abode of horror and destruction, does not, if it exists, belong properly to the world.1 As an illustration of the powers of the sages, nary
are
cures
related.
A
woman
comes
and
some extraordi
explains
how
her
son
One of the Brah is possessed by a dissembling and lying demon. mans gives her a formula of exorcism addressed to the demon.2 man a with his hand paralysed are A cripple, and a blind man, and and recipes are given to effect other cures. to his report, Damis was himself present at the According The study of astrology and divination and dialectical discussions.
healed,
sacrifices was
with Iarchas. Philo pursued only by Apollonius on these subjects ; but re stratus mentions works of Apollonius marks that in his own opinion astrological prediction, with all such the scope of human nature : whether any one to it he does not profess to know. The work of Apol
is beyond
divination, has attained
is in so many hands, and is so well and char that exposition of it is unnecessary.8 composed,
lonius on Sacrifices acteristically 1"i.
34. 35
2 iii. 38.
8 iii.
41 (2).
l82
THE
Since Damis
MONIST.
on the given an account of a conversation so forth of India, Philostratus, while declining and has
strange animals to commit himself to the truth of the stories, will not wholly pass the subject by.1 For the rest, the account of the Indian journey Philostratus ends, as it begins, with enough of the marvellous. was on the whole content to put into literary form the travellers' tales he knew ; hinting sometimes to the less credulous his uncer tainty as to what grains of truth might be found in the more extra ordinary of them.
leaves the Brahmans. After a stay of four months, Apollonius A letter is given as from him in which he is made to say that he has received from them the power of going through the sky (8t? tov ovpavov
iropeveaOai)
and
of
conversing
with
them
at
a distance
as
if
return to the region and his companions they were present.2 He to Baby of the Indus, then put to sea, and sail up the Euphrates to the Roman Empire, lon. Returning they go to Antioch ; but, as ever as to indifferent Hellenic it culture,8 they finding insolently to sea
put
at Seleucia, From and sail thence to Cyprus. to much held in where is Ionia, Apollonius they proceed
Cyprus
again
honor.
When their work
he came
to Ephesus,
to follow him.
He
we are told,4 even the artisans left delivered a discourse to the Ephe
in favor of a voluntary community of goods; teaching by the came a to call the others to join him in sparrow that example of sians
He foresaw feasting on the corn spilt by a boy carrying a basket. as a threatening pestilence, but, they did not heed his warnings, he went to the other parts of Ionia; continuing everywhere his re forming activity and his salutary discourses.5 A discourse at Smyrna is given6 in which he exhorts the Smyr naeans to make themselves an object of pride even more than the 1 iii. ir?aiv. 45 (i) : Kai y?p K?p?o? ely pfire iuoteveiv fiyr' ?iuoT?v 2 iii. 51. 3 iii. 58 : T7j? 'Avrioxe?a? ^w^u? v?pi^ovorjq Kai prj??v r?v ^XfajviK?v 4 iv. I. 5 iv.
4 : ?top&ovpevo?
6iv. 7.
eoizov?aKvia?.
r? irap" eKaaroi? Kai ?iaTieyo?iEvo? ?ei ti ai?rijpLov to?? irapovoLV.
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
beauty of their city. For although it is the fairest of all cities that are under the sun, and possesses the sea, and has the springs of the west wind, yet it is better for it to be crowned with men than with porticoes and paintings and greater abundance of gold. Build ings are seen only in that part of the earth where they are ; but men
good
are
seen
and
everywhere
of
spoken
everywhere,
and
render the city they have sprung from as wide as the extent of land Cities that are fair externally are indeed like the they penetrate. Phidian image of Zeus at Olympia : but those that have men that every part of the world are like the Homeric Zeus, who is through the suggested to thought in various forms, and as moving a so more and of than the seated is wonderful work heaven, piece reach
statue
of ivory visible to the eye. Discussing politics with the a he them that told rightly ordered city has need of Smyrnseans, That is to say, each must make it his am concord in variance.1 bition to be better
than the rest in something. in their exclusive devotion
tans were wrong Each ought to do what
he knows
best
The
ancient Spar affairs.
to military can and do best.
If one
gains distinction by becoming a popular leader, another by wisdom, another by amassing wealth for the common good, and so forth, city will stand firm. This he illustrates by the ex a of ship with its division of employment. ample The plague having actually fallen upon Ephesus, the Ephe He was there on the instant sians sent an embassy to Apollonius. then the whole
and Metapontum Pythagoras was at Thurium the time-and plague by destroying a demon stayed
-as
of an
He
old
beggar-man,
revealed
on a voyage
decided
afterwards
to Greece,
as
at the same in the guise
a monstrous
but first visited
beast.2
the tomb of
they were afterwards sailing the Euboic Sea, Damis questioned him about his visit, and Apollonius recounted his conversation with the shade of the hero, which dis in the Troad.
Achilles
When
Arriving at the Piraeus at appeared with a glimmer at cockcrow.8 was joined on his way to he the time of the Eleusinian mysteries, 1 iv. 8 (i) 3 iv. 7 TT-OVTO.
16
: ofiovoia oTaaua (6):
7r^l#e
2 iv. IO.
ovaij .
vv aorpany
fierp a'
Kal yap 6r Kal akeKTpv ve
r r ( rj
THE
184
MONIST.
by ten young men who were about to set sail to Ionia to He offers himself for initiation in the mysteries ; but the to him as an enchanter and as "not raises objection hierophant
Athens
see him.
in respect of divine things." Made aware of the popular dis now declines ini approval, he changes his tone ; but Apollonius the name of the successor to tiation till another time ; mentioning
pure
the office, who, as he foresees, will initiate him. At Athens, in deference to the devotional spirit of the place, he first discoursed and ignorant asser about sacrifices, thus refuting the calumnious A youth who interrupts a discourse of his tion of the hierophant.1 laughter he finds to be under demoniacal possession. to go out of him and to give a sign The demon, being commanded of his departure, says that he will throw down a statue on his way. with
inane
he does
to the astonishment The youth of the audience. of the followed the philosophic mode of life.2 Hearing to cele frivolities with which the Athenians were now accustomed
This
afterwards
rebuked them by reminding them Apollonius of the exploits of their ancestors and of their legendary connection the most masculine Another abuse with Boreas, of the winds. which he arrested at Athens was the introduction of gladiatorial brate
the Dionysia,
exhibitions,?which in his own day.
were going on, Philostratus
tells us, at Corinth
In a journey to Thessaly, Apollonius visited the tomb of Leo his companions were nidas, which he all but embraced.3 When was which mountain the in Greece, he ascended disputing highest the height where the Spartans had been overwhelmed by the Per sian arrows, and said that those who died there for liberty had ta and raised it above many an Olympus. it to In the equalled account
of his residence
at Corinth we
come
upon
the original of
This occurrence, says Philostratus, the story of Keats's Lamia.* well known, but only in general outline, and as having already He has given the details for the taken place in central Greece.
was
first time from the record of Damis. 1 iv.
At Olympia,
19 : ri? y?p ?V ?rr&ij r? ?at/i?fiia [ir} na?ap?v
depanevr?oi
receiving an in
elvat t?v QiAoootyovvTa, ?tto? ol &eo?
;
2?V. 20.
8 iv.
23 : fiovovov TrepLe?akev.
*iv.
25.
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
185
to Sparta from a Lacedaemonian embassy which he ob served to be full of luxury, Apollonius wrote to the ephors on the A subject and brought about a restoration of the ancient manners.
vitation
The youth submitted to him a long panegyric on Zeus. asked him ifhe had ever written in praise of his own philosopher conceited
replied that he should have liked to do so, but found that he could not do it adequately. "Then/' replied Apollonius, irritated as he was apt to be by vulgar pretence,1 "If you do not father.
He
think you can fitly praise your father whom you know, do you not see that, in undertaking to praise the father of gods and men and the fashioner of all that is around us and above us, you have en " tered upon a task beyond human powers ? One incident of his visit to Sparta may be quoted for the light it throws on his general attitude as a reformer. A young man who was a descendant of Callicratidas, the Spartan admiral at Argi an action brought against him because he had adopted nusae, had a sea-faring life for gain, and because he took no part in public affairs. Apollonius succeeded in convincing him that in this he was derogating both from his ancestral traditions and from those He accordingly gave up his mercantile pursuits, and at of Sparta. the intercession of Apollonius was acquitted by the ephors. Super ficially this may seem inconsistent with the discourse at Smyrna, but in reality it is part of the same general local diversity is included. Thus at Athens,
In that ideal, ideal. as we shall afterwards
will allow no disrespect towards the sea-faring tra whereas here he reminds the descendant of Callicratidas that dition; the Spartans lost their military power when they took to the sea.2 The humanitarian tendency which the reforming movement combined with its regard for antique ideals becomes evident when
find, Apollonius
we are told expressly that Apollonius panions as a part of his philosophic 1 iv.
30 (3) : ?vaxsp?va?
2iv. 32. 8 iv.
ovv ? ''AtzoII?vio?
treated the slaves of his com community.3
Passing
over
(tovtl ?? irpb? rov? (popnicov? t??v ?v&p?
Cf. v. 20.
34 (2) : KOLvbv?' kn?TiELrov?
