18 Garrison Life in the Age of Steam

18

GARRISON LIFE IN THE AGE OF STEAM

compAred to thAt for sAiling ships, the prepArAtion of steAm vessels for winter storage was difficult. Masts, yards, and sails, features of early steam vessels, still needed to be removed and stored. But in addition, steam engines had to be dismantled and overhauled. The funnels and blow pipes were removed, and the remaining boat shell was usually altered. What remained on board was “tallowed” and covered for the winter.1 The crew, who lived on board during the summer months, moved into the Stone Frigate in the winter.2

When the lake was securely frozen, travel became easier in most respects. The Upper Canada road system was still primitive and usually populated generously with mudholes, ruts, and fallen trees. In the winter, wheeled carts and wagons gave way to sleighs, which offered less pulling resistance to horses. A sleigh journeying over snow on frozen creeks, rivers, and lakes was usually faster than road travel, but not safer. Ice could break.

Routes in winter included the shorelines, or even distances far offshore if the lake or river ice was solid. Near Kingston, the open water to Wolfe Island usually froze hard enough to support traffic. When this happened, a winter road could be marked with evergreen boughs to identify the safe course. With traffic increased along off-road routes, Point Frederick was in the path of those rounding Point Henry on the ice. It would have been natural to take

228 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

a shortcut across the peninsula, for example, along the declivity between the inlets near the dockyard gate. Residents in the naval cottages, or perhaps Commodore Sandom, did not like travellers taking a shorter route in the winter. A letter signed by him was printed in the newspaper demanding that the “practice of free road access across Point Frederick” stop.3

With little for the officers to do, winter was considered a time for recreation, relaxation, and social outings. Many discovered skating and iceboating, Canadian pursuits that were novel to many Englishmen. Lieutenant Parker, a popular hero of the recent conflict, had not skated in 14 years when he wrote,

this year I determined to try once more. I was therefore one of the first to put on skaits and launched myself with the determined resolution not to mind a fall. My astonishment was not a little when I found myself going on at a tolerable rate not even falling nor liable to fall. In short, I found at once I could skait and that not badly … others dreading a tumble came on the ice as if treading upon eggs and never went a foot without measuring their length and indeed it was a laughable spectacle to see them frequently coming down by the run, and there laying rubbing the wounded part.4

Lieutenant Parker was a favourite among the prominent families of Kingston, especially the ladies, who he mentioned frequently. One notable residence where he spent many of his evenings was located near the market square. To get there from his quarters in the Stone Frigate, he often used the “ice bridge” to cross the harbour, rather than the Penny Bridge. Parker described the sound of cracking ice as like thunder, or the firing of a small cannon. While walking over the ice during severe cold one night and only able to see “a yard or two,” he described the experience as “truly awful and terrible.”5

Parker pushed his luck by crossing the harbour during an early spring thaw. He got most of the way across but then discovered water blocking his path near a schooner tied to the wharf. Thinking he could make it, he jumped and reached for the bobstay on the vessel, but the ice gave way and in he went. He was thrown a rope, and on being hauled out, noticed the people “standing on the Wharf enjoying the fun.”6

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm

The lieutenant wrote that at least six deaths occurred yearly when people broke through the ice and drowned. While these events were usually accidents, occasionally something more was involved. An unusual case involved William Harrison, a 22-year-old marine who had recently joined the Niagara and was considered a great asset, since he was also a master tailor. After Harrison went missing, his body was seen through the ice by boys skating. The body was chopped out and taken to the dockyard for examination by the surgeon. During the investigation, it was found that Harrison’s jacket was missing and was seen worn by another man. This led to a suspicion of death “by unfair means.” A soldier was identified as a murder suspect and arrested. The inquest established that a fight had occurred on the Penny Bridge, causing Harrison’s death. However, the suspect soldier was not convicted or punished, possibly because of questions regarding jurisdiction.7

In addition to drownings, Parker also wrote about fires, a constant threat. Kingston experienced two in 1840, one of which almost destroyed both the town and the bridge. This fire started on Good Friday, April 17, 1840, during a gale. From his second-floor window in the Stone Frigate, Parker watched as the fire began and spread. He wrote of the violent flash when the gunpowder in one of the dockside storehouses exploded, then followed the movement of the fire through houses and buildings that he knew. Two vessels tied to the wharf became engulfed. They were soon cut loose to prevent spread, but once adrift, were pushed by southwest winds toward the wooden Penny Bridge. Crews in boats from the naval yard responded and somehow prevented the burning vessels from engaging the bridge. Although some of the bridge was burned, the sailors managed to avert a much worse outcome.

