BANGON
Lessons from the Filipino Vernacular in Post-Disaster Architecture
Lessons from the Filipino Vernacular in Post-Disaster Architecture
POLITECNICO DI MILANO
SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
URBAN PLANNING CONSTRUCTION
ENGINEERING
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN STUDIES
MASTER DEGREE IN ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
A.Y. 2023/2024 DECEMBER 2024
cover image: Drawing by author
Lessons from the Filipino Vernacular in Post-Disaster Architecture
STUDENT
Earl Dan Dela Cruz Baua ID 220781
ADVISOR
Pierre-Alain Croset
CO-ADVISOR
Paolo Scrivano
“Who will be so rash as to say that we have no need of a Filipino “style” in architecture or that that need has already been filled?
Who will be so imprudent as to protest that the architect has no responsibilities to the larger community in which he works?
The buildings of the Philippines must reflect the Filipino ambience. Which more than Filipino topography and climate means the Filipino people?”
Leandro Locsin
Need for a Filipino Style in architecture, 1966
I would like to express my gratitude to my family. Even from afar, their continuous support was invaluable and made it possible for me to pursue my studies.
I thank Professor Pierre-Alain Croset and Professor Paolo Scrivano for the engaging conversations and guidance in the past year.
Finally, thank you to all of the friends and classmates from the Politecnico di Milano for an incredible two years.
Con l’aumento della frequenza degli eventi meteorologici estremi dovuti ai cambiamenti climatici, milioni di persone sono costrette ad abbandonare le proprie abitazioni a causa dei disastri naturali. Molte di queste colpiscono in modo sproporzionato le comunità nei paesi del Sud Globale, che spesso fanno affidamento su aiuti umanitari esterni per il processo di recupero. Questi aiuti comprendono la progettazione e la costruzione di strutture post-disastro.
La ricerca supporta la ricostruzione di abitazioni come un processo continuo, invece di considerarlo un prodotto finale, dimostrando inoltre che un recupero post-disastro di successo si basa sulla sostenibilità a lungo termine. Ai fini di promuoverla, gli architetti che operano in queste situazioni devono assicurarsi che i progetti siano sensibili al contesto culturale e climatico. Come possono quindi gli architetti meglio comprendere l’ambiente in cui stanno progettando? L’architettura vernacolare potrebbe offrire alcune risposte.
Le tecniche e i metodi costruttivi dell’architettura vernacolare si basano su conoscenze sviluppate nel corso dei secoli e rappresentano una risposta diretta al clima e alle abitudini della popolazione locale. L’attenzione a questi fattori potrebbe portare a strutture meglio progettate e, di conseguenza, a un recupero post-disastro più efficace.
Per illustrare i legami tra l’architettura post-disastro e l’architettura vernacolare, la tesi si concentra sulle Filippine, un paese soggetto a disastri naturali e ricco di tradizioni architettoniche. Attraverso ricerche, disegni e progetti architettonici i caratteri vernacolari dell’architettura filippina vengono applicati ai fini di rendere più efficiente il recupero post-disastro, all’interno della nazione.
As the frequency of extreme weather events rise due to climate change, millions of people are being displaced from their homes due to disaster. Many of these disasters disproportionately affect communities in countries of the Global South, which often rely on external humanitarian aid in their recovery efforts. This aid includes the design and construction of postdisaster structures.
The research will show that successful post-disaster recovery is about long-term sustainability and that the sheltering process should be viewed as an ongoing process rather than a final product. To promote sustainability, architects working in postdisaster operations must ensure that their designs are climateresponsive and culturally sensitive in order to be functional and well received by the local people. How then, can architects better understand the local contexts in which they are designing in? Vernacular architecture could provide some answers.
The techniques and construction methods of vernacular architecture are based on knowledge developed over centuries and is a direct response to the climate and ways of life of the local people. Attention to these factors could lead to better designed structures and consequently, more successful postdisaster recovery.
To illustrate the links between post-disaster architecture and vernacular architecture the thesis focuses on the Philippines, a country prone to disaster and that has rich architectural traditions. Through research, drawings and architectural design, this thesis shows how the qualities of Filipino vernacular architecture could be applied to make post-disaster recovery efforts more successful within the nation.
post-disaster; vernacular; filipino; shelter; transitional KEYWORDS
Chapter One: Introduction
Chapter Two: Post-disaster Architecture
Not really natural disasters: A call to action Thesis Methodology
Defining Humanitarian Architecture
What makes postdisaster recovery successful?
The role of architecture Prefabrication and Community Participation Focusing on Transitional Shelters
Transitional Shelters: Case Studies
Chapter Three: The Filipino Vernacular
Defining Vernacular Architecture
Research focus area: The Philippines
A Short History of the Filipino Vernacular DRAWINGS: Filipino Vernacular Elements
Chapter Four: Research through Design
Chapter Five: Three Transitional Structures
Chapter Six: Conclusions
MINDMAP: Links between post-disaster and the Filipino Vernacular
KUBO: Transitional Shelter Conclusions and Reflections
BATALÁN: WASH Facility
TAGPUAN: Community Pavilion Forming a Design Brief Material Choices and Construction Details
Bibliography
List of figures
Not really natural disasters: A call to action
Thesis Methodology
Quote by Shigeru Ban in the book
Humanitarian Architecture (Ban, 2014)
People are not killed by earthquakes, they’re killed by collapsing buildings… That’s the responsibility of architects, but the architects are not there when people need some temporary structure because we’re too busy working for (the) privileged.
Even a temporary structure can become a home.
According to UNHCR data, by the end of 2022, approximately 60 million people were displaced from their homes due to conflict and natural disasters (UNHCR, 2023). Typhoon Yolanda, for example, hit the Philippines in 2013. Being one of the most powerful cyclones ever recorded, it affected 11 million people, of which 4 million were displaced. It caused extensive damage to infrastructure and housing throughout the country. Due to the effects of climate change, extreme weather events are becoming more frequent, and as the seas get warmer, scientists predict this could lead to even stronger typhoons in the future.
