Epilogu ue, from Children o of the Dra agon: Thee Story off Tiananm men Squa are By And drew J. Nathan Tragedy, A Aristotle said, involves actts "which occu ur unexpecteedly, and at th he same time in consequence of one another." Forty years ago, th he Chinese leaaders set outt to create a p popular goverrnment that ccould mobilize aall the countrry's resourcess for industriaalization. Theyy built a systeem that tied tthe peasants to the land, kept consumption to a minimum, fixed d each personn permanentlyy in place in aa work unit dominate ed by a single party secretaary against wh hom there waas no appeal,, classified each individual as a member o of a good or b bad class, and d called on eaach citizen to show that hee or she was p progressive b by demonstrrating enthusiasm for disciiplining himse elf and perseccuting otherss. Mao's peop ple complied o out of patriotism m, a sense of u unworthinesss, faith in a de espot's wisdoom, and becau use they prefferred to be among the victimizers than among the victims. But one b by one, people e began to assk questions w when they weere denounceed and jailed, or forced to go to the counttryside to "leaarn from the p peasants," on nly to find thee villages dirtyy and destitute, or when tthey realized th hat Lin Biao, Mao's chosen n successor, w was a traitor. The Chine ese stopped b believing that their povertyy and sufferinng were redeeemed by a grreater purposse. Citizens demanded rep paration of injuries and injustices done over the cou urse of thirty yyears; million ns applied fo or redress. A n new generation wanted po ossessions, p leasure, and freedom. Theey would not "petition on their knee es." A dictatorr rules by recrruiting his peo ople to oppre ess one anothher. Mao's successors could no longer w win people's ccooperation b by promising a future utop pia. They had to produce o or get out of tthe way. As people's lives improved, they got an ngrier. They h had more to eeat and wear but less than n they felt theey o little for com mfort. Prices w deserved;; more living sspace but too went up fasteer than wages. A few entrepren neurs and parrty officials livved in comforrt, seemingly with unfair ggains. A thin p prosperity mo ocked years of sacrifice. Reform m made life bette er for most Chinese, but itt also weakenned the instru uments of con ntrol. It dissollved the system m of class labels that set citizen againstt citizen, restoored educateed people to aauthority, removed the rationale for political ccampaigns, and weakenedd the powers of the unit byy giving peop ple alternativves. People co ould move aro ound the country, talk, thi nk, and even write more ffreely. The loose ening of repre ession allowed d people to re eflect on whaat they had do one, what theey had seen others do o, and what th hey had toleraated being do one. Life durinng the past th hirty years waas a theme th hat dominate ed fiction, poe etry, memoirss, biographiess, histories, a nd philosophical works. W Writing and talking opened up a wellspringg of anger, an nd the Party — — insisting onn its continueed right to a m monopoly of power, cliinging to its e exculpatory ve ersion of the past — becam me its exclusiive target. Other ruliing Communist parties havve found their way out of tthe same imp passe by redeefining the peeople who wantt a voice in th heir country's future as parrtners rather than enemiees. The CCP m may not find th his solution, b but it will nott find anotherr. Most likely,, as has happeened in Easteern Europe, in nfirmity in thee regime, co ompetition am mong the leaders, or the d determinationn people see in each other's eyes will ssignal the cruciaal moment for a transition to start. But the transitionn may not be as easy as it has been in
Eastern Europe, because the Chinese regime has never depended on an outside army to maintain its hold on power. It has a strong grip and every incentive not to let go. A liberalizing China will be torn by the same conflicts that have divided it throughout the century: the distribution of wealth between city and rural residents and among different classes, the balance of individual rights with social interests, the roles of government and private enterprise in the economy, the relative authority of the central and provincial governments, and the proper place of the military and the ruling party in a plural society. How can these issues be resolved within a system of democracy that is workable for China? The same problem faced the reformers who persuaded the emperor at the end of the last century that a democratic system would make the dynasty more stable and prosperous. What such a democracy should be remains unresolved for the Chinese. They must find their own way to square discipline with freedom, social duty with individualism, national goals with personal ones, passion with tolerance, social peace with open conflict, decision with debate. A Chinese form of democracy will differ from the ideals portrayed in manifestos and also from the Western models that some Chinese want to emulate. Its prominent features are likely to include a single dominant party descended from the Communists, a fractionated opposition, a turbulent parliament, noisy elections, local political machines, competition for resources among provinces and regions, angry rhetoric, and frequent strikes and demonstrations. This may not be the politics anyone in China wants, but it may result from each Chinese pushing in his or her own way away from the politics China has now. Power that is shared in this way will be diminished, but it may also be more able to gain compliance. Political decisions will become harder to achieve but may be more widely supported. Conflicts will become nosier but easier to identify and deal with. Political leaders will be less secure, but the political system will be more able to adapt and survive. Mencius said, "If men suddenly see a child about to fall into a well, they will without exception experience a feeling of alarm and distress." China's disasters engage us as human beings because they remind us of how little control we have over our own fates. They involve us as political beings because a China that consumes itself in fruitless struggle deprives us of a partner we need to help solve problems of international security, environmental preservation, and world prosperity. Tiananmen filled us with fear and pity. The making of China's future, however hard and uncertain, will arouse our concern and our hope. — From Children of the Dragon: The Story of Tiananmen Square (New York: Collier Books, 1990). Reprinted with permission. http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/china_1950_tiananmen_epilogue.htm accessed 14 October 2010.