On January 8, 1841, Commodore Sandom held a grand ball at HMS Niagara, his chance to show off the ship-like interior of the renovated Stone Frigate. The press reported that the ball and supper were on a scale of magnificence not witnessed in Kingston. The Upper Canada Herald wrote that between 200 and 300 guests attended and were delighted with the “choice viands,” the “sweet music,” and “the courtesy and urbanity of H.M. Officers.” This event was followed later in January with a festive sleigh ride and supper. Amateur theatre performances were presented in March and April.8

There were reasons for the increase in social activities: relative peace in the district and more leisure time. But more importantly, it had been announced that Kingston would become the capital of the United Province of Canada.

229

230 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

On February 10, 1841, both the legislative assembly and residence of the governor general were moved to Kingston, merging Upper and Lower Canada, a change planned and implemented by Governor General Lord Sydenham.

Sydenham, formerly Charles Thomson, was a 41-year-old bachelor and politician. As his official residence, he selected Alwington House, a mansion west of town, close to the shore, and with an expansive view of Lake Ontario.

Commodore Sandom was now responsible for the transport and security of the governor general. On May 27, 1841, Sandom, Royal Marine captain David James Ballingall, and a guard of honour were privileged to escort “His Excellency Lord Sydenham” from Brockville to his suite in Kingston for the first legislative assembly of the Province of Canada.9 Sandom’s dockyard establishment was now 300 sailors, 90 marines, and two steamers on Lake Ontario and Lake Erie. None of the vessels mounted guns, although dismounted guns were stored in the hold of each ship.

Ballingall has left a detailed and compelling narrative of his life on Point Frederick and in the Stone Frigate. He provides a few details of life in the officers’ mess, which was located at the south end of the second deck of the Stone Frigate, with views of Navy Bay and Lake Ontario. One of the officers’ favourite pastimes in the mess was studying activities in the yard, Fort Henry, and Navy Bay, undoubtedly with small telescopes. In the spring, they monitored the timing of the breakup of ice on the lake while entertaining themselves watching for the last to cross without getting wet or drowning. Ballingall noted that one person managed the feat just a day before the ice gave way to open water.

On one occasion, the steamer St. George tried to cross from Kingston to Garden Island but was stopped by ice. While the naval officers watched the vessel struggle, someone spotted a large eagle feeding on a dead animal on the remaining ice. Hoping to get the eagle, a group hustled down to the wharf and scrambled into a boat. Getting out on the water, they, too, became stuck in the ice and were unable to kill or capture the bird.

The naval officers were fascinated with the Canadian loon. Ballingall studied the birds with his telescope from the mess deck. A plan developed to get close and shoot one, and they soon learned that loons would let them approach but never close enough. Ballingall marvelled at how loons could dive and come up in another location, never within range of a shot. Commodore Sandom finally shot one in Navy Bay from the deck of the Traveller. When the bird was retrieved and its stomach opened, 40 small fish were found inside.10

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm

Captain Ballingall included in his notes some ink-and-pen drawings of Point Frederick. The drawings show a number of scenes during the Sandom era. By this time, Sandom had cleaned up Navy Bay, improved the yard gate, introduced and supported steam technology, and achieved operational readiness within the limitations of the Rush-Bagot Agreement, which had removed warships from the lakes. The images provide examples of life on Point Frederick in the early 1840s. Several depict scenes near the yard gate, for example, Fig. 18.1A, which exhibits a marine officer dressed for the cold, standing close to the dockyard gate, complete with piers, an arch, and decorative insignia. Just inside the entrance is a tantalizing view of a sentry next to a guardhouse post, which is still present. Fig. 18.1B is the comparative view taken in 2016.

There are other examples. The drawing in Fig. 18.2A displays the stone perimeter wall on the right, while the view is toward the barracks on the hill. While the dockyard gate is not visible, the forked intersection uphill is the joining of the front and back roads, forming Fort Frederick Road. The buildings seen in the crux of the intersection are two of three barracks built in 1813 and now looking rundown. The two roofs, partly visible on the crest

231

Fig. 18.1A: On the

left is a drawing from the James Ballingall Diary, circa 1841. Fig. 18.1B: On the

right is a photograph taken from the same spot in 2016. The red arrows point to a common porch post. The comparison is convincing evidence that the future RMC dockyard guardhouse was functioning as a sentry post in 1841.