Such disasters are particularly harsh on countries in the Global South. As the thesis will discuss in the following chapters, a disaster occurs when a natural hazard meets a vulnerable community. Countries such as the Philippines, where poverty is widespread, are particularly susceptible and may not have the resources to recover after a disaster. This is why these countries depend on external aid for assistance; this can include the supply of temporary shelters. Due to a lack of resources, the process of reconstruction and acquiring permanent housing can be slow, and it often happens that afflicted communities are required to stay in temporary shelters for longer periods than anticipated.
The role of an architect is seldom considered essential in post-disaster relief operations. Although architecture is not a primary need such as immediate food, water, and medical aid, an architect’s skills and creative problem-solving are valuable in relief operations from the beginning. David Sanderson,
Director of the Centre for Development and Emergency Practice in the Department of Architecture at Oxford Brookes University, says that the role of architects is minimal in postdisaster operations, and this could be attributed to “the common concept that what they (architects) do is mainly for aesthetic purposes” (Sanderson et al., 2014).
While it is true that many of the issues in humanitarian response are related to political factors and funding, there is certainly a place for architects to contribute in this field. Nonprofit organisations such as TAO-Pilipinas and LokalLab in the Philippines are just two examples that demonstrate the impact architecture can have in revitalising communities.
The motive behind writing this thesis was to shed light on the ways architects can contribute to the success of postdisaster operations. A considerable amount of the academic architectural discourse surrounding post-disaster structures looks at high-tech solutions. In contrast, this thesis approaches the topic from another angle. Looking to traditional knowledge, the thesis aims to highlight the benefits of studying vernacular architecture in order to better support communities in recovering after a disaster.
The intention of the thesis is not to say that vernacular architecture is the only answer to all issues of post-disaster. The complexity and uniqueness of each post-disaster scenario would make it impossible to provide a one-size-fits-all solution. It is simply trying to show the many lessons that can be learned from vernacular architecture and how they could be applied.
The aim of the thesis is to draw links between post-disaster architecture and vernacular architecture, using the Philippines as the area of focus. The structure can be roughly divided into two parts: research and design. The first three chapters set the scene and define the areas of focus. Chapter 4 begins to summarise the research and show the links between successful post-disaster recovery and vernacular architecture. Finally, Chapter 5 exemplifies the research findings with the design of transitional structures that could be found in a post-disaster scenario.
To begin the thesis, we must first determine what makes postdisaster recovery successful. In doing so, the thesis will form a set of criteria to compare with the qualities of vernacular architecture. Chapter 2 defines post-disaster architecture before proceeding to establish this criteria. It discusses the role of architecture in contributing to the success of post-disaster operations. At the end of the chapter, it focuses on shelters in the mid-term stage of relief and provides case studies, which will inform the design brief developed later.
In a similar manner, Chapter 3 first defines vernacular architecture and, more specifically, explores how we can learn from it. It then outlines the reasons for focusing on the Philippines due to its susceptibility to disaster and its deep architectural traditions. The chapter presents a brief history of Filipino vernacular architecture, which is summarised through a series of abstract drawings that attempt to answer the question: what is Filipino vernacular architecture?
From Chapter 4 onwards, the research is brought together through mind maps and a design exercise of three structures that are inspired by the different attributes of Filipino vernacular, thereby demonstrating the connection between vernacular architecture and post-disaster recovery.
Figure 2
Early thesis planning, February 2024
Defining
Humanitarian Architecture What makes postdisaster recovery successful?
The role of architecture
Prefabrication and Community Participation
Focusing on Transitional Shelters
Transitional Shelters: Case Studies
Quotes from “Transitional Shelters Eight Designs” produced by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC, 2012)
Broadly speaking, “humanitarian architecture” is defined as architecture that seeks to improve a humanitarian crisis, whether it arises from conflict, natural disaster, poverty, or disease. The term is often used interchangeably with “disaster relief architecture” or “post-disaster architecture,” which is an umbrella term encompassing various shelters that survivors may inhabit after a disaster. Emergency shelter, temporary housing, transitional shelter, and permanent housing are all examples of shelter typologies in the rehousing process.
While the terms can overlap and are sometimes used interchangeably, the different shelters are typically categorized into three temporal stages: emergency relief, mid-term relief, and permanent relief (Hollmén, 2023; IOM et al., 2012). This chapter will break down these three stages to better define the focus area later in the thesis.
“In some locations such as camps where there is no planned end state, shelters cannot be “transitional“, and temporary shelter must have a long duration.”
“The term T-shelter can mean either Temporary shelters or transitional shelters. This overlapping definition can provide flexibility when the terms temporary or transitional may be politically unacceptable.”
“In some countries the term “transitional shelter“ may become unacceptable, especially where reconstruction on a permanent site is possible. These shelters can be called progressive shelters.”
4 Shelter Definitions illustrated by the IFRC
by Shigeru Ban Architects
Aalto University’s WiT Programme is a programme that focuses on training professionals for the humanitarian field. They define emergency relief as the “immediate response to life-threatening conditions,” and IFRC states that the priorities in this stage are speed and limiting costs (Hollmén, 2023).
These structures often take the form of plastic tents provided by NGOs such as the UNHCR, and their primary purpose is to protect survivors from the elements. They are generic, compact, and lightweight structures that are made to be assembled quickly. Emergency relief can also be in the form of existing buildings. In some cases, buildings that are safe to inhabit for survivors are converted into shelter. This is more commonly seen in urban areas where public buildings such as schools, gymnasiums, and community centres can provide survivors with immediate shelter if their homes are uninhabitable.
According to the IFRC, the ideal length of stay in these shelters is between a few days to 3 weeks, but in many cases, people are forced to stay for much longer due to a lack of resources or political reasons (Hany Abulnour, 2014; IFRC, 2012).
Figure 6
Figure 7 Figure 8 Emergency shelters for Rohingya refugees Shelters in Tacloban, Philippines following Typhoon Haiyan 2013
Shelters in the mid-term stage house survivors while they wait for a permanent solution. In his article “The Post-Disaster Temporary Dwelling: Fundamentals of Provision, Design, and Construction,” published in the HBRC Journal, scholar Adham Hany Abulnour defines the “temporary house” as a shelter with the purpose of supporting the survivors’ transition from the emergency phase to a more normal mode of living, where daily activities such as work, cooking at home, school, and shopping can occur. He mentions that if these structures provide a high-quality standard of living, they can evolve into permanent solutions (Hany Abulnour, 2014).
