MSc BUDD: Framing Transformation | Cambodia

The Bartlett Development Planning Unit

MSc Building and Urban Design in Development Student Report

Framing Transformation Transformation in a time of transition: engaging with people-driven upgrading strategies in Cambodia

dpu Development Planning Unit

In partnership with ACHR and CAN-CAM

acknowledgments This report is the result of our work, experience and reflections during and after Cambodia field trip, however, it represents much more than the effort of our group of eight BUDD students. We would therefore like to thank a number of people and organisations for their support before, during and after the field trip. As students of BUDD, firstly, we would like to express our gratitude for the professors, staff and alumni at the DPU, including Camillo Boano, Giorgio Talocci, Catalina Ortiz, Giovanna Astolfo, Giulia Carabelli and Francesco Pasta. Thank you for organising and supporting this unforgettable trip, and inspiring and guiding us throughout the process of creating this report.

We would also like to thank the ACHR team, Maurice Leonhardt, Nad and Tee, for providing such inspiring lectures and important guidance. Moreover, we would like to express special gratitude to the staff from CDF and CAN-CAM including Sok Visal, Danak Kao, Sambo Tang, Sokseang You, Lennylen Chou, Rachna Lay, Porsoung Sron, Chung Ngy Lim, Sokmony Heng, Sokly Ye, Chanda Ran, Vutha Nay, for the impressive work in organizing and making this trip rewarding and unforgettable.

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Additionally, we would like to thank the many deputies and officials of the Government of Cambodia for their cooperation and finding the time to fit us into their busy schedules. In particular, we would like to thank the three representatives from the Department of Housing of the Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction, Utdom Smd, Bandith So and Thol Sem, for joining us for the entire Cambodia workshop and sharing their experiences and insight throughout. We would also like to extend thanks to the universities who hosted us during our time in Cambodia. We would be remiss not to mention the fantastic, bright and resourceful university students who also accompanied us throughout our time in Cambodia doing so much more than translating, and although they are too many to name here, we know that our trip absolutely could not have been the same without them.

Finally, we would like to end by giving some special thanks for hosting us to the many community leaders and members of the many communities we visited during our time in Cambodia, but especially those of Boeung Veng Rik, Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 and Anlong Kngan. Our research would have been impossible without their patience, dedication and generosity, and we truly felt welcomed and enjoyed our time getting to know you.

Group photo from the official final presentation with the Vice Governor of the Municipality of Phnom Penh Š CDF

Thank you to everyone, including our fellow BUDDies, who helped make this experience meaningful, exciting and rewarding!

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0

Deborah, Italy

Frank, China

Participants of the BUDD studio 200

MSc

in

Building

and

Urban

Design

in

Development

_

Development

Planning

Unit

_

University

College

London

UCL London

Jiaqi, China

Nathalia Mosquera Palomeque Dong Yang (Frank) SG1

CAMBODIA

Baku Hayashi

KAMPONG THOM

3

4 Bente, United States

Deborah Navarra Bente Madson

Jenna Helal SG3

PHNOM PENH

Dita, Indonesia

SG2

Jiaqi Zhang

Anindita Hermansyah (Dita) Nathalia, Colombia Jenna, Lebanon

Baku, Japan

N

0

200

table

of

contents

acknowledgments Participants of the BUDD studio table of contents acronyms

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executiveSummary ourWork overview

1. CAMBODIA IN TRANSITION understanding TRANSITION lenses a history of transition IN_TRANSITION forces space identity reflections

2. TRANSFORMING CAMBODIA

understanding TRANSFORMATION principles

2 4 5 7

9

11 13

15

16 18 19 21 23 31 37 41

43

44 48

3.groundingTRANSFORMATION

Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun BoeungChoeukMeancheyThmeyII AnlongKngan keyFindings

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52 56 60 63

4. FRAMING TRANSFORMATION

65

list of figures

77

guidelines CitywideUPGRADING conclusion

BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX

68 75 76

6

a c r o n y m s

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ACCA _ Asian Coalition for Community Action ACHR _ Asian Coalition for Housing Rights ADB _ Asian Development Bank CAN _ Community Architects Network CAN-CAM _Community Architects Network – Cambodia CCHR _ Cambodian Centre for Human Rights CDC _ Council for the Development of Cambodia CDF _ Cambodian Development Fund CDP _ Cambodia Defenders Project CEDT _ Community Empowerment and Development Team CNRP _ Cambodian National Rescue Party COHRE _ Centre of Housing Rights and Evictions CPP _ Cambodian People’s Party CSNC _ Community Saving Network Cambodia GDH_ General Department of Housing GIZ _ German Federal Enterprise for International Cooperation HFHC _ Habitat for Humanity Cambodia IMF _ International Monetary Fund LAC _ Legal Aid of Cambodia LOCOA _ Leaders and Organizers of Community Organizations in Asia MGPP _ Municipal Government of Phnom Penh MLMUPC _ Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction MoSY _ Ministry of Sports and Youth UN-Habitat _ United Nations Human Settlements UNDP _ United Nations Development Programme UPDF _Urban Poor Development Fund WB _ World Bank

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Pretakong field © Nathalia Mosquera

executiveSummary

FORCES: Gains by the opposition party threaten the ruling party who is increasingly willing to follow through with promises of pro-poor action.

Foreign private investment is driving land speculation as well as creating new jobs and infrastructure.

New land policies have been created to reduce disputes and inequality but they lack effective implementation.

Key findings

SPACE Landfilling is a common solution for expanding land for new developments which dramatically alters the landscape and harms livelihoods and identity.

Strong pushes and pulls of rural-urban migration, land speculation and evictions have excluded the poor and altered the quality and character of urban space.

IDENTITY Although there still lacks follow-through, civil society and the people themselves are advancing and claiming their rights through collective action.

CDF and CSNC support community savings and provide funding for communities.

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This report explores the rapidly evolving Cambodian urban condition, characterised by contestation and the exclusion of the poor. The analysis reveals many forces shaping this situation, including foreign investment, land filling and ineffective policy implementation. The analysis is also based on the premise that Cambodia is currently in a state of transition, and therefore many opportunities for transformation exist. To us, transformation is a dynamic process that produces incremental change over time.

The primary aim of our research was to build an understanding of this context and the process of city-wide upgrading in urban poor settlements, and to propose critical strategies that advance a more just and inclusive transformation for these settlements. We also sought to define transition and transformation to better understand the Cambodian context and guide strategy development.

Intro Recommendation Objectives Conclusions

This report proposes a set of three strategies that frame the dynamic processes for achieving radical change over time. This act of framing is one of aligning existing forces, spaces and identities to drive processes of transformation.

Framing spaces of dialogue is a mechanism to potentiate the cooperation between different public and private actors, and with that, promote their participation in the design and implementation of projects.

Framing networks of support establishes Issue-based Community Networks that encourage knowledge sharing and innovation, and are able to transform specific problematics into opportunities for gaining recognition and making progress.

Framing visions through public space proposes an alternative to traditional relocation processes by framing a shared vision between authorities and the community.

The strategies we propose aim to capitalize on opportunities while addressing key issues. They work together through time at different scales to cover a breadth of scenarios and to advance a more just and inclusive transformation for the city.

Anlong Kngan facade Š Deborah Navarra Edited by Jiaqi Zhang

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ourWork

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This report is the outcome of research and analysis undertaken by a diverse team of MSc. BUDD students studying at the DPU at UCL’s Bartlett Faculty of the Built Environment. It explores the rapidly evolving Cambodian urban condition, characterised by contestation and the exclusion of the poor. The aim of our research was to build an understanding of this context and the process of city-wide upgrading in urban poor settlements, and to propose critical strategies that advance a more just and inclusive transformation for these settlements.

The process of research and analysis took place both in London and over a three week field trip to Cambodia (see Methodology, a5). The initial diagnosis of the case was formed in London through desk research and a series of lectures given by a variety of development practitioners and academics familiar with the case. During the field trip to Cambodia, this diagnosis continued through meetings with and presentations from various government officials as well as other development actors and researchers (see Cambodia lectures, a28). It also included a series of community visits (see Other site visits, a36) as well as more hands-on work where we engaged directly with three different communities (see Site details, a9). We divided ourselves across three different sites which enabled a more thorough understanding of the issues and processes. Upon returning to London, we gathered our experiences and insights, and reflected back on the initial diagnosis to further refine our understanding. From this, we clarified our analytical and theoretical frameworks, and proposed a set of strategies that we have presented this over the following pages.

RANDOM picture

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Designing dream houses with the children of Anlong Kngan Š Deborah Navarra

o v e r v i e w

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This report explores the rapidly evolving Cambodian urban condition, characterised by contestation and the exclusion of the poor. This report is organized into four main sections. The first chapter of the report presents the analytical framework as well as the first set of findings from our analysis. Focusing on the processes of transition in Cambodia, we examine the past and present through three specific lenses, forces, space and identity. This intentional limitation creates a manageable scope of analysis for this report, and allows our primary question to emerge.

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In the next chapter, we present the theoretical framework that formed the basis for our definition of transformation and identify four key principles for transformation: collective, flexible, incremental and transparent. These principles respond specifically to our understanding of the Cambodian context and guide our proposed actions later in the report. We also develop the idea of ‘framing’ transformation as a way of providing the supporting structure for the processes of transformation.

The third chapter grounds this understanding of transformation in the research we conducted in the field by analysing three sites through the three lenses of analysis.These findings were synthesized into key findings to provide an entry point for the strategies.

Finally, in the last chapter we propose strategies for citywide upgrading. To do so, we develop guidelines from the key site findings and the strategies then emerge from these. The first, framing spaces of dialogue, capitalizes on innovations within the MLMUPC and proposes multi-actor round tables to promote participation in the design and implementation of projects. Next, framing networks of support, capitalizes on existing community networks to form issue-based groups to encourage knowledge-sharing and gain platforms for negotiation. Finally, framing visions through public space capitalizes on a shared desire for new, quality public space to negotiate more favorable relocation options for the community with the local authority. Together, these strategies work together to provide a cohesive approach for city-wide upgrading.

Designing a dream house Š Jenna Helal

how to read the report T H E O R I S I N G AN A L Y S I N G 1.CAMBODIA IN TRANSITION 2.TRANSFORMATION OBSERVING P R O P O S I N G 4.FRAMING TRANSFORMATION

INCREMENTAL

theoretical framework

FORCES

Boeung Chuck Meanchey Thmey2, SPACE Phnom Penh

Anlong Kngan, Phnom Penh

case studies

IDENTITY

partnerships and alliances existing bonds within and between communities livelihood opportunities knowledge and techniques opportunities of everyday activities

framing...

STRATEGIES

FLEXIBLE

Kompong Thom

new legal framework and city planning

GUIDELINES

TRANSPARENT

THE SITES

COLLECTIVE

Beoung Veng Reik Chom Reoun,

understanding

TRANSFORMATION a dynamic process that produces radical change over time

PRINCIPLES

TRANSFORMATION

analytical framework analysis

understanding

IDENTITY

Can shifting identities, new political and economic influences and the emerging spatial conditions in Cambodia frame opportunities for transformation?

QUESTION

SPACE

PRESENT

FORCES

PAST

TRANSITION A period of time that covers the change from one reality to another, and that provides an enabling space of transformation

LENSES

understanding

TRANSITION

3.GROUNDING TRANSFORMATION

...SPACES OF DIALOGUE ...NETWORKS OF SUPPORT ...VISIONS THROUGH PUBLIC SPACE

applied frame

r e f l e x i o n s

understandingTRANSITION

AnalyticalFramework

DefiningTransition

1. CAMBODIA IN TRANSITION

Our research emerges from the hypothesis that Cambodia is currently in a state of transition and uses three lenses to document this by looking at both the past and the present day. Based on the key findings that emerge, we then construct a question that leads to our theoretical framework where we dissect our understanding of transformation.

From there, we go on to ground this understanding of transformation within the reality of three case study sites that were visited during the research trip. The findings that emerge provide the particular opportunities that are then addressed in the following strategies. These strategies propose our ideas on how to operationalise transformation and finally, together provide an approach to city-wide upgrading in Cambodia.

We begin with the understanding that Cambodia is currently in a state of transition. However, uncovering the evidence of this transition requires an understanding of both past and present circumstances and the perspectives of many lenses. This is because ‘transition’ has been a frequent occurrence in Cambodia and resulted in many different outcomes. Despite the varying histories of each transition, it can be defined as the period of time that covers the change from one reality to another. These periods of transition provide an enabling space for meaningful transformation, but do not inherently include this transformation. Transitions, or the change from one reality to another, could be a straightforward regime change, like when Cambodia transitioned from a French protectorate to an independent nation in 1953, or convoluted and transformative, like the long transition from Pol Pot’s regime to a modern nation-state.

To capture transition in Cambodia, we have applied three specific lenses to our analysis; forces, space and identity. These lenses, while not exhaustive, allow us to focus our gaze on some of the core elements that have been shaping the reality for Cambodia’s urban poor. Collectively, they provide a nuanced understanding of the complexity of the urban fabric, how it transforms and is transformed by its people and what impacts it has on shaping the city into its present form. The following page provides an explanation of description of the scope of each lens.