232 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

Fig. 18.2A: Detail of

drawing included in the James Ballingall Diary. The view is along the stone wall southwest of the dockyard gate, looking toward the barracks. Fig. 18.2B: This 2016

photograph was taken from the same location.

Fig. 18.3A: The

image at the left extends Figure 18.2A and shows Kingston Harbour, the naval cottages, Penny Bridge, and the commodore’s wharf. Fig. 18.3B: In this

modern photograph, Kingston Inlet has mostly been filled in.

of the hill, are the naval hospital (left) and surgeon’s house (right). Near the left edge in this cropped image is the south end of the naval cottages. The small cove on the left is Kingston Inlet. Fig. 18.2B is the comparative view taken in 2016.

Extending the cropped views of Fig. 18.2A to farther left is Fig. 18.3A, revealing Kingston Harbour and Inlet and the Penny Bridge. Fig. 18.3A shows the knoll and south end of the naval cottages. Just left of the cottages is the commodore’s wharf, brandishing his pennant. Fig. 18.3B is the modern comparative view taken in 2016.

The view toward Kingston from near the yard gate is seen in Fig. 18.4A, drawn by a different hand. The drawing depicts the Fort Frederick roadbed undercut by wave action and in need of repair. The dock on the left is the victualler’s wharf. Kingston Inlet and Harbour are in the centre foreground with the knoll on the far right. During the War of 1812, sentries were stationed on the knoll. It later became a source of confusion when work on the new commissioner’s residence was stopped due to objections raised by the

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm 233

Fig. 18.4A: The picture on the left was tucked into the front cover of James Ballingall’s Diary and seems to have been drawn by a different hand, circa 1841. Fig. 18.4B: This similar view shows the knoll.

Fig. 18.5A: The

drawing of the Stone Frigate in James Ballingall’s Diary is compared with Fig. 18.5B. Fig. 18.5B: This scene is easily recognized and includes the continuing presence of St. Lawrence Wharf, built in 1815.

Ordnance Department. The knoll is still easily identified, although not well, in Fig. 18.4B (taken in 2016) where the view is hidden by shrubs.

In Figure 18.5A, the drawing of the Stone Frigate, circa 1841, is placed in context with a modern photograph, Fig. 18.5B. While much has changed, the continued existence of the Stone Frigate and the St. Lawrence wharf makes the scene immediately recognizable.

In describing the naval yard in his book The Canadas in 1841, LieutenantColonel Sir Richard Henry Bonnycastle wrote,

234 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

the town of Kingston begins to show itself; and the vessel glides past Navy Bay and Point Frederick, between which the eye rested, in days of yore, on several enormous hulls of first-rate men-of-war and frigates, with the customary appendages of a large royal dockyard and ordnance wharf. Everything now bears a military aspect. The huge ships, the powder magazines, the forts and batteries, the sentries passing their rounds, a fine range of storehouses built of a beautiful white stone, and a long row of neat barracks for persons in employ of the navy, are objects concentrated on a spot admirably chosen for the defence of the harbour….11

During the summer of 1841, John Marks received the sad news of the death of Robert Barrie at Swarthdale, on the northwest coast of England. The information was in a letter from Juno Barrie, now a 20-year-old woman. Barrie had lived to receive promotion to rear-admiral and was finally knighted. Marks was aware that Barrie’s wife, Julia, had died at Ripley Castle in November 1836, just two years after leaving Kingston for the final time. Barrie survived her by five years. In his reply to Juno, Marks wrote:

His honourable, upright, and manly bearing can never be forgotten by those who have had the good fortune to be honoured with his valuable acquaintance. My services with Sir Robert Barrie gave me advantages of knowing his noble-minded character and sentiments as an Officer in High Command, and his opinions on men and manners, which has left a lasting impression on my mind of his worth and value.

Kingston is becoming a wonderful place, being the seat of Government. Its population has increased one half in the seven years since you left, and now it is a small town of eight thousand inhabitants. I ought to write more about your friends here. Many, many are the kind enquiries about you all; but I must make up my report of our growing city and your numerous friends in a future — at no distant time letter.