The term “transitional shelter,” however, carries its own specific meaning, which has become more popular in use since 2004 (IFRC, 2012; Sanderson et al., 2014). The IFRC defines transitional shelters as “rapid, post-disaster household shelters made from materials that can be upgraded or reused in more permanent structures, or that can be relocated from temporary sites to permanent locations. They are designed to facilitate the transition by affected populations to more durable shelter” (IFRC, 2012). The Transitional Shelters Guidelines add to this definition two characteristics: the ability to be resold to generate income to assist with recovery, or recycled for reconstruction (IOM et al., 2012). The IFRC also adds the following to their definition:
“Transitional shelters respond to the fact that post-disaster shelter is often undertaken by the affected population themselves, and that this resourcefulness and self-management should be supported.”
This encouragement for resourcefulness and self-management is an aspect that will be further explored in the following chapters. Therefore, to be defined as a transitional shelter, the shelter must meet one of these five criteria: able to be upgraded, reused, relocated, resold, or recycled. This is what sets it apart from other solutions in the mid-term relief that are typically discarded after use.
Core or progressive housing is another form of an evolving mid-term shelter. The shelter starts with a “core” and over time extensions are added to the house incrementally, usually in line with the financial situation of the family. Similar to transitional shelters, they have an evolving nature and can be reused or upgraded. The key difference is that, unlike transitional shelters, the core house is the permanent home in all stages of its evolution.
TRANSITIONAL SHELTER CRITERIA
CORE SHELTER CRITERIA
UPGRADED REUSED
The criteria for what defines a transitional shelter or core shelter can overlap. In reality, the distinction between the two can at times be blurry but most important to is that both definitions address the structures’ use after the survivors’ temporary needs are met, whether it be transforming into the permanent home or generating income for afflicted communities.
12
Criteria for mid-term relief shelters
Permanent relief simply refers to durable and permanently sited structures. This could be a house that withstood the disaster, a renovated home, or a completely new construction (Hany Abulnour, 2014). Permanent housing is typically sited on or close to the survivors’ original homes. In some cases, relocation is necessary (though usually undesired by survivors) due to political reasons or in cases where the site of the original homes has been badly damaged by the natural hazard, making it unfit to build on.
Typically, once survivors are able to acquire permanent housing, the post-disaster rehousing process can be considered complete. However, as the following chapters will expand upon, the rehousing process is not a simple step-by-step procedure, and in many cases, survivors are required to wait unexpectedly long periods of time before they can transition into permanent housing.
Some scholars question the necessity of categorizing them, arguing that such distinctions have resulted in “redundancy, lack of coordination, fragmented distribution of aid, and wasteful uses of resources” (Lizarralde et al., 2009). These categorizations can also give the illusion that the rehousing process is a simple and linear three-step checklist which survivors must complete to ‘recover.’ This could not be farther from the truth. As the rest of the scholarship and the thesis will underline, post-disaster rehousing should truly be viewed as a process.
However, categorizing the shelters in somewhat rough temporal stages is still useful from the architectural design side. The issues that scholars refer to are usually rooted in the planning, political, and financial side of the discourse. From the architectural side, it is clear that survivors have specific needs at different stages of their rehousing process, and this must be reflected in architectural design. For example, it would make little sense to design something costly and time-consuming in the earlier stages, where an urgent response is required to preserve life. The shelter’s design must be functional for the temporal stage that it will be designed for.
In order to discover how architecture can contribute to the success of post-disaster recovery efforts, we must first define what makes post-disaster recovery “successful.” Departing from this definition, we can then formulate criteria from which the thesis can start to develop a framework for successful postdisaster recovery, focusing on how architecture can contribute to these criteria and inform the rest of the thesis.
It is easy to see post-disaster architecture as a physical product that responds to disaster. In reality, the rehousing process is much more complex than a step-by-step procedure of moving survivors through different shelter types—from emergency to temporary housing, and then to a permanent solution. It should instead be viewed as a process of improving predisaster conditions in an effort toward long-term sustainability, development, and disaster risk reduction (Lizarralde et al., 2009; Davis, 2006).
Therefore, successful post-disaster recovery is inextricably linked to the concept of sustainability. This concept is crucial because it is concerned with how post-disaster operations impact afflicted communities in the long term, well after the disaster has passed and external aid has been withdrawn. In essence, the goal of post-disaster operations is not to be a temporary fix that appears to work but eventually reveals problems that leave communities more vulnerable than before. Conversely, post-disaster operations should serve as a catalyst for development, making communities more resilient than they were prior to the disaster. Here, sustainability can refer to environmental, economic, and social sustainability, which, as this section will show, are all interrelated.
Disasters occur when a hazard is of a certain magnitude that the community is unable to cope with the losses and damages with its own resources, thereby needing external aid. However, disasters, while tragic, can provide a rare opportunity to re-plan and improve the systems that were originally in place (Lizarralde et al., 2009; Abrahams, 2014). In fact, the reconstruction process should go beyond solving the immediate effects of the disaster and should work to decrease vulnerability and increase access to resources to a level higher than that prior to the disaster (Lizarralde et al., 2009).
However, due to the urgency of post-disaster operations, humanitarian actors often do not (or are unable to) shift into this mindset of long-term planning, instead putting their focus and energy on producing a fast response (Abrahams, 2014). This can happen due to political issues, where governments want to appear to be quickly responding to the disaster (Lizarralde et al., 2009; Su & Le Dé, 2020). While there is undoubtedly a need for speed in these operations, issues can arise in the long term if sustainability is not addressed.