?iceivov? izape?pa.
haipov?
ml
rov? t?v ?raipov
?ovlov?'
ov?? y?p
THE
MONIST.
some intermediate
incidents, we may follow him westward to Rome, where at this time Nero was persecuting philosophy. The was proceeded cloak, says Philostratus, philosophic a in as the of law-courts to mention diviners. Not against disguise a man second only to Apollonius, was im other cases, Musonius, prisoned on account of his philosophy and came near losing his life. Before Apollonius and his company reach the gates, a cer tain Philolaus Apollonius
of Citium this seems
tries to deter
them from proceeding. a divinely-ordained test to separate
from the weaker
he does
To the not
stronger disciples (whom, however, out in of and, fact, blame); thirty-four, only eight remain with rest the excuses various for their flight at once from him, making Nero and from philosophy. man whom he had rescued
Of those who remained was the young from the transformed serpent. the reigning tyranny as one so grievous that
He stigmatises under itmen are not permitted to be wise.1 His discourses being all public, no accusations were made against him for a time. He did not seek out men of position, but welcomed them if they came,
and discoursed to them exactly as to the common people.2 At Corinth a Cynic philosopher named Demetrius had attached him self to him as Antisthenes did to Socrates. This man now came to and brought suspicion on him of responsibility for the vio lent attacks he himself proceeded to make on Nero. A public pro test against luxury delivered on a feast-day in a gymnasium which
Rome
the Emperor was opening in person led to his expulsion from Rome by Nero's minister Tigellinus, who henceforth kept a close watch on Apollonius. His opportunity came at last when there was
an epidemic
of colds and the temples were full of people mak for the Emperor because he had a sore throat and
ing supplication the "divine voice"
was hoarse.
Apollonius, bursting with indigna tion though he was at the folly of the multitude, did not chide any the one, but tried to calm a disciple by telling him to "pardon if buffoons." This in gods, they delight saying being reported to he had him arrested under the lex majestatis. On Tigellinus, 1 iv. 38 (2) : Tvpawi?o?... 2iv. 41.
,Ka&eoT7jKvia? ovtd ^aAeTnyf, ?? fiy ??e?vai oo<f>o??elvat.
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
187
bringing him to trial, however, he found himself baffled, and, in fear of his superhuman powers, let him go.1 An incident at Rome is recorded that was thought to be an llustration of those powers. ried had died or appeared
who was
A maiden
about
to be mar
to have died, and was being carried to of all Rome ; for she was of a con
the grave amid the lamentations
com the funeral procession, family. Apollonius, meeting to manded them set down the bier, and, saying something inaud to life; who then, like Alcestis brought ible, restored the maiden sular
he returned to her father's house. Whether by Hercules, detected a spark of vitality that had escaped the notice of the physi cians, or renewed the life that was extinct, Philostratus acknowl back
to be beyond his own judgment, as
edges ment
of
those
were
who
itwas
beyond
the judg
present.2
next voyage of Apollonius was to the region of the Baetis to illustrate the in Spain. Philostratus here tells some anecdotes or a the less civilisation of greater surrounding country. When The
came
courier
Olympia, of the neighboring
there understood cities, who
the triple victory of Nero at what was meant; but those
knew
got the notion that the Emperor
games, and
to announce
to Gades
the people
had
taken
to Hispalis.
captive
certain
"Olympians."3
nothing about the Greek had been victorious inwar A
tragic
actor
came
the people retained less of the antique barbar ism in their manners, they were pleased with tragedy as a new thing; but here the mask, and the lofty elevation of the actor, and Where
the portentous robes, and the resonant voice, terrified them till they fled as from a demon.4 Apollonius was sought out by the prefect of the province. The subject of their conversations is unknown ; but Damis that for,when conjectures they plotted against Nero; the prefect took his leave, the last words of Apollonius were, "Farewell,
and
remember
reader that itwas Vindex West
1 iv.
44 (4) :
who
the Emperor
against "
x&Pu"
tyv
Vindex."
"
Philostratus
reminds
the
first stirred up the peoples of the he was making his progress
when
ov y?p Kpe'iTruv $j vit9 ifiov ?pxeo&cu." oi ?ovAec 2 iv. 3v. 8. 4 v. 9. 45.
i88
THE
MONIST.
through Achaia ; and mentions that he addressed to his soldiers an oration such as one inspired by the noblest philosophy might breathe forth against a tyrant.1 and his companions proceed by way of Africa to of the flight of Nero and the death of Vindex, Hearing Sicily. an in oracular utterance predicts the brevity of the Apollonius Apollonius
reigns of the next three emperors (Galba, Otho, and Vitellius). Such predictions Apollonius made, his biographer insists, not as an enchanter, but so moved by a divine impulsion as to know what or magicians (ol yoiyrc?), "I "whom," says Philostratus, regard as the most wretched of men," proclaim that by juggling artifice and by barbarian sacrifices they can change the purpose of the fates; and many of them, when judicially accused, have confessed that this is the nature of their the fates had
in
store.
Enchanters
on the other hand, followed the decrees of Apollonius, the fates, and foretold what would come to pass of necessity. So far was he from all juggling that when he saw the automata in
wisdom.
India he praised to
learn
the
the ingenuity of the contrivances
details
of
their
but did not care
mechanism.2
the story is told that Typho At Catana, is bound there, and that from him arises the fire of ^Etna. takes this occa Apollonius to a more "physical" view of volcanic sion to lead his disciples He begins with a paradox on the fables of iEsop ; that eruptions. are to be they preferred to those of the poets, in respect of wisdom, they are not told with such coloring as to give precisely because the impression that they are literally true. The didactic purpose the poets leave it to the in them is thus made obvious ; whereas intelligence of their readers to discover the truth. He himself re told to him as a child by lates a story about JEsop and Hermes, his mother ; the point of the story being that the god had suggested to iEsop humble.
a line of invention As
that was
for the myth about the contention of heaven, this is madness
for the possession 1v.
io
at least his own, if itwas
(2) : A?yov... 2v. 12.
,?v ?/cir?vv yewaia?
of giants with gods to say or to think.8
(ptAoooQia? etz? rvpawov ?v tl? nvevae 8 v. 16.
v.
APOLLONIUS
cause
The
OF TYANA.
of these outbursts of flame
a mixture
of bitumen and sulphur in the crevices of the earth.
winds
from volcanoes
blown
upon
is in reality by subterranean
is initiated into the mysteries, as Revisiting Athens, Apollonius The winter he spends in visiting the Greek tem he had foreseen. in the spring, and, going He projects a voyage to Egypt ples. to the Piraeus, finds a ship. The owner refuses to let him go on board, because, as he is conveying a cargo of images of the gods, he is afraid to admit sea-faring company, which is usually he appears to be an Athenian reminds him?since bad. Apollonius
down
the gods themselves when theywent on board the ships and took part with Athens against the barbarians, had no fear of con He also censures the traffic in tamination from disorderly sailors.
?that
images.1
he tells a newly-rich and uneducated youth who is building a fine house and collecting paintings and statues for it that he does not seem to possess the house, but the house to pos to Alexandria, he is treated with great rever sess him.2 Coming At Rhodes
ence.
Here
an
example
was
seen
of his marvellous
Twelve
powers.
for robbery were being led to execution. He per that one of them was innocent, and told the executioners to
men condemned ceived
last ; meanwhile prolonging his speech so as to gain to his custom of brief utterance. When time, contrary eight had a a horseman rode up with been decapitated, reprieve for the pris
place
this man
oner on whose having We
behalf Apollonius since been established.3
had
interceded;
his
innocence
are told of a dispute in the temple with an Egyptian priest a regarding animal sacrifices, and of discourse reproving the Alex andrians for the sanguinary quarrels that arose from their devotion At this point of the narrative, from Judaea, aiming now at the Dion and Euphrates bid the people
to the contests of the hippodrome. arrives in Alexandria Vespasian Empire.
The
rejoice.
For,
philosophers the last fifty years had says Philostratus, so harsh that even the reign of Claudius, period of tyrannies 1V. 20.
2V. 22 (2).
8v. 24.
been
a
though
THE
I go
MONIST.
he was
better than the emperors before and after, had seemed to give no respite.1 Apollonius was equally glad, but did not care to obtrude himself. however, sought him out, and first Vespasian, his reasons for seeking the empire ; though to him his fellow-philosophers also as advisers. Apollonius heartily approves of his purpose ; and, to his astonish tells that he is destined to rebuild the temple of Jupiter him ment, set forth to him alone
he had commended
at Rome. He did not yet know that the temple had Capitolinus been burned down ; but itwas afterwards found that this was the to Apollonius and that the conflagration had been manifested sooner than if it had taken place in Egypt.2 the other The day after the private interview with Apollonius, are to them in. called Vespasian formally explains philosophers case,
of his action ; describing the tyranny to which the Ro subject from the reign of Tiberius, and point to rule, Nero will have come to is allowed that ifVitellius
the motives
man world has been ing out life again.
ruler
jealous
learned how not
those who governed
nius, "from good
have
"You
ought
to act."8
badly:
Euphrates,
to govern," said Apollo let us now consider how a
however,
who
has
become
of the special attention paid to Apollonius, makes a long in Stoic phraseology ; first remarking that it is premature
speech to consider
how one is to proceed in a certain course of action be whether that is the right course. In the
fore it has been decided
to march against end he approves of the resolution of Vespasian if he he but advises is should restore to that, Vitellius, victorious, the democratic form of government under which they the Romans were most prosperous, and gain for himself the glory of having be gun an era of freedom. Dion partly agrees and partly disagrees He with the advice of Euphrates. agrees in particular that Ves pasian
would
have
done
better
to let the Jews separate
if they
1v. 27-
the beginning also dated of improvement Tacitus from the reign of some he ascribes to whose influence in the return example personal Vespasian, forte rebus cunctis inest from excessive luxury to a simpler mode of living : "Nisi ad modum velut orbis, ut quem vertantur; vices, ita morum temporum quidam nec omnia imitanda
apud posteris
priores meliora, tulit." (Ann.
