18
erritorial
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet John Studley
H
istorically, territorial cults were common in the three regions of ibet (chol khar gsum) and epitomised association with a particular locality and formed an important part of religious life and ibetan identity. They have, however, acquired new significance in contemporary ibet and ‘play a role in affirming identity’ ( armay 1998, 447). They are one of the main ways in which place comes to have a direct bearing on the identity of individuals and communities. This appears to be equally true of a single place or as a common reference for all ibetan people (Buffetrille and iemberger 2002). erritorial cults are not protected under hinese law and would be considered a despised form of ‘superstition’. However, as a spontaneously recovered folk practice they lie outside the scope of state control (Schwartz 1994) and parallel the revival of folk religion in rural hina ( ai 2003). This phenomenon is illustrated in this chapter from cognitive research the author conducted in astern ham and provides evidence that place attachment is not only important to most ibetans but that territorial cults are an integral part of place reclaiming in the face of the civilising propensities of outsiders. ntroduction ttachment to place is profound, ongoing and dynamic … initiatives related to cultural landscapes offer an invaluable opportunity to address issues relating to social, spiritual and ecological alienation and disenfranchisement, both in urban and rural areas, and both among emplaced and displaced peoples. (P P, n.d.)
Specific qualities of landscape infuse a site with a sense of place that has been forged and maintained out of a very intimate relationship and place-attachment between indigenous people and their ‘topocosm’ ( aster 1961, 17). s a complex multidimensional phenomenon, sense of place has not been holistically defined in the literature (Jorgensen and Stedman 2006). There is some agreement, however, that sense of place addresses: • ‘Relations, perceptions, attitudes, values, and a world view that affectively attaches people and place’ ( an Xu 1995); • ‘Experiential, toponymic, numinous and narrative’ elements (Raffan 1992, 379); • ‘Biophysical, psychological, socio-cultural, political and economic’ dimensions (Ardoin 2006, 112); • ‘Cognitive, affective (emotional) and conative (behavioural)’ components (Casakin and Billig 2009, 821).
220
ultural andscapes
There is also agreement that any loss of sense of place can result in ‘humiliation, distress, alienation and rootlessness’ ( an Xu 1995). Place attachment is integral to sense of place ( ajete 1995) and the literature places an emphasis on place attachment in the following contexts: • Where national or group identity is bound to the environment, either specific forests or landscapes or idealised or imagined ones ( upta and erguson 1997); • As part of a post-modern turn to ‘other’ forest values that recognises attachment to place and may be linked to local wisdom ( eld and Basso 1996); • Where peoples, their cultures or environments are threatened or their identity deterritorialised (Mackenzie 2002); • In response to research in conservation psychology (Bott et al 2003).
The focus of this chapter1 is primarily on place attachment among ibetans in the face of landscape expropriation and attachment to numinous (spiritual/supernatural) territories. The introduction of natural resource interventions and land occupation affect not only local attitudes but also levels of place identity and attachment. This is because of strong ‘territorial’ implications when interventions are imposed by ‘outsiders’ and a perceived lack of local ‘control’ and ‘discontinuity’ (Bonaiuto et al 2002, 639). ocal people respond in a number of different ways; some will manifest negative attitudes and opposition towards the authorities, especially if there is a perceived political threat to local identity, which may lead to violence or the breakdown of society ( urnbull 1984). thers, however, are able to react, as a coping strategy, by increasing their level of identification with their own group and by increasing group cohesion, sense of place and place attachment. t is important, in the context of this chapter, to understand the distinction between place and location. espite their mobility, migratory peoples often have a strong sense of place. The placement of ibetan tents in a yul can create a sense of constant place-orientation at multiple locations ( anger 1953), and it would appear that ‘place-bonding’ (Proshansky 1978) emerges primarily from an interaction of cultural and natural setting and may function ‘transpatially’ ( eldman 1990) with loyalty to types of place or ‘place congruity’ (Hull 1992). Whilst the ibetan peoples have had a strong sense of national and cultural identity throughout much of their history ( armay 1996a; 1996b), what bound them together were certain commonalties of culture, religion and identity. ibetan farmers and nomads have had to continually remake place and maintain belonging in the face of exogenous forces that have attempted to assimilate their beliefs and culture. This process began with the arrival of ibetan Buddhism and was exacerbated by ‘ onfucianisation’, ‘Hanification’, ommunism, and the ‘Socialist market economy’. he Basis of ibetan dentity uring the mperial Period (circa 7th–9th centuries ), ibetans had a strong sense of national and cultural identity which was eulogised in the literature celebrating ibet’s topographic location,
1
n unabridged version of this chapter is available from: http://issuu.com/drjohn/docs/ter_ cults?mode=a_p.