An article by Daniel Abrahams, published in the publication Disasters, contains a case study of a transitional shelter in Haiti following the 2010 earthquake. In his findings he concludes that post-disaster operations that do not consider environmental sustainability risk worsening the impact of a disaster and slowing long-term recovery efforts, thereby reducing disaster resilience (Abrahams, 2014). Building on past research, Abrahams (2014) provides a definition of environmental sustainability to strive for in the post-disaster context:
“Sustainable post-disaster activities provide resources to affected citizens to ensure health and safety and to promote redevelopment, without causing further damage to land or existing structures, exacerbating the impacts of the disaster, or placing undue stress on the natural environment.”
DISASTER OCCURS
POST-DISASTER REHOUSING SHOULD BE VIEWED AS A CONTINUED PROCESS INSTEAD...
DISASTER OCCURS
EMERGENCY, TEMPORARY, TRANSITIONAL, CORE ETC.
CONTINUED DEVELOPMENT
SECURE HOUSING ACQUIRED
This definition again highlights the essential shift from viewing rehousing as a step-by-step program to a fluid process of redevelopment that continues after the disaster.
To speak about development and improving access to resources automatically implies an economic impact. The term “The Shelter Effect”, coined by the IFRC, refers to the idea that post-disaster shelters can become catalysts for community development, particularly in developing countries. The IFRC’s short film showcases how a well-designed disaster-resilient shelter can have a ripple effect on the income of one household and slowly snowball into many community developments (IFRC, 2010).
Another important aspect of sustainability is social sustainability. For post-disaster recovery efforts to be successful and sustain the level of development well after external aid has gone, humanitarian organizations must be sensitive to the cultural needs and local conditions of a community and place. The issue is that humanitarian response involving external actors has often been a top-down approach, meaning decisions are made at the governmental level rather than the local level. This can mean that certain cultural needs and local conditions are not recognized (Hany Abulnour, 2014; Felix et al., 2013).
Figure 16
Diagram of contrasting views of the rehousing process
There is also the issue of a cultural gap that occurs when these disasters, typically occurring in the Global South, are responded to by external aid from the West. While many organizations are trying to address this, external actors may not fully grasp the realities of the survivors. Davis observed that there was widespread ignorance by relief agencies of local cultural values and assumptions that their housing models were superior to the local ones (Davis, 1981). While this narrative seems to be changing, the bias may still exist that technologies from the West are superior and that local traditions are inferior, even among local people who can be influenced by the media (Jigyasu, 2009; Davis, 1981).
Regardless, it is clear and supported by research (Oliver, 2006; Potangaroa, 2015; Sliwinski, 2009; Dy & Naces, 2016) that sincere attention to the cultural and local conditions of a place, especially by foreign actors, leads to acceptance by the community, ensuring that proposed solutions will last.
Another aspect of social sustainability is user satisfaction. It is evident that the community’s level of satisfaction with a postdisaster project is linked to the project’s sustainability. Regan Potangaroa, an expert in the post-disaster field, has found through his fieldwork and research that the happiness levels of a community after a disaster are closely related to their longterm resilience and ability to self-support. In his work, he interviewed survivors and measured their responses using the DASS scale. The research demonstrated that there is a tipping point on the DASS scale where, if humanitarian aid succeeds in bringing the score up to 7 (a score based on the ratio of
happy to unhappy responses), communities will become selfsustaining and happy (Potangaroa, 2015).
In summary, post-disaster operations can be considered successful when they meet certain aspects of environmental, economic, and social sustainability. Based on these concepts of sustainability, a set of criteria for successful post-disaster operations can be formed:
Increases a community’s resilience and reduces pre-disaster vulnerability levels.
Improves a community’s access to resources.
Is culturally and locally sensitive.
Spurs economic development.
Is environmentally conscious.
Satisfies users.
So, how does architecture fit into the picture? The next two chapters explore different architectural aspects and how they can meet these criteria to contribute to the success of postdisaster recovery efforts.
If one were to search the term “post-disaster architecture” on Google, they would find images of a wide variety of structures, ranging from small shelters to large housing units. These small shelters, which are often intended to address the emergency and mid-relief stages, are frequently designed to be replicable, prefabricated, and high-tech solutions. Moreover, this recurring image of small, high-tech shelters often originates from academics or practitioners based in Western countries and institutions.
While high-tech solutions can undoubtedly serve their purpose well, Ian Davis, author of Disasters and the Small Dwelling, critiques this approach. He argues, “Inevitably such instant shelters appear to have more to do with the needs of those who generate the concepts and precious little with the harsh, pressing shelter needs of survivors who need far more than physical protection, especially when it arrives in a novel shape” (Davis, 1981). This critique is especially relevant in the postdisaster context. Disaster survivors often lack familiarity with advanced architectural concepts, particularly those developed abroad. Coupled with their vulnerable situation, this makes familiarity a crucial consideration in shelter design. Careful
RECOVERY = SUSTAINABILITY
ENVIRONMENTAL
ECONOMIC CULTURAL
CRITERIA FOR SUCCESSFUL RECOVERY
1. INCREASES A COMMUNITY’S RESILIENCE AND IMPROVES PRE-DISASTER VULNERABILITY LEVELS.
2. IMPROVES A COMMUNITY’S ACCESS TO RESOURCES.
3. IS CULTURALLY AND LOCALLY SENSITIVE.
4. SPURS ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
5. IS ENVIRONMENTALLY CONSCIOUS.
6. SATISFIES USERS
attention must be paid to survivors’ local ways of life and cultural contexts.
The role of architects in post-disaster scenarios should not be viewed as that of top-down solution providers. As Lizarralde et al. suggest, architects have a responsibility to identify their role in addressing social challenges. They must “develop the expertise required to respond to those problems and link ethical, functional, and aesthetic considerations” (Lizarralde et al., 2009).
In his extensive experience with post-disaster scenarios, Regan Potangaroa found that with the right technical support—particularly from architects and engineers—affected communities are capable of achieving the outcomes they desire (Potangaroa, 2015).
This chapter explores how various aspects of architecture can contribute to meeting the criteria established in the previous chapter.