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3 lenses spaces of opportunity

Diagrams showing the dynamic change in Cambodia through time in 3 lenses, forces, space and identity, which then framed in periods of transition as a space of opportunity and threshold. Š

Report

Group

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periods of transition

Transition

p

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The forces that we examine in our analysis are both the political and economic influences that have been shaping Cambodia. We have tied together the political and economic since we find that they are inextricably linked, particularly in the Cambodian context. Some examples of the forces that emerge through our analysis are from new policies surrounding land and housing, the political environment driving the Government of Cambodia and the financial flows and investments from various sources coming into the country.

Space helps to ground our initial analysis of transition in Cambodia in a more physical dimension. By using it as a method for questioning the relationships of space and society, we can uncover transition as it relates to both the production of the Cambodian landscape and the city. Our analysis will explore environmental topics as well as the socio-spatial factors shaping urban production and the appropriation of space such as resettlement efforts and migration.

The final lens of identity allows us to capture elements that are more intangible and therefore difficult to measure and assess. Cambodia’s turbulent history has provided a testing ground for its people on how to adapt and cope with changes, and continuously reinvent themselves. We see identity as a mediation between the individual and society, which play an important part of the production and everyday life of the city through reflecting back and forth. In our analysis we will look at how social mobilisation has been emerging and how people have organized themselves into community structures.

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1

a history of transition

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Exploring the unique and turbulent history of Cambodia is an essential part of understanding the country’s current plight. In the last century, Cambodia’s significant political and civil unrest has resulted in eight separate political regimes and even six different flags. This upheaval can be summarized by three main periods of transition in recent history.

The first comes when Cambodia transitioned from being a protectorate under French rule to an independent kingdom again. This transition into independence marked the beginning of a period of relative peace and significant cultural activity as the country ‘comes into its own’.

The next period of transition followed shortly thereafter, as stability began to unwind due to a coup as well as external conflicts. Pol Pot was able to capitalize on this instability and the Khmer Rouge came to power.

The following period of transition began when the Vietnamese invaded and took control. This was a long period of transition, however, as it took many years to emergr from the savagery of the Khmer Rouge. It was not until after the UNTAC intervention that relative stability was restored.

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Through the timeline, we examine this history through the lenses of ‘forces’, ‘space’ and ‘identity’ to further pinpoint the transition and understand Cambodia’s past.

Designing a dream house © Jenna Helal

OUT OF DARKNESS

KHMER REPUBLIC

KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA

DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA

PEOPLE`S REPUBLIC OF KAMPUCHEA

UNTAC

STATE OF CAMBODIA

t

FRENCH PROTECTORATE

INTO DARKNESS

KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA

i

CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT CUT

INDEPENDENCE

FORCES

1953

Japanese occupation Prince Norodom Sihanouk becomes king

1955

1960

Sihanouk becomes Prime Minister

Sihanouk becomes head of state

Cambodia gains independence under King Sihanouk

1965 Sihanouk lets North Vietnamese guerillas into the country

1969

US begins a secret bombing campaign

AFTER Change in urban planning according to French system

EUROPEAN QUARTER

1975 e The Khmer Rouge, led by Pol Pot, overthrows Lon Nol and occupies Phnom Penh

Coup against Sihanouk by Prime Minister Lon Nol who establishes the ‘Khmer Republic’

Rural-urban migration U.S bombings, a deadly reprecussion from the war nextdoor in Vietnam, blanket the countryside and drive mass migration towards the city, Phnom Penh.

1976

1977

Sihanouk resigns, Khieu Samphan becomes head of state, Pol Pot is prime minister.

Beginning of the fighting with Vietnam

1979

1985

PROK win elections but Khmer Rouge and Sihanouk retain a seat in the UN

Hun Sen becomes Prime Minister

Vietnamese invade Phnom Penh

Collective land Forced urban evacuation The Khmer Rouge evacuates urban areas and imposes The Vietnamese-installed government declares forced migrations to rural areas, while some escape all land as public and collective. Solidarity groups across the border. Only a few hundred officials are set up, but these systems are recognized as remain in Phnom Penh. failed by 1989.

VIETNAMESE QUARTER

Abolition of property rights Former systems of land ownership abolished by the Khmer Rouge, including land titles.

Informal settlements emerge “By the end of the 1980s [in Phnom Penh], there were no more flats or houses... and people were given permission to build shacks on vacant land.”

(URC, 2002:5)

Shutdown of Khmer culture Professionals, artists, intellectuals and all other urbanites are forced to assume new identities as subsistence farmers.

Life as ‘survivors’ As the horrors of the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge begin to emerge, Cambodians begin the long difficult road to recovery.

Peace accord

Hun Sen abandons socialism to attract foreign investment

Sihanouk is head of state, UNT AC shares power

Migrant workers Political and economic instability within Cambodia and increasing job opportunities in neighbouring Thailand fuel an exodus of migrant workers.

Land privatization A new policy divides land into ‘ownership’ for residential land, ‘possession for agricultural land and ’concession for other types of land.

General elections are held: FUNCIPEC wins, followed by Hun Sen’s CPP. A three party coalition is formed and Prince Ranariddh becomes Prime Minister, Hun Sen becomes deputy PM

Hun Sen mounts a coup and replaces Prince Ranariddh as Prime Minister

New (failed) land regulation The 1992 Land Law passes, but is unable to cope with the pressures of the market economy and the increasing population.

The law also fails to define private and state rights, and ensure state land registration, leading to unchecked urban expansion and an unplanned city.

Informal settlements in Phnom Penh

Informal settlements grow Without clear land or housing laws or planning oversight informal settlements continue to grow

-

e

New Khmer Architecture Period of experimentation and beautification with new mass housing developments, such as the White Building, are representative of the golden age of Cambodian culture.

Phnom Penh Provincial boundary Other cities

Vietnamese troops withdraw

1998

1997

n

IDENTITY

Riverbank settlements Traditional way of living

timeline

Refugee camp Phnom Penh Provincial boundary Khmer Rough area

1993

i

SPACE

CAMBODIAN QUARTER

1991

l

Return to the city People repopulate the cities on a ‘first come, first serve’ basis.

CHINESE QUARTER

Phnom Penh Provincial boundary Bombing area

1989

1981

e

European planning introduced The French impose a cadastral system of land privatization that alters the spatial condition of Cambodian settlments and is used until the beginning of Khmer Rouge regime.

BEFORE Informal and organic urban settlements along the river

1970

m

Cambodia becomes a French Protectorate

1941

“YEAR 0”

1863

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d

a

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Cambodia today is a product of its history, but is also evolving rapidly with an uncertain future. As our analysis of the past clearly shows transition as a repeating feature, our analysis of present-day Cambodia through the three lenses will provide an understanding of how this ‘history of transition’ is now repeating itself as Cambodia is once again in a state of transition.

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The analysis through the timeline cut off in a period of relative stability with Hun Sen in power and Cambodia opening itself to the world once again. This period can be understood as a period of recovery and is defined by the country’s new relationship with the international community in contrast to its former state of isolation.

This meant many things for the reestablished kingdom including increased development assistance and private investment, growing urban areas and evolving institutions.

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Presently, however, the country has been moving away from ‘recovery’ and into a period of wider growth accompanied by other critical changes. As the following section will reveal through an analysis of the forces, spatial reality and identities that are in flux, Cambodia is currently entering a new time of transition. The question, however, is what is it transitioning to?

Transitioning between spaces © Jenna Helal

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Government of Cambodia

$$$ Foreign aid King

d

a

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Senate Protsaphea CPP 49% CNRP* 45%

National Assembly Radhsaphea CPP 78% SRP* 22%

Supreme Court of the Magistry

Hun Sen | Prime Minister

$$$ Private sector

CDC | Council for the Development of Cambodia

Council of Ministers MOI| Ministry of Interior

and 21 other Ministries

GDLA | General Department of Local Administration

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

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MLMUPC | Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction

x4

Political power in Cambodia is held nearly exclusively by the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) led by Prime Minister Hun Sen. As the ruling party in Cambodia, CPP permeates all levels of government and in practical terms has a monopoly on decision-making authority in the country. There have been some more recent efforts at decentralization, which means that local governments have been slowly gaining authority, and at the Sangkat or Khum level some councilors are from other parties, although this is mostly in remote rural areas (COMFREL, 2013).

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Province Khet

Municipality Krong

CPP’s success can largely be credited to Hun Sen who has perfected the political skills of courting both donors and voters through lofty promises and charisma. This is demonstrated through his formidable achievement of staying in power for thirty years despite shifting allegiances from the Khmer Rouge, the Vietnamese-backed communist government of the 1980s and the democratic governments both before and after the UN-run elections (Strangio, 2015).

Quarter Sangkat

Phnom Penh, Sihanoukville, Kep, Pailin * SRP was a precursor to CNRP, both Direct parties were founded by Sam Rainsy and corruption represent the same political identity

Level and structure of Cambodia government

Governor 3 Deputy Governors General Administration Office | Social Affairs Office | Economics Office Sangkat/Commune Council | 5 - 11 elected councilors Sangkat/Commune Chief | Chav-sangkat/Wkhum 2 Deputy Chiefs | Chav-sangkat romg/Chomtop

Commune Khum Village Phum

Under control of Hun Sen and CPP

Cabinet | General Secretariat | Finance Unit | Inspection Unit |Municipal/Provincial Local Administration Unit

District Srok

Section Khan

Despite the impressive economic growth under his rule, a nearly 10% increase in GDP every year from 1998 to 2007, many of the leader’s promises of improvements and reform have fallen flat. For example, in 2003 he promised to upgrade 100 urban poor settlements per year for the next five years (UN-HABITAT, 2003), but current reports and surveying efforts reveal that urban poor settlements are still a significant part of the city landscape and many of the reductions might in fact be due to evictions rather than upgrading (Fukuzawa, 2014).

Governor 3 Deputy Governors

Village Phum

Village Chief I Mephum

Banteay Meanchey, Battambang, Kampong Cham, Kampong Chhang, Kampong Speu, Kampong Thom, Kampot, Kandal, Koh Kong, Kratié, Mondulkiri, Oddar Meanchey, Preah Sihanouk, Preah Vihear, Pursat, Prey Veng, Ratanakiri, Siem Reap, Stung Treng, Svay Rieng, Takéo, Tbong Khmum

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FINANCIAL FLOWS AND INVESTMENTS The Cambodian government is dependent upon official development assistance (ODA) as it constitutes a large part of the budget every year, for example the approximately $500 million it will receive in 2015 represents 14% of the national budget (Strangio, 2015). This means that Cambodia is eager to please foreign powers, so its statesmen have always been eager to speak the language of its donors, making promises of improvements in areas such as human rights and transparency, yet providing little evidence of progress. In reality, the opaque system of governance keeps the donors at arms length, and it is instead the more informal and personal relationships that are a powerful force in shaping Cambodian politics. For example, it is common for private companies owned by members of the government to get large development contracts without even going to tender (Paling, 2012). These wealthy few, the so-called “Khmer Riche”, partnered with foreign interests, hold the real power in Cambodia.

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While ODA has had a significant influence on urban and other development projects, largely financed by Japan and other regional actors, in recent years international private-sector actors, notably from China and South Korea, are more significantly involved in funding, and thereby shaping, the future of Cambodia. Popular investments include ‘satellite cities’ or tourism-focused infrastructure where the vision, driven by private developers and politically powerful elites, is of Phnom Penh as a city of skyscrapers. These projects, such as CamKo City, Diamond Island and Grand Phnom Penh International, are largely funded by Chinese, South Korean and Malaysian investors, sometimes through shadowy flows, and have yet to be fully completed, which leaves room for speculation as to their success or return on investment (Paling, 2012). One clear outcome, however, has been the “[d]istortions in land markets allow land speculation that often forces the poor out of formal land markets,” (Meng, 2004). The complex and uneven geographies of economic and political power, fueled by clashing visions of ‘worlding’ from a variety of foreign actors, are overpowering the poor and make for a messy development environment.

Although CPP is still in power, the results of the most recent election in 2013, CPP’s worst showing since 1998, point to transition for the political environment in Cambodia. In that election, CPP’s significant majority in the parliament fell from 90 to 68 of the total 123 seats, with the opposition party, Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), making significant gains. Reasons like a younger voting population and increasing inequality can help to explain this shift, but more importantly, this has served as a wake-up call. Since the election, CPP has made some new efforts to court voters, which has meant at least nominal reforms within ministries and policies, and new discourse that hints at an openness to be more inclusive of the poor.

$335.6 billion Foreign Direct Investment

The challenge for Hun Sen and the CPP will be to see if they can balance the people’s desire for change with their current relationships with the business interests that have been funding their rule.