2v. 30.
sed
nostra
quoque
aetas
multa
laudis
iii. 55.) 3v. 32 (3).
et artium
APOLLONIUS
chose
; political their manners.
OF TYANA.
I9I
to the singularity of separation being appropriate Instead of spending his force in bringing them to thus doing all that was in his power to preserve
subjection, and the empire forNero, he ought to have straightway attacked him. At the same time he approves of the enterprise against Vitellius. A democracy, if inferior to an aristocracy (of Platonic type), is to be preferred to tyrannies and oligarchies ; but he fears lest the Ro man people, tamed as they now are by a series of tyrannies, should find the transition to liberty as unbearable as that from darkness to however, put the question to the light. Let Vespasian, vote, and if the people choose democracy, grant it. In that case he will win fame universal and unparalleled. If, on the other hand, sudden
they choose monarchy, who should be emperor but himself? Apol at length the impracticability of all this. To lonius demonstrates him personally the form of political government is indifferent, since he lives under the gods ; but he does not think that the human flock ought to be left to perish forwant of a just and prudent pas tor. As one man pre-eminent in virtue, when he becomes ruler in a democracy, makes that polity seem identical with the form of in which the one best man rules ; so the government government of one, when it keeps steadily in view the good of the common wealth,
is
in effect
a democracy.1
At
Vespasian's
request
Apollo
nius, premising that the art of government is not a thing that can be taught, goes on to lay down some general maxims for the exer The king is himself to be ruled by the law. cise of kingly power. Vespasian personally is advised not to let his sons take for granted that the empire will fall to them as his heirs, but to teach them to regard it as the prize of virtue. He is not to go too fast in repress : ing the pleasures to which the people have become accustomed Governors of be brought to temperance by degrees. provinces should know the language of the provinces they are sent of not observing this rule he illus to govern. The disadvantage trates from the failure in the administration of justice when he was they must
in the P?loponn?se 1v. 35 (4).
; the Roman
governor, who did not know Greek,
THE
192
MONIST.
being at the mercy of those who had an allows that further discussion Euphrates course
interest would
in deceiving be
him.
idle, since
the
already been resolved on; but, with an at glancing gives the future emperor the part Apollonius, ing advice to embrace the philosophy that is according to nature, and to have nothing to do with that which professes itself inspired to be
taken has
allusion
by the gods, liable as such claims are to be the source of decep after tion.1 Vespasian perceives his animus : and, when Euphrates wards hands him an epistle full of requests of presents for himself friends, he
and his
reads
it aloud;
thus giving Apollonius the by contrasting his readiness
opportunity of retorting on Euphrates to ask for gifts from the emperor with
his counsel
to establish
a
democracy.
This,
Philostratus
tells us, is what he has
been
able
to learn
the origin of the difference between the two philosophers. was always on good terms, though he Dion, Apollonius too rhetorical. thought Dion's Euphrates, according philosophy
about With
to the story, was afterwards in favor under Domitian. When Ves pasian as emperor revoked the liberty granted by Nero to Greece, did not care to see him again ; though he approved of Apollonius In connection with the story of his good administration generally. a strange tale is recounted of his at Alexandria, the philosopher in a tame lion.2 He leftAlex detecting the soul of King Amasis andria on a journey to ^Ethiopia, accompanied by ten disciples out of the number that had again gathered round him since the dis persal under the persecution of Nero.8 between Egypt and ^Ethiopia a primitive This Apollonius system praised for its practised. moral superiority over the habits of commercial bargaining among theGreeks.4 An Egyptian youth named Timasio, who had overcome On
the borderland
of barter was
a temptation similar to that of Hippolytus, guided the company to the celebrated statue of Memnon. Apollonius praises him for his 1v. 37 (x) : QitoooQiav ??, ? ?aaiAev, tovt? y?p aoitz?v irpooeipfjaeraL, rrjv jll?v Kar? <f>vatvhnaivov Ka? ?oTr??ov, vrjv ?? i?eoKAvre?v (jt?oKovoav napairov' KaTaipEv??fievot y?p rov i?eiov noAA? Kai ?v?ijra rjfi?? eTraipovatv. 2v. 41.
8Cf.
iv. 37.
*V?. 2.
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
be and regards him as of more merit than Hippolytus not does he nevertheless cause, living chastely, speak or otherwise than with respect.1 think of the divinity of Aphrodite
continence,
while
arrive among the still guided by Timasio, and his companions, In consequence whom they have set out to visit. Gymnosophists, who has sent his disciple, Thrasybulus of of a trick of Euphrates,
He
to prepossess them against Apollonius, they put off re some At time. after him for length, negotiations ceiving through Damis, who detects the trick, they consent to receive him, though still resenting his reported preference of the Indian wisdom to their
Naucratis,
own.
eldest and chief of them, who is called Thespesio, delivers a long address, in which he seeks to place the aims of himself and to above those of the Indians ; advising Apollonius his associates The
have
no
care
about
automata
or
wonder-working,
but
to
choose
that goes with toil and simplicity of life. In rather the wisdom his peroration, he reminds him of the pictures he must have seen As in the Choice of Hercules Vice of Prodicus. of the Hercules stands on one
side luxuriously adorned, and Virtue poorly clad on think of himself as placed between the other ; so let Apollonius the alluring wisdom
and the rugged discipline of the Apollonius explains that he has not
of the Indians
Gymnosophists. Egyptian come thus late to make his choice between
two philosophies. Sur in his youth by the teaching of all the schools, in spite he of his own accord adopted the Pythagorean discipline, rounded as he was
of the austerity which the rewards it promises
from the first it did not conceal.2
Among is to appear more pleasing to the gods though sacrificing little than do those who pour forth The doctrine of Plato regarding the to them the blood of bulls. to its votaries
soul, divinely taught by him at Athens, Apollonius perceived not He there to have won general acceptance among the Athenians. fore sought out a city or nation inwhich one person should not say 1v?. 4. 2 Special
The Pythagorean stress is laid on the virtue of chastity. philosophy :mv ?^po?taiuv ^rr^?vra? as addressing the neophyte is represented alo&ufiat, ?apa r1 Kai <i>#eZ. See vi. 11 (5). &p? tari poi, K,a& ?v ootyia? bira?o? ?lktj (j>?pei avrov?
THE
194
MONIST.
one thing and another the opposite, but the same doctrine should be confessed by all. First, accordingly, he looked to the Egyp tians; but his teacher told him that the original fathers of this were
wisdom
the Indians.
For
to the Gym of the arts and graces of life and
the rest, he addresses
nosophists an apology on behalf the adornment of temples ; pointing out that Apollo does not dis dain to clothe his oracles in verse, and that self-moving tripods are Nor has any introduced by Homer at the banquets of the gods. for corrupt accusation yet been laid in heaven against Hephaestus a care art. art will have for ornament ; ing matter by his Every the very being
because
of arts was
invented for the sake of orna
ment.1
made a powerful impression on all, speech of Apollonius and especially on Nilus, the youngest of the Egyptians. Thespesio, seen to be blush. of course, is a remi This, though black, might The
niscence of Thrasymachus in the Republic, as it is likewise when we are told that he becomes reconciled with Apollonius. Requested recounts his adventures. He by Nilus and Thespesio, Apollonius are courteously entertained by Nilus at a re and his companions Nilus desires to become his companion ; and, to show that past. this is no rash impulse on his part, relates his history. His father to the Indian coast, and had told him what he had heard
had sailed about
the sages in India. Informed by him also that the Gym a were from thence, he gave up his patrimony nosophists colony found them wise indeed, but not like the and joined them. He he not met with Apollonius, he would himself sailed to India like his father. The eager and ingenuous also proposes that he shall try to persuade his elders of the ; and had
Indians have Nilus
inferiority of their wisdom receiving him on condition would him
: but
this Apollonius
that he will not make
discountenances
;
an attempt which
be of no avail.
and asks him to instruct pays a visit to Thespesio, Apollonius in the Egyptian wisdom, so that he may communicate it to 1vi.
Ii
(17)
K?apov Evpqrcu.
: K?Gfiovy?p
kmpeTJjoeTaL rk^yn n?oa,
ort Kai avr? t? E?vai r?xya? vir?p
APOLLONIUS
others, as he has
communicated
OF TYANA.
that which he received
from the
signifies his readiness to answer questions. represent the gods begins by asking why the Egyptians Apollonius for the most part so absurdly; their sacred images being apparently in honor of irrational animals rather than of divine beings. made Indians.