ROLE OF ARCHITECTURE
CULTURALLY SENSITIVE DESIGN
CONSTRUCTION: MATERIAL CHOICE, TECHNOLOGIES, AND SELF-BUILDING
RESILIENT AND ADAPTABLE DESIGN
PLANNING FOR THE AFTERLIFE OF TEMPORARY SHELTERS
Figure 19 Simplified model illustrating successful post-disaster recovery.
The issue with the prefabricated, high-tech models that dominate a Google search for “post-disaster architecture” lies in their limited scope. While these models may function adequately to provide physical protection from the elements, they fail to acknowledge a fundamental truth: a shelter must also provide a home.
There is a widespread misconception that, under the extreme pressure of post-disaster conditions, people are willing to abandon their normal patterns of living or traditional forms of dwellings and accept any solution provided to them. However, research and experience show that this assumption is false (Davis, 2006; Davis, 1981; Abrahams, 2014; Potangaroa, 2015). Numerous cases illustrate how post-disaster homes designed and distributed by humanitarian organizations have been abandoned by survivors. This rejection is often rooted in a lack of sensitivity to the cultural and local contexts of the affected communities (Dy & Naces, 2016; Lizarralde et al., 2009).
A shelter must go beyond the provision of physical safety; it must enable survivors to feel socially integrated and regain a sense of belonging. During such vulnerable times, a house often becomes a source of pride and cultural identity. In many cultures, the home carries symbolic importance far exceeding its role as a mere physical structure (Felix et al., 2013).
This reality raises an important question: are external actors equipped to intervene in culturally complex environments outside their own? Paul Oliver asserts that post-disaster relief is one scenario where external intervention is not only appropriate but also “requested, necessitated, even demanded” (Oliver, 2000). However, it is critical that organizations understand that cultural considerations are not secondary concerns but are, in fact, integral to ensuring the sustainability and success of post-disaster shelter projects.
The topic of cultural sensitivity is closely linked to the choice of materials and technologies used in the construction of shelters. The question of using local materials as opposed to imported ones is a choice that is linked to environmental, economic, and cultural sustainability.
By using local materials in post-disaster shelters, costs and delays in transportation are significantly reduced. Additionally, local knowledge of these materials facilitates the involvement of the local workforce, which can spur potential economic benefits and encourage cultural integration (Daniel Félix et al., 2013). Modifications and maintenance of such shelters are also easier, as they rely on local expertise rather than requiring external aid or specialized knowledge often necessary for hightech prefabricated solutions (Daniel Félix et al., 2013).
The concept of self-building and self-maintenance is crucial for long-term sustainability, as communities take charge of their own recovery (GFDRR, n.d.; Potangaroa, 2015; Félix et al., 2013). Scholars have also recognized the value of indigenous and traditional construction processes, which embody centuries of accumulated local knowledge. Such methods are often welladapted to local conditions and may even offer greater disaster resilience compared to modern technologies (Félix et al., 2013; Jigyasu, 2009).
In one case study, informants reported that even if atypical structures, such as plastic modular houses, were less expensive and environmentally sustainable, they would still avoid using them. A related issue with imported materials is their local value or perception. For example, survivors in the Philippines reported feeling safer in lightweight, traditionally constructed shelters rather than concrete structures, fearing that concrete buildings might collapse on them. Additionally, high-tech materials can have significant local economic value, leading survivors to sell them rather than use them to construct shelters (Architecture for Humanity, 2006).
The use of local materials and low-tech solutions is advantageous in terms of environmental, economic, and social sustainability. However, a suitable solution often requires a trade-off between traditional and modern technologies. In Rebuilding After
Disasters: From Emergency to Sustainability, Rohit Jigyasu discusses how optimization, rather than maximization, may be ideal. For instance, while a reinforced concrete box might maximize earthquake safety, it could fall short on other important aspects such as climate adaptability, cultural compatibility, and community familiarity. A balanced trade-off between traditional and modern approaches is often necessary (Jigyasu, 2009). It is important to avoid romanticizing local materials without considering the clear advantages that modern materials can sometimes provide or acknowledging the shortcomings of traditional methods. A pragmatic approach that balances these considerations is essential.
With this topic also comes a discussion around self-building, community participation, and prefabrication. This will be covered in more depth in the following chapter.
Figures 22 and 23 Emergency shelters designed for UNHCR by Shigeru Ban.
Post-disaster projects often emphasize the resilience of a community, but resilient design is equally critical.
The Oxford English Dictionary defines “resilience” as:
1. The ability to withstand or recover quickly from difficult conditions.
2.The ability of a substance or object to spring back into shape; elasticity.
In the long term, modifications to shelters are inevitable. This is why local materials and low-tech construction methods are advantageous. Since these shelters are usually located in disaster-prone areas, they must be prepared to withstand recurring natural hazards. In the event of wear or damage, the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) recommends the use of materials and technologies that can be easily repaired (GFDRR, n.d.).
Resilient design, where parts of a shelter can be replaced, reused, or repaired, is especially beneficial in the post-disaster context, where conditions are rapidly evolving. Many organizations advocate for the use of materials that can be re-purposed in the construction of permanent housing, promoting shelter designs that are either modifiable or de-constructible.
Another critical factor these shelters must address is site and land issues. A common problem, particularly with mid-term shelters, is that the original site may no longer be safe for construction, forcing survivors to relocate as mandated by the government. This is especially prevalent in coastal areas. Furthermore, issues related to land ownership can arise, sometimes requiring relocation once a lease period has expired. However, survivors typically prefer to remain in or near their original homes due to familiarity, economic ties, and socio-cultural reasons (Hany Abulnour, 2014; Davis, 2006). For instance, the livelihoods of many coastal communities are tied to fishing-related activities such as fishing, selling and processing fish, boat-building, and net-making. Relocation can disrupt these activities, potentially leading to significant economic setbacks.
A study conducted in Sri Lanka in 2005 after a tsunami sheds light on survivors’ preferences (Asquith & Vellinga, 2006). Survivors were asked to rank their priorities for shelter. Their highest priority was to remain as close as possible to their damaged or ruined homes and their means of livelihood. In contrast, the three lowest-ranked priorities were:
- Occupy emergency shelters provided by external agencies.
- Occupy tents in a camp-site.
