China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
In today’s societies, characterised by the production of inequality of all kinds, some of the most significant political, economic and cultural debates centre around the relationship between the mechanisms that reproduce positions of dominance and the actions that are undertaken in order to change this inequality, by those sectors that are most disadvantaged. The course of contemporary history has produced complex social models. Such is the case with China, a country marked out by the paradox of a socialism system juxtaposed with a pseudo market economics. It is a society constructed around the principles of the disciplinary state, as outlined by Michel Foucault (1995), and on the other hand, as Michael Dutton notes, equipped with the complex mechanisms that increase social differences. Among the various causes of inequality in China, one of them is described by Dutton (1998) as the restrictive politics of control of the movements of the population, which have caused a clear fragmentation between the rural and the urban classes. The difference in the privileges assigned to each class has encouraged a large-scale migration to the cities. The spectacular economic advance of China in recent decades has been overshadowed by the continual charges of the lack of respect for the human rights of the country’s population, incorporated in irregular form into the system of mass production. The response to governmental repression has proceeded from a notable sector of intellectuals and artists, which have developed distinct mechanisms of resistance in the face of the continual abuses of the flourishing system. Authors like Michel Foucault and Michel De Certeau, examine the problematics of resistance. In contrast to the tradition that searches within politics and ideology for the keys to social behaviours, these thinkers have looked within the microcosmos of everyday action to find solutions to
1
Dolores Galindo
those problems. The recent detention of Chinese artist Ai Weiwei has taken these ideas to the front line of theoretical debate, along with the notions of the benefits of the creator’s involvement in activism. The condemnation of social problems, on the part of the intellectual, has been defended and encouraged as much by Rancière as Bourdieu and Broudehoux. This work reviews their theories, while examining in the artistic trajectory of Ai Weiwei that which, through his questioning of the established traditions and power, has challenged the totalitarianism of the Chinese government.
Disciplinary Society
As Michael Dutton (2002) points out, it is difficult to understand any study of Asia without relating it to the work of Foucault, Discipline and Punish (1975), in which the author reveals the key principles of the disciplinary society. For Foucault, the disciplinary society is that in which the social framework is constructed through a diffuse network of mechanisms or apparatus that produce and regulate customs, habits and productive practices. The key aim of this society – assuring the obedience to its rules and mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion – is achieved through disciplinary institutions (the prison, factory, asylum, hospital, university, school, etc.) that structure the social terrain and present logics appropriate to the “reason” of discipline. As Foucault argued (1975), the disciplinary power governs by structuring the parameters of thought and practice, approving and prescribing normal and challenging behaviours. He highlights the first of these techniques, characterised by an individualised technology of power,
2
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
based on scrutinising individuals, their behaviour and their bodies, with the aim of dissecting them, producing docile and fragmented bodies. Foucault points out that the techniques used today have their origins in techniques of control which were developed in the 18th Century, during the sanitary control of epidemics (1975:196): This
surveillance
is
based
on
a
system
of
permanent
registration…. At the beginning of the lock up, the role of each of the inhabitants present in the town is laid down, one by one; this document
bears
the
name,
age
and
sex
of
everyone,
notwithstanding his condition. Foucault reported that everything had been given over to a system of registration that permitted the intervention of power and ensured the obedience of individuals, through the use of “inspection and vigilance”. In the regulatory system used to control epidemics, it is possible to find the model of all disciplinary devices. As Foucault affirms, these regulations, that began to develop slowly, would later on be part of a development so important that it would permit their introduction on diverse levels across society. In this way, a new power is established, naming individuals, marking them in place, describing them and ultimately controlling them. For Foucault, this is how disciplinary power operates, not homogenising the masses but “breaking them down” into as many parts as is necessary in order to differentiate the separate units and isolate them. Dutton (2002) uses Chinese society as a prime example of the disciplinary society, characterised in a Foucauldian way, through a network of carefully woven mechanisms of vigilance and control, which regulate customs and habits as much as social practices.