Thespesio
Thespesio tion about
parries this attack on zo?morphism of the Greeks. the anthropomorphism
by a similar ques Did your Phidias and copy the forms of the
and your Praxiteles ascend into heaven And if itwas not imitation that produced their art, what gods? then could it be? An artist of more wisdom, answers Apollonius,
the form of Zeus must He who conceives namely, imagination.1 see him in his mind's eye accompanied by the heaven and the sea sons and the stars : the fashioner of a statue of Athena must think of armies, and of wisdom she sprang
from the head
in counsel, of Zeus.
and of the arts, and of how on his part, con Thespesio,
tends that the Egyptians display more reverence to the gods in not audaciously trying to realise some conception of their forms, but Apollonius using only symbol and suggestion. replies that there is nothing to call forth reverence in the image of a dog or an ibis or a goat. If, as Thespesio says, that is regarded with more rev erence which to the mind, then the Egyptians is only suggested should have had temples and rites indeed, but no images at all ; "But leaving the mental representation entirely to the worshipper. he in "have taken from the says away concluding, you," gods both visible beauty and the beauty of suggestion."3 "There was a cer named Socrates," is the retort of Thespesio, "an man no swear of old intelligence like ourselves, who used to by the and the and the "Not he that goose dog by plane-tree." by thought them gods," returns Apollonius, "but so that he might not swear tain Athenian
by the gods." as if changing the subject, inquires about the Thespesio, at of Do the Greeks endure such a cus scourging boys Sparta. not reform itwhen he was occupying tom? And did Apollonius 1 vi. 2vi.
19 (3) : (ftavraoia ra?rr* eipyaoaro, ootyarkpa fiLfiijCEo??rjfiLovpy??. tov? i?eov? Kai t? ?p?a&ai 19 (5) : v/lle???' ?tyrfprjO'&e
KaA?? Kai t? i/irovoe?a'&ai.
THE
ig6 himself with
the affairs of the Lacedaemonians?
that it would custom
MONIST.
have
such as
replies Apollonius to contend against a religious scourging is performed in accordance
been madness
this.
The
with an oracle directing that the altars shall be sprinkled with an This no doubt offering of human blood to the Scythian Artemis. originally a requirement of human sacrifice ; but the Spartans, by subtly interpreting it,have at once evaded the obligation of put ting a human victim to death and turned a rite which they could
was
not get rid of into an exercise in fortitude. Thespesio, however, the point ; ending with the remark that he has skilfully presses but against Apollo been speaking not against the Lacedaemonians nius. If we thus rigorously investigate customary rites the origin to a grey antiquity beyond knowledge, and in them, cross-examine divinities as to their reasons for delighting nor the Samothracian nor any other mysteries not the Eleusinian of which
reaches
back
can always ask "Why this and not that ?" and In these matters at any rate, take offence at one thing or another. silence is good. if not in all, the Pythagorean accord Apollonius
will be safe. We
further argument on behalf of the Spartans, to another topic, and proposes that they shall the nature of justice.1
ingly, relinquishing consents to go on discuss
Such a subject of discourse, Thespesio agrees, is suitable both and for others. for professional philosophers then re Apollonius calls the comment of the Indian sages on his notion that when, being in a former body, he had refused to betray his ship to pirates, he had performed an act of justice. They laughed at this use of that justice involves something more than the the word, holding absence consists
of injustice. for no virtue Rightly, answers Thespesio, And we must not expect to find men in a mere negation. In the cases of Socrates rewarded for practising justice.
publicly and of Aristides we rather find the opposite. No doubt itwill seem absurd : but as a matter of fact Justice, being appointed by Zeus to prevent men and the Destinies from injuring one another, takes no measures
vi. 20.
to prevent herself from being
injured.
Imagine,
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
I97
of however, that when Aristides returned from his apportionment tribute among the allies of Athens, the proposal had been made by two orators to confer the crown upon him for his justice; and that one had
assigned as the reason his returning no richer than he to the capa and the other his observance of due proportion went, city of each allied State, and his refraining from all excessive de : would
mands
first orator
not Aristides
himself have
protested against the of his reason, and recognised that
for the inadequacy aiming at the true mark?
the second was
And
indeed,
inmain
taining due proportion, he had regard to the advantage both of Athens and of the islands ; as was seen afterwards when the Athe nians, by imposing heavier burdens, brought about the revolt of their*tributaries and the loss of their empire. He, then, is just who both acts justly himself and so orders things that others shall not act unjustly. And from this diffusive virtue?which is better than both other and in oaths taken on sacrifices1?will virtues spring those of the judge and of the legislator, which come the province of justice.2 within peculiarly assents. After To this account of the just man Apollonius some further discourse, he informs Thespesio of his intention to go In the account of so remote a in quest of the sources of the Nile. particular
journey the geography and zoology as usual become mixed with the marvellous, though they are not wholly fictitious. We are told and the Pygmies, who are of ^Ethiopian of the Androphagi race, and extend as far as to the ^Ethiopie Sea, into which no one volun also hear of cataracts haunted by daemons ; and tarily sails. We there is a curious story about
the taming of a satyr in one of the
villages by Apollonius. On his return, he signified his approval of the conduct of Titus after he had taken Jerusalem, in refusing to accept a crown from Titus, now associated with his father in the neighboring nations.8 1vi. 21 (7) : ?ui?oei fiev y?p tol?g?e ttoaa^? ?iKai?repov f) oi mr?
2 It coincides heaven
that the place is noteworthy it occupies with that which of Jupiter, who are those of men
3 vi. Xe?pa?.
r?v to/ilcjv ?/llvvvte?.
to justice as a positive assigned in Dante's of the spirits description here
that bore
virtue in the
rule on earth.
29 : fJLTj y?p avro? ravr' eipy?o&ai, i?e?) ?' bpyr/vQyvavri eni?e?tJK?vai r?? ?avrov
THE
MONIST.
invited him to Argos, and consulted him as to his government, future behavior as a ruler. Apollonius says that he will send him a free-spoken counsellor ; as the Cynic his companion Demetrius to and Titus, though the name of the Cynic is at first disagreeable a him, assents with good grace.1 He is also said to have consulted in private on his destiny. Apollonius at this point, made many more says Philostratus Apollonius, to he but countries remained journeys, only already knew. He always like himself; and this is for the sage even more difficult than to know himself.
to the account of his proceeding acts and sufferings under Domitian, the biographer brings together a few miscellaneous anecdotes. One of these throws interesting Before
light on popular beliefs in the eastern provinces The cities on the left of the Hellespont, Empire.
of the Roman it is recorded,2
and Chal being once troubled with earthquakes, certain Egyptians a were at for estimated the price daeans sacrifice, collecting money and declared that they would of ten talents, to Earth and Poseidon, not perform the sacrifice till the money was paid down. Apollo nius drove them away for their greed, and by due rites quieted the earth.
Since
those who adopt the philosophic life are best proved by to tyrannies, the behavior of Apollonius in face of has now to be compared with that of elder philosophers
their attitude Domitian
pro tyrannies in their time. Philostratus in set form ; maintaining the comparison the thesis showed his superiority to all others, high-minded
when
confronted with
ceeds
to make
that Apollonius
as they had undoubtedly proved themselves. It is not his purpose to to depreciate the rest, but it is his duty show the greatness of his hero.8 Some of the sayings of Apollonius against the Emperor having been recorded, we are told that he fell under suspicion through his and his associates Orfitus and Rufus. correspondence with Nerva When
proceedings statue of Domitian
to the against them were begun, he addressed the words: how little you know of the "Fool, vi. 31.2 vi.
41.
3
vii.
I, 2.
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
! He who is destined and Necessity should you kill him, will come to life again."1
Fates
I99 to reign after you, This was brought
ears by means of Euphrates. that the Foreknowing the had decided on his arrest, Apollonius anticipated
to Domitian's Emperor summons
for Italy. They arrive at by setting out with Damis Puteoli, and there fall in with Demetrius, who leads them to the seat of "the ancient Cicero," where they can converse privately.
that he is to be accused of sacrificing tells Apollonius and that further to get divinations for the conspirators; charges against him are his dress and his manner of life and the He then worship that is said to be paid to him by certain people.
Demetrius a boy
from staying to brave the anger of a tyrant by the most just defence, and who is undis tracted by that devotion to the Muses which, when Nero was sing ing and playing on the lyre, gave the world some respite. Damis, who till now has been unaware of the purpose of his master in tries to dissuade
him
who will be unmoved
holds Apollonius on the part of Damis, who is an of the Medes, where lived in the neighborhood
coming, seconds the argument this timorous counsel excusable Assyrian
and has
of Demetrius.
he does not know how tyrannies are adored ; but as forDemetrius, he will make his apology to philosophy. He himself intends to remain ; and in justification he sets forth the arguments that this is the only course worthy of his character. Of despotisms he allows that that is the most
dangerous kind which, under forms of law. All
Domitian, proceeds is he bound to appear
like the tyranny of the more, however, ag?inst him : to flee
and answer the charge of self-condemnation. from a legal trial would have the appearance It must be beyond the limits of the And whither shall he flee? Roman
Empire.