erritorial
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
ig 18.1. ibetan nomads living in the
bala alley
221
in astern ham.
its natural beauty, purity and wildness as an abode of the gods and its centrality in relationship to ndia, ran, urkistan and Han hina ( armay 1994). The customs associated with territorial numina (yul lha) were an essential element in ibetan life and are place-based. They were fundamental for maintaining ‘sense of place’ and collective identity expressed in cultural, economic and political behaviour (Blondeau 2003) and a spiritually based ecological mind-set. Throughout much of their history what bound lay ibetans together were certain commonalities of culture, religion and ‘ ibetanness’ ( nand 2000, 271), which formed the basis of ibetan ‘ethnie’ (Hutchinson and Smith 1996, 6). n terms of commonalities of culture, participation in territorial (yul lha) cults was always important. These cults epitomise association with a particular place and form an important part of the religious life of most ibetan communities. The powerful sense of local belonging and identity, engendered by belonging to a ‘cult’, has to be manufactured and maintained on a regular basis ( amble 1997). The yul lha are protective deities associated with specific clans who come under their protection, and who bestow honour and blessing on the territory, people and political leadership ( iemberger 2002). They are numinous divinities who inhabit biophysical features of the landscape and are ‘controlled’ by a lha pa (shaman). The lha pa are responsible for maintaining harmony between humanity, the spirit world and nature. f the harmony is broken, the yul lha will allow malevolent numina to harm humankind with illness, floods or crop failure. The rites associated with yul lha do not involve Buddhist clergy, and represent a supremely important element underlying ibetan identity. The yul lha is worshipped as an ancestral and territorial divinity to ensure personal protection, the security of territory and abundance of
222
ultural andscapes
ig 18.2. la-btsas where yul-lha are honoured and territory numinised.
resources. Yul lha rituals take place daily at home and during communal mountain rituals which usually take place annually and are in sharp contrast to the Buddhist veneration of specific holy mountains. Yul lha worship attracts ibetan lay people and is concerned with the immanent world through the use of rituals. ypically during the communal rituals the yul lha are honoured and appeased through the building of wooden or stone cairns (see ig 18.2) on mountain or hillsides which are annually constructed in ceremonies varying according to the lunar calendar. The rituals include fumigation offerings, the scattering of wind horses, the planting of prayer flags or arrows and prayer to the yul lha. Through invocation, geospatially discrete territory is • evoked by the geographically ordered naming of land deities • ‘renuminised’ (Martins 2002, 99) linking sacred and political territory with physical correlates (Bauer 2009).
The aim of the ritual is to restore the relationship between the community and the yul lha and consists of both offerings and requests. The worshippers call on the yul lha for personal protection, the realisation of ambitions and fortune, the subduing of enemies, success in hunting and forgiveness for environmental degradation ( ross 1997). They regard the yul lha as a provider of blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny and power for the people and their political and religious leadership. uring the year the yul-lha circumnavigates the territory defining the community’s boundaries and resources. Participation in such a ritual implies total integration into the community, which in turn implies inherited social and political obligations, moral and individual responsibility, and an affirmation of communal solidarity in the face of external aggression. n lay ibetan culture, community is tied to a definite geospatial territory (Bauer 2009).