- Be evacuated to a distant location.
This research highlights the strong identification families have with the location of their homes. Survivors often prefer to live in crowded situations, sharing space with relatives and friends, rather than accepting temporary shelters or tents offered by external aid organizations. Consequently, post-disaster architecture must be prepared to address the possibility of relocation and be adaptable to various site conditions.
city 2010
One of the issues in post-disaster design is the lack of planning for the units’ destiny after they serve their purpose (Felix et al., 2013). In many cases, these units are still usable, but without proper planning, they are demolished without concern for possibilities of reuse or recycling.
For example, following the 1999 earthquake in the Colombian city of Armenia, 6,000 units of temporary shelters were not planned for use after survivors had transitioned into permanent housing, leading to large amounts of timber and iron being trashed, stored, or lost (Lizarralde et al., 2009).
This highlights the benefits of evolving mid-term shelters, such as transitional shelters, core housing, or progressive shelters. For shelters to be defined as one of these types, they must meet the five attributes that consider the afterlife of temporary structures.
By designing shelters that have a use afterlife, architecture has the potential to contribute to environmental sustainability while also benefiting communities economically and promoting long-term development.
Through the previous chapters we have seen that the biggest driver of post-disaster recovery is sustainability and the ways post-disaster architecture can be a driver of sustainability in an environmental, social and economic way.
Summarising the research the thesis proposes the following six guidelines in how architecture can contribute to the success of post-disaster recovery efforts. These guidelines will be revisited in the section on vernacular architecture and will eventually guide the design of the structures.
Figure 25
Sheeting provided by USAID’s Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance and distributed by NGOs after earthquake in Nepal
This section briefly addresses two topics that are often discussed in the post-disaster discourse: prefabrication and community participation. The general overview of scholarship surrounding the work suggests two main ideas: prefabrication is undesirable, and community participation is desirable. However, this chapter aims to interrogate these concepts to better understand their role in post-disaster operations.
One of the key criticisms of post-disaster architecture, as suggested in the prior chapter on materials, is that prefabrication should be avoided in post-disaster recovery. While the numerous advantages of local materials and building with the community have already been pointed out, should prefabrication as a concept be completely ruled out?
The current criticisms against prefabrication likely stem from the 1970s and 1980s, when heavy, mass-produced units were ill-adapted to the contexts they were designed for (Lizarralde et al., 2009; Johnson, 2009). They came with issues of high costs, high-tech solutions, and standardization, which meant a lack of attention to the specificities of a place, namely its climate, topography, local customs, and local forms of living. In cases where affordable housing was in constant demand, these temporary units would remain longer than planned. However, because they were high-tech solutions built by specialized contractors, ongoing maintenance by the local people proved difficult (Lizarralde et al., 2009; Johnson, 2009).
In the 2010 Haiti case study by Abrahams, informants reported that they chose local materials and purposely avoided prefabricated shelters for economic reasons:
“I would try not to do the prefabricated [shelters], just because I like to source commodities locally because you do get that cash injection into a local economy, which produces ripple effects and helps jumpstart businesses.”
-(Abrahams, 2014)
All of this has led to a lack of confidence in prefabrication and scepticism (Lizarralde et al., 2009). However, as Lizarralde argues, a systematic rejection of prefabrication in developing countries does not stand up to a cost-benefit analysis.
As an alternative to the heavy industrialization of the 1970s and 1980s, they suggest that the prefabrication of light elements could be beneficial from a cost-benefit point of view (Lizarralde et al., 2009).
With this in mind, an architectural solution could be a combination of prefabricated elements and local technologies, incorporating the best of both while also providing a cost benefit.
Figure 26 (left) Emergency Accommodation Units after Van Earthquakes, Turkey.
Figure 27 (right) Rural Housing Prototype in Apan - DVCH De Villar CHacon Architecture
The dominant narrative in post-disaster recovery is that the participation of survivors in the reconstruction process leads to a more successful operation. The former Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator (UNDRO, 1982, p. 55) went as far as to state that: “The key to success ultimately lies in the participation of the local community – the survivors – in reconstruction.”
As nice as the bottom-up approach sounds, the reality is that this principle is hardly put into practice and faces many obstacles (Sliwinski, 2009). Community participation can come in different forms, and the way it is implemented can affect the outcome of the operation in various ways.
Firstly, community participation can refer to the community being involved throughout the planning, design, and construction phases. Participation can also take the form of decision-making or manual labour, sometimes referred to as “sweat participation” (Opdyke et al., 2019). Some scholars have contrasting views on the value of sweat participation, with some findings showing a positive correlation between participation and user satisfaction, while others suggest that this form of participation has little to do with the outcome (Lizarralde et al., 2009; Sliwinski, 2009; Opdyke et al., 2019).
However, many scholars agree on the benefits of involving the community in the earlier phases of strategy and planning (Opdyke et al., 2019). It can strengthen social relationships, benefit psychosocial recovery, and give survivors a sense of ownership over their recovery, leading to positive impacts in the long term (Su & Le Dé, 2020; Sliwinski, 2009). Four case studies in South America attributed their success to the careful coordination of involved parties (Sliwinski, 2009).
In any case, participation by locals is often linked to user satisfaction rather than the actual safety of the shelters (Opdyke et al., 2019). Research has suggested that participation in the design phase did not affect design (Rand, Hirano & Kelman, 2011; Sanderson et al., 2014). This is where the designer fills this expertise gap and can provide technical assistance to communities.
There is also the issue of assuming that communities, particularly in a vulnerable state, would be willing and eager to participate. Canadian anthropologist Alicia Sliwinski discovered in a postearthquake housing project with a community participation scheme that the “good neighbour” rhetoric is not always present and that social and hostile tensions between people can exist (Sliwinski, 2009).