Shall
then seek refuge with men who know he will have to acknowledge that he has he
him already ; to whom left his friends to be destroyed dared among
to face himself? those who
by an accusation which he has not Perhaps Demetrius will tell him to go
impressively clear, starting 1 vii. 9 (1).
But here too, as he makes from the use of the word by Euripides
do not know him.
THE
200
MONIST.
in the Orestes, the power called conscience (o-vvco-i?) will follow him, and will allow him no peace whether awake or asleep.1 At the end recovers courage, and Demetrius, far from of this address, Damis continuing his opposition, tion of Apollonius.
cannot
sufficiently express
his admira
The pr fectus pr torio at that time, the narrative continues, was Aelianus, who had been acquainted with Apollonius in Egypt. As a diversion in his favor before he arrives, he argues to the Em that the "chattering sophists," having nothing to enjoy in life, deliberately try to draw death upon themselves at the hands of those who bear the sword. this, Nero could not be Perceiving
peror
to give him the death he desired, but let brought by Demetrius as him go, not pardoning him but out of contempt.2 On the arrival as a prisoner, Aelian uses his authority to submit of Apollonius they are alone, he gives ex the necessity of pro pression to his friendly feeling, but explains asks him what he is accused of. ceeding with caution. Apollonius Aelian repeats the heads of accusation already mentioned ; inform him to examination
in secret.
When
ing him that the most serious charge is precisely that which he is most dis himself knows must be false, but which the Emperor : an true namely, that Apollonius Arcadian slew posed to believe in aspiring to the empire ; the boy for sacrifice to encourage Nerva In answering offering being made at night by the waning moon.8 avoid a contemptuous attitude. the charge, however, let Apollonius calls in the guards, and, interview being at an end, Aelian with simulated anger, consigns him to custody among those who are awaiting their trial. The
In prison, he is derided by a military tribune, who tells him does not. He is that he knows what he is accused of ifApollonius men and accused of being worshipped thinking himself worthy by
1vii. as showing is of high interest philosophically, This passage 14 (8-10). into view. had already been brought of conscience how fully the ethical conception of consciousness The by the same (sometimes expressed conception psychological till the Neo-Platonic formulated period, with its more word) was not so completely definite direction 2vii.
to abstract 16.
thought. 3
vii. 20.
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
20I
of equal honors with the gods.1 As a test, let them go outside the walls, and he will try to cut off the head of Apollonius with his sword. If he succeeds, Apollonius is innocent of the claim to di If he is terror-stricken and the sword falls from his hand, vinity. that is a proof at once of the divinity of Apollonius and of his guilt. Here the histories are given of some of the other prisoners, who are deploring their fate. The philosopher, in accordance with to his professional character, calls them together and addresses a them consolatory discourse which gives them fortitude and hope. them first not to despair before their cases are decided, he the whole of our life, proceeds in a more elevated strain. During the body is the prison of the soul ; and those who dwell in palaces
Telling
are more under this bondage than those whom they put in bonds. The Scythian tribes are is a savage mode of life a protection. no freer than we are ; but are surrounded with hardships by rivers impassable save when frozen over by the cold of winter, and shrink
Nor
even within
the shelter of their wagon-huts. And, if it is not pue rile to recur to the fables of the poets,2 one might tell of gods who are said to have been bound in chains, both in heaven and on Think finally of the many wise and blessed men who have suffered at the hands both of licentious peoples and tyrannies, and
earth. resolve
not
to be
surpassed
by
them
in courage.
comes in the guise of next day, an emissary of Domitian sees his purpose of en but Apollonius prisoner, to his fellow-prisoners only of his trapping him, and discourses travels. On the evening of the fifth day, one from Aelian brings The
a much-dejected
the message that he is to be led before the Emperor on the morrow ; renewing the advice not to be contemptuous, and describ him
and manner of speaking. The fact that appearance ing Domitian^ to undergo danger on behalf of come forward had Apollonius here remarks, made a favorable impression others, Philostratus before were prejudiced led under guard to the Emperor's
even on those who is being
he against him. While presence, he rallies his
1vii. 21 ae vir? r?v ?v&p?Tro?v ?ia?e?TiijKev ?? (i): r? y?p izpooKWEla^ai UEVOVtol? ?EO??. 2vii. 26 (5): el ?? firjfiELpaKL??rj?? "k?yo?.
Igg?v?%(.ov
202
THE
MONIST.
terror he is in. Damis?who in disciple on the mortal genuously confesses how terrified he is?is not admitted ; and Do mitian insists that the philosopher shall defend himself alone from Assyrian
the charges, condemned.
and Orfitus, who are already nevertheless, declares them innocent, and
and not Nerva,
Rufus,
Apollonius, their guilt before their protests against the injustice of assuming as now trial. Domitian, regards his defence he telling him that course take what he his and his hair shorn, has beard likes, may and puts him in fetters such as are reserved for theworst criminals. en A letter attributed to Apollonius in which he supplicatingly treats the Emperor to release him from his bonds, Philostratus to be
pronounces
spurious.1
has been lodged in his new dungeon for two Apollonius a who is "the eye and tongue of Domitian,'' visits days, Syracusan him under the pretence that he is a well-wisher and has gained access to him by payment. he After much commiseration feigned When
can easily obtain his re his drift ; hinting that Apollonius lease by giving information about the supposed conspiracy against The Syracusan the Emperor. having gone away without result, was once that Pytho of Byzantium Damis that he tells Apollonius reveals
who came mosthenes
to the Greeks, and whom De from Philip on a mission He also predicts that they will withstood at Athens.
suffer nothing more
than they have suffered already ; and, to show is voluntary, frees his leg from the that his submitting to bondage fetter and then replaces it.2
the more foolish sort ascribe things, says Philostratus, to magic ; against the efficacy of which he again takes up the argu ment. events attributed to charms or sacrifices may Successful These
be more
by chance coincidence. rationally explained Nothing, have recourse to such arts that will who however, persuade those success does not result from performance of the prescribed rites, while failure is to be attributed to the omission of some detail the importance 1vii.
35.
2 vii.
38.
of which was
This
overlooked.
letter is not among
the extant
Others,
epistles.
he adds, have
ridi
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
203
the art at large ; but if the young will follow his advice, they will have nothing to do with things of the kind, even in sport.1 As culed
is evident, he would willingly have ascribed the superhuman powers to have possessed to some deeper knowl he conceived Apollonius as of natural the science of the time causation. edge Imperfect as opinion was becoming, philosophic culture in repudiated theory the anti-natural conception of miracle. is at last set free from his bonds, and conducted Apollonius
was,
and
credulous
fellow-prisoners welcome him on to giving them his return, and he devotes himself unceasingly now to to expect counsel. Damis he sends Dicaearchia (Puteoli) to his
back
former prison.
with Demetrius
His
his appearance
after he has made
his defence.
the philosopher is brought to the imperial judgment When seat to be tried, Domitian is to be figured as vexed with the laws because they invented courts of justice.2 The court was decked out as for a festival oration, and all the illustrious were present. Apollonius, on entering, so disregarded the monarch as not even to glance at him. The accuser therefore crying out to him to "look towards the god of all men," he raised his eyes to the ceiling : thus and indicating, says the biographer, that he was looking to Zeus; thinking him who was impiously flattered worse than the flatterer.3 an oration
in case
this should be necessary ; but Domitian merely put to him four brief interrogatories. Those he triumphantly answers, and the Emperor amid him ap acquits He
had
prepared
plause ; telling him, however, to remain so that he may converse with him in private. thanks him ; but adds a stern Apollonius who the wretches surround you," he exclaims, reproof. "Through are destroyed, the islands are filled with exiles, the conti nent with groans, the armies with cowardice, and the senate with "cities
suspicion." 1vii. 39 (3): r? roiavf
Then
he suddenly disappears
?fio? ff ?none?av^o)
from among
them.4
fiq?' ?neivoi? ?fiiXetv tov? v?ov?, 'iva (irj?? Traisen
?-di?otvro.
2viii.
i : ?varvKovG?ai
8viii.
4 : ?v?eiKvvjbievo? /n?vr? ?? r?v ?ia
Ko?aicevGavTo? r/yovfievog. 4 viii. 5 (6).
?? XPV 0l0V ?x&?fievov
ro?? vd?oiq, enei??/ evpov ?tnacH/pta.
?p?v, r?v ?1 ?ce??q
Ko?MKev&?vTa miciu
rov
THE
2C?4
MONIST.
Since Apollonius composed a speech which he was not allowed to deliver, Philostratus thinks that this too ought to be set before he gives is an elaborate defence inwhich the the reader. What arts and all claims to divinity, repudiates all magical philosopher in the divine. except so far as good men may be said to participate His life, pure from blood-sacrifice and other pollutions, brings him nearer to the gods, and the lightness of his diet enables him to form presages souls
from their vices
them more
governable.
he
is of use
This
to men.