3
Dolores Galindo
Registration and Control
When the communists took power in China, in the name of the rural people, they informed the families born in the country that they needed to remain in their place of origin. A strict system of registration, the household registration system, also known as hùkǒu or hùjí, was designed in the years following in order to classify the people who were already residents of the rural and urban zones. The motive responded to the socio-political and economic control that was exercised on the part of the central government. According to Jianfu Chen (2008), the peasant class, the majority in China, played a key part in the industrialisation process in the cities. This progress was financed through paying the peasants the lowest market prices for their agricultural goods. This discrimination continues even today, when the income of farmers is typically less than half those of urban dwellers, while they have to pay three times more in taxes. For Dutton (1998) the system of civil registration of the population in China brought about a system of classes that was clearly differentiated in a “feudal” way. Every Chinese family received a hùkǒu, which contains the names of the family member. Each person needs to register themselves at birth with the local authorities. A citizen can register only on one hùkǒu, in the assigned zone, rural or urban, which can follow a maternal or paternal line. This system of control obliges citizens to stay in the place of origin all their lives. Dutton affirms (1998:78): China has slowly changed to become a shackle tying the peasants to the land and thereby sealing their fate. This form of social
4
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
osmosis ensured that traditional value systems prevailed over revolutionary technologies This is the register that awards the person certain social rights, like access to housing, education and health. The household registration system, for decades has discriminated against more than 800 million rural inhabitants of the nation, depriving them of most of the rights that those born in cities enjoy. As Dutton states (1998), only the population registered in the cities possess a certain series of social, economic and cultural benefits, while the majority of the rural population lack the most basic services. Since 1984, the government loosened the characteristics of the household. The most important modification was the granting of a temporary residential permission that allows the holder to access the same benefits as the urban inhabitant. These temporary permits, however, don’t authorise them to access all the advantages and privileges of regular urban households. In order to access them, each inhabitant needs to be in the position to demonstrate that they are capable of making an important productive investment in the city, while at the same time complying with all the governmental regulations with respect to age, education and their abilities. According to Dutton (1998:77): Beijing was experimenting with a trial ‘user pay’ system that reflected the ‘class nature’ of social relations in China today. Pay and you can enter the cities, this legislation seemed to suggest. However, the grand majority of urban migrants, possessing only their labour power, are not in the condition to receive this type of permission. Dutton (1998) points out that the relaxing of the household has provoked a massive flow of migration from the country to the city, known as the ‘floating population’. This population would be divided into the categories of ‘worthy and unworthy floater’,
5
Dolores Galindo
divided into those that had their permit, and those that resided in the city illegally, almost without status. In the last decades more than 200 million inhabitants of the poor rural areas have challenged the strict laws of control to move to the cities. This huge displacement is justified by the desire to share in the spectacular economic development that is taking place in the cities, to which the country people have contributed so much. Since they are not registered, the majority of these migrants are obligated to reside as “undocumented” workers in their own country, without any kind of rights or benefits outside the rural areas, at the service of mass production and illegal employment. The majority of these workers can be found in construction and other low paid sectors. As a result, thousands of people live in dormitories that are provided by employers. The less fortunate have to sleep in the streets or under bridges. The Chinese residence registration system provides evidence of the feudal character to which Dutton refers (1998), in that it restricts the enjoyment of a large number of rights and provisions of the citizens subject to their condition, through a system that is inherited by the parents at birth. To be included on a rural register means the impossibility of having an education, health provision, and well paid work. This peculiar “socialist” form of registration subdues the rural migrants, subjecting them to harsh regimes of “control and exclusion”, increasing their marginalization and perpetuating their condition as second-class citizens. Hùkǒu is more than a document, it represents the identity of a person. As Dutton states (1998:84): It has become a means by which people’s freedoms are limited and, as a result, the problem of alienation has already reached
6
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
amazing levels…. This human-made system is simply an opportunity to increase unfairness and social inequality for the benefit, and in the service, of a few. The household register system, conceived as a system of government control, has culminated in an “especially dramatic” situation for the Chinese workers that have migrated from the rural areas to the large cities (Chen 2008). The internal migrants without residential permits are systematically obliged to work outrageous hours without any type of trade union protection, vacation periods or health care, and are not able to receive just salaries without being subject to regimes of fines and penalties. According to a report by Amnesty International (2011), examining the current situation of human rights in China, there are very critical restrictions in human rights, and certain groups of people continue to suffer “an absolute exclusion from the enjoyment of rights”. Jahangir Aziz (2006), a distinguished member of the IMF, states that the advance of the Chinese economy owes to various liberalising reforms. In 1994 they eliminated the restrictions to payments for the trade in goods and services, opening exportation to direct foreign investment. This has transformed the export sector into a powerful motor of growth. Aziz (2006) states that the foreign companies have used Chinese cheap labour to convert the industrial zone into the “factory of the world” and a crucial link in the chain.