Agriculture

$3.4 billion

14%

Education Health

Bilateral ODA Industry 15%

Other Social

7%

10%

Tourism 53%

Water Supply & Sanitation Energy Transport & Communication

2%

17%

8% Infrastructure & Service 18%

Top five ODA funders to Cambodia based on 2012-2013, USD million

Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing Industry, Mining, Construction

6%

4%

Trade & Tourism Food Aid Other Action Programme

17%

22% 3%

Roadside CPP sign in the outskirts of Phnom Penh© Bente Madson

Other Economic

Multisector Action relating Debt Humanitarian Aid Others

Comparison between Foreign Direct Investment and Bilateral ODA reveals the relative influence of financial flows.

Total Amount between 2006-2011

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LAND LAW

The Land Law of 2001 established three types of property and three types of occupation. It also enabled the government to provide economic and social land concessions. Unfortunately, land grabbing emerged from economic land concessions. The unresolved issues of land registration and evictions led to the introduction of Circular 03 in 2010.

Indigenous property Monastery property

COLLECTIVE PROPERTY STATE PROPERTY

One in five people in Phnom Penh live in an informal or slum settlements, and lack access to basic services and secure tenure (sahmakum Teang Tnaut, 2012, p.4). In response, the government has been developing various policies to address the needs of the urban poor. In 2001, the government introduced a revised Land Law that recognized the absence of widespread land registration and titling, an important step towards improving land rights. Refer to the diagram on the following page for further details on the land law.

As a supplement to the Land Law, the government introduced an impressively progressive resolution related to temporary settlements on ‘illegally’ occupied land in 2010: Circular 03 (The Urban Initiative, 2013, p.11 ).

The resolution represents a concerted effort to reduce forced evictions and improve land registration. Further details on the resolution can be found on the following pages.

More recently, in 2012, the government also drafted a National Housing Policy, that aims to reduce urban poverty by helping low-income people to secure better housing and land tenure as well as contribute to socioeconomic development and create employment opportunities (The Urban Initiative, 2013 p.19)The policy was only adopted, however, in mid-2014 and while commendable, its implementation and interpretation still remain quite uncertain.

Although the collection of these policies represent a positive effort towards improving the issues surrounding land and housing rights, in practice they are rarely implemented and consistently violated as a result of the continuous pressure on land, especially in urban environments. This supports UN-HABITAT’s view that, “[c] entralised systems for planning, conflict management and land administration are not delivering secure tenure or serviced land to the majority of urban people in developing countries,” (UN-HABITAT, 2004, p. 88). The question therefore remains: can the current period of transition push these national policies to be translated into real action?

STATE PUBLIC PROPERTY

PRIVATE PROPERTY

LAND AND HOUSING POLICIES

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STATE PRIVATE PROPERTY

I S S U E S LAND GRABBING ECONOMIC LAND CONCESSIONS

CONSTITUTION Right to private ownership and to ownership of land.

LAW

28 LAND REGISTRATION

SOCIAL LAND CONCESSIONS

FORCED EVICTIONS

Land to landless families.

Those displaced by ELC s can benefit.

Inhabitants ho ha e an o cial land title that allows them to control, use and dispose land.

Anyone in possession of land before august 2001 (other 5 criteria need to be satisfied) Inhabitants without land tittles, unable to meet the conditions of the legal possetion category and / or live in State public land.

OWNERS L E G A L POSSESSORS

CIRCULAR 03

ILLEGAL SETTLERS landLaw

©

ReportGroup

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CIRCULAR 03 Circular on resolution of temporary settlements on land hich has been ille ally occupied in the capital, municipal and urban areas

Indi enous property Monastery property

Circular 03 is a resolution that attempts to solve issues of land registration and evictions in ‘illegal’ settlements on state public property. As a resolution, it is low on the hierarchical organization of the Land Law.

TYPES OF LAND COLLECTIVE PROPERTY STATE PROPERTY

STATE PRIVATE PROPERTY STATE PUBLIC PROPERTY

Standari e the treatment of e ictees.

Identify ille al settlements.

Pro ide on site up radin .

Pro ide basic ser ices.

Resettlement

PRIVATE PROPERTY Sub-decree # 118 Identification, mappin , classification and re istration of State Land

29 CONSTITUTION

LAW

ROYAL DECREE

Preah Reach Khet

SUB-DECREE Anukret

Ri ht to pri ate o nership and to o nership of land.

LEGAL POSSESSORS ILLEGAL SETTLERS

OCCUPANCY 3

©

ReportGroup

Prakas

ORDER Deka

CIRCULAR Sarachar

DECISION

Sechkday Samrach

Prakas # 42

OWNERS

Circular

DECLARATION

30

Inhabitants ho ha e and o cial land title that allo s them to control, use and dispose land.

Anyone in possession of land before au ust 00 (other criteria need to be satisfied) Inhabitants ithout land tittles, unable to meet the conditions of the le al possetion cate ory and or li e in Sate public land.

Sub national le el

ith municipal or Pro incial authorities.

. Data collection (number of ille al settlements). . Identification, mappin and classification of land.

3. Census of households and households members. . Solutions (Resettlement, on site up radin ...). . Discussions to elaborate the de elopment plan. . asic infrastructure and public ser ices assistance. . Participation of stakeholders in all sta es.

View of the river from Koulaloum community © Jenna Helal

1

s

p

a

c

t

eo

d

a

y

OF WATER AND LAND

31

In order to understand the spatial transition occurring across Cambodia, in both the countryside and in the city, we must first understand the natural relationship of water and land in the Cambodian landscape. For most of Cambodia’s history, until very recently, land and water in Cambodia have existed in a harmony that balances back and forth, from wet season to dry season. The country is covered in a complex network of rivers and natural reservoirs, ‘boeungs’, that during the wet season play the essential role of channelling the short, intense bouts of rainfall, (STT, 2012). While it was natural for some areas to experience flooding during the wet season, the overall health of the system meant that this was predictable and manageable. This natural cycle has played an important role in shaping traditional Khmer livelihoods, such as rice farming and fishing, and architectural typologies, such as stilt houses.

Unfortunately, this natural system has been disrupted in recent years by the large development projects in the city that were already elaborated in an earlier section. Developments, such as satellite cities, have dramatically altered the physical environment through landfilling. Since the “[b]oeungs are shallow and thus easily filled [they are] attractive to investors with ambitions for real estate development,” (STT, 2012, p. 18). As this has happened over and over, especially in Phnom Penh, cities have become less and less able to cope with the flooding of the wet season and more significant investments in drainage infrastructure, such as man-made dams and pumping stations, has been necessary. The infill of Boeung Kak, Phnom Penh’s largest and closest lake and the so-called ‘lungs of the city’, is just one example of an important natural resource falling victim to the ambitions of private developers.

32

Understanding the relationship of the city and settlements with water and landfills at Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 © Boeung Chuk Meanchey Group

Although development partners, such as JICA, have made significant investments to this drainage infrastructure, the pressures of development have been quicker and more significant. The impact of this dramatic transition is thoughtfully summed up by the prominent Khmer architect, Vann Molyvann: “The system of building dikes and then pumping water from one low-lying area to another in order to move water away from the city is not an infinitely extendable system. During heavy rains, flooding in Phnom Penh at present can cause a third of the city to be paralysed. It is of great urgency to stop such flooding and to improve drainage at the centre of the city. In the case of exceptional flooding, it will be necessary to evacuate hundreds of thousands of people,” (Molyvann, 2006, p. 125)

1

THE PRODUCTION OF URBAN SPACE The production of urban space in modern Cambodia has been shaped by a multitude of forces.

Beginning with the haphazard resettlement of the city after the fall of the Khmer Rouge, Phnom Penh has had anything but a stable and planned development in recent years. Further compounding this situation has been relatively weak governance and the influence of financial interests, from both development actors and the private sector.

33

As Roy describes, “[t]he production of urban space is deeply linked with flows of capital, not simply the flows of finance capital that enable the development of skyscrapers and edge-city projects, but also the flows of development capital that finance planning studies and infrastructure projects, which typically come tied with associated conditions and reforms (Roy 2011, p. 12).” This complicated tangle of influence shows that there are many actors exerting pressure on urban space, and often at the expense of the poor. We can synthesize the most pressing issues into a few key points: migration, speculation and evictions.

Rural-urban migration is a general phenomenon in Cambodia. As urban areas develop and rural areas remain underdeveloped and largely characterised by subsistence farming, the appeal of more secure and diverse employment in urban areas is a powerful draw. This is further compounded by the garment factories that now surround Phnom Penh and provide relatively stable employment. The landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERWs) that continue to dot the countryside are an added barrier to rural development and might even be another cause of rural-urban migration (UNDP, 2013).

Anlong Kngan © Deborah Navarra

34

1

As Cambodia has reopened itself to the world, it has also attracted significant investment as was explained in the previous section. This investment, and resulting land speculation, was further incentivised when the government changed the Law on Investment of Cambodia in 2011 and allowed foreigners to hold long-term leases of up to 50 years (KPMG, 2012). The result has been land grabbing and even more aggressive developments in the form of satellite cities and garment factories, which are the main drivers of land speculation in urban Cambodia.

35

With more people coming to cities for work, and less and less space in the cities due to new developments, the poor have become inevitably more and more squeezed. As a result, since 1990 “over 29,7000 Cambodian families have been evicted or displaced from their homes in Phnom Penh,” (STT, 2014, p. 1). These forcible evictions have come at the hands of both the government, private developers and more suspicious acts, such as fires devastating whole communities and families losing the right to rebuild (STT, 2014). Once evicted, these families are relocated, often to sites very far from the city and without adequate infrastructure to support basic living or livelihoods. As a result, many leave these sites to once again continue the cycle of ‘illegal’ settlement and resettlement, while those that stay face inconsistent compensation and new challenges (STT, 2014).

Overall, these many issues have revealed a tipping point for Cambodia’s urban environment. As more and more of the available urban land is developed, these pressing issues have become amplified and will need to find new solutions within the transition at hand.

Anlong Kngan market © Jenna Helal

36

1

i d e n t i t t yo

d

a

y

SOCIAL MOBILISATION

37

Cambodia has a rich culture that spans over 2,000 years. The Angkor empire and its famous temples are still a point a pride for Cambodians, and adorn the flag, currency and many other artefacts in present-day Cambodia.

Despite this distinguished past, Cambodia is also known as one of the poorest countries in the world and faces many challenges. Luckily, the poverty rate has shown real improvement in recent years, moving from 50% in 1992 to around 20% in 2011 (UNDP, 2013). Although measurable poverty has been reduced, many people are hovering just above this line and could very easily slip below with any sort of shock. While Cambodia’s illustrious past and the challenges of the present day have an influence on Cambodian identity, the people themselves are another factor in this understanding.

38

In part due to the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge, more than 65% of Cambodians today are under the age of 30 (UNDP, 2013). This means that most Cambodians don’t remember life under the Khmer Rouge, and therefore have different perspectives, hopes and expectations from the older population. This emerging population, the same that can be credited for the results of the 2013 election, is increasingly activated and adaptable. The combination of the resilience learned from the older generation that has survived countless regimes and hardships, and the vibrancy of the younger generation is fueling social movements and activism that until recently had been mostly driven by international NGOs. In early 2014, garment workers organised a strike and peaceful demonstrations and protests against the Ministry of Labour’s rejection of their demands for significantly raising the minimum wage. Unfortunately, this turned deadly with five protesters killed by police (Sokha, 2014). Despite the ensuing blame game, with authorities failing to show remorse and the CNRP seizing it as a political opportunity, the protests represent a transition from a more passive population to one with a growing appetite for collective action and mobilisation.

social

Man

weaving

a

fishing

net

©

Jenna

Helal

mobilization

edited

by

Nathalia

Mosquera

1

MLMUPC MOU

ACHR

CDF BOARD

$

$

ROYAL GOVERNMENT CAMBODIA

$

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION

39

$

In Cambodia, decision-making power has a tendency to sit in the highest levels of government, far away from the people. Despite efforts to decentralize this power, most Cambodians, and especially the poor, are still left out of decision-making processes and MPP / PROVINCIAL AUTHORITY have had little political agency. Efforts to change these conditions by organizing communities, as well as providing funding, can be traced back to 1998 DISTRICT with the establishment of the NGO, the Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF) (Phonphakdee et al, 2009).

SUB- DISTRICT A partnership between the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR), the Municipality of Phnom Penh (MPP) and the community savings network of Phnom Penh created the organization to support communitybased savings groups in Phnom Penh’s urban poor communities and provide loans and grants, primarily through ACHR’s ACCA programme, for community upgrading, land acquisition, income generation and food production (ibid.).

COMMUNITY SAVING NETWORK CAMBODIA (REGIONAL) COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT COMMITEE DISTRICT NETWORK

©

Group

Report

NGOs SUPPORTERS AND DONORS

ACADEMY S U P P O R T AGENCIES

SUB-DISTRICT NETWORK

LEADERS

$

$

CDF

CDF

ACCA

COMMUNITIES

LEADERS

Community Saving Network Cambodia (CNSC) Partnership and Mechanism

Given the success of UPDF, in March 2011 the programme was expanded to cover the whole country and renamed “Community Development Fund” (CDF) (CDF Cambodia, 2015). CDF along with its collaborator, the Community Savings Network Cambodia (CSNC), have presented a way of challenging power structures from the community level. This is an important part of poverty reduction, since it “is not just about providing funding; it is also about urban poor communities finding alternatives, having the chance to learn, and having the right information for decision-making,” (Phonphakdee et al, 2009). Operating at this scale, CDF and CSNC, along with their many partners, such as the Community Architects Network Cambodia (CAN-CAM), have been gaining momentum and support from existing power structures. The MOU signed between ACHR, CDF and the Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction (MLMUPC) is a testament to the emerging climate of possibilities for communities as they take matters into their own hands define their own change and identities.