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm

I am getting old, and if possible, service-worn, yet tough and active and in the enjoyment of good health. Mrs. Marks does not hold out so well. Still she is pretty strong except in the very hot weather when she complains of weakness. She sends her best love to you all, including your young friend, Miss MacRobb.12

With limited social opportunities, the army and naval officers formed friendships and welcomed one another to their respective messes. In July 1841, the command of Fort Frederick went to Captain James Edward Alexander, who was accompanied by his family. Alexander had arrived in Kingston a month before with the 14th Regiment. After a short period of duty at Fort Henry, he wrote that he “marched down and took charge, with my company, of the stockaded block-house at Point Frederick, which projects into the clear waters of Lake Ontario.”13 Alexander and his family moved into one of the married quarters in the fort, while a Captain Wood and his family took the other. Soon, Alexander became acquainted with Ballingall, Sandom, and the other naval officers. He also met and dined with Governor General Sydenham.

Life for the soldiers at Fort Frederick centred on artillery drill and sentry duty. There were frequent military exercises. Artillery teams learned the operation and alignment of their weapons and drilled to perfect accuracy and speed, firing balls into the lake as they trained for real action. In addition to keeping their guns painted, spotlessly clean, and highly functional, they had to safely maintain a powder magazine in a relatively confined space. The magazine was buried in the ground near the west picketing and was protected by the wood yard and store.

Captain Alexander served at Fort Frederick before the building of large earthworks, bright stone walls, and the large Martello tower of the later fort. Alexander’s Fort Frederick consisted of the smaller wartime earthworks, wood frame and log buildings, and heavy wooden fortified blockhouse, where many of the soldiers lived. His leadership style included paying attention to the welfare of his soldiers. He established a school for the children and men who wished to improve their learning, taught soldiers how to swim, and got them into good physical shape through sports such as rowing and swimming. The captain also used the small field to the north, near Commodore Yeo’s old quarters, for sports such as cricket and quoits.

235

236 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

Alexander attended the first Kingston Regatta, hosted by Commodore Sandom at his wharf at Admiralty House. The wharf, gardens, and surrounding areas were opened to the public, and the sale of alcoholic refreshments was allowed. The band of the 14th Regiment played. The brisk breeze overturned a few Royal Navy boats during the competition, but there were no casualties.14 The next big event was the Kingston races, followed by another grand ball. During the summer, the field at Point Frederick supplied the site for a large track-and-field meet.

Social opportunities expanded as legislators from outside districts lived in town during legislative sessions. Business opportunities increased as merchants enjoyed the prestige that came with Kingston as the capital. Prospects were further enhanced by the success of the Rideau Canal, the advent of lake steamers, and peace with America. Epitomizing a bright future was the young, dynamic governor general, Lord Sydenham, who provided another reason for optimism.

That changed on the evening of September 4, 1841. Captain Alexander and his family were driving along the Waterloo Road when they passed Sydenham, who was on horseback and accompanied by a woman and small escort. Sydenham returned Alexander’s salute. Soon after, Sydenham left his party and began to gallop alone toward Alwington House. While he was riding up a slight hill, his horse tripped, threw him from the saddle, and dragged him along the road, where he was finally deposited.

Sydenham was found sometime later and taken to Alwington House. There, it was discovered that he had an open fracture of the right lower leg and the wound was contaminated with dirt and gravel. Despite medical care, which may or may not have helped, he developed symptoms of tetanus (lockjaw). After days of extreme pain, muscle spasms, and fever, he died. The funeral was held at St. George’s Church and his body placed in a vault before the altar.15

The following year, in 1842, English author Charles Dickens and his wife visited Kingston and Point Frederick. Dickens was on his first North American trip, and Captain Alexander was asked to meet him during his tour of the Point Frederick dockyard. The novelist was rowed across from Kingston to Point Frederick in Sandom’s gig, and Alexander wrote that “His appearance at this time was that of a slight-made young man, who had been ‘a good deal about town.’ He wore his hair long, his hat rather on the back of his head, a black coat and light trousers, and over all a black shaggy upper coat.”16

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm

Much later, in 1846, Dickens famously described Kingston:

The latter place, which is now the seat of government in Canada, is a very poor town, rendered still poorer by the appearance of its market-place by the ravages of a recent fire. Indeed, it may be said of Kingston, that one half of it appears to be burnt down, and the other half not to be built up.