erritorial
ultural hreat and
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
223
evitalisation
Throughout the history of ibet there have been three main ‘civilising’ projects, Buddhism, onfucianism and ommunism, which have undermined place attachment and identity and have prompted lay ibetans to repeatedly reclaim place. The emergence of a powerful centralised ibetan monarchy patronising Buddhist monasticism dates from the 7th century . uring the course of 200 years, this monarchy expanded the frontiers of ibet from western hina to ashmir and northward into entral sia, but often to the detriment of indigenous culture and folk religion. This ongoing process of ‘Buddhisation’ (Buffetrille 1998, 18–34) resulted in the: • • • • • • • • • •
unseating of nobles and adherents of indigenous animistic beliefs ‘taming’ of indigenous divinities cultural assimilation of animistic peoples transformation of gender constructs cultural transformation of nature ‘denuminisation’ of mountains and forests loss of god and soul loss of national identity and any sense of belonging deterritorialising and displacement of yul lha undermining of Tibetan selfhood
Buddhisation has been augmented by official Han discourse which has further undermined indigenous culture and folk religion (Studley 2005). t was not until the 1980s, possibly as a result of the failures of assimilation, that official discourse provided some space for the recovery of folk practices. s a result many ethnic traditions, clan systems and customs were revitalised and celebrated (Harrell 2001) and a profound nativisation of culture began to take place. evitalisation became significant not only as cultural and religious expressions, but as a way to contest the atheist ideology and technocratic ‘place-making’ strategies of the hinese state. We find evidence (Studley 2005) of cultural revival among the ibetans expressed in Buddhism, isionary movements, Millennialism, nimism/Shamanism, erritorial ults and pic iterature (Barnett and kiner 1994). The revival of yul lha cults took on additional meanings as a way to reclaim places as ‘ ibetan’ ( olas 2004). The evidence of cultural revival is not only documented in the literature but, as the following case study demonstrates, when manifest through territorial cults it ‘exhibits historic continuity of ritual performance, provides a platform for reinventing place and enhancing identity, provides an exemplar of explicit bio-cultural sustainability and … provides a means of defiance and ritual protest against oppression’ (Studley 2005). he
ase of astern
ham
ham is one of the most unique biological regions on arth. t is situated at the eastern end of the Himalaya between Qinghai- ibetan plateau and hina, and comprises one of the three major regions of ibet. The region constitutes about 4 per cent of hina’s land area, includes seven mountain ranges and comprises Western and astern ham (see ig 18.3). ham’s north–south mountain ridges, sandwiched between deep river gorges, contain the
ig 18.3.  Map of the three chol khar
sum
regions of ibet ( ham, mdo and
tsang).
erritorial
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
225
ig 18.4. Mosuo daba near ugu ake in South-eastern ham.
most diverse vascular plant flora of any region of comparable size in the temperate zone, and almost half of hina’s flowering plant species. levations range from 1000m to over 7556m with a mean of 3500m. our of sia’s largest rivers, which originate on the 5000m-high Qinghaiibetan plateau and are of great economic importance, flow through the region. xternal impact on the region is increasing and poses a threat to the biocultural diversity which defines the area. The region bears the strong imprint of ibetan Buddhism and folk religion, evident in the large temple complexes, prayer flags, festivals, shaman (see ig 18.4) and numina associated with sacred landscape features. Sacred mountains punctuate the landscape and they are unique in that their forests have not been logged. Peoples of eastern
ham
f the nearly 5 million ‘ ibetans’ living in hina, approximately 2 million speak ham, which is quite distinct from the ham spoken in mid-western epal. The hambas inhabit a vast area but are primarily concentrated in western Sichuan Province, eastern ibet utonomous egion ( ), southern Qinghai Province and orthwestern unnan. The eastern ham language is by far the most significant of the ham varieties with possibly 1.2 million speakers. There are also about 250,000 Qiangic-speaking peoples and 400,000 osu ( i) peoples in astern ham. The Qiangic-speaking peoples are classified as ‘ ibetan’ because of their culture, customs and beliefs. n common with the hamba they are animistic/shamanistic as well as
226
ultural andscapes
ibetan Buddhist, and burn incense and honour mountain gods at yearly festivals. They may speak hamba as a second or third language, and are often matrilineal. The region’s inhospitable topography, altitude, weather and aggressive population have always united to deny entry to foreigners. There are few accurate maps that define its contours and record its villages and the secret routes of its nomads. o the uropeans, hinese and hasa ibetans, ham is a vast no-man’s-land. o the south, it is bounded by the Himalaya and the Bramaputra, to the north the mne Machin range and the ibetan region of mdo, and to the east the Sichuan Basin. Throughout their history there is evidence of a nascent sense of unique identity and place attachment among the hamba peoples ( pstein 2002; Samuel 1993) which continues to this day. Methodology The significance of place attachment and identity is presented below against the background of a much larger study of ethno-forestry paradigms. The only research methods that appeared to be germane were from the fields of cognitive anthropology typified by olby (1996) and predicated on cognitive mapping. or cognitive mapping, a candidate list of pertinent forest-related variables was developed with the stakeholders and a psychometric survey was conducted among local nomads and farmers. The resulting scaled data were input into a multidimensional scaling programme for analysis and each variable was represented as a point on a cognitive ‘map’. esults Cognitive Mapping Seventeen forest-related variables ( able 18.1) were identified as most apposite for the psychometric scaling survey, which was conducted at 57 sites throughout astern ham. able 18.1. orest-related variables ocal alues bjects of alue ctors nterventions ther
ocal onservation, Blessing, ibetan Buddhism, ul lha, atural nvironmental unction, orest Products, atural Hydrological unction orest, Wildlife Men, Women, Self State onservation, Hunting, ndustrial orestation, Socialism This Place, anzi own2
The people of ham ( ig 18.5) make sense of forest-related stimuli on the basis of four cognitive domains: 1 2 3 4 2
socio-economic psycho-cultural bio-physical environmental and subsistence services anzi is an important town in ham and was added to provide comparison with ‘this place’.