Many development actors, such as NGOs, also do important work with communities, but nearly always fail to create any real connections with local authorities or other actors. CDF and CSNC therefore play an important role in facilitating relationships between communities and local authorities, and their work provides important entry points for intervention.

40

1

r e f l e c t i o n s

I

KEY.FINDINGS

O

R

C

E

S

Foreign private INVESTMENT fueled dramatic land speculation.

has

The government has been introducing NEW LAND POLICIES in an effort to reduce disputes and inequality.

41

Our research into the complex reality of present day Cambodia through the lenses of forces, space and identity has revealed many symptoms of a country in transition. Where before there was a country in recovery, slowly emerging from a dark history, there is now a country rife with investment, increasing inequality and moving into a period of wider growth and critical change. Through our analysis we have seen both opportunities and threats within this change, from increasing social mobilisation and political willingness to partner with the people, to violent responses to protests and the exclusion of the poor in city development.

S

P

A

C

E

This confluence of factors leaves a great deal of uncertainty about the future of Cambodia, and in particular, the future of the urban poor. Luckily, within this uncertainty of transition is an enabling space for transformation.

P

A

C

T

Ruling party is increasingly WILLING TO FOLLOW THROUGH on promises of reform and pro-poor policies.

Investments in satellite cities and garment factories have improved JOB OPPORTUNITIES and INFRASTRUCTURE on the city outskirts.

Gains by the opposition party in last election THREATENS RULING PARTY F

M

The new policies remain toothless WITHOUT EFFECTIVE IMPLEMENTATION.

In response to expanding cities and flooding, LANDFILLING is the common answer to finding room for new developments.

Landfills are dramatically ALTERING THE LANDSCAPE and threatening traditional Cambodian livelihoods and identities.

Rural-urban MIGRATION, city expansion fueled by SPECULATION and EVICTIONS have altered the quality and character of urban space.

The new spatial reality has frequently broken up communities and EXCLUDED THE POOR.

Although there still lacks followthrough, civil society and the people themselves are advancing and CLAIMING THEIR RIGHTS through collective action.

As protests have been shut down with violence and demands have remained unmet, their EFFECTIVENESS IS UNCERTAIN.

CDF and CSNC have supported the ORGANISATION OF COMMUNITY SAVINGS GROUPS and providing funding for community upgrading and other activities.

Communities are gaining the CAPACITIES AND POLITICAL AGENCY necessary to be able to negotiate their own futures.

42

The question that now emerges is:

Can shifting identities, new political and economic influences and the emerging spatial conditions in Cambodia frame opportunities for transformation?

I D E N T I T Y

A

N

A

L

Y

S

I

S

2. TRANSFORMING CAMBODIA

understanding TRANSFORMATION So far, our analysis of Cambodia throughout time and the lenses of ‘forces’, ‘space’ and ‘identity’, has shown that Cambodia is currently in a period of transition which provides spaces of opportunity for transformation.

We have observed how various elements of Cambodia have evolved throughout the years and some key opportunities have begun to emerge from within these elements. While periods of transition do provide opportunities for transformation, they do not inherently include transformation as we understand it. In order to better understand this potential for transformation, we will develop a theoretical approach to understanding and working with transformation.

Transformation is understood in many different ways by many different people, and it is therefore important to clearly define a theoretical framework that will explain our approach and provide the basis for our proposed strategies. Our approach to transformation emerges from Ranciere’s ideas of politics and political struggle and Foucault’s reflections on modern power.

Our vision for transformation in Cambodia is a dynamic process that produces radical change over time.

As a point of departure, we have characterised transformation as a dynamic process that takes place over time.

The process is dynamic since it is continuously being defined and redefined by the various forces, identities and spaces of its agents. This implies movement and action rather than a desired output. Therefore instead of transformation achieving mere change as an output, or passing from one state to another like with transition, the goal is to achieve the process. This process, however, does have an important outcome which is radical change. The ‘radicalisation’ of change occurs when prevailing hierarchies and discourses are contested by proposing new practices, conditions and possibilities.

44

2

Drawing from Foucault’s writings on power, this radical change must penetrate all layers of society because, “nothing in society will be changed if the mechanisms of power that function outside, below and alongside the State apparatuses, on a much more minute and everyday level, are not also changed,” (Foucault, 1975). The people must therefore transform themselves and their own identity in order to be the agents of the efforts to transform the financial and political forces that are currently ruling over the reality of their lives.

45

These forces can be understood as the “politics of the police” as described by Jacques Ranciere. Ranciere’s work describes ‘real’ politics as those where subordinate individuals contest their position through actions of disruption and dissensus. “[Politics] consists in refiguring the space, of what there is to do there, what is to be seen or named therein. It is the established litigation of the perceptible,” (Ranciere, 2001). This means that as the powerless and the voiceless seek more than inclusion, and instead reclaim the space of the police to establish their identity by seeking to be heard, seen and legitimised, they disrupt prevailing hierarchies and discourses of the police. Therefore, transformation takes more than just upsetting the police order, but by taking it upon themselves to change their identity and act politically in contested space, the people can produce truly radical change that permeates society.

In order for transformation to benefit Cambodia’s poor, the various areas of influence, namely political and economic forces, space and identity, must be framed into these processes of transformation. ‘Framing’ means to enable alignments, position elements strategically or set relationships, and these frames provide the supporting structure for the processes of transformation.

Phnom Penh’s new towers rising above Koulaloum community © Dong Yang

46

2

p r i n c i p l e s The following principles are an integral part of our understanding of transformation and permeate the proposed strategies later in this report. They emerge from our analysis of the Cambodian context as a place with multiple visions, an unpredictable and changing environment, limited resources and structural insecurities.

Theses principles qualify the type of transformation we seek as collective, flexible, incremental and transparent.

COLLECTIVE Cambodia’s past illustrates both the success of collective efforts and the failure of solitary visions. Building on collective interests rather than individual aims, can help real transformation for all people, by the people, to be achieved. For Cambodia this means processes must be sure to include those that have typically been left out, such as the urban poor. The Cambodian reality includes multiple, conflicting and contested meanings which can be seen as either a barrier to collective work, or as we would like to propose, an advantage. Working collectively does not necessarily mean sharing a common perspective. The evidence of inclusive approaches already at work in Cambodia, like the grassroots efforts of community savings groups, show examples of how transformation can be achieved collectively.

47

FLEXIBLE Cambodia is currently in state of transition and is a fluid development environment with constantly changing actors, identities, allegiances, spaces, policies and funding. It is therefore important to take a flexible approach in order to be able to adapt to the complexities of this heterogenous environment. The unpredictable nature of everyday life in Cambodia further warrants the use of flexibility.

INCREMENTAL In order to ensure that development interventions work towards real transformation, they need to progress incrementally. Incremental work means both that it advances in relatively small steps and that it builds upon previous efforts. This approach of gradually building over time is essential because of the need to adapt to changing circumstances and because real transformation takes time. Working incrementally also supports people-based processes since small amounts of resources can be used as they become available.

TRANSPARENT

Anlong Kngan market Š Jenna Helal

Given Cambodia’s turbulent history, trust has been a challenging issue between many different actors. This insecurity or distrust can occur at all levels, like between members of small communities, or between the government and local NGOs. Therefore the processes of transformation must be transparent, not only to reduce insecurities, but also to enable full participation of all stakeholders, increase accountability and build integrity.

48

Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun

52

FORCES POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT ACTORS COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

By continuing our analysis through the three lenses; forces, space and identity, the following section grounds our understanding of transformation in three specific territories. Each presents its own heterogeneous identity and reflection of Cambodia.

To explore each of the lenses at the community level, we have broken them down into the relevant categories: FORCES, IDENTITY and SPACE

IDENTITY CONNECTIONS LIVELIHOODS RESILIENCE SPACE: URBAN CONTEXT SPATIAL CONFIGURATION COMMON SPACES

BoeungVengReikChamroeun

Kompong Thom

Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II

3.groundingTRANSFORMATION Phnom Penh Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II Anlong Kngan

56

KAMPONG THOM

FORCES POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT ACTORS COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

50

IDENTITY CONNECTIONS LIVELIHOODS RESILIENCE SPACE: URBAN CONTEXT SPATIAL CONFIGURATION COMMON SPACES

Anlong Kngan FORCES POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT ACTORS COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

60

PHNOM PENH

IDENTITY CONNECTIONS LIVELIHOODS RESILIENCE SPACE: URBAN CONTEXT SPATIAL CONFIGURATION COMMON SPACES

S i t e s L o c a t i o n s

Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun community is located on a canal that flows through the Stung Seng city from east to west. Although the community faces problems like flooding and poor sanitation, its central location and proximity to all facilities puts them in privileged position within the city context.

URBAN CONTEXT

GENERAL DATA

The Boeung Veng community sits on top of the canal in a central location in Kampong Thom city. Its central Location: position means that the community has a strong interdependence with the city and its activities.

51

PRIMARY SCHOOL

MARKET

Numbers of Communities: Numbers of Household: Numbers of Families:

Self-built

house

over

the

canal

in

Boeung

Veng

Reik

Chom

Reoun

Š

Nathalia

Mosquera

PECULIARITIES

3

Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun Kompong Thom

Stueng Saen city, Kompong Thom 1 31 35

- central position - province - on top of the canal BVRCR Š Nathalia Mosquera

52

53

B o e u n g V e n g R e i k C h a m r o e u n

3

F

CDF national Ministry CDF

of Land

Province Beoung Veng Reik Chom Reoun Community

Public Sector Civil Society Community Private Sector

F

Kompong Thom Informal settlements

O

R

C

Kompong Thom Private Sector

E

S

Municipality

CDF province plays a pivotal role in organizing many informal settlements scattered in Kompong Thom province with representing and advocating them, although there seems no strong relationship among the communities. There is strong relationship between CDF province and local municipality as, in the national level, CDF corporates with municipality of land.

Indirect collaboration

ACTORS

R

C

E

S

LEADER OTHER COMMUNITY (PART OF THE SAME SAVING GROUP)

SAVING GROUP

NON SAVING GROUP

COMMUNITY MEMBERS

COMMUNITY COMMITTEE

Direct collaboration

O

The clean cities competition, launched by the national government is a national mechanism to attract foreign tourism to Cambodian cities. Winning the competition is one of the main objectives of Kampong Thom municipality. Several infrastructure works have started in the city, but there is no clarity about the articulation of the agenda related with the urban poor, into including them in the plans for the city.

COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

I D E N T I T Y This community is strongly connected with the city, since all their social, economic and political activities are developed in the centre. Almost all of the inhabitants of the community arrived to the site more than 10 years ago, and since then have managed to settle down and improve their livelihoods.

shops

I D E N T I T Y

CONNECTIONS

54 The livelihoods of most of the residents of this community depend on food selling Coping with the rainy season, and the accompanying flooding, is one of the main activities in the market. The canal is also an active income generation source, recycling challenges for this community. materials are extracted from there. The community also organises their economic activities around the two main seasons, for example cricket collection during the dry season, which is a source of income for some families.

LIVELIHOODS

RESILIENCE

S MAIN ROADS

S

P

A

C

E

The linear position of the houses follows the path of the canal; the patterns of occupation were driven by the accessibility provided by the road at the entrance of the community (the houses sitting closer to the canal are in better shape in relation to the houses sitting further at the back).

SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

P

A

C

E

The road of access is the main public space used for the community to socialise. Although not fully occupied, the empty plots of land located behind the houses further down, are used as playgrounds and as income generating spaces.

COMMON SPACE

The community of Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II is situated along the National Highway 1, which is close to the city centre of Phnom Penh. The land the community is occupying is currently owned by the neighboring high school, and is completely flooded all year round. The main advantage of this location is its close proximity to social infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and markets.

URBAN CONTEXT

GENERAL DATA

The site is close to the National Highway 1, but still somewhat cut-off from it, as the access road is too narrow to Location: let cars through and the site is not visible from the road. The community has a “public face” along the main road, but most of the houses hide behind this, with no access from any other side.