Cultural concepts such as the Filipino spirit of ‘bayanihan’ can also influence levels of community engagement (Opdyke et al., 2019). This spirit of ‘togetherness’ and ‘collectivity’ is often romanticized, especially in the response to Typhoon Haiyan, with many commending the Filipinos’ resilience and ability to recover, attributing it to this spirit of bayanihan (Mangada & Su, 2017). However, these cultural concepts can sometimes be political ways of hiding the slow response and unpreparedness of governments (Mangada & Su, 2017). Surveys by Ladylyn Mangada and Yvonne Su found that while bayanihan did exist, it was rarely seen in more urban areas, and internal conflicts within communities existed.
These arguments do not mean to suggest that community participation is undesirable, nor that cultural concepts such as bayanihan do not have an impact. The spirit of community and resilience through togetherness is absolutely present in collectivist cultures such as the Philippines. It is simply highlighting that participation should not mean solely manual labour but also the involvement of the community in planning and decision-making. By doing this, communities can integrate important cultural aspects from the early stages, contributing to the project’s long-term success. It also clarifies the role of designers as specialists who can provide the technical expertise for communities to execute their desires. It is important that, going forward, one should not over-romanticize cultural concepts and expect communities to act in such generous ways, particularly under the circumstances of post-disaster. Ladylyn Mangada and Yvonne Su summarized it well: “Sometimes surviving is just surviving” (2017).
A group of men relocate a traditional Bahay
CULTURAL
As will be further discussed in Chapter 3, vernacular architecture goes beyond responding solely to physical and climatic factors. Culture, traditions, and the local way of life are intangible factors that also play a part in manifesting the built form.
One of the strongest cultural aspects that has persisted to this day in the Philippines is the nation’s strong community spirit. There is a term in Filipino, “bayanihan,” which refers to a concept of togetherness, cooperation, and unity. This cultural concept is important because it is an essential part of much Filipino vernacular architecture and is also important in postdisaster recovery.
As seen in the case studies of Filipino vernacular architecture, these structures are essentially communal. They are mostly one-unit dwellings for the entire family to occupy, with no real partitions for individual privacy. They are often added to or modified depending on changing family structures. The way that these structures are built to relate to each other through porches, overhangs, and communal outdoor spaces is another reflection of the togetherness among different families. These in-between spaces bring the living space outside but also extend the home to neighbors, welcoming them into the space and inviting discussion.
Even in the case of the Badjao houseboat, the concept of adoption to keep the boat running shows that the concept of family can go beyond blood relatives. In some cases, structures are even designed to host a number of different families, as is the case with the Maranao people, who sleep on sleeping mats in large multi-family halls.
Bayanihan is important because, in post-disaster scenarios, the topic of community participation is a major one, with many arguing that it can define whether post-disaster recovery will be successful or not. Knowing about bayanihan will impact the way that post-disaster structures should relate to each other, negate the need for many partitions and individual privacy, and encourage more communal spaces for communities to interact both indoors and outdoors.
The issue of the current humanitarian situation is that too often, the transitional phase becomes a permanent one, and many are unable to move to permanent housing due to a lack of resources and inability to build permanent, durable shelters.”
- IFRC, 2012
Due to the varying impacts of a disaster and political or financial factors, not all survivors will pass through each stage of housing (Johnson, 2009). Most sources recommend an assessment of the situation to determine whether it is appropriate or even feasible to construct transitional shelters with the resources available (IFRC, 2012; Hany Abulnour, 2014). For example, if the damage to a home is only minor, a rapid or partial rebuilding solution could allow survivors to move from the emergency shelters directly into permanent housing, negating the need for a transitional structure (IOM et al., 2012).
However, when the emergency phase has passed and permanent solutions are still far from being available, mid-term structures are required. Shelters in the mid-term relief stage have huge potential to positively impact the immediate and long-term well-being of survivors, thus meeting the criteria outlined in the previous two chapters. The rest of this chapter expands on the choice of the thesis to focus on designing transitional structures.
As mentioned previously, the reconstruction process is more than simply transitioning people from emergency to temporary housing and then to a permanent solution. It is about improving pre-disaster conditions and promoting the longterm prosperity and sustainability of a community.
Transitional structures, in particular, have great potential to contribute to the long-term development of a community. These evolving structures, which can be reused, resold, recycled,
upgraded, or relocated, continue to serve the community after their initial use as temporary homes. These five attributes have obvious financial benefits for a community. However, as this thesis will explore, transitional architecture can also improve a community’s resilience to future disasters, create more spaces that can adapt to changing needs, and allow survivors to benefit from the positive effects of self-building. All of these factors contribute to an improvement in a community’s access to resources, resilience, and, therefore, a reduction in vulnerability.
The research question at this point is: How can good design of transitional shelters improve a community’s resilience?
It is for this reason that, going forward, the thesis will focus on the design of transitional structures, specifically those that can evolve over time and continue to serve a purpose after their use as temporary residences. Unlike quick-response emergency shelters, these transitional shelters need to be more resilient and designed to support survivors for possibly months to years, given the likely difficulty in acquiring permanent housing. However, these shelters are not intended to be permanent. They should take on a semi-ephemeral nature, not replacing permanent housing.
This semi-ephemeral nature of transitional shelters is a quality that strongly links them to Filipino vernacular architecture, an aspect that will be further explored through the thesis.
Figure 29
Authors diagram of thesis focus in the rehousing process
Although they may be designed for the mid-term stage of relief, these structures have the potential go beyond the transitional stage and remain as permanent structures. For example, they could be repurposed for another function or donated to another community in need. This kind of adaptability that allows the structure to move through the different stages of relief is exactly the quality that can trigger long-term sustainability.
WORKS BY SHIGERU BAN
On September 17, 1995, in light of the Great Hanshin earthquake, a temporary church building known as the “Paper Dome,” made of paper tubes, was designed and built pro bono by Shigeru Ban for the Takatori Catholic Church in Kobe, Japan. After the Takatori parish community decided to build a larger, permanent church building, the “Paper Dome” was deconstructed in 2005. Arrangements had been made to donate it to a Catholic community in Nantou County, Taiwan, which had suffered from the 921 earthquake on September 21, 1999. The parts were shipped to Taiwan in 2006, and after two years of planning, they were reconstructed at the new site in 2008. The reconstruction took four months, and it is now used as a place of worship as well as a tourist attraction.