erritorial
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
227
ig 18.5. ognitive map of forest-related variables in astern ham.
omain 4 has some resonance with Bird- avid’s concept of a ‘giving environment’ and domains 2 and 4 (together) of his concept of ‘cosmic economies of sharing’ (1992). think, however, that ‘cosmic cycles of reciprocity’ better describes the interface of the two domains. n terms of this chapter it should be noted that the nexus of variables coalescing around ‘this place’ and ‘Self ’ includes ‘ ibetan Buddhism’, ‘yul lha’, ‘Blessing’ and ‘ onservation’. This highlights the importance of spiritual belief in general and the yul lha cults in particular as a foundational element for hamba ‘self-hood’ ( nand 2000, 282) or identity, place attachment and conservation. uring fieldwork it was noted that young people with some education appeared to be alienated from place and local culture. This is a fairly common phenomenon among indigenous people and is supported by the data. oung people ( ig 18.6) appear to identify more closely with ‘socialism’ than ‘place’ and appear to be alienated from ‘yul lha’, ‘ ibetan Buddhism’ and ‘Blessing’. iven the ‘colonising’ propensities of the state this result was anticipated. n comparison, old people ( ig 18.7) identify strongly with ‘place’ and traditional values (‘yul lha’, ‘ ibetan Buddhism’, ‘Blessing’) and closely associate ‘place’ with ‘yul lha’ and ‘ ibetan Buddhism’. The people of ham do not appear to identify with ‘the forest’ because it is culturally and socially constructed as a place and as a category ( ye 2005; ightingale 2006). t is not the physical or material aspects of the forest or wildlife that are important to the hambas but their ‘cycles of cosmic reciprocity’ are important and render the resource apparent. This is reflected in the close proximity and overlap between the psycho-cultural and environmental and subsistence service domains ( ig 18.5).
228
ultural andscapes
ig 18.6. ognitive map of young (16-25) respondents.
ig 18.7. ognitive map old (51+) respondents.