In turning men's to their rulers also, who find
to be of service
and hence
being so, if the people did think him be a gain to the master of the flock.1
a god, the deception would They did not think him a god, however, but only held the ancient A man opinion that by virtue men can participate in the divinity. who has something of divine order in his own soul can by wisdom draw away the souls of others from over-vehement desires of pleasure or wealth. For such an one, it is perhaps not impossible to with
them from contact with murders; "but to wash them clean," adds the Pythagorean, "is possible neither forme nor forGod the
hold
Maker
of all."2
He
is made
to refer to some of the wonders
rec
orded
in the biography ; but he disclaims the possession of power to keep a dying friend in life or to recover him from the dead. Had
in his power to do either, he would have done it.3 In the of having said that part of his apology referring to the accusation if the Fates have determined that a certain man shall reign, then, it been
kill him, he will come to life again, Apollo though the Emperor nius points out that such assertions are of the hyperbolical kind to produce conviction in those who find things that are adapted the of reason incredible.4 The appearance put consistently with If the is obviously that of the Stoic determinism. are in reality equally predetermined event is infallible, its conditions implied view
1viii. %vv irpodvpia 7 (21): ?gt' el /cai &e?v rjyovvr? [iE, gol n?p?o? r, anarrj slx^' y?p TTovrjKpOQVT?pov1 ?e?l?te? izp?rTELv, ? py ?okel #e?>. 2 viii. ?go? ?v?pi 7 (26): (f>6viov y?p avaax^v p?v avr?? prj npoG?izTEG?aL ovk ??ivarov TOLobru, ?novlipai ff ovt' kpo? ?vvar?v ovte r? Tzavruv ?rjpLovpy?i ?e?. 3viii. 7 (46). 4 viii. 7 (53): i?ovvra?.
r?? y?p viTEp?oTiag r?v X?ywv ?Gay?pE&a
?i? tov? tol? izL&avoL? ?izEL
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
205
fate is an abstraction ; though it is a he In conclusion, abstraction. moralising impressive on in the the revolu quotes the lines of Sophocles dipus Coloneus
necessitated.
Unconditional
an
and
life?
tions of human
fi?voi? ob yiyverat
i?eo?GL yrjpa? ov?? Kardave?v r? (T?Xka ovyx?
Trore,
7rav#' ? wayKpar^g xp&v0?
remember how ephemeral is good fortune, and the Emperor an to the end he has been made which put through oppressions hateful to all, as all things have been made hateful to him.
Let
as has been related, strangely disappeared,1 Apollonius, the tyrant did not break out into a rage, as most expected, but rather gave signs of trouble. This having taken place at Rome When
before noon, Apollonius appeared in the afternoon of the same day as he had promised. He came at Puteoli to Damis and Demetrius, to despair of ever seeing him to them when they were beginning and them convinced by having a tangible body that he had again ; not returned
from the shades.
that he is about
to sail forGreece.
After he has slept, he tells them is afraid that he will Demetrius
not be sufficiently hidden there : to which he replies that, if all the earth belongs to the tyrant, they that die in the open day have a better part than they that live in concealment.2 To those in Greece who
him how he had
asked
fence had been
successful.
escaped, he merely said that his de Hence when many coming from Italy
he was really happened, because being regarded as divine especially boasted of the marvellous mode of his escape. related what
had
Of this residence
in Greece
almost worshipped; he had in no way
one
singular adventure is related. cave of Trophonius at Lebadea the in Apollonius excuses The priests refused to admit him ; making to him Bceotia. as to the but their his personally alleging people ground being a desired
sorcerer.
to visit
in the evening with his companions In this he did what was so pleasing to the to the priests and rebuked them. appeared
He went, however,
and forced his way
in.
god that Trophonius To the inquiry of Apollonius, 1viii.
8 : ?aifi?vi?v re kov pa?iov
what philosophy elireiv rp?trov.
he
regarded 2
viii.
as 14.
the
2o6
THE
MONIST.
best and purest, he replied by allowing him to carry off a book con This book, says Philostratus, taining the Pythagorean precepts. is now at Antium some
; and his own opinion is that itwas brought with to the Emperor Hadrian, of the epistles of Apollonius and
left in the palace A concourse
there.1
of disciples from Ionia joined with those of Hellas as an art the philosopher ; and rhetoric lay neglected that can teach only language. He kept his disciples away from the forensic orators (to?? ?yopaiov?) ; having always been hostile to them, to surround
seen
and now, since he had
the Roman
art as more their money-making things there than the tyrant himself.2
and
prisons, responsible
regarding them for the state of
this time a crown (o-t <?avo?)was seen around the sun fulfilled when Stephanus its rays. The portent was
About
obscuring plotted the death of.Domitian,
then fresh from the murder
of Fla
says Philostratus, being the freedman Stephanus, a like relation of Domitian, Clemens was, himself, his death by though not his sister, as Philostratus has it?avenged a most to the freeborn that of with the tyrant spirit equal attacking
vius Clemens.
of his wife?who
which, ethics.
as we While to
returned
to give an account of the tyrannicide, proceeds in entire consistency with classical he see, approves this was taking place in Rome, Apollonius?having
He
Athenians.
Ionia
after
a
stay
of
two
years
in Greece?was
speak
ing at Ephesus. Interrupting his discourse, which had gradually become troubled, he stepped forward three or four paces and cried Then he told his audience the tyrant, strike!" that out, "Strike Domitian
had been
slain at that hour ; and
this vision
of his from
the gods was afterwards confirmed circumstantially.8 Near the end of Nerva's brief reign (96-98) he disappeared from among men, in some way that is not precisely known ; for he sent Damis
away when
1viii. 19, 20. 2viii. 22. Cf. Tac, usus nantis eloquentiae in locum 3viii.
teli repertus." 26.
Dial, recens
the expected
time approached,
on the pre
" 12 : nam lucrosae huius et sangui de Oratoribus, et malis moribus natus, atque, ut tu dicebas, Aper,
OF TYANA.
APOLLONIUS
207
text of entrusting him with a confidential letter to the Emperor. does not even tell his age, which some make to have been Damis eighty,
some
over
ninety,
to Philostratus,
and
others
more
than
a hundred.
Ac
in the temple at Tyana showed in a pre-eminent degree the charm which is his statues
cording him to have possessed sometimes found to accompany old age. lated of the manner inwhich he was called
legends are re from earth.1 He always not encourage the in the but the of did soul, taught immortality dulgence of curiosity about its future. To a disputatious youth Several
even after his departure, continued to argue against in a vision and delivered an oracle. tality, he appeared
who,
immor If the
seem to have anticipated the verses2 are by Apollonius, he would attitude of Kant at the conclusion of his Tr?ume eines Geistersehers. lastly tells us that he has found no tomb or cenotaph anywhere, but that everywhere he has met with mar
Philostratus of Apollonius vellous
stories.
The
effect of the work
of Philostratus
was
was decisive.
on cultivated
opinion as at least a
henceforth
recognised Apollonius Not that the marvels philosopher and perhaps something more. this effect. No school was led by them to call related produced and no one appealed to his itself after the name of Apollonius,
as evidence of the truth of the doctrines attributed wonder-working as we shall see, an to him. The feeling seems to have been?and, adherent of the new religion was not entirely exempt from it? that here was undoubtedly a genuine moral and religious teacher. however, the struggle between Christianity and the estab When, reached its critical point, it occurred to one ad lished polytheism as con vocate of the old religion to select the Life of Apollonius to than those appealed taining wonders better authenticated by the so far as it can be gathered argument of Hierocles, was this: "You from Eusebius, proclaim Jesus a god on account We have writers of a few prodigies recorded by your evangelists.
Christians.
The
of more education
viii.
than yours and with more
30.
care for truth,who 2viii.
31 (3).
re
THE
2o8
MONIST.
and yet we, showing more of Apollonius; a not do make him god on account of them, but judgment, to the gods." This is only regard him as a man found pleasing us contents all that Eusebius tells the of the about work practically late similar wonders
solid
under the title Philalethes. written by Hierocles Everything in the book, he asserts, has been urged by others and has
else been
and Christ is already replied to. The parallel between Apollonius seems espe all that is new, and this only will be taken up. What cially to have stung the father of ecclesiastical history is the taunt of Hierocles
about
the "heedlessness
and
lightness" recurs again
Kal (ciocia and again.
of Christian belief, to which he Kov<f>?T7]s) A brief analysis of his argument will not be uninstructive. He will waive, he tells us, such points as this,?that the com men was of alone the of the foretold Hebrews Christ wise ing by
inspiration, and that to this day devils are cast out by the power of his name, as the writer can testify from experience.1 Of the biographers referred to by Hierocles?namely, Maximus of under divine
the Assyrian, and Philostratus the Athenian?it will iEgae, Damis be sufficient to consider the last. From his trustworthiness, that of the rest may be judged. the method of Eusebius Accordingly is to examine
in succession the eight books of Philostratus, point out narra in each the inconsistencies and of the incredibilities ing no as high tive. I have objection, he says, to placing Apollonius as any one likes among philosophers. But when his biographer, or Philostratus,
or any one else, repre as going beyond the sents him, under cover of Pythagoreanism, bounds of philosophy, then he is really made out to be an ass in a be he Damis
the Assyrian,
lion's skin, a juggling quack instead of a philosopher. There are limits set to human powers which no man may transgress; though a higher being may condescend to the conditions of human nature. then a divine being? If so, let the biographer He is said to preserve consistency through the whole narrative. have been announced to his mother before his birth as an incarna Was
Apollonius
Hieroclem, 4 : ela?ri Kai vvv rq? ?v&?ov ?w?[xeu? rrjv apErrjv ?ici?eln Kai a?fiaaLV ?f??pevovra? fiox&ypov? riva? Kai <)>av?iov??aifiova? y\rvxc???v&p?iruv ?rreAavvcjv ?t? ju?vq? rij? ?ppfjrov TzpoaTjyopia? avrov1 ?? avry izeipa KaretA^a/iev. lAdversus
vvrat
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
209
tion of the god Proteus, and swans are said to have sung him into It cannot have been the world. Whence did the writer get this? In one from a disciple who joined him long after in Nineveh.1 place he is made to describe himself as knowing all languages with out learning them. Yet he is said to have acquired the Attic mode of speech by discipline and attention, and not by nature, and to have been taken by his father to a rhetorician at Tarsus. Many allows, are credible as belonging things related of him, Eusebius to the history of a wise and good man. It is the attempt to ascribe to him a nature more than human that gives ground for blaming both the author and the subject of the biography. from the first to the second book, Eusebius Passing points out in the account of the journey to India and themeet inconsistencies tales He then dwells on the marvellous ing with King Phraotes. about
India
related
in the third book.