Art versus repression
As a consequence of social inequalities and defencelessness of citizens in the face of the systems of domination, distinct activist attitudes have emerged on
7
Dolores Galindo
the part of the most independent in China. Intellectuals and artists in particular, have assumed an important role that denounces the ugly face of a new society, encouraging the population to defend their ideals (Broudehoux 2004). Between them, some voices have found an unconventional and provocative way of protesting against the injustice and alienation that has characterised the development and transformation of Chinese contemporary society. Therefore, the continual critiques and condemnation of repression, the defence of human rights and freedom of expression in China have driven the internationally known Chinese artist Ai Weiwei to his recent detention and since disappearance under police custody. This fact brings about reflection on how art and culture in general can be a catalyst for change for totalitarian societies and can reaffirm the pertinence of resistance in current artistic practice (Higgins 2011). The artist reached international recognition in his role as architect with his participation in the construction of the Olympic Stadium in Peking, the Bird’s Nest, as the structure is known, from which he distanced himself after the represion of the protests around the Olympic Games of 2008. Weiwei condemned the event as a “false smile” that hid the real problems of the country (Yentob 2010). He also added that China’s promises to open up to the world, made at the international showcase of the Olympiads, had been systematically neglected by the government.
8
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
Beijing Olympic Stadium. Herzog and De Meuron 2006. With the collaboration of Ai Weiwei.
As Basterra (2011) asserts, Ai Weiwei is part of a long list of peaceful reformists that have disappeared through being detained in China in the last month, detentions in the main illegal, that have appeared as part of the repressive campaign initiated in February in the midst of the fear of a reaction to the popular uprisings in the Arab world. Ai Weiwei is also considered potentially dangerous because of his use the internet in order to communicate with his countrymen and with foreigners, avoiding governmental censorship. Ai Weiwei defends the idea that artists have not sufficiently explored the advantages of the web, which he believes to be a powerful tool of resistance (Yentob 2010).
Resistance
The resistance to power is a theme that has been much debated by different thinkers. We can highlight the theories produced by Foucault as much as those of
9
Dolores Galindo
Michael De Certeau. Foucault affirms that an opponent of the disciplinarians exists, who resists by confronting the action of the established forces. According to Foucault (1978: 142): There are no relations of power without resistances… Resistance to power does not have to come from somewhere else to be real... It exists all the more by being at the same place as power: hence like power resistances are multiple and can be integrated into global strategies. In this sense, power and resistance are part of the same mechanism. According to Foucault, this network of power acts upon the individuals while at the same time converting them into effects of that power. The dilemma here, as far as the liberty of man is concerned, is whether to be put at a disadvantage by resisting, or to stay subdued by the systems of power. Resistance also becomes problematic in that it stems from a previous relation with power. The individual is constituted as a product of this power, that will serve as a connection, increasing its network of domination. De Certeau attempts to individualise the notion of action, focussing on the receivers “inventing” during their daily tasks, in order to develop an original space of creativity which is not subordinate to the dominant order. In the introduction to The Practice of Everyday Life (1998) De Certeau develops his concept of resistance and outlines people’s capacity for creating culture, and for slowly modifying and eroding the authorised, accepted representations of the society in which they live. These practices of culture are of the human order and imply a position of the subject: the position of consumer, of non-producer. It is likely that this culture feeds popular culture, however this doesn’t mean that the powerful, from the position of subject, are not also consumers. From this
10
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
combination of theories emerges a conceptual couple – tactics and strategies, one of the most fruitful contributions of his work. The strategies of the powerful are opposed by tactics, the place of cultural production by the common man. According to Cotter (2011), the technique of resistance developed by Ai Weiwei has combined a commentary on the Chinese ancestral claim and an open criticism of the Chinese government, which has constituted the central object of his critique, although at great risk to himself. Among his best-known works is a series of three photos, in which he is seen dropping and breaking a Han dynasty base of 202BC, which the artist describes as a kind of “spiritual liberation�. With his relentless daring and imagination, he has come to assume the role of innovator and leader of the provocation in China (Yentob 2010), putting forward a way of discarding the burden of identity and tradition.