55

Khan Chbar Ampov, Phnom Penh

Numbers of Communities:

NEW DEVELOPMENT

1

Numbers of Household:

30

Numbers of Families:

42

PRIMARY SCHOOL

Water and garbage in the open space at the center of Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 © Jiaqi Zhang

PECULIARITIES

3

BoeungChoeukMeancheyThmeyII Phnom Penh

-central position -urban context -flooding issues

BVRCR

©

SG2

56

57

B o e u n g C h o e u k M e a n c h e y T h m e y I I

3

CDF

NGO

Boeung Choeuk

STT

French Development Agency

Public Sector

F

O

R

C

E

S

Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II

Although not directly, the landfilling of the nearby lake, done by private developers is JICA Phnom Penh increacing the levels of flooding and pollution Municipality and with that affecting the quality of life of Chbar Ampov its inhabitants. To help the community cope Khan with the situation CDF and other NGO’s have Nirouth been involved with specific actions, with no Sangkat collaboration among them. In paralel JICA is currently funding the project to upgrade the Chbar Ampov water system of the Khan but it isnt clear how Borei Peng Hout High School Developmentwill this affect or benefit the community.

Own the land

Civil Society Community

Direct collaboration

Private Sector

Indirect collaboration

ACTORS

F

DEPUTY LEADER

LEADER SAVING GROUP (EVERY HOUSE)

COMMUNITY MEMBERS

CDF representative

RENTERS (NOT SAVING)

COMMUNITY COMMITTEE

O

R

C

E

S

The Khan Chbar Ampov was established in late 2013 by splitting the former Khan in two. This was done to make it easier to administer and provide services to people, due to increasing development in the area from the overall development of the city.

Accordingly, a new plan for the Khan is being developed, the main priorities being, environment and infrastructure, although the Khan has an expressed a need for additional resources in order to complete the surveying necessary for the plan.

COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

I D E N T I T Y

shops

I D E N T I T Y

The community has close ties to the neighboring community of Boeung Chuk Niroth and is close with the CSNC. The diverse livelihoods tie it into the broader fabric of the city. As for nearby neighbors, it does not have a good relationship with the high school, that owns the land the community occupies, and its only connection to the huge development nearby is through the nearby market for the development’s construction workers.

CONNECTIONS

There are at least 28 different documented types of livelihoods activities within this relatively small community, which shows that it represents a somewhat diverse population and is an integrated part of the city. The most common jobs are as a construction worker, food-seller at a nearby market, security guard, factory worker, taxi driver and laundress.

From the beginning, the community chose to build their houses over water and had thus always implemented typical flooding coping strategies such as stilt houses and moving their belongings to higher ground when necessary. However, the last couple years of significant nearby landfilling have produced extreme flooding with which the community can no longer cope. The diversity of livelihoods and a relatively close and well-organized community do provide some social resilience.

LIVELIHOODS

RESILIENCE

S

P

A

C

E

A

C

E

The community is a somewhat isolated cluster of houses bordered by a brick wall to the north, a swamp (leading to an empty lot) to the west, a canal to the south and a small road to the west. The house sizes gradually decrease from east to west.

The main road on the eastern edge of the community is the primary common space for the community. This space flows into the shops that line the road and the yard of the village leader on the other side (which represents the main common space for both BCMT2 and Boeung Chuk Niroth). The only other common spaces are the stoops of individual houses that are often occupied by their inhabitants, and although the paths are too precarious to act as real public spaces, the houses are often so close together that people can easily interact from their front steps.

SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

COMMON SPACE

MAIN ROADS

S

P

58

The Anlong Kngan relocation site is 15 km from Phnom Penh city centre. The land was previously owned by the Ministry of Agriculture and used for agricultural experiments, but in June 2001, the government donated the land to the victims of a fire who were relocated to the site. While many residents in the large site have land tenure, the study settlement, which includes four communities, does not have tenure as the health centre currently owns the land they are occupying. The main advantage of this settlement is its core location in the new city, with the presence of social infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and markets.

URBAN CONTEXT

GENERAL DATA Location:

Khan Sen Sok, Phnom Penh

Although this relocation site is isolated from the rest of the city, the place has develop as a city itself. Showing interdependence between the various communities and the activities.

Numbers of Communities:

59

PRIMARY SCHOOL

4

Numbers of Household: Numbers of Families:

486 265+70+70+243 = Tot.648

PUBLIC GARDEN

HEALTH CENTER

Threshold

Anlong

Kngan

Š

Deborah

Navarra

PECULIARITIES

3

A n l o n g K n g a n Phnom Penh

-relocation site -density (pop., activities etc) -urban scale N -human scale

capitals

AK

Š

SG3

60

n a

Ministry

of Land

of Health Own the land

g

Phnom Penh Municipality

NGO

F

Public Sector Civil Society

O

R

C

E

S

Community

4 Communities

Private Sector

h

a

NGO

Direct collaboration Indirect collaboration

Each committee community a community leader and 5 members.

ACTORS

K

After the fire nearly 14 years ago, the victims were relocated to the site and have developed the area as a city within itself, due to its distant location from Phnom Penh. With all the basic infrastructure present on the site its inhabitants are not connected with the city centre, a minority of workers travel back and forth, but mainly the majority work in close proximity at nearby factories and construction sites.

g

61

n

shops

I D E N T I T Y

CONNECTIONS

TO/FROM PHNOM PENH

o

The density, typological diversity and intricacy of the site open the possibility for blurred boundaries between the public and private spaces.

F LEADER NEW HOUSEHOLD (HOUSE PART OF THE COMMUNITY BUT OWNER IS NOT SAVING GROUP)

SAVING GROUP (EVERY HOUSE)

COMMUNITY MEMBERS COMMUNITY COMMITTEE

O

R

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S

The first three steps of Circular 3 have been implemented on this settlement by CEDT covering data collection, identification, mapping and classification of the land, and the census of household and the household members.

COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

I D E N T I T Y Having the settlement located in the core of the wider city scale, its main source of income generation depends on the shops situated around the settlement facades facing the main activities on site. The settlement also has other income generating activities, such as street vendor, home-based food production and homegrown vegetation.

LIVELIHOODS

As a relocation site with fire victims and newcomers this area is constantly generating, and regenerating with different identities inhabiting the settlement and creating a dense spatial configuration. With its potentialities of multiple levels of porosity according to its different typology nature, the density and intricacy of the site opens the possibility for transparent boundaries between the public and private, creating new spaces of opportunities.

RESILIENCE

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E

HEALTH CENTER

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MAIN ROADS

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POND

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CDF

Ministry

Anlong Kngan settlement has 9 communities.

Four of them are located on the land around the Health Center and along the canal in front of it for a total of 486 Households SenRikReay _ 265 families SenPonlur 1 _ 70 families SenPonlur 2 _ 70 families SenSabay _ 243 families

The pond in the centre of the settlement is a source of income generation, and a primary common space. The immediate spaces in front of the houses have wooden platforms that people occupy, also creating a common space for social interaction.

GARDEN

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PRIMARY SCHOOL

E

SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

COMMON SPACE

62

3

k e y F i n d i n g s While the sites have each revealed interesting and diverse outcomes through our grounded analysis, the most pertinent key findings have been summarised below.

63

Although the first stages of Circular 03 have been implemented in Anlong Kngan, the procedure to move ahead is still unclear. Similarly, there is a lack of clarity about how the city visions are linked with the processes related to the urban poor, all that reflected in the absence of large scale master plans.

64

In Cambodia, the existence of organised social community structures and saving groups is vital for the participation of the communities in upgrading processes. The fact that all three communities share this conviction demonstrates that communities have a strong desire to play an active role in their own development and processes of transformation.

The adaptation of the communities to the environment, seen in the housing typologies and in the techniques used to cope with the harsh conditions, indicates that the communities themselves are solid sources of knowledge. Their resilience should be capitalized upon to develop alternatives that are able to reflect the same diversity and complexity.

Finally, throughout our work with the different communities, and in general after our stay in Cambodia, it became evident that the connections communities built with their surrounding environments were vital for coping with the challenges imposed by everyday life.

Anlong Khagan Š Deborah Navarra

4. FRAMING TRANSFORMATION

INTRODUCTION The strategies are the instruments that negotiate our theoretical and practical understanding of the Cambodian context. They serve to demonstrate the application of our theoretical approach to transformation in the reality of Cambodian settlements, integrating both understandings.

The principles for transformation, developed in chapter two, also reappear and become embedded within each of the strategies. The also define our approach by guiding the actions described in each of the strategies.

To review, our approach aims to be; collective, by including those that have typically been left out; flexible, by adapting to complex and unpredictable situations; incremental, by building upon previous efforts and advancing gradually; and transparent, by reducing insecurities and increasing accountability and integrity.

66

f r a m i n g

While developing these strategies, we have kept these wise words in mind: ‘’There are no formal rules in community development. We are not tied down in rules. It is important to confront the problem flexibly. The purpose and the means of community development are to achieve sustainable development, by the community members, and start a self-perpetuating process,’’ (Etsuzo, 2010, p. 11). We understand that it is not an end result of ‘upgrading’ or ‘development’ that we are after, but rather the self-perpetuating process that is driven by the people.

g u i d e l i n e s Take advantage of the NEW POLICIES AND CITY PLANNING, to translate them into opportunities for new development.

From our understanding of transformation as a dynamic process that produces radical change over time and the synthesis of key findings from the grounded realities of our three study sites, we produced guidelines for transformation. These, of course, guide the strategies that emerge from our vision of framing transformation. As you can see in the diagram to the right, the different guidelines combine in different ways to make up the three strategies. Each of the strategies is guided by and incorporates the four principles: collective, flexible, incremental and transparent.

3 67

Overall, each of the strategies frames the processes for achieving radical change over time. The first strategy represents a more long term approach and works on a macro scale. The second works over the medium term on a meso scale and the final strategy is a more short term approach that operates on the micro scale. As has been developed previously, the act of framing that our vision describes is one of aligning existing forces, spaces or identities in order to set up a process of transformation.

The following strategies will develop this idea through framing spaces of dialogue, framing visions through public space and framing networks of support.

Dream house in Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun Š Dong Yang

Strengthen the existing SOCIAL COMMUNITY STRUCTURES, to uarantee the participation of the members in social, political and financial systems, and encoura e kno led e e chan e hich contributes to resilience.

Increase LIVELIHOOD NITIES, to assure the ty of the communities and

OPPORTUsustainabilihouseholds.

Transform KNOWLEDGE AND TECHNIQUES produced by the communities into concrete alternati es for housin , that uarantee their adaptability to the en ironment and to their social conditions.

Use the opportunities of EVERYDAY ACTIVITIES to increase connections ith surroundin areas in order to impro e spatial inte ration and citi enship.

F R A M I N G SPACES OF DIALOGUE

68 F R A M I N G NETWORKS OF SUPPORT

F R A M I N G V I S I O N S THROUGH PUBLIC SPACE

f r a m i n g

Establish PARTNERSHIPS AND ALLIANCES, to en a e ith di erent actors and infuse the process ith ne inputs.

The first task of the table will involve organising a Data Collection System (DCS), fed by the information provided by all the members of the round table, including the communities as organised active members involved in the process. DCS is a digital resource that will continue to evolve until becoming a solid database containing all the information about the informal settlements of the city. The public accessibility of this online platform can help with the verification of the accuracy of the gathered data.

In later stages, the RTIS will negotiate the appropriate financial mechanisms to access housing solutions and will set the guidelines for their design and construction, taking into consideration factors like flexibility, incrementality and adaptability.

Circular 03 emerged as a mechanism to provide solutions to the problem of illegal occupation of public land. Although the legal document sets a number of steps to follow during the process, there are missing links between its formulation and the instruments applied to make it effective. This issue prevents the communities and the municipalities from concretising the projects and finding the viable options that can lead to land security.

3 69

MLMUPC

OFFICE OF LAND MANAGEMENT, URBAN PLANNING, CONSTRUCTION AND GEOGRAPHY

MINISTRY REPRESENTATIVE

CDF

MUNICIPALITY

PRIVATE DEVELOPERS KHAN

ROUNDTABLE COMMUNITY REPRESENTATIVES

ADMINISTRATIVE HOUSING UNITS

LAND OWNERS

ACADEMIC MUNICIPALITY & KHAN REPRESENTATIVE

Overall this strategy not only attempts to have a real impact on one community, but to influence the citywide upgrading process, through the creation of a space of dialogue and negotiation, in which the exchange of knowledge positively influences the way decisions are made. Through this mechanism, the communities involved in the process of regularisation will be active and visible agents of the transformation.

Round tables give each person an equal right to participate. They are mechanisms to potentiate the cooperation between different public and private actors, and with that, promote their participation in the design and implementation of projects. During the process, the actors are able to collectively identify the existing built links between the communities and the surrounding areas, and visualize that the individual construction of the space has a unique sense of collectivity.

1

strategy1 Collage Š Report Group

CITY

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3

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FRAMING

s t r a t e g y 1 SPACES OF DIALOGUE

The newly created administrative Housing Units part of the Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction, will host this initiative as a way to guarantee the constant participation of the government in the process. The Round Table for Informal Settlements (RTIS) will set a regular number of sessions to follow, discuss and negotiate the steps of Circular 03. In each session the involved actors will have a say about the issues discussed and the agreements will be documented and widely shared. The participation of the private sector, the municipality, the communities, the academy and non- governmental organizations will guarantee that all interests are heard during the process and a common goal is shaped collectively.

ISSUE-BASED COMMUNITY NETWORK

Overall this collective process should give the communities the visibility they deserve breaking with that the cycle of exclusion.