erritorial
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
229
iscussion
&};-":-#=v1k
eference is deliberately made to the ibetan toponym of chol khar gsum to describe the three main regions of ibet because hina only recognises one (ie The ibetan utonomous egion), and ibetans do not use ‘ reater ibet’. The ongoing process of Hanification has either rendered ibetan place names defunct or replaced them with Han hinese ones that on occasion speak of conquest. The hambas did not volunteer ‘place attachment’ or ‘identity’ as forest values during fieldwork, but they were included because of their importance in the literature ( pstein 2002). t is evident from the research and literature that the indigenous peoples of ibet have become emotionally attached to places and place features, such as yul lha locales, and these attachments have become integral to their sense of place. n this respect they are typical of indigenous people in that they have become so completely identified with a place that they reflect ‘its very entrails, its insides, its soul’ ( a hapelle 1992, 1). Their sense of place and ‘ensoulment’ ( ajete 1994, 83) have been established as a result of long-term ties and intensity of experience over multiple lifetimes and generations and has become a ‘reflection of their very souls’ ( ajete 2000, 187). t is important to understand, however, that ‘sense of place’ for rural ibetans is predicated on indigenous epistemologies, native science ( ajete 2000) and ethno-economics ( avalcanti 2002). Their ‘ways of knowing’ and economies of reciprocity may not resonate with the worldview or epistemology of non-indigenous people, earth-care professionals or the nation state (Posey 1999). ndigenous epistemology is grounded in the self, the spirit and the unknown. n understanding of place and place-making assumes there is a ‘spirit of place’, which for lay ibetans is embodied by a yul lha with human personality (Blondeau et al 1998). nowledge and sense of place and its re-making is audited through ‘the stream of the inner space in unison with all instruments of knowing’ ( rmine 1999, 108). Many of these trans-rational altered states of consciousness are not considered valid processes for accessing knowledge by Western science. Sense of place and place attachment are maintained not only through auditing and rituals but subsistence activities. These activities connect indigenous people to their own spirits, the spirits of the land, the animals, plants and other entities. Through hunting and tracking indigenous people learn (from the animals) the virtues of patience, courage, fortitude, humility and honesty ( ajete 1994; 2000) under the aegis of ‘economies of reciprocity’ ( elgardo et al 1998, 28). ibetan epistemologies and ethno-economies are a challenge for the hinese state, paradigmically and semantically. The religious paradigm it has adopted fails to address the validity of indigenous religious practice or folk beliefs. Semantically: • The term for ‘religion’ is zongjiao, which is applied to foreign or foreign-influenced religious. • The ubiquitous cultural practices of ancestor and local god worship, geomancy, divination, qigong and taboos elude designation within the official rubrics. • Animism and shamanism are pejoratively labelled mixin, or superstitious, and not worthy of academic research ( ai 2003).
s a result it is not unusual to be told that the hinese do not have a ‘religion’. The alienation of youth from place and culture is a fairly typical phenomenon among indigenous people. iven the Han hinese’s disparaging depiction of minority culture and local place (Studley 2005), it is not surprising that young hambas who have received some state education
230
ultural andscapes
have limited ‘place attachment’ and ‘despise’ traditional values. This might be an indicator of the impact of Sinicisation or Hanification, Socialism or modernity, although any attribution would require more research. s a phenomenon it is a typical response to the negative influences of ‘formal’ education, development, agriculture, building, tourism, films and and resonates with similar processes of alienation among young ibetans in adakh ( orberg-Hodge 1992). Paradoxically this process appears to be counterbalanced by a cultural revival that provides a platform for defiance and protest against the hinese (Barnett and kiner 1994; Schwartz 1994). onclusions There is cognitive evidence of the importance of place attachment to the rural peoples of ham and that the yul lha cult constitutes a spontaneously recovered folk practice for place remaking and ensuring ‘topocosmic’ harmony ( aster 1961, 17). ognitive mapping provides a statistically robust instrument to elicit the relative importance of place attachment and identity. The peoples of ibet, in spite of external pressure, are continuing to reclaim place through prayer, the building of cairns, fumigation offerings, throwing of wind horses, planting arrows, invocation of land deities, the renuminisation of territory and going to the lha pa to make restitution and ensure topocosmic harmony. t does appear that for the ibetan peoples territorial cults do provide: • a coping strategy (Bonaiuto et al 2002), for increasing their level of identification with their own group, social cohesion, and place attachment; • a ritual means of protest and defiance against their oppressors (Barnett and Akiner 1994; Schwartz 1994); • an exemplar of explicit bio-cultural sustainability and explicit nature conservation (Studley 2005); • a continuity of ritual performance impacting social, economic and political life that pre-dates the mperial Period, the arrival of Buddhism in ibet, and any territorial claims of their oppressors.
n common with other indigenous peoples in hina ( akes 1993), the hambas are continually reconstructing localised identity and place from the space made available by the broader systems of political economy and in common with indigenous peoples globally. lthough place attachment does not appear to be recognised in forestry or development policy in hina, it is beginning to gain currency in occidental natural resource management and policy ( orton and Hannon 1997). There is recognition that the inclusion of place attachment in forestry or natural resource policies represents an about-face and it will take time to educate and to re-work laws and institutions and build local responsibility. This, however, appears to be the only route toward a democratically supportable approach ( orton and Hannon 1999) to sustainable use of resources that is predicated on the needs of people who live most intimately with place and natural resources.