Ai Weiwei dropping an urn of the Han dynasty en 1995
Following this gesture against the value of symbols, Weiwei is photographed in front of Tiananmen Square performing a disrespectful signal. This sign, of universal significance, offers an idea of the versatility of the artist, whose work seeks to break the established moulds (Cotter 2011).
11
Dolores Galindo
Study of Perspective. Tiananmen Square. Ai Weiwei 1995. Gelatin silver print. Museum of Modern Art, New York.
Perhaps even more ironic, in relation to the manner in which his country uses its patrimony as a tourist attraction throughout decades of systematic destruction, was the intervention in a series of Neolithic vases onto which he painted the logo of Coca Cola.
Coca-Cola Vase, 2008. Ai WeiWei. Neolithic pot of the Yangzhou culture (5000-3000 BC) and paint, 55 x 25 x 22 cm
12
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
This work shows the intention of this artist to juxtapose in one object the Chinese cultural tradition (that attracts enormous attention in the artistic production of the country) with the manner in which Chinese society is confronting its recent opening out on the West (Ochoa 2009), which he provocatively questions. The artist, continuing to exercise his critical attitude, has denounced government corruption. His movements have gone more and more in the direction of risk. As well as alternating between sculpture, photography and performances, Ai Weiwei values new technologies to spread his thought. Through his blog, for instance, he has given space to all manner of critical commentaries, organised actions and recruited volunteers, provoking great disgust within the Chinese communist party. He promoted actions such as one which denounced government corruption through the collapse of schools in the earthquake of Sichuan in 2008.
Ai Weiwei with volunteers, in front of the list of disappeared schools. 2008
13
Dolores Galindo
Ai WeiWei announced that it wasn’t solely the earthquake that caused the deaths of so many children, but the low quality of materials used in the construction of the buildings. Through the social networks of the internet, Weiwei launched a crusade to recruit volunteers that managed to find the names of the victims of the earthquake, which had been systematically hidden by the government. In Chinese culture, going back to Confucius, there has been a tradition of individual scholars and intellectuals denouncing rulers for wrongdoing that brought disharmony to society, particularly if that wrongdoing was injurious to innocence (Murck 1976). However, the repressive systems overcame this tradition, as can be demonstrated in this case. In 2009 Ai Weiwei had to be operated on for a cerebral haemorrhage brought about by being assaulted by police in response to this work. In the same year, his blog was closed, “presumably� by government order (Anderson 2011). As much for Foucault as for De Certeau, there exists a relationship between resistance and creation; inside strategic relations can be found those forces that resist and that create. The term resistance can be understood as an irregular struggle against an imposition that comes from outside and denies ones own mode of existence (Ranziere, 2011). Carl Schmitt (1963) situated the current ideology of resistance in the Spanish opposition to the Napoleonic invasion, against the army of a foreign conqueror. According to him, the warrior of the Spanish guerrilla war of 1808 was the first to dare to fight in an irregular manner against the first regular modern army. Since then, resistance was a term used in the 2nd World War, in order to describe the movement of citizens, who, in an almost spontaneous manner and at the margin of the official army, fought against the Nazi occupation. The character of resistance has been, since its origins,
14
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
associated with the political and social activism of its citizens. That historical resistance, combating the authoritarian imposition of doctrinal power, continues in some
ways
today,
being
still
latent
on
the
horizon
of
critical
art.