KHAN & MUNICIPALITY

PRIVATE DEVELOPERS

SCENARIO: The absence of a garbage collection services is an issue that many communities face, altering the space of habitat and causing sanitation related problems. During the capacity building (meetings and workshops), the communities can implement activities for cleaning the canal and create new waste and garbage management systems.

NGOs and experts can help the communities to understand the importance of sanitation, giving support and advice on how to manage waste. This activity also involves the municipality and private developers to show the community’s concern on environment and infrastructure, which is the priority of the government and benefits all the actors.

Urban poor communities in the city centre are subject to forces of new developments. Their inability to retain their position and prove their existence is excluding them from the major plans for the city. Issues such as flooding, lack of income generation opportunities and the degradation of living spaces, makes the task of coping with the rapid growth of Cambodian urban centres, a challenge.

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Apart from the issues they are facing, some communities have strong structures within themselves, noticeable by the presence of saving groups, connected with CDF and other communities. Those already formed networks can act as entry points to transform their communities, making them visible and including them in the city-wide planning scheme.

Issue-based Community Networks are spaces established within settlements to propitiate internal knowledge sharing and encourage innovation. During the process different communities are able to transform specific problematics into opportunities allowing them to gain recognition and move 1 step ahead in the upgrading processes.

Alongside network building and negotiation, communities can start to organise themselves and gain recognition proving to the other actors that they are also capable of participating in the planning agenda of the city.

PLAN

3

EXAMPLE A. Community Plans to Reblock and Upgrade

UPGRADING PLAN COMMITTEE

1 facilitate

strategy2 Collage edited by Report Group

CDF

2

4 PRIVATE DEVELOPERS

KHAN & MUNICIPALITY

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FRAMING

s t r a t e g y 2 NETWORKS OF SUPPORT

The activities start with meetings between the saving group representatives from each community and CDF as a facilitator. The main outcome of this meetings is to find the common issues affecting the communities.

Through a series of workshops in each of the communities involved and transect walks around the area, the participants can have a better understanding of the bigger context and start to link through a visual experience their realities. Once identified the main issues, the communities as a joint force can start to build a plan to later share with the municipalities and potential private developers investing in the area, and with that guarantee that the problematics and proposals are heard and taken in account.

For many communities, canals and other open water sources are the only available spaces for settling and acquiring some level of security and stability. At the same time, the planning agenda of many Cambodian cities includes efforts to reduce climate change, achieve city beautification and improve public spaces. In many cases, this results in the relocation of communities to distant destinations, detached from their former lives and cities.

SS ALIGNED VISION

COMMUNITY

S

4_ Strategic alliances can be made between privates, municipalities and communities to guarantee the construction of the public spaces and of the living spaces.

3

2

1

73

74 Link visions Visualize the potential

Increase awareness Acknowledging the benefit of relocation in certain situations this strategy tries to propose an alternative to traditional upgrading processes using public spaces as the element able to link the shared visions of the communities and the authorities.

Although the community’s placement on canals and other types of public land is part of what drives the relocation, it also offers a distinct opportunity for moving ahead in the planning of the city, by linking the desire of the municipalities to improve infrastructure and city networks and the right of the communities to a place in the urban areas.. The canal works as a catalyst for transformation since it represents a potential public space for the local authorities and a source of income and a part of the identity of the community.

COMMON PLAN

3_ Local universities and NGOs help the community to better understand the potential of the new space and design the housing and communal spaces in a process of collaboration and knowledge exchange.

While relocation is not always desirable,depending on the physical attributes of the settlements themselves, slum clearing and rebuilding is sometimes more desirable for the beneficiaries than receiving land tenure in situ, due to real improvement in conditions and economic gain (Mukhija, 2001).

3

2_ Since a new public space would be able to attract tourism and commercial opportunities, the community visualizes new livelihood opportunities. In response, the design of the urban spaces and of the houses themselves should incorporates these opportunities, productive spaces should be contemplated, guarantying with that a constant source of income for the families. .

MUNICIPALITY

Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun Š Nathalia Mosquera

Overall this strategy tries to strengthen the role the state has in the task of providing better options for all of its inhabitants.

The active participation of the municipalities not only guarantees that the city is going to acquire a new public space but it reinforce the relationship of the urban poor with the environment in which they are living and of the municipalities with their inhabitants by including them in the city plans.

f r a m i n g

FRAMING VISIONS

s t r a t e g y 3 THROUGH PUBLIC SPACE

1_ The first stage increases the awareness of the community about their position in a broader context and identifies the issues and opportunities they have.Through a series of workshops the community and the local authority start to visualize the potential of the canal. At the same time, the local authority begins to sync the public space planning with infrastructure planning for the city.

T

A TR

MACRO

S

S

IE EG

SPACE OF DIALOGUE

MICRO

MESO

SHORT TERM

This diagram collocates three strategies proposed in a system based on time and scale to create a dynamic and fluid discourse that can help to reach a gradual though continuous city upgrade.

MEDIUM TERM

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Cambodia is a country with a tumultuous past that has survived decades of warfare, shifting regimes and uncertainty. The urban environment is a reflection of this history. Through this report we have documented that Cambodia is presently in the early stages of transition which leaves a great deal of uncertainty about the future of Cambodia, and in particular, the future of the urban poor.

The strategies we have proposed attempt to respond to this question while negotiating our theoretical and practical understanding of the Cambodian context. Building upon the guidelines that emerged from our key findings from the sites, they have found ways to capitalize on some of the key opportunities, while addressing pressing issues in order to advance a more just and inclusive transformation for the city. The first, framing spaces of dialogue, capitalizes on innovations within the MLMUPC and proposes multi-actor round tables to promote participation in the design and implementation of projects. Next, framing networks of support, capitalizes on existing community networks to form issue-based groups to encourage knowledge-sharing and gain platforms for negotiation. Finally, framing visions through public space capitalizes on a shared desire for new, quality public space to negotiate more favorable relocation options for the community with the local authority. Together, these strategies combine to provide an approach for a city-wide strategy to improve the conditions of not only poor communities, but all citizens.

NETWORKS

PUBLIC SPACES

o

Although the result of this transition is yet to be determined and many issues faced by the urban poor seem to be growing in scale and severity, we have also uncovered many opportunities for growth and transformation since transition provides an enabling space for transformation. The question that we uncovered through our analysis of Cambodia in transition was: Can shifting identities, new political and economic influences and the emerging spatial conditions in Cambodia frame opportunities for transformation?

3 75

c

LONGTERM

time

The way these strategies interact is both by building upon one another and acting progressively. By operating at different levels and in different timescales, they cover the breadth of scenarios and work towards radical change. The understanding that city-wide upgrading requires approaches that focus on the local conditions and some that address a broader scale, such as the spaces of dialogue. There is also a need for more long term, big picture approaches as well as more short-term or initial activities, such as the strategy of framing visions through public space. In conclusion, we believe that these strategies, derived from our analysis of Cambodia as a complex heterogeneous environment, complement our understanding of transformation as a dynamic process that produces radical change over time. As Cambodia continues to enter this period of transition, Cambodians have the opportunity to take charge of their future. We hope that through collective action, flexible and incremental work and increased transparency, they can guide the processes of transformation to produce a more just and equitable reality for all Cambodians.

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C i t y w i d e U P G R A D I N G

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figures

Figure 1 _ ©GroupReport Figure 2 _ © CDF Figure 3 _ © Nathalia Mosquera Figure 4 _ © Deborah Navarra Figure 5 _ Edited by Jiaqi Zhang Figure 6 _ © Deborah Navarra Figure 7 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 8 _ © Report Group Figure 9 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 10 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 11 _ Level and structure of Cambodia government Figure 12 _ © Bente Madson Figure 13 _ table A Figure 14 _ table B Figure 15 _ © ReportGroup Figure 16 _ © ReportGroup Figure 17 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 18 _ © Boeung Chuk Meanchey Group Figure 19 _ © Deborah Navarra Figure 20 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 21 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 22 _ edited by Nathalia Mosquera Figure 23 _ © Group Report Figure 24_ © Dong Yang

1 1 8 10 10 12 14 17 20 22 24 25 26 26 28 29 30 32 33 35 37 38 39 45

Figure 25 _ © Jenna Helal Figure 26 _ Map Sites Locations Figure 27 _ © Nathalia Mosquera Figure 28 _ © Nathalia Mosquera Figure 29 _ © Jiaqi Zhang Figure 30 _ © SG2 Figure 31 _ © Deborah Navarra Figure 32 _ © SG3 Figure 33 _ © Deborah Navarra Figure 34 _ © Dong Yang Figure 35 _ © Report Group Figure 36 _ edited by Report Group Figure 37 _ © Nathalia Mosquera Figure 38 _ © Report Group

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APPENDIX

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BU3: THE MODULE AS A WHOLE a4 pre-field a5 field-work a5 post-field a5 METHODOLOGY a5

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BeoungVengReikChomReoun a10 BoeungChukMeanchey a16 AnglongKnganSettlement a22

CambodiaLectures a28 ActorsDiagrams a30 Field visits in and around the outskirts of Phnom Penh a36

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BU3:

THE

MODULE

AS

A

WHOLE

This module is a studio-based practice that relates to development, urban design and building processes, with the opportunity of testing the methodology and theory of building and urban design through real case scenarios.

The module ran across three core parts, which covered the process of research through design and gradually developed these skills through the given case studies in Bangkok, Thailand and Brescia, Italy, and later employed and tested these skills through field-work in Cambodia.

a4

The case of Bangkok

The case of Brescia

Part one covered a research understanding through the case of Bangkok, Thailand, looking at three different given sites; Nang Loeng, Rama IV and Bang Bua, with the aim of creating design approaches which were tested as a programmatic attempt to strategically create a transformative potential of various interventions at the physical and non-physical level. The research was divided into six phases:

Part two was an operation that covered ‘Thinking doing Brescia’ and interpreted the city through six memos from Italo Calvino; lightness, quickness, exactitude, visibility, multiplicity and consistency. Working on three different sites the task was to ‘observe’ and ‘document’ the urban social phenomena and occurrences in the given areas, with the aim of exploring possible catalytic and strategic interventions that highlight, mobilise, and transform existing social activities.

Phase 1/2- Mapping the Territory & Socio-spatial Constructs Phase 3-

Interpretive Responses

Phase 4- Design Principles and Guidelines

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Our methodology works around a systematic framework with the aim of understanding Cambodia’s rapid evolution of contested spaces in order to identify spaces of opportunity and potential strategies towards a socially just and inclusive socio-spatial transformation. How is Cambodia transforming in a time of transition?

p r e - f i e l d

In order to get a full grasp on all three sites in Cambodia we were broken down into report groups and site groups, this organisation allowed each report group to think across the different sites which allows to further ground the overall research question into specific localities. Our first aim was to analyze Cambodia in a time of transition through data collection, readings, research and a series of lectures given about Cambodia, elaborating on the different partners, and actors present in Cambodia. The analysis includes our group’s understandings of transition through specific lenses we think capture and are shaping Cambodia, with possible suggestions of ‘lines of strategies’ and proposals addressing the specific case. Furthermore we created action plans that were a set of developed tools that helped guide our research on site In Cambodia.

f i e l d - w o r k

In Cambodia we were divided across three sites, working along with CDF and CANCAM members, representatives from land and management and Khmer university students in order to help communicate with other people through the language barriers, and also pass on their knowledge and experiences, incrementally build a strong understand of Cambodia, and gain resourceful information from governmental officials and community leaders and residents. This was done across official meetings, lectures from the UN-Habitat, Land and Urban ministry and other representatives, along with regular site visits and community workshops.

p o s t - f i e l d

After the field trip we further developed our understanding and integrated the information we obtained before and during the field-work in order to complete our critical investigation, design and planning strategy development, and elaborating on a strategic intervention for the three different cases. Furthermore the process was gradually investigated through defining and redefining, building and rebuilding an incremental understanding of Cambodia’s transformation in a time of transition.

The case of Cambodia

Phase 5- Individual Responses

From London we commenced with the preparation for the fieldwork in Cambodia through lectures, readings and research to develop a critical analysis and ground Phase 6- Collated Strategies our definition of transformation in a time of transition. This operation was taken on Through the research we focused and developed our understanding through site and developed into the accumulation of this report. specific lenses; embodiment, environment, housing, livelihoods and public/private.

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© Dong Yang

© Dong Yang

D e t a i l s F r o m S i t e s

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site1

Boeung VengReikChomReoun

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Boeung Chuk Manchey

site3 Š sketches by Dong Yang

Anlong Knagan

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Main Findings

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The main issue the community is facing is insecure land tenure and the fear of eviction, although there seems to be no immediate action from the authority.

The community is located right on the canal, which is public and sandwiched between private lands. Because of that location, in the rainy season, almost all households are severely flooded above the floor level; the water surface will reach nearly 3m from the ground. Many households manage this issue by using a bed to make the floor higher, and using boats for transportation.

However, the proximity to the market benefits the community by providing opportunities for income generation. There is no proper management for toilets and garbage, which is another issue for the community, polluting the canal substantially. The community has already started saving since 2014, with the involvement of nearly half of the community.