erritorial
231
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
Bibliography and
eferences
nand, , 2000 ( e)imagining ationalism: dentity and epresentation in the ibetan sia, Contemporary South Asia 9 (3), 271–87
iaspora of South
rdoin, , 2006 oward an nterdisciplinary nderstanding of Place: essons for nvironmental ducation, Canadian Journal of Environmental Education 11, 112–26 Barnett, , and kiner, S (eds), 1994 Resistance and Reform in Tibet, Hurst and o, ondon Bauer, , 2009 n the politics and the possibilities of participatory mapping and nologies to study common property and land use change among pastoralists in Geographies 16 (2), 229–52 Bird- avid, , 1992 Beyond ‘The pology 33, 25–47
S: using spatial techentral ibet, Cultural
riginal ffluent Society’: a culturalist reformulation, Current Anthro-
Blondeau, -M, 2003 erritorial numina in ibet, Personal ommunication (email exchange with author), 4 ebruary Blondeau, -M, and Steinkellner, , 1996 Reflections of the Mountain: Essays on the History and Social Meaning of the Mountain Cult in Tibet and the Himalaya, ustrian cademy of Science Press, ienna — 1998 ibetan Mountain eities: Their ults and epresentations: Papers Presented at a Panel of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, raz 1995, erlag der sterreichischen kademie der Wissenschaften, Wien Bonaiuto, M, arrus, , Martorella, H, and Bonnes, M, 2002 ocal dentity Processes and nvironmental ttitudes in and se hanges: The ase of atural Protected reas, Journal of Economic Psychology 23 (5), 631–53 Bott, S, antrill, J, and Myers, Review 10 (2), 100–112
, 2003 Place and the Promise of onservation Psychology, Human Ecology
Buffetrille, , 1998 eflections on Pilgrimages to Sacred Mountains, akes and aves, in Pilgrimage in Tibet (ed Mc ay), urzon Press td, ngland, 18–34 Buffetrille, , and ajete,
iemberger, H (eds), 2002 Tibet and the Himalayas, Brill, eiden
, 1994 Look to the mountain: an ecology of indigenous education, 1 edn, ivak,
— 1995 nsoulment of (ed Hirschfelder),
urango,
ature, in Native heritage: personal accounts by American Indians, 1790 to the present , 55–62
— 2000 Native Science, lear ight Publishers, Santa e,
ew Mexico
asakin, H, and Billig, M, 2009 ffect of Settlement Size and eligiosity on Sense of Place in ommunal Settlements, Environment and Behavior 41, 821–35 avalcanti, , 2002 conomic thinking traditional ecological knowledge and ethnoeconomics: Principles of sustainability of primitive societies, Current Sociology 50 (1), 39–55 olby, B, 1996 ognitive nthropology, in Encyclopaedia of Cultural Anthropology Volume 1 (eds and M mber), Henry Holt and ompany, ew ork, 209–15 elgardo, , Martin, J and orrico, 28–9
, 1998
eciprocity for ife Security, ILEIA Newsletter,
evinson ecember,
iemberger, H, 2002 The People of Porong and oncepts of erritory in ntroduction in erritory and dentity, in Tibet and the Himalayas (eds Buffetrille and H iemberger), Brill, eiden, 33–55 pstein, , 2002
hams Pa Histories: isions of People Place and uthority: Piats 2000 ibetan Studies
232
ultural andscapes
Proceedings of the inth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies Seminar International Association for Tibetan Studies, Brill, eiden and Boston rmine, W, 1999 boriginal pistemology, in First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds (ed M Battiste), B Press, ancouver, 101–12 eld, S, and Basso, , 1996 Senses of Place, School of merican esearch Press, Santa e eldman, , 1990 Settlement – identity: psychological bonds with home places in a mobile society, Environment and Behaviour 22, 183–229 aster, , 1961 Thespis: Ritual, Myth and Drama in the Ancient Near East, nchor,
ew ork
ross, , 1997 Buddhas and Mandalas: n ntroduction to the Spiritual in the rts of ibet [online], available from: http://rolfgross.dreamhosters.com/ exts/Buddhas.htm [27 ctober 2010] upta, , and erguson, J, 1997 Culture Power Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology, Press, ondon Harrell, S (ed), 2001 Perspectives on the Yi of Southwest China,