There is a bomb-proof fort here of great strength, which occupies a bold position, and is capable, doubtless, of doing good service; though the town is much too close to the frontier to be long held…. There is also a small navy-yard, where a couple of Government steamboats were building, and getting on vigorously.17

The first steamboat referred to by Dickens was launched on May 25, 1842. It was the gunboat HMS Millicent, which got underway at precisely 1:00 p.m. A salute was fired by the Royal Navy as the “beautifully modelled” gunboat slipped into Navy Bay.18 Sandom had achieved his ambition to assemble steam warships, and the Point Frederick naval dockyard was again building ships, though now steam. Activities within HMS Niagara (i.e., the Stone Frigate), the fenced yard, the blacksmith shops, and the adjacent coal and metal structures were brisk, since the boilers, pipes, drives, and gears were fabricated and modified there.

HMS Cherokee had been completed earlier but was immediately put in reserve. While in storage, it was hauled out onto the west shoreline, facing Kingston, between the naval cottages and Admiralty House, close to the front road.19 It was finally launched on September 20, 1842, in the presence of the new governor general, Sir Charles Bagot, and christened by Lady Bagot. The likely remains of the Cherokee slipway and dock are sometimes visible from the air in the waters west of the RMC Commandant’s Residence.

In a winter launch, on February 21, 1843, the governor general’s daughter christened an ironclad steamer, HMS Mohawk. HMS Minos, built by a contractor at Chippewa, had already been delivered for service on Lake Erie. Collectively, the Royal Navy was now able to put on the lake a respectable fleet of steam gunboats. Despite an energetic start, the launch of the Mohawk marked the end of shipbuilding on Point Frederick.

237

238 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

In another dramatic reversal, Sandom was ordered on June 30, 1843, to “pay off” HMS Niagara. 20 Disposal of the actual vessel HMS Niagara would be no problem, since it was simply a skeletal remnant of the Netley (Beresford, Prince Regent). But it was the last ship remaining of Yeo’s fleet. The rest were gone, having been sunk, taken apart, or still sinking into the Navy Bay mud. Sandom, who had disposed of many of the vessels, strangely did not remove the Niagara (Netley). Its image can be found in depictions of the yard that date after 1850.

The Royal Navy was again winding down. Yet there were paradoxical upticks in the construction and enlargement of Fort Henry, the centrepiece of Fortress Kingston. These included dramatic alterations in Fort Frederick and the construction of Martello towers and other hard defences around Kingston. With the Rideau Canal diminishing the need for a standing naval fleet on the Great Lakes, the continued need for a standing British military force seemed greater.

With stone being a central feature of the rising Kingston defences, the demand for stonemasons increased. And so it was in 1843 that stonemason and future prime minister Alexander Mackenzie appeared in Kingston, having “tendered and obtained the job of cutting stones and building a bomb-proof arch at Fort Henry.” The young Mackenzie, still single and joined by his brother, had recently arrived from Scotland. The two men worked together on public works during the first summer.21 It is conceivable that Mackenzie walked past lawyer John A. Macdonald in the streets of Kingston more than once. Macdonald was not yet 30 years old and had a law office near the courthouse.

At the time, Macdonald was mulling over an unusual case. He had agreed to represent plaintiff William Bray, a former Royal Navy gunner, in a lawsuit against his former commander, Commodore Sandom. Bray, a 22-year-old, had volunteered for duty in Canada when he learned of the rebellion.22 He reached Kingston in time to distinguish himself as a gunner during the Battle of the Windmill. Bray was highly regarded by Sandom, who had made him master-at-arms of the Niagara.

When Bray met Macdonald, he was no longer in the Royal Navy, having been discharged by Sandom. Despite dismissing him from the navy, Sandom vouched for him and gave him a good recommendation. Bray still wanted to sue his former commanding officer for false imprisonment.

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm

It was an unusual story. Things had gone well for Bray after the battle as he resumed his duties in the Stone Frigate. Soon, he met Eliza Jane, the young daughter of John Lang of the Royal Navy, who lived with his family on Point Frederick, and they were married. After the wedding in 1839, the couple was permitted to reside together in the Stone Frigate.

Seeing an opportunity, Bray approached Sandom and requested clearance to sell beer on the “ship,” meaning the Stone Frigate, which everyone knew was not a ship. Selling beer would have been illegal on a Royal Navy vessel. Canteens were allowed on shore, and there had previously been one in the barracks. Sandom was fine with the idea and authorized Bray’s plan. Bray started his business, probably using space on the first floor near the dining room to sell the beer. Eliza Jane would have assisted. Bray brought the beer in from Kingston and carefully monitored the local tavern prices, adjusting his own to stay competitive.