Behold,
he exclaims,
the
incredibilities in which "Philalethes" glories; preferring Philo stratus to our divine evangelists not only as a man of highest edu cation but as careful about truth!2 the chief teacher Iarchas, is represented as sitting, in the manner of a a satrap rather than of philosopher, on a more elevated and more adorned seat than his fellows. This outward distinction by the the Brahmans,
among
of tyrannic privilege was a fitting mode of doing honor to the teacher of divine philosophy.8 The account by Philostratus of the vegetative like that to wool enables the philosophers growth
marks
from materials furnished by animals dispense with clothing made seems to require that we should think of them as laboring at the loom,?unless
we
are
to
suppose
that
this
substance
of
its
own
accord
changes into their sacred raiment.4 That Apollonius praised of the sages is inconsistent with his not the automatic mechanisms
caring to know of them in detail or to emulate them.5 from India does Not till the return of Apollonius pher,
the biogra his wonderful works.
in the fourth book, make him begin he been of a diviner nature than that of man,
Yet, had
1Adversus 8/?tf.,
Hieroclem, 18.
8.
Cf.
4Adversus
2Adver
12. Hier'oclem,
23.
one would
sus Hieroclem, 5 Ibid., 25.
17.
2IO
THE
MONIST.
say that he ought to have begun them long before, without need of and the Magi and the Indians. communicating with the Arabians Eusebius then scornfully comments on the account of his destroy the The story about the ghost of Achilles, ing plague of Ephesus. he proceeds,
full of absurdities
is also
and
inconsistencies.
at dead
of night and disappears ghost appears cumstances which would be appropriate enough
at cockcrow
The ; cir
in the case of evil
demons, but are out of place when related of the soul of a hero. The "heedlessness" of the writer in his accounts of the casting out of a demon from a young man, and of the chasing away of the lamia, does not need much elaboration of proof ; for this, as they The raising of a say, is a casting out of demons by demons.1 from death to a second life ismost incredible, and to Phil maiden ostratus himself seems a marvel
to be explained
a wonder
away.2 Had such at Rome, itwould
really been performed by Apollonius the attention of the Emperor have and of all his hardly escaped subordinates, and especially of the philosopher Euphrates who at that time was include
this
not have
there, and who would his
among
failed afterwards
to
of magic.
accusations
In his interviews with Vespasian, this steersman of an Egyp tian ship?for such Apollonius told the Indian sage that he had in a former life?gives himself the airs of a god and of a king to Vespasian maker. He commends Euphrates ; and afterwards, as the when he is at variance with him, speaks of him to Domitian been
worst of men. science
he
How
attributes
does Philostratus
reconcile
to his hero?
this with the pre re
if the wonders
Evidently, lated by the writer actually took place, Apollonius performed them a the of the aid demon. Had by superhuman insight he displays on some occasions been of a divine character, he would have dis never have
to inquire about needed some that he fact foreknows anything. things and not others is best explained As was assistance.8 by the theory of demoniac
played
it always,
and would
The
1 Adversus 2Ibid.
Hieroclem,
30 : ?a'i/Lt,ova?y?p aitikavvu
: ?moT?TC?Tov Kai avr?
???av
r? Qikoorparu
Hieroclem, 35 : bpa ?rj ovv, ?? Hrjv) tj? ?i? ?ataovLKTj? airereTielTo vnovpyia?. 3Adversus
aXku ?Xkov) y Qaot, ?ai/iovi. irapaiTTjT?ov. t?/v n?aav
avru
izapa?o?oTrouav,
APOLLONIUS
said above, he could drive away a demon powerful
of magic that was brought against Apol is anxious to defend him. The incident in
the accusation
lonius his biographer the dungeon, however, charge.
like the lamia by a more
demon.
From
convinced
211
OF TYANA.
by which Damis
is said
to have
been
first
of his superhuman powers, if true, plainly confirms the The explanation here suggested by Eusebius is that an
impression made on the imagination of Damis by his master's asso ciate demon (wo rov irap&pov Saifiovos) caused him to see the fetter removed and then replaced.1 it is here apparently Apollonius, evident, did not know the future ; for he prepared a long defence if we examine which, in the event, was not needed. Moreover, that defence, we shall find a sufficient justification of the charge of by merely comparing his own definition of a sorcerer as a professor of false wisdom (i/^vooo-o^os) with the things recorded of him by Philostratus. In what he says to Domitian about the words
magic
he had uttered on Necessity, he evades the true charge that he had predicted his end ; and is thus placed before us as a flatterer and a liar and anything rather than a philosopher. Perhaps, however, the falsehood comes from his biographers. In that case, where are the "men of highest education" of "Philalethes"? The splen dor of the truth has convicted
them as plainly liars and uneducated
men and jugglers.2 says Eusebius, arriving at the culmination, Philostra tus, having thrown doubt on the place and manner of his departure from life, will have it that Apollonius went to heaven bodily, ac Lastly,
by an unexpected song of maiden voices.3 Selecting now, as an example of his false doctrine,4
companied
the utter
ances attributed to him on the certainty of fate, Eusebius ends with some commonplace libertarian declamation:5 remarking finally that, should any still think fit to place Apollonius among philoso not he does if will clear him of the false object, only they phers, 1Adversus
Hieroclem,
39. 43 : ipevorag kvapy??
2Adversus ?eia?
Hieroclem, t? <j)?yyo??if?ey?ev.
3Ibid.,
44.
4
Kai ?nai?evTov?
7/kv ??yfiaoi ipev?o?oijia r?v?p??.
Kai y?yra? ry? akri 5Ibid.,
45-48.
THE
212
ornaments
affixed to him
real effect of such under
additions
MONIST.
oy the writing under examination ; the the man himself being to calumniate
the guise of raising him to divinity. *
*
*
too obvious
for comment.
tract is, itmay be hoped, on now to consider briefly may go by the reforming activity of the phi
of Caesarea's
The moral of the Bishop
We
an interesting problem raised losopher or prophet of Tyana.
does not suggest that Philostratus himself had either or a friendly intention with regard to Christianity. Yet it seems likely that, living when he did, he had some slight bias in support one way or the other. One passage might be adduced that not even The declaration of Apollonius, of the former view. Eusebius
a hostile
the supreme Deity can wash away the stain of murder, if itwere found in Julian, could safely be set down as pointed against the To it doctrine. ecclesiastical Christian Philostratus, however, probably appeared as simply a re-affirmation of the higher ethical view, at once poetic and philosophic, against the imaginations of the necessary expia that by prayers or ceremonies the multitude in a series of lives tion to be undergone by the soul itself?perhaps This idea of an inflexible moral order, be dispensed with. not to be derived from arbitrary volitions, severe or indulgent, was of an ethically re an important part of the Hellenic conception
?can
formed religion ; but, to bring it into relief, no contrast was needed thinker except that which Plato had drawn between the philosophic " medicine-man." The aim of Philo on religion and the popular stratus, in spite of his introduction of marvels, was to make it
was not this kind of person ; and indeed quite clear that Apollonius the position about sacrifices which by universal consent was his ought to be of itself sufficient to prove that he was not. there is thus nothing to show hostility to Christianity there is some slight evidence of a not on the part of Philostratus, The intention. Syrian emperors of the third century, unfriendly While
to the new themselves favorably disposed as of accused in perpetrat religion. representing Apollonius at to not the absurd a meant he hint have ritual murder, may ing forwhom
he wrote, were
And
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
213
This seems against the Christians? ity of the vulgar accusations at least possible. That Christianity should become the exclusive he would certainly not have desired. What of the State religion for was, we may judge, a system of toleration accom reform of the local cults wherever such reform ethical panied by Of Christianity itself he probably knew little. might be needed. He was not one of those who had caught a glimpse of the theo Indeed Themistius the Peripatetic, cratic aims of the Church.1 he hoped
and Ammianus
the military historian, had scarcely ap in the latter part of the fourth century. Even
Marcellinus
preciated those aims after the victory of Christianity they seem to have still cherished dreams of a mutual toleration; taking the ground natural to sensible men of the world imbued with secular culture who saw the general agreement of all the organised doctrines, philosophic or religious, on practical morals'. They could hardly have imagined that what must have seemed to men of their type so moderate and obvious a for its triumph but for a mere be ginning of its effective recognition, to the time of Locke. The r?gime of "religious liberty," desirable as it must always solution would
have
to wait, not
who were
not bigots, has not always for governments sincerely anxious to uphold free been practicable The repression of the rising Christian Church in dom of opinion. the second century was probably, in its inception, a policy similar
have
seemed
to statesmen
to the legislation of modern States against the reactionary con in its death-struggle ; organisation spiracies fomented by Catholic of of those exact who attempted the knowledge it, degree though the in harshness methods and the degree of used, may be forever impossible
to discern
through
the cloud of ecclesiastical
legend.