niversity of alifornia Press, ondon
Hull, , 1992 mage ongruity Place ttachment and ommunity Planning Research 9 (3), 181–92 Hutchinson, , and Smith, , 1996 Ethnicity,
xford
uke niversity
esign, The Journal of Architectural and
niversity Press,
xford
Jorgensen, B, and Stedman, , 2006 comparative analysis of predictors of sense of place dimensions: attachment to, dependence on, and identification with lakeshore properties, Journal of Environmental Management 79, 316–27 armay, S, 1994 Mountain ults and ational dentity, in Resistance and Reform in Tibet (eds and S kiner), Hurst and o, ondon, 112–20
Barnett
— 1996a The ibetan ult of Mountain eities and ts Political Significance, in Reflections of the Mountain (eds -M Blondeau and Steinkellner), cademy of Sciences Press, ienna, 59–76 — 1996b The ult of Mount Murdo in
yalrong, Kailash 18 (1–2), 1–16
— 1998 The Soul and the urquoise: a itual for ecalling the bla, in The Arrow and the Spindle, Studies in History, Myths, Rituals and Beliefs in Tibet (ed S armay), Mandala Book Point, athmandu, 310–38 olas, , 2004 ourism and the Making of Place in Shangri- a, Tourism Geographies 6 (3), 262–78 a hapelle,
, 1992 Way of the Mountain Newsletter, Silverton,
ai, H, 2003 The eligious evival in hina, Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 18, 40–64 anger, S, 1953 Freedom and Form, harles Scribner’s Sons,
ew ork
ye, -P, 2005 Changing pathways: forest degradation and the Batek of Pahang, Malaysia, S Malaysia Mackenzie, , 2002 e-claiming place: the Millennium orest Borgie ment and Planning D 20, 535–60 Martins, H, 2002
, Selangor,
orth Sutherland Scotland, Environ-
enetic Jacobinism in the epublic of hoice, Metacritica, 93–108
ightingale, , 2006 A Forest Community or Community Forestry? Beliefs, meanings and nature in northwestern Nepal [online], nstitute of eography, School of eosciences, niversity of dinburgh, available from: http://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/1842/1436/1/anightingale003.pdf [27 ctober 2010] orberg-Hodge, H, 1992 Ancient Futures: Learning From Ladakh, orton, B, and Hannon, B, 1997 nvironmental alues: 227–45
xford
niversity Press,
elhi
Place-Based Theory, Environmental Ethics 19,
erritorial
233
ults as a Paradigm of Place in ibet
— 1999 emocracy and Sense of Place alues in nvironmental Policy, in Philosophies of Place (eds and J Smith), owman and ittlefield, ew ork, 119–43 akes, , 1993 The cultural space of modernity: ethnic tourism and place identity in and Planning D: Society and Space 11, 47–66
ight
hina, Environment
P P (People and Plants), n.d. Cultural Landscapes and Resource Rights [online], available from: http:// peopleandplants.squarespace.com/cultural-landscapes/ [29 ovember 2011] Posey, (ed), 1999 Spiritual and Cultural Values of Biodiversity, ntermediate echnology Publications and nited ations nvironment Programme – P, ondon Proshansky, H, 1978 The city and self-identity, Environment and Behaviour 10, 147–69 affan, J, 1992 rontier, Homeland and Sacred Space: ollaborative nvestigation into ross- ultural Perceptions of Place in the Thelon ame Sanctuary, orthwest erritories, Ph issertation, Queen’s niversity, anada amble, , 1997 The reation of the Bon Mountain of Macdonald), Printworld, ew elhi, 133–232
ingpo, in Mandala and Landscape (ed
Samuel, , 1993 Civilized Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan Societies, Smithsonian nstitute Press, Washington Schwartz, , 1994 Circle of Protest: Political Ritual in the Tibetan Uprising, Hurst and o, ondon Studley, J, 2005 Sustainable nowledge Systems and esource Stewardship: in search of ethno-forestry paradigms for the indigenous peoples of astern ham, Ph thesis, oughborough niversity [online], available from: http://issuu.com/drjohn/docs/studley_phd_thesis [27 ctober 2010] urnbull, , 1984 The Mountain People: The Classic Account of a People Too Poor for Morality, riad, ondon an Xu, 1995 Sense of Place and Identity [online], available from: http://www.eslarp.uiuc.edu/la/ reports/yards/main.html [27 ctober 2010]
437- 95/