Data a10

Location: Kampong Thom is situated in the heart of Cambodia along national road No. 6A, 168 km from Phnom Penh. With an excellent transportation infrastructure, the province has a very advantageous business location for both domestic and international trade, being only a two and a half hour drive from Phnom Penh, a two hour drive from Siem Reap, and a two and a half hour drive from the Vietnam border near Memot. The Beoung Veng community is living along the usable canal.

Area: 15,061 km2 Population: 702,711 persons Number of communities: 73 (14 families in the Beoung Veng community)

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Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

Main Economic Activity

The income is varied from household to household ($1-7/day) but it is common that unstable income generation makes the community’s life difficult. The members working in the market relatively get stable income, and carry jobs such as: Market sellers: Vegetable, Pork, Cooked Food Motor Taxi Drivers Construction workers

Infrastructure and Services

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Water/Electricity: The municipality’s water supplying network does not cover all households in the community. Most of the households buy the water in tanks, weekly or monthly from the household, which is connected to the municipality’s network. Electricity is also in same situation. It takes around $2.5-5/month for water and $5-7 for electricity.

Toilet/Garbage: There is no drainage in the community. According to the community survey we did, some of them have the space for toilet in their house, but wastes will directly be thrown to the canal. As for garbage management, there is no collective garbage collection system in the community. Despite the fact that some of the members earn some money from recycling bottles and iron, mostly garbage is directly thrown away on the ground and in the canal.

The Local Authority (mayor)

CDF seems to have a good relationship between the local authorities. The authority is keen on the comprehensive development especially focusing on the beautification of the city. Clean City Competition is the country-level strategy to upgrade cities in order to attract more and more tourists. In that context, the authority wants to clean up the canal where the community is located. The authority also wants to improve water sanitation systems, which cover the whole municipality. However, they still do not have a master plan for the city, which should enable them to upgrade the city as a whole.

Housing Typologies Most houses are a raised-floor-style of house with wooden structures covered by plastic or metal roofs. The walls of houses are mainly metal and board. Many houses have bamboo floor boarding aligned side by side with a remaining gap between each bamboo, which allows water to seep through in the rainy seasons, causing damage to the floors. The bottom of the house is used for keeping chickens, hanging hammocks and storing boats. In some parts of the settlement where the water surface is relatively high, there is a timber-made bridge which enables people to move without walking on the flooded ground.

Land and Land Tenure

The involvement of CDF The Community Development Foundation (CDF) has significantly been involved in the informal settlements located in Kampong Thom province. 16 communities in the province have joined the Community Saving Networks Cambodia (CSNC) and have saved until 2009.

workshops

Main Strategy Proposed While on Site Our strategy on the site was channelling the community’s interests to the existing authority’s vision. We identified both the city government’s vision and the community’s need, and realised they are not far from each other, but necessary to be linked. In order to activate the strategy, we took the following steps.

Identifying the issues Identifying the needs/priorities Identifying the political agenda of the authority Critical observations Co-producing the knowledge with community members Materializing knowledge into strategies Re-materialising knowledge into strategies / visibility and autonomy

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More concretely, we propose two alternative plans for relocation, which were produced by working with the community. One is on-site upgrading setting back from the canal, and the other is buying the land 15 minutes walking from the current settlement. In both plans, playgrounds and public spaces are set, and each household will contain an individual toilet. Garbage collection points will be set in front of every house, and a collective garbage system will be implemented. With regards to onsite housing upgrading, a dream house activity was conducted in order to find out people’s priorities for housing. Several points were proposed such as a cooking space outside of the house, and a toilet and showering space in the separate block.

No one in the community has secured land tenure. Although there seems to be no fear of immediate forced eviction, the municipality has proposed a new relocation site, 70km far away from the current site. It is impossible to obtain land tenure on the canal.

Saving/Community’s Solidarity

14 households out of the total of 32 households have already joined the savings group, which started in 2014. Each family seems to save 5000R per month for future upgrading of the community. It is fair to say that the community is well organised and helps one another. In each activity, at least around 20 people joined and actively engaged themselves in the activity.

Location and Livelihood The proximity to the market can be said that it is the most significant factor for the community. The survey reveals that most households are getting income from the market by selling food. Some families catch crickets by creating simple tools, using electric light and plastic sheets.

Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

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A Journal of Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun 07/05/2015 Critical Observation (introduction to the community) 05/05/2015 Day 1 Identifying the Needs and Priorities 4pm: meeting with the community leader and other members of community 8am: first observation of the community

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This is the first meeting of Kompong Thom province group. Each one of us We arrived at Boeung community and held a big group meeting with community introduced ourselves, as well as the community leader and two members of the leader and a couple of local residents. community. Through this meeting, we discovered the two main issues that the 10am: visit to the relocation site community cares about; the authenticity and lack of information, and the cleaning 12am: understanding the community/community mental mapping of the canal (sanitation and garbage). We found that the potentialities of this 2pm: interactive community surveys community would be on site upgrading and central location.

Main findings from today

06/05/2015 Day 2 Identifying the Political Agenda 7am - 1pm: departure from Phnom Penh to Kompong Thom province

issues: Living conditions (flooding, toilet, garbage, structure), lack of information and transparency, and security and land title conflicts potentialities: resilience, people’s involvement, available land flexibility and incrementally

In this early morning we took the van to go to the province. Combining with the former days’ experience in Cambodia, we got used to the living environment there 08/05/2015 Co-production of Knowledge such as the hot weather, the delicious food and the kind people. Because we are 8am: dream house, dream community the only group that left Phnom Penh, the teachers and classmates provided enough encouragement for us in order to overcome every difficult problem. Nevertheless We interview the residents and acquire the information of their dream house firstly, and then we are divided into three groups and begin to make the dream to say, everyone was curious about the province. house models. The process of cooperation is funny. Most members of this 2pm: meeting at the municipality community take a part in this activity, the children and adults make the different The vice mayor held a meeting for us at the municipality. Basic information of types of dream house models with our help.

Kompong Thom province was introduced, and later build on through questions such as; ‘what is the five-year strategy of Kompong Thom’; ‘what is the trend of 11am: transect walk development here’.

2pm: visit to the Cadastral office After that, we start to produce different proposals with physical materials. Each 4pm: visiting two different communities and the museum of the province After the meeting, we visited two communities as well as the museum in Kampong group prepare a long paper to present our thoughts and at last we hold the Thong, which helped us to know more about this province’s history and situation. presentation together.

09/05/2015 Materialising Knowledge into Strategies 8am: pre-presentation 4pm: presentation to the community Today we had the final presentation with the community in Kampong Thong. After working with them for two days, we summarised our main findings and we provided some recommendations for improving the design of their houses and the space of their community. Additionally, we were also able to offer them advice in terms of savings, inviting them to continue to save and to get more people to do the same.

We felt very proud and satisfied by the work we – the community and us- were able to produce in just two days. Equally, seeing community members presenting their work to others, their enthusiasm, and their kindness and hospitality has truly been a touching and inspiring experience. In spite the barrier languages and the difficulty in obtaining information, we were able to communicate with each other and produce and collect information that is going to be useful for all the actors involved in this process: the community, CDF, CAN-CAM, the Khmer students, the Kampong Thong municipality and the BUDD students.

We were able to produce 3D models of the dream houses of the community and explore several options (each with multiple alternatives) of settlement upgrading.

Additionally, we developed an alternative methodology for the exploration, to discover possible resettlement sites that are not far away from the city, which is understood to be of vital importance for the livelihood of the inhabitants of the community.

The main message that came across is the importance of starting to save collectively as well as the necessity to share common spaces, and expenses such as toilets, in order to bring the prices down and be able to achieve the dream of obtaining secure housing, and land tenure in a collective and gradual process, by helping each other to achieve a same goal.

10/05/2015 Re-materialising Knowledge/Visibility and Autonomy 8am: preparing the presentation with the community 4pm: presentation by members of the community to the municipality

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Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

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Main Findings URBAN CONTEXT: The site is close to the National Highway 1, but still somewhat cut-off from, as the access road is too narrow to let cars through, and the site is not visible from the road. The community has a â&#x20AC;&#x153;public faceâ&#x20AC;? along the main road, but most of the houses hide behind this, with no access from any other side.

SPATIAL CONFIGURATION: The community is a somewhat isolated cluster of houses bordered by a brick wall to the north, a swamp (leading to an empty lot) to the west, a canal to the south and a small road to the west. The house sizes gradually decrease from east to west.

COMMON SPACES: The main road on the eastern edge of the community is the primary common space for the community. This space bleeds into the shops that line the road and the yard of the Village leader on the other side (which represents the main common space for both BCMT2 and BCNiroth). The only other common spaces are the stoops of individual houses that are often occupied by their inhabitants, and although the paths are too precarious to act as real public spaces, the houses are often so close together that people can easily interact from their stoops.

NEIGHBORING CONNECTIONS: The community has close ties to the neighboring community of Boeung Chuk Niroth, and is close with the CSNC. The diverse livelihoods tie it into the broader fabric of the city. As for nearby neighbors, it does not have a good relationship with the High School (that owns the community land) and its only interface with the huge development nearby is with the market, for the construction workers of the development.

RESILIENCE From the beginning, the community chose to build their houses over water, and had thus always implemented typical flooding coping strategies such as stilt houses, and the ability to move their belongings to higher ground when necessary. However, the last couple years of significant nearby landfilling have produced extreme flooding that the community can no longer cope with. Diversity of livelihoods and a relatively close and well-organized community does provide some social resilience.

History: In 1979, the land, as well as land throughout Cambodia, is under collective ownership through land solidarity as imposed by the Vietnamese-backed Communist government. It is a sparsely populated lake, home to some subsistence farmers, at the time. In 1982, Chbar Ampov High School borrows the land to let students plant vegetables and shortly thereafter, receives the land title. The plot size is 3375 square meters.

Location: Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 community is situated along the National Highway 1 and is in close proximity to the city center of Phnom Penh.

Number of communities: 1 Number of houses: 34

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

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Main Economic Activities Construction workers Food sellers at a nearby market Security guards Factory workers Taxi drivers Car drivers Laundress Two home-shops, and one barbershop inside the settlement

Economies and Finances

The Community started saving on 25 December 2005. There are currently 37 families in the savings group with a total amount of savings of 570,000 Riel. Every house in the community is part of the community savings group, but some homeowners have more than one house, some do not live in the community and nearly all the renters in the community (except for one) are not members of the community savings group.

Housing Typologies The housing materials are mostly wood, metal plates and some waste materials.

Their houses are more fragile with poor sanitation conditions, such as garbage accumulated under and around the houses. Moreover, for some of the houses the structure is nearly broken.

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a19 Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

Infrastructure and Services Most of families have their own toilet, otherwise they use few common toilets outside their house Water and Electricity is present The drainage system is damaged due to significant nearby landfilling The access road is too narrow to let cars through, and the site is not visible from the road, while, the pathway inside the community is very poor.

A new plan for the Khan is being developed, the main priorities being, environment and infrastructure.

Land and Land Tenure The land title is owned by the high school nearby and was used for planting vegetation as part of a student practice. There are no land titles for community.

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

Main Strategies Proposed While on Site Clarifying and improving the existing information of the community, making the information visible and comprehensive, and increasing self-awareness of community through the production of a community book Understand the needs, identify problems and opportunities, sharing ideas for community upgrading Help the community understand their options, negotiate their preferences to arrive at a common vision Master plan options for reblocking Develop ideas and a master plan, providing alternatives for upgrading Improving community connections to the new Khan, begin negotiations for inclusion in city-wide planning and upgrading Create a plan to improve infrastructure and the environment, involving the community, Khan, municipality, and private developer

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

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Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

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2001

2015

past

present

se s ere rnt n a e r n ent

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History: 2001 two fires swept through the informal settlement of Bassac and ChbarAmpeoui, located on each side of the Bassac river which destroyed over 3,000 family homes · Location: Anlong Kngan settlement is located 15km away from Phnom Penh city centre in Sensok Ty 5 Village, which is in Sensok district. · Number of communities: 4; SenRikReay, SenPonlur 1, SenPonlur 2, and Sensabay community · Number of households and families: 486 ANLONG S E T T LKAGAN E M E N

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30-32 m c.a

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a ne r a sett e ent

Main Findings Urban Context: although this relocation site is isolated from the rest of the city, the area has developed as a city within itself. Showing interdependence between the communities and its activities.

Spatial Configuration: density is a treasure for the community. The density, typological diversity and intricacy of the site open the possibility for blurred boundaries between the public and private spaces.

Porosity: the site has multiple levels of porosity according to its different typology nature and approaches the community has towards the rest of the settlement.

Moreover the settlement has different accessibility characteristics; some are in better conditions with paved streets, while the community along the canal is less accessible and more vulnerable.

Social Networks: is constantly encouraged due to the physical proximity of people living within the community. From our findings people have good relationships with their neighbors.

Generations: the kids play an important part in the future generation of the community. They have the potential power to embody the future change of the community.

The Pond: is a potential to create spaces of opportunity with multiple functions.