However for Foucault (1991) there is an important difference in the resistance of today, as much in artistic practice as in social activism. Now not only does it confront ideological tendencies, but is also tackles the mechanisms of power. These mechanisms, from the foucauldian point of view, show as much the imposition of a system of differences – in the case of China, differences of class – as instrumental forms of power (control, vigilance and punishment) which make power possible. As Dutton (2002) states, the concept of continual vigilance developed by Foucault in his description of panopticism (1995), seems to find in today’s China its ultimate exponent. Days before his disappearance, Weiwei condemned the police vigilance which threatened to overcome him:
There are two surveillance cameras at my gate entrance, my phone is tapped and every message I send on my microblog is censored. China in many ways is just like the middle ages. China's control over people's minds and the flow of information is just like the time before the Enlightenment. (Higins 2011).
Ai Weiwei, far from being intimidated by this oppression, has reflected on its production.
15
Dolores Galindo
Surveillance Camera. Ai Weiwei. 2010. Marble 39.2 x 39.8 x 19 cm
Commitment
The function of the artist, committed to the society in which they live, is widely debated in the work of Pierre Bourdieu (1999) who affirms that the most important questions concerning the theme are: Should intellectuals interfere in political debates? What role can artists play in social movements, since the social movement is the space in which the destiny of individuals and societies is decided? Can the intellectuals contribute to the invention of maps that make politics adjust to the problems of our epoch? Bourdieu (1999) states that the intellectuals, artists and writers that intervene in the political world don’t immediately become politicians but invest their specific authority and the values associated with their art practice into a political struggle. In the field of journalism
16
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
and politics, they see intellectual practices as a threat to their monopoly on public opinion. Bourdieu maintains that intellectuals need to carry out a permanent critique of the abuses of power and authority. He goes further to say that:
Artists, writers or scientists that enter into political action based on their competence in their areas of specialisation, are indispensable for social struggles, especially now, given the forms assumed by domination
Ai Weiwei seemed to be conscious of his role when he recently stated (Yentob 2010):
I am aware that my role as creator gives me a stronger voice in the world, and because of that I consider that it is my obligation to give it value. Not to do so would be a crime.
In effect, his practices of resistance are very visible. The enormous public presence of artists is reflected by magazine Art Review (2010) who put Ai Weiwei in 13th place on their list of the 100 most influential personalities of the art world. Other authors seem to share these theories, especially when applied to contemporary Chinese society. The case of Anne-Marie Broudehoux highlights the importance of artists fighting against totalitarianism (2004: 219):
The arts have long had the capacity either to reinforce state hegemony in the public sphere or to undermine government legitimacy. While official or public art can be used to support official ideology, art that that is not officially sponsored can also destabilize established political actors and contribute to the rise of scepticism in politics. 17
Dolores Galindo
To judge by the increase in repression of intellectuals in China, art’s influence in public opinion has been seen substantially increased, above all in relation to the injustice and alienation that has characterised urban development in contemporary Chinese society. When Ai Weiwei filled the Turbine Hall in the Tate Modern with 100 million porcelain sunflower seeds, he not only created a daring aesthetic feat, but also took the further step of using the social and political conditions of his country to condemn the oppressive conditions in China before the international public. Sunflower Seeds (Tate Modern 2010/11) continues an artistic trajectory that has been marked by the continual condemnation of authoritanism control and repression that China has experienced in the past years (Reinoso 2011). The immense extension of uniform appearance, composed of unique objects, suggests a reflection about the dialectic between value and quantity. What does individualism mean in today’s society? What power does the individual have, isolated or as part of a whole? Ai Weiwei maintains that he hoped to reflect upon the concepts of individualism, intensive production and artisanal work (Reinoso 2011).