The business flourished until Bray was unexpectedly ordered to appear before Sandom on the quarterdeck. Bray was commanded to answer accusations that he was earning excess profits. Sandom told him he would investigate the accusations by appointing three officers to conduct a review of his business. If the officers determined the profits were excessive, Bray would have to make refunds to the ship’s company, of an amount determined by the investigating officers. Undaunted, Bray told Sandom he could not agree to the terms. He had already spent the money he had earned to buy property in Kingston.

Sandom did not like the response and quickly lost his temper. He angrily accused Bray of refusing to obey orders, then summoned the sergeant of marines and ordered Bray arrested and confined to quarters. Evidently, realizing that Bray’s wife was also in the quarters, Sandom went further, telling Bray to clear his cabin and be ready for inspection in the morning. Eliza Jane, with all of their personal belongings, was directed to remove herself from the Stone Frigate and was put out, into the rain, no less. Bray remained restricted to his room.

When the investigation was completed, Bray was ordered to make a present of money to each mess. He still refused. His confinement was continued, and the situation became a stalemate. After 19 days of incarceration, Bray was released and directed to appear again on the quarterdeck. Sandom’s demeanour had changed. He clearly understood he was in a box and was looking for a way out. Sandom told Bray that he regretted what

239

240 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

had happened and handed Bray his discharge papers. Apparently hoping to avoid further conflict, Sandom gave Bray a certificate of character that rated him as “very good.”

Bray packed up, left, and immediately looked for a lawyer. By this time, John A. Macdonald was well known in the community and well liked. He had achieved a reputation as a solid practising attorney and was poised to be elected alderman of Kingston’s Fourth Ward. As Macdonald listened to Bray’s story, he certainly would have grasped the central legal issue and comprehended the importance of the case in the context of military and civil law.

Macdonald filed the lawsuit, which quickly attracted attention. The Montreal Gazette covered the story and published a large review of the case in its June 1, 1843, edition. In the case, styled “Bray versus Sandom,” the Gazette reported that Sandom’s confinement of Bray without charges was clearly illegal and that Bray should recover damages for false imprisonment. Many officers and enlisted men of HMS Niagara were called as witnesses.

During his closing arguments, Macdonald addressed the jury in an “admirable, eloquent, and argumentative speech,” emphasizing that Sandom had disgraced Bray in front of his comrades and wife and then “after all gave him the highest recommendation he could.” In addressing testimony that the men carried away the beer from the canteen, Macdonald characteristically pointed out that “it was no doubt secreted in their stomachs.” After an hour of deliberation, the jury found for Bray and awarded him £50.23

It was a sad finale for Sandom. He returned to England a few weeks later, ending his five-year command. Although generally unpopular, both among his men and in Kingston, Sandom deserves credit for his innovative and efficient resurrection of a closed, rundown dockyard filled with derelict vessels. Sandom understood the administrative intricacies of the Admiralty and used this understanding to turn a storehouse into a virtual flagship. He built a modern gunboat fleet on Lake Ontario, cleaned up Navy Bay, improved the look of the yard gate, and perpetuated buildings and a stone wall that survive today.

With Williams Sandom’s departure, command devolved to William Fowell, the former first lieutenant and captain of the Experiment, 24 who had opposed the landing of the Patriot Hunters at the Battle of the Windmill. Now, Fowell raised his standard on HMS Cherokee to become the last Royal Navy officer to hold the title “Commander on the Lakes.” Fowell and his family quickly moved into the Admiralty House.

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm

John Marks had stayed in his position only long enough to organize the transition of command to Fowell. Marks was at the end of his service on Point Frederick. He retired from politics in 1841 but kept the title of naval storekeeper until 1844, when he was replaced by David Taylor. Marks continued to serve for one more year as the “Head of the Civil Department of the Navy in Canada,”25 an appointment that honoured his long and faithful service. He left government entirely in April 1845 and retired with his wife to their Barriefield farm.