1 In information on the detail of Jewish antiquities, there spite of its defective that Tacitus had gained some real in the fifth book of his Histories evidence is and liberated insight into the spirit of intolerant theocracy which, at once dislodged for itself a new embodiment in the of Jerusalem, was shaping by the destruction c. 5. On the See furnished Catholic support especially hierarchy. by incipient compare what he says about the Hasmonaean kings, "qui theocracy to monarchy, per arma dominatione resumpta fugas civium, urbium vulgi expulsi, neces aliaque solita regibus ausi super fratrum coniugum eversiones, parentum firmamentum adsumebatur" stitionem fovebant, potential quia honor sacerdotii (Hist. v. 8).
mobilitate
THE
214
MONIST.
attempt to show how a more clearly conceived policy of the kind, aided instead of thwarted by accident, might have been suc cessful in throwing Christianity back on the East, has been made
An
to M. Renouvier's in his Uchronie. According by M. Renouvier hypothetical reconstruction of history, the official Stoicism retains the direction
of opinion ; the extra-legal power of the Emperor reduced with a view to the restoration of the Republic
is
gradually slavery is brought
;
to an end by legislation under the continued Stoical influence, instead of being left, as it actually was, to be in the Middle Ages through economical causes slowly extinguished unassisted by directing ideas. The process of return from the type of society initiated by the Caesarean revolution being thus accel about the ninth century is a little in advance of erated, Europe what actually became its condition has in the meantime of theWest
in the nineteenth.
empire into a system of The Christian propaganda
been
resolved
republics in friendly alliance. is re-admitted when the force of the Catholic
national
in the East
in mutual
The
idea has
spent itself Thus, in crusading. formal toleration of all sects, reli
massacre
and abortive
the hypothetical reconstruction, becomes at length the official system, as it is gious or philosophic, in the actual modern world after a farmore wasteful struggle. It is tempting to take this sketch as a basis and to make mod ifications does
to
in it by giving a more the Neo-Pythagorean
bring about, for example, sacrifice and of divination
and
definite part Neo-Platonic
the abolition
than M. Renouvier movements.
To
of the customs of animal
by inspection of victims, were necessary; Stoicism
the ideas of a
reformer like Apollonius having some from its philosophical character by defending the what derogated official religion as a whole. Again, to an idealist the Neo-Platonic metaphysics And indeed
ought to seem an advance on the Stoic materialism. it seems clear that, in the absence of Christianity, Neo and not Stoicism would
finally have assumed the direc in the Empire. Had this been the course of events, civilisation would have preserved its organic con and would doubtless the attack have barbarian been thrown tinuity, off. In the latter part of the second century the conservative
Platonism
tion of opinion Graeco-Roman
APOLLONIUS
OF TYANA.
foresaw that, as things were, the latent civil patriotism of Celsus war kept up by the imperium in imperio of the Church would be to yield the could be persuaded fatal; that, unless the Christians fabric would sooner or required allegiance to the State, the whole later go down under the shock of invasion. He did not indeed foresee the recovery ; but expressed the apprehension that the reli as as true the of Christians well itself, gion philosophy, would be we as in universal chaos. This, know, did not in the submerged end come about
; though the prospect might seem near being real ised in the dark centuries of theWest between the end of antiquity and the beginning of new life in the Middle Age. What then would
have
been
the result
if the break-up had been averted? Would civilisation have assumed a fixed form analogous Western to those of the East though superior,?combining, let us say, the political order of China with the higher speculative thought of India and with a legal system that recognises rights as well as duties, but never developing new forms of freedom or new lines of art and thought? Or would there have been such accelerated progress as M. Renouvier has imagined? A progressive movement might be conceived as starting from interaction between the Roman Empire and the free but undis tribes of the North, when these, kept at length within ciplined own their boundaries, settled down to a life of comparative peace and began to draw their higher culture, as they would have done, from the old civilisation
of Europe.
We
might then suppose in Scandinavia?and,
an
ethnic republic arising in the North?say, by offering to the South a new type for imitation instead of the city republic of the past, leading to a system of independent national As the imperial absolutism, according to the hypothesis, States. remains unconsecrated suppose
a transition
less violent
than
by a new hierocracy, we should naturally to the republican form from the monarchical
the French
round to M. Renouvier's
Revolution.
Thus we
result in a different manner.
should come It would
be
easy to fill in details and, by selecting factors with a view to the required product, to show how every distinctive element inmodern civilisation might have been evolved.
THE
2l6
MONIST.
himself, however, at the conclusion of his "apoc has ryphal sketch," sufficiently indicated at once the possibilities and the limitations of this kind of reconstruction ; and the scientific M. Renouvier
interest of any such attempt cannot, of course, be in its positive the result is necessarily unverifiable?though result?since itmay new at of the of actual ways process suggest looking history. We are led to see that in the complexity of real circumstances factors intervene which from time to time make continuous progress im it is irrational even to desire that there should possible.1 Perhaps have been continuous progress ; as Heraclitus irra thought Homer tional for giving utterance to the aspiration "that strife might be " ; since this would mean the destroyed from among gods and men to It is still possible to the historical pro
of the cosmic
destruction apply
the teleological
cess.
That
is to say,
harmony itself. idea in Kant's sense
we
may
use
it as
a
"regulative
idea"
to
in
terpret history as itwas ; though we may not use it to inform us as to what history in general must have been. it in the first Taking terms and the of sense, using post-Kantian metaphysics, we might of Athanasius and Augustine and the regard the pseudo-synthesis as without human the obstacle posited by itself rest, value, entirely the world-soul in order to rise more explicitly to the idea of spirit is not of course
to deny that there are gleams of borrowed light in their Kingdom of Darkness; but it is to deny the too anthropomorphic of with its insistence Comte, teleology that the Catholic of the "human ideal, as one expression provi ual freedom.
This
dence," must
have
manity.2
The
a progressive phase in the history of hu immanent reason in things, being cosmic and not
simply human, works night and winter. Such 1A
in the affairs of man also
as Wordsworth
example of this kind is the overgrowth It is remarkable world. that two poets
and Shelley foresaw of the nineteenth century.
2 Comte
through pauses
like
seasons, we know, bear the germs of the future ; and the
recent
the civilised years
been
the
imminent
of industrialism
evil
throughout in many respects in the early of plutocracy
so unlike
results almost purely beneficent from modern industrialism; predicted itmust be allowed that his disciples have no more love for the present of commerce than other philosophers. hypertrophy though
apollonius
of
tyana.
217
To histo future is more than simply a return to a vanished past. rical Christianity may be assigned on one side the merit of partially the idealistic metaphysic which was the legacy of appropriating
thought ; and, on the other side, of preserving, in the to which it appealed for its authoritative dogma, ele documents
Hellenic ments
of ethical
culture which, when cleared of their dogmatic be seen to contain something emotionally
could
superstructure, In the Hebrew prophets there is a more ardent, though unique. not a purer and certainly not a nobler, morality than that of classical
antiquity even in its final stage ; and the teaching of the Gospel has from a creed which was always extra become, when disassociated neous to it, the inspiration of a more impassioned, though not of a
wider, philanthropy. The firstmodern to bring out clearly the per manent ethical value of the Christian as well as of the Hebrew
was Spinoza, who was enabled to do it by having dis carded more systematically than any one before him the whole framework of rabbinical and ecclesiastical dogma. Since, however,
documents
the problem of making a new synthesis of the elements of ethical and intellectual culture still remains, there seems to be some advan The tage in returning for inspiration to more than one source. movement
and religious reform fromwithin the Hellenic of the time, as much failed, owing to the circumstances as through any shortcomings that may be as through its merits idea of divine justice, as we have cribed to it. Its philosophical of moral
world
seen, was
opposed to the doctrine of vicarious punishment distilled And for a time Christian by theology from the lower paganism. as such Biblical Christian the original critics now suppose teaching, it to have been, failed more tragically than theHellenic movement. tian Church
indeed was broken up ; and the Chris civilisation : but, on the other hand, the genuine Hel conquered
lenism has
been
Graeco-Roman
easier
to rediscover
than the teaching of Jesus, the ecclesiastical system, became
in its association with which, In the endeavor distorted almost if not quite beyond recognition. and the "Hellenist," in after restoration, may not the "Hebraist" the true sense of both terms, regard themselves as co-operating to a common
result? T. Whittaker.
London,
England.