Nowadays the lake is exploited to grow vegetables that are weekly sold at the local market. The lake has the potential to host other kinds of activities to sustain people’s livelihoods.

Common Spaces: the communal life works around tree structures; the pond as an income generating source, the streets and the immediate spaces in front of the houses with wooden platforms for possible social encounters.

140-145 m c.a

MARKET

king narodom sihamoni housing health center primary school informal communities

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

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roads main roads

675 m c.a.

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

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Main Economic Activities

workshops

Construction and garment workers Tuk-tuk drivers 35 shops are located around the community façade with convenience stores, restaurants, mechanics, barbers, and tailors 10 street vendors located around the outskirts of the settlement 8 shops inside the settlement Growing of vegetables in the pond to sell at the market Home-based food production individually sold

WHAT WE GOT FROM THE COMMUNITY WORKSHOPS workshop 1_UNDERSTANDING DOMESTIC SPACES HOUSE DIMENSION:

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

ORIGINAL (today)

4m x 6m = 24 m2

‘DREAM’ HOUSE

4m x 15m = 60 m2

‘WORKSHOP outcome’ HOUSE

13.6m x 7.8m = 106 m2

Land and Land Tenure ‘NEGOTIATIATED’ HOUSE

Land belonged to Ministry of Agriculture Huge amounts of people who already got the land title sold their land to the outsiders Original residents squatted at the land owned by the health center The upraise of a new informal settlement The first steps of circular 3 have been implemented on this settlement; Data collection, Identification, mapping and classification of land, and census of households and household members

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DRAINAGE

FILL THE CANAL FILLE THE POND

Economies and Finances

A number of families live under the same roof sharing one toilet, some have Community saving groups are present in the community but are not well established due to lack of trust, no sense of belonging, and no collective action a communal toilet outside their house present.

Water and Electricity is present Poor drainage networks that clog during rainy seasons and cause flooding Concrete roads found in some areas, other areas have narrow poor roads The city on a bigger scale has a hospital, school and a market and has better Housing Typologies housing conditions with paved roads The west side of the settlement has better housing conditions that are not prone to flooding. Shop houses and 2 story houses are present with better housing materials such as concrete, bricks and wood. While the east side community by the canal is more vulnerable to flooding, with recyclable housing material such as zinc. Their houses are more fragile with poor sanitation conditions, such as garbage accumulated under and around the houses.

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COMMON SPACES

workshop 2_UPGRADING PRIORITIES

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

Infrastructure and Services

4m x 8m = 32 m2

GARDEN STUDY ROOM DRYNING CLOTHES PARKING/OPEN SPACE

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

PROPER ROADS

GARBAGE

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SPACES

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Main Strategy Proposed While on Site Our aim is to activate self-sufficient attitude to create A sense of belonging Build a collective platform in order to establish strong networks and work upon a collaborative objective Establish a connection between the settlement and the rest of the city Create an organic urban porous system Activate the community by implementing various proposals Re-activate saving groups Share construction skills Co-operating drainage implementation Sharing common spaces Preserving park regeneration Co-operating co-op/associations Collective garbage collection Re-blocking the settlement City-wide upgrading scale Alternative Structure Connections established between the communities with the rest Collaborative Platforms and Tools

STAGE 1

common services

garden within the community

people with land title ‘public’ land (ministry of health)

STAGE 3

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around 140 buildings will be involved in the upgrading

HEALTH CENTRE

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North

around 204 buildings will be involved in the upgrading

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

North

North

ROAD

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

ROAD

ROAD

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

HEALTH CENTRE

STAGE 5

ROAD

EMPTY PLOT

EMPTY PLOT

pond upgrading

STAGE 4

ROAD

ROAD

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

people without land title

STAGE 2

ROAD

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ROAD

reblocking

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ROAD

sharing knowledge

co-op / associations

INTERDEPENDENCE BETWEEN THE COMMUNITIES AND THE ENTIRE SITE

ROAD

drainage implementation

construction skills

ROAD

park regenaration

ROAD

collection of garbage

saving groups

of the relocation site.

The site has been developed as a city itself.

ACTIVATE COMMUNITY

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ROAD

North

around 100 buildings will be involved in the upgrading

North

around 38 buildings will be involved in the upgrading

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

C a m b o d i a L e c t u r e s

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Mr. Sok Vanna UN-Habitat Cambodia The overview of this lecture looks at how the UN and NGOs are partnering with the government, what their role is, and the growing urbanism in Cambodia.

It explains the main urban challenges of Cambodia such as: Limited urban Development policy Unequal urban development Unplanned urban growth Urban infrastructure, Insufficient capacity for urban management Planning data for the future It further goes on into city upgrading government policies and strategies, briefly introducing Circular 03, Rectangular strategy, and the National Policy on Housing. Concluding on the key role of the UN agency with the government ministers and other NGOs on urban and human settlement development.

ACHR/CAN This lecture was based on a research project that was conducted, an overview of what was implemented, and feedback on the important learning from working as a community architect. It goes into detail to explain the participatory design processes and tools that are used when working with a community such as, survey and mapping to understanding the community and workshops to link the people, allow them to be creative and to share their knowledge and information. Other examples of workshops were explained such as, making the a model house which is useful for people to visualize their dream house, and later going into detail in studying the financial cost of the house to reach an understanding of how this can be implemented through saving groups.

In general it goes over strategic ways in how plans of actions can be performed on site and approaches and processes that can initiate slum upgrading.

People a center: Base Development Housing and Planning Policies, insights from and the Role of NGOs and International Agencies

Historical development: economic, social and cultural, political in Cambodia that effects on the urban transformation and development

“Your Life is Organic”

History, mission, activities of CDF in Cambodia

Community Saving Network Cambodia (CSNC) Information of urban poor, Phnom Penh Why are they poor?

Urban growth in Cambodia Political issues National and regional networks City wide survey and mapping by people Upgrading solutions Mr. Kem Ley Cambodia’s political history Sustainable and proactive dialogue mechanism Institutionalized partnership Trends of Cambodia economy Cambodia economic growth Public investment Cambodia poverty rate and vulnerability History, mission, activities of CDF in Cambodia UPDF/CDF/ACCA Community fund of Asia Urban poor development fund Regional of community saving network of Cambodia National policy for community Main activities of CSNC/CDF Main programs of CDF ACCA in Cambodia

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A c t o r s D i a g r a m s

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ACCA _ Asian Coalition for Community Action ACHR _ Asian Coalition for Housing Rights ADB _ Asian Development Bank ADHOC _ Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association AHRC _ Asian Human Rights Commission ASEAN _ Association of Southeast Asian Nations AusAID _ Australian Agency for International Development BABC _ Bridges Across Borders Cambodia CAN _ Community Architects Network CAN-CAM _Community Architects Network – Cambodia CCHR _ Cambodian Centre for Human Rights CDC _ Council for the Development of Cambodia CDF _ Cambodian Development Fund CDP _ Cambodia Defenders Project CEDT _ Community Empowerment and Development Team CLEC _ Community Legal Education Center CNRP _ Cambodian National Rescue Party COHRE _ Centre of Housing Rights and Evictions CPP _ Cambodian People’s Party CRBD _ Cambodian Rehabilitation and Development Board CSNC _ Community Saving Network Cambodia FUNCINPEC _ National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia GIZ _ German Federal Enterprise for International Cooperation HFHC _ Habitat for Humanity Cambodia HRTF _ Housing Rights Task Force

HRW _ Human Rights Watch ICSO _ Indigenous Community Support Organization IIED _ International Institute for Environment and Development IMF _ International Monetary Fund IRC _ Inter-Ministerial Resettlement Committee JICA _ Japanese International Cooperation Agency LAC _ Legal Aid of Cambodia LICADHO _ Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights LICADHO _ Cambodian League for the Promotion Canada and Defence of Human Rights Canada LOCOA _ Leaders and Organizers of Community Organizations in Asia MGPP _ Municipal Government of Phnom Penh MLMUPC _ Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction MoSY _ Ministry of Sports and Youth PCL _ People for Care and Learning PIN _ People in Need RACHA _ Reproductive and Child Health Alliance SIDA _ Swedish International Development Cooperation STT _ Sahmakum Teang Tnaut SUPF _ Solidarity for the Urban Poor Federation UCL _ University College London UN-Habitat _ United Nations Human Settlements UNDP _ United Nations Development Programme UPDF _Urban Poor Development Fund USG _ Urban Sector Group WB _ World Bank

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Credit: Report group

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Credit: Report group

© Jenna Helal

© Jenna Helal

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© Jenna Helal

© Jenna Helal

Field visits the outskirts

in of

and around Phnom Penh

2/5/2015_ PRETAKONG 1 and the WHITE BUILDING The second day after our arrival to Cambodia, we visited one community named Pretakong 1.

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On the way back to the hotel, we walked through one community living in the historic apartment block which is known as the White Building, built as a low-cost housing project under King Sihanouk in 1963. The building is situated in the center of the city and is a five minute walk from Aeon shopping mall which is the biggest shopping mall in Phnom Penh. Despite the name, the color of the building has been changed to grey, creating a mysterious atmosphere because of its unmaintained condition, growing trees and vegetation covering the its walls. The ground floors of many apartments are used as shop spaces, selling daily products, food, canteen, hair salons and so on. Currently, it is said that more than 600 families are living in the apartments but they at the same time are facing the fear of the eviction from the private sectors.

The linear community is behind the main road and faces the lake, which is not completely filled, but covered by green vegetation. Some people from the community were cultivating vegetation from the fields adjacent. As we reached the end of the community, some people were loading the vegetation onto motor bikes to later sell their products at the local markets.

Š Deborah Navarra

Š Deborah Navarra

Š Nathalia Mosquera

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fieldVisits 3/5/2015_ CHUNG RUK and ANDONG COMMUNITY Leaving Samaki community, we visited the next community, Andong Community.

PCL and CDF have been involved in the community for over years, we had a meeting at the community center built by PCL located in the center of the community. The community has been expanding since it settled, with a population increase from 444 families to 1,039 families over 9 years. There are only 777 housing plots in the community so more than 200 families are living in public land and on the canal.

After the first session at CDTC we split into two groups and headed out toward different settlements around Phnom Penh.

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One group started the visit from Samaki Community where it is just one minute walk from CDTC. More than 600 families are living in the settlement. Many of them were the fire victims moved from Bandos Vichea in 2001. There was a market with a blue roof built in 2006 by the support of the government and the Community Architects Network. The market was organized by the community leader who assigned each 4Ă&#x2014;4m selling plot. The sellers do not need to pay for their plots except for 1,000R/year for garbage collection.

The community has been supported by UPDF in on-site upgrading, such as housing upgrading and livelihood opportunities based on saving group schemes.

PCL is also the NGO, which is heavily involved in the community development. They are now about to launch new settlements situated close to the existing community.

As we walked around, we saw many flooded lands. When they build a house on this site, they need to fill the land before the construction. It takes $15~20 to hire one truck for landfilling. Moreover, flooding in rainy seasons is the biggest issue for the community according to the community leader. Sometimes they have to evacuate to the city center because the living condition is extremely deteriorated.

Š Deborah Navarra

Š Deborah Navarra

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4/5/2015_ BOREI KEILA and ROUSREY

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The workshop officially started from this day. We left from the hotel in the early morning and headed out to the Royal University of Fine Arts. In this afternoon, after the resourceful lecture, we had another community visit. One of our group visits, Borie Keila community, which is located in 20 minutes walking from Phnom Penh central market.

Borei Keila community was once known as a pioneering land-sharing project agreed among Borie Keila slum community, the municipality and private developers.

The agreement was that the developer and the community would share the land, and the community will receive 10 blocks of apartments. Each family was supposed to be given 4Ă&#x2014;12m flats completely free, while receiving the allowance from the developer who was supposed to get a huge profit from the project. However, as the land price escalated, the developer broke the agreement when the 8th building was finished.

The second visit was Rousrey Community, which is at the back of the French Embassy. The female community leader invited us and had a small chat while walking around the settlement. This community was the first to be self-upgraded with the support from SUPF (Solidarity and Urban Poor Federation). The community mapped themselves and identified the issue they faced. As they had already started a saving scheme from 1998, they were able to contribute $500 by themselves for constructing underground drainage systems. Actually, the living conditions of this settlement looked much better than the previous settlements we had visited.

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We visited the community leaderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s home and had a short meeting. The flat had one separate bathroom space and was designed so that the owner could turn it into a loft later. From our observations, the inside of the apartments such as stairs and corridors were fairly clean in comparison with the outside environment, which was full of garbage. While people living in the flats seemed to be fairly satisfied with the condition, the landscape behind of the apartments struck us a lot. Lots of poorconditioned shacks with plastic roof spread to the ground. We walked through that area and it was almost impossible to see the ground without any kind of garbage scattered around. People, children, clothes, the smell of cooking, garbage, dogs, chickens and numerous flies...too many things flooded our sense all at once. Š Deborah Navarra

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© Jenna Helal

© Anlong Kngan group

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TRANSFORMATION IN A TIME OF TRANSITION CAMBODIA