Fowell was instructed to gradually reduce the size of his command, a familiar order on Point Frederick. He sold off the Traveller at auction for a good price. Before the sale, in the spring of 1844, the Traveller was described as “a fine, fast going vessel of 352 tons, with a first-rate engine of 90 horse power, in perfect condition. She is now riding at the moorings in Navy Bay, off the dock yard, had a good thorough caulking in August last, when she was housed over; her hold and decks have been well aired with heated stoves during the winter months.”26

The schooner Montreal and steamer Experiment were auctioned off in 1847. The crews of the remaining two ships, the Cherokee and the Mohawk, lived on board their vessels during the summer sailing season. When the ships were laid up for the winter, the commissioned officers and warrant officers moved into the naval cottages, while the “blue-jackets” and marines were accommodated in the Stone Frigate. According to the memory of one Kingston citizen, writing 60 years later, the two vessels patrolled the lake alternately, with one anchored in Navy Bay or Kingston Harbour, while the other was on the lake.27

241

Fig. 18.6: The

Cherokee on Navy Bay in 1848; detail of a watercolour painting viewed from the head of Navy Bay looking south. The ship is moored with a boat alongside. The two-mast vessel at the wharf is probably the Mohawk.

242

2 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

1

3

Fig. 18.7: A 2020

photograph of the Fort Frederick Tower, built in 1847. The ravelin (1) protrudes north toward the sports field. The snow roof on the tower (2) was a later addition. The foundation for the War of 1812 blockhouse (3) was unearthed in the 1960s and left exposed.

As Fowell was managing the shrinking Royal Navy presence on Lake Ontario, construction of the new Fort Frederick began. The plans called for a triangular earthwork pointing south, open on the north, and with bastions supporting heavy guns at each angle. There were sally ports piercing the earthworks protected by iron gate grilles. The open area to the north would have a stone wall with angles and firing loops. Centred on the outside of the north wall and separated by a few feet was a “ravelin” that would allow for a sweeping fire on the landward side.

In the event of war, Fort Frederick would have defended the naval base together with the enlarged and strengthened Fort Henry with its branch towers. In Kingston, on Murney’s Point, was a tower named the “Murray Redoubt” but later Murney Tower. The Market Shoal tower was named “Victoria Tower.” The tower on Cedar Island was called “Cathcart Redoubt.”

The focus of Fort Frederick would be its own tower, the largest, called “Fort Frederick Tower” (see Fig. 18.7). The tower supported large guns on an elevated platform. It had a basement and three floors, with a cavernous interior that could accommodate and protect an officer and 48 men. The round walls were 60 feet in diameter at the base and 55 feet at the top, with stone walls 15 feet thick on the lake side and nine feet landward. The entrance was on the landward side, elevated above ground and ditch, and accessible by a retractable drawbridge.28

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm 243

NEW STONE WALL

OLD STONE WALL

Construction began in early 1846, by which time Alexander Mackenzie had secured the position of foreman of construction of the Martello towers.29 During the building, the wartime commodore’s residence, captured so precisely in the painting by E.E. Vidal in 1815, was pulled down. The south stone dockyard wall was demolished, although the seawall was kept. In place of the missing south stone wall, a high wooden palisade fence was built on a different line that allowed the fort some expansion (see Figs. 18.8A. and 18.8B for comparisons). A new stone curtain wall was built north of the Martello tower. The ravelin was set up centrally and south of the palisade fence. This fence survived long enough to be seen in the background of early photographs.

Large quantities of stone and earth fill were needed for construction of the tower, walls, and earthworks. Some would have come from the demolished stone wall. Delivery of quarried stone probably took place during the winter, when sleighs could haul the material across the ice. Although essentially completed by 1847, the Martello tower roof and the base for the largest guns were not yet in place. It was not fully operational until 1863. The red roof of today is a unique design meant to protect people and guns from Canadian weather.

Fig. 18.8A: Detail

from an 1837 ordnance map showing the presence of the dockyard wall built around 1820. Note the sea wall portion extending up the east shoreline toward the slipways.

Fig. 18.8B: Detail of

an 1870 map showing the completed Fort Frederick and palisaded fence. The arrow lines indicate common angle points along the wall.

244 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

Coinciding with this construction, likely around 1847, was the removal of many earlier buildings, probably a continuation of Commodore Sandom’s efforts to clean up Navy Bay. The most notable was the removal of the Point Frederick naval hospital. Very close to that time, the surgeon’s house was enlarged with the addition of a wood-frame kitchen on the north side and a second floor and hip roof, giving the building a box-like appearance.30 The log victualling store and chapel near the west shore, the former Provincial Marine officers’ quarters, mess, and offices, and the three barracks on the hill north of the yard gate, the last built in the frantic days of 1813, were all demolished.

Activities associated with the building of Fortress Kingston were darkened by a tragedy that occurred during construction. The accident involved workers on Cedar Island erecting Cathcart Tower. Cedar Island was not inhabited, so the workers were ferried twice daily by a schooner’s boat departing from Point Frederick. Alexander Mackenzie was the foreman but was not with them on the day of the accident.