18
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
The Sunflower seeds of Ai Weiwei evoke complex notions of Chinese culture. (Tate 2010)
In Sunflower Seeds, together with the individualism of each piece (more than 100 million, made thanks to the participation of 1,600 artisans) there is an underlying critique of mass production, as Ai Weiwei has stated: China is blindly producing for the demands of the market . . . My work very much relates to this blind production of things. I am part of it, which is a bit of a nonsense (Bingham 2010) Likewise, the installation evokes notions of cultural tradition. During the revolution of 1966, Mao was represented as the sun towards which the people turned on mass, with the seeds as a symbol of human compassion, considered symbolically significant as a humble form of nourishment that was shared in the street during times of extreme poverty and repression.
19
Dolores Galindo
Sunflowers form part of the imaginary of Mao
In this case, Ai Weiwei serves to alter the significance of objects in order to individualise the mass culture. As De Certeau (1988) argued, in their re-use of objects and spaces, common people find the opportunity to subvert representations that institutions try to impose on them. This subversion is brought into practice by Ai Weiwei as much through common objects, as rituals. As De Certeau maintains (1998:33): An “art� can only be practiced, if, outside its own exercise, there exist no specific enunciation of it, and then language must also represent a certain practice. If the art of speaking is itself at once an art of doing and an art of thinking, then it ought to constitute both theory and practice simultaneously: this is storytelling
20
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
Sunflower Seeds continues to ask difficult questions: What does individualism mean in contemporary society? Are we insignificant, or impotent unless we act together? These and other questions are pending answers in today’s China.
Responses
Traditionally, the artistic avant guard devised new forms of resistance based on the destruction of existing models. One strain of contemporary Chinese artistic practice uses techniques of resistance as strategy, having as their objectives not the destruction of power, but as De Certeau notes, the destruction of its models. The systems of control devised for the vigilance of the population have triggered a series of social inequalities that are very difficult to resolve. The government, shielded through economic prosperity, prefers to use methods of repression to avoid answering the claims of the population. Artists and intellectuals like Ai Weiwei have contributed in a large way condemnation to this situation. He is now considered internationally to be an agent provocateur, a creator that has chosen art as a medium to express his non-conformity to the political pressures of China, a system that, through censorship, condones the cultural impoverishment of society (Albertini 2008). The detention and disappearance of Ai Weiwei, ignoring its illegal status, seems to be a step backwards in the context of the promises of openness made by the communist government. As De Certeau (1998) points out, if the “disciplinary matrix” is extended by society - China in this case – the crime of Ai Weiwei consisted of discovering a form in which the individual can resist being overcome. Through his work, Ai Weiwei has created small, everyday operations that manipulate the disciplinary mechanisms. As De Certeau (1998) notes, these ways
21
Dolores Galindo
of operating constitute the innumerable techniques of socio-cultural production, through which citizens are seen to be able to recuperate organised space in an influential way. Weiwei encouraged the most disadvantaged to act. The resistance to this demonstration of overbearing power appeared immediately, barely days since his detention, when distinct prestigious artistic institutions pleaded for his immediate liberation. Although Western societies have admired the attitude maintained by Ai Weiwei in recent years, and in spite of Foucault’s affirmation that there is no power without resistance, the stance of their diplomacy has not been convincing enough to demand that he be freed, echoing the situation of the detained Nobel Peace Prize winner, Liu Xiaoboo, condemned to 11 years in prison. It seems as though, in the strategies of resistance to Chinese power, economic motives prevail more than ideological ones. Weiwei has demonstrated with his art how effective a strategy of resistance to disciplinary power can be. His example is just one of the many contributions made by intellectuals and artists, who risk their lives to return to the population their sovereignty and dignity. The West could use these risks as an example and consider a response to the repressive actions of the Chinese government that is more convincing. To give an ultimatum to Peking may not serve to change the direction of events, but silence only guarantees their impunity.