While returning from Cedar Island on Saturday, September 12, 1846, the boat ran into trouble. According to the account in the Kingston Chronicle and Gazette,

31 the crew of 23 crowded into the schooner’s “jolly-boat,” which would have been overloaded with only 12 men. They may have felt confident, since the distance from Cedar Island to Point Frederick was only half a mile, but unfortunately the channel was open to a southwesterly swell. They ran into problems soon after pushing off when a rising swell drenched those on the left. As the next wave approached, several men got up to avoid getting soaked, moved to the other side, and capsized the boat. Everyone was spilled into the water, leaving the vessel bottom up. Two men were able to swim to shore. Four others managed to hold on to the capsized boat until they were rescued. The remaining 17 were lost in the swell.

The next morning, searchers recovered the bodies of all 17 missing, most of them in Hamilton Cove, which soon became known as Deadman Bay. Some were found still gripping others who had either attempted to help or were pulled downward by their companions. Fifteen of 17 were married, and it was estimated that the wives and 72 children were left destitute. The news report went on to refute a story that three others had died during the search and that one of the wives had passed away upon hearing the news.

This was perhaps the greatest mass tragedy Kingston had experienced since the cholera epidemics. In the absence of government social relief, a

gArrIsoN lIFe IN the Age oF steAm 245

public meeting was called by the mayor of Kingston to assess the immediate and future needs of the families. Many prominent citizens attended, including John Marks. Within days, a substantial amount of money was raised in support of the husbands’ widows and children.

Commander Fowell remained at Point Frederick until July 26, 1848, when he and his family returned to England. Fowell had spent nearly 10 mostly uneventful years on Point Frederick, witnessing the rise and decline of the dockyard. He witnessed the completion of the Fort Henry fortress, the building of new Fort Frederick, the line of Martello towers, and the construction of the Kingston Market Battery. Life was quiet for the naval officer, indeed too peaceful, and he requested “more active employment.”32 The Admiralty obliged him.

A panoramic painting of Navy Bay depicting the dockyard in 1848 shows it to be neat, orderly, and tranquil (see Fig. 18.9). The Cherokee is seen moored in Navy Bay, while the much smaller ironclad Mohawk is tied next to the Provincial Marine wharf. The hulks are gone, although possible ship frames from two vessels are seen around the Navy Bay spit. Many buildings have been removed, including the naval hospital, Commodore Yeo’s residence, and the 1813 barracks on the hill north of the yard gate.

The army assumed control of the Barriefield Common in the 1840s, using it as a drill ground or exercising field,33 but still shared it co-operatively with the farmers in Barriefield for cattle and sheep grazing. Later, the field became a training ground for Canadian militia. The school Commodore Barrie had established nearby in 1821 had continued until 1838 when it closed because of too few students. The Ordnance Department used it as a caretaker quarters, then it reopened in 1845 as a school for Barriefield and military children. In 1849, it was shut for good and demolished the same year.34

With the departure of Commander William Fowell and his family, control of Point Frederick went to Lieutenant-Commander William Davies.

Fig. 18.9. This large detail of Lieutenant E.G. Hallewell’s 1848 panorama of Point Frederick shows Navy Bay and the yard, both much improved in appearance. The two-mast vessel alongside is probably HMS Mohawk.

246 WARRIORS AND WARSHIPS

However, the title of the position was changed; he and his successor were referred to as the “senior naval officer.” While Davies was captain of the Cherokee, the ship stopped in harbours like Toronto at least once a year where it was configured for battle as a public demonstration.35

Lieutenant-Commander F.C. Herbert relieved Davies and became the last senior naval officer in 1850. His job was essentially to sell the vessels and close the yard. The Cherokee and the Minos were sold in 1851. The Cherokee, a truly well-built vessel made of proper, well-seasoned wood, would be the only vessel constructed at Point Frederick that served in salt water. After the sale, it was taken to Halifax and began a regular run to St. John’s, Newfoundland. The endurance of the Cherokee, the last wooden vessel built at Point Frederick, demonstrated that the short lifespans of the Provincial Marine and early Royal Navy vessels could have been extended with proper construction using well-seasoned wood.36

The Mohawk was sold in June 1852, thus ending the naval establishment on Lake Ontario. David Taylor conducted an auction of naval stores in May 1853 and closed the yard.