22
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
This work is an homage to the artistic trajectory and the social and political commitment of the Chinese artist Ai Weiwei, detained in Beijing on the 3rd of April 2011 under dark circunstances, spending 80 days of detention in an unknown location. London, 2011
23
Dolores Galindo
Reference List
Albertini, C. 2008. Avatars and Antiheroes. A guide to contemporary Chinese Artists. Tokyo. London: Kodansha International. Amnesty International. 2011 China Human Rights. Available from http://www.amnestyusa.org/china/page.do?id=1011134. [Accessed 10/04/11]. Anderson, C. 2011. Ai Weiwei detained. Ted Blog. Available from http://blog.ted.com/2011/04/04/ai-weiwei-detained-here-is-his-ted-film. [Accessed 19/04/11] Art Review. 2010. The Power 100. Available from: http://www.artreview100.com/2010-artreview-power-100. [Accessed 26/04/11]. Aziz, J. 2006. Rebalancing China’s Economy. What Does Growth Theory Tell Us? International Monetary Found. Working paper. Available from: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2006/wp06291.pdf. [Accessed 26/04/11]. Basterra, F. 2011. With flowers to Beijing. From Spanish: Con Flores a Pekín. El Pais. 16/04/2011. Available from: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/flores/Pekin/elpepiint/20110416elpe piint_10/Tes. [Accessed 19/04/11]. Bingham, J. and Marko, D. 2010. The Unilever Series: Ai Weiwei Sunflower SeedsArtist's Quotes. Available from: http://www.tate.org.uk/modern/exhibitions/unileverseries2010/room2.shtm. [Accessed 20/04/11]. Bourdieu, P. 1999. About intellectuals and politics Available from: http://www.henciclopedia.org.uy/autores/PBourdieu/IntelectualesPolitica.htm. [Accessed 19/04/11]. Broudehoux, A.M. 2004. The Making and Selling of Post-Mao Beijing. London: Routledge. Chen, J. 2008. Chinese law: context and transformation. Netherland : Hardback. Cotter, H. 2011. An Artist Takes Role of China’s Conscience. The New York Times. 04/05/2011. Available from
24
China: Surveillance and Control. Art as Resistance
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/06/arts/design/ai-weiwei-takes-role-of-chinasconscience.html. [Accessed 19/04/11]. De Certeau, M. 1998 The Practice of Everyday Life. USA : Cambridge University Press. Dutton, M. 1998 Streetlife China. USA : Cambridge University Press. Dutton, M . 2002. Lead Us Not Into Translation. Notes Toward a Theoretical Foundation for Asian Studies. Duke : University Press. Foucault, M. 1978. The History of Sexuality. Vol.1. New York: Vintage Books. Foucault, M. 1995. Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage Books. Foucault, M. 1991. Governmentality in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon (eds), The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality. University of Chicago Press, 87-104 Murck.C.F. 1976. Artists and Traditions: Uses of the Past in Chinese Culture. Ed. by Princeton University Press. Higgins C. 2011. Ai Weiwei: 'China in Many Ways is Just Like the Middle Ages' The Guardian, 11 April 2011. Available from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2011/apr/11/ai-weiwei-china-lastinterview?INTCMP=SRCH. [Accessed 14/04/11]. Ochoa Foster, E. and Ulrich, H. (eds). 2009. Ai, Weiwei: Ways beyond art. London: Ivorypress. Rancière, J. 2009. The Importance of Critical Theory for Social Movements Today. In: Continental Philosophy, Bulletin Board. Available from: http://www.continental-philosophy.org/2011/02/16/audio-jacques-ranciere-theimportance-of-critical-theory-for-social-movements-today/. [Accessed 18/04/11]. Reinoso, J. 2011. China intensifies repression of activists and dissidents of the system. From Spanish: China intensifica la represion contra activistas y disidentes del regimen. El PaĂs. 16/04/2011. Available from: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/China/intensifica/represion/activista s/disidentes/regimen/elpepiint/20110416elpepiint_11/Tes. [Accessed 22/04/11]. Schmitt, C. 1963. The Theory of the Partisan. A Commentary / Remark of the Concept of the Political. English translation: Michigan State University Press, 2004. Yentob, A. 2010. Imagine: Ai Weiwei: without fear or favour [DVD] London: BBC. Available from: Goldsmiths Library. 709.2Ai. [Accessed 21/04/11].
25