Similarly, in February 2011, the city of Christchurch, New Zealand, was struck by a 6.3 magnitude earthquake that caused significant damage to the city’s infrastructure. One of the damaged buildings was the iconic Christchurch Cathedral, an Anglican cathedral in the central city and a major tourist attraction. Ban was invited to design a temporary cathedral that would host events and church services while awaiting the original cathedral’s reconstruction (Barrie, 2013). Erected in 2013, the Cardboard Cathedral was originally named the transitional cathedral because of its intention as a temporary structure. Due to its success, it was decided that it would become a permanent structure for The Parish of St. John (Barrie, 2013). The Lonely Planet, a popular travel guide publisher, named Christchurch in the top 10 cities to visit, with the Cardboard Cathedral as one of the key attractions.
There are some questions around the cost-effectiveness of Ban’s work (Architecture for Humanity, 2006), and critics may speculate about how much of the success of these structures can be attributed to his status as an internationally renowned architect. Regardless, both of these examples showcase the potential of temporary structures to have a purpose even after a community has completed the transition to a permanent solution. What were meant to be stand-in places of worship have unexpectedly become major attractions in their respective cities, showing the huge impact post-disaster structures can have even after serving their initial purpose.
Additionally, while post-disaster projects are typically focused on housing units, these examples highlight the need to also respond to the cultural and communal needs of survivors, in this case, providing spaces for religious worship.
Figure 30 (left)
Paper Church in Kobe, designed as a temporary cultural and religious structure.
Figure 31 (right)
Transitional Cathedral designed as a temporary church.
This chapter looks at case studies of shelters in the mid-term relief phase in the Philippines. Due to the uniqueness of each post-disaster scenario, these case studies will provide a basis for what can be expected in terms of site, materiality, cost, and timeline.
This information will then serve as a point of departure when forming the brief for the design stage in later chapters. Each case study has been summarised in terms of materiality and key architectural descriptors. At the end of the chapter, these will be compared against each other, and an “average” will be formed to indicate what is most common or effective in terms of design solutions.
In the end, it will be a combination of the following factors that form the guidelines for the design project:
1. Case Studies
2. Guidelines on materials and processes from Humanitarian Organisations
3. Studies on Filipino Vernacular Architecture
CS01
CS08
CS03
CS04
CS05
CS06
CS02 Indonesia
KEY DESCRIPTION:
Core house structure intended to become a permanent home. Inspired by local rural houses. The core strucure was made of heavy construction while the adjacent part was made of lighter materials, both parts designed to last 20 and 10 years respectively.
Hybrid construction of Interlocking Compressed Earth Block (ICEB) for the core and treated coconut timber and amakan walling for the adjoining room. Materials sourced locally. Technology was familiar as it was already used in the region prior to the project
Coconut timber and amakan walling were replaceable and many families modified the design or built extensions for small kitchens. Fostered a sense of ownership and inclusivity in the design.
High costs meant it reached a relatively low number of beneficiaries (roughly 30% of the targeted afflicted population).
KEY DESCRIPTION:
Transitional, one space shelter built from locally procured, durable, coconut timber. Designed by architects and engineers and inspired by vernacular Filipino houses, well adapted to the tropical climate protecting from the heat and rain.
Elevated shelters anchored on reinforced concrete footings instead of concrete foundations eased land-owner worries concerning irreversible damage to their property.
Raised structure assists with passive ventilation and keeping water and vermin away out. Raised structure meant issues of accessibility for elderly and less-abled.
A shelter can be carried from one place to another by 20 persons or can be easily dismantled and re-erected in another location. Shelter can be easily upgraded into permanent homes, disassembled to make adjustments.
KEY DESCRIPTION:
A core shelter with a built-in toilet constructed from materials available at the local market. A coconut timber structure with amakan walling atop concrete footings and covered by a hipped corrugated iron roof.
Culturally appropriate design was widely accepted by beneficiaries and occupants reported they felt safer in this structure.
Initially difficult to involve the affected people as they were in a distressed state. Over time, participatory activities and focus group discussions built stronger cooperation within the community. To avoid more stress, beneficiaries contributed to the construction process while the NGO managed technical support, material delivery and overall monitoring.
Some components were prefabricated to ensure construction quality, particularly wall panels and structural footings.
KEY DESCRIPTION:
A single room transitional shelter constructed from traditional light materials. Use of amakan for walling and nipa for roofing provided excellent ventilation for shelters.
Has a gable roof with short overhangs to limit upward lift. Large concrete footings were used to level structures on slopes and difficult site conditions.
Most fisherfolk within the transitional site preferred to return to their original community because of unfamiliar fishing grounds near the transitional site. The transitional site was an hour away from the original location proving difficult for work and school.
Communal toilets were constructed alongside the shelters but due to poor maintenance they became unusable. Designed to last only a couple of years then being given to the land owners for private rental and use.
KEY DESCRIPTION:
Constructed from timber trusses, amakan walling, a hipped corrugated iron roof on concrete footings. Includes a small porch and two entrances. Steel straps on roof edges tied the structure down to concrete footings.
Government prevented community from returning to original sites due to them being located in a no-build zone. Permanent homes to be constructed on the same site as the transitional shelters.
Households lived in a tent for a year prior to acquiring these transitional shelters.
Common transitional spaces such as a large bunk house, social centre and basketball courts were also constructed.
Sanitation infrastructure was poorly maintained resulting in households constructing their own unlined pits.
KEY DESCRIPTION:
Owner-driven approach to shelter design. Each household was assisted by architects and engineers to design their own homes according to vernacular design principles. Designed to be core houses that could expand.
Shelters were designed to meet typhoon-resistant standards. So that in the case of future destruction, families would have a core shelter to build back from. Designs were raised or followed the bahay na bato principle of a heavy base and a lighter upper part.
Meaningful community involvement and decision making empowered households in controlling their recovery. Workshops on building, financial literacy and management reinforced this.
Sometimes weaker and cheaper alternatives should be used to encourage replicability.
KEY DESCRIPTION:
The structure is a bamboo frame with that holds a hipped roof of terracotta tiles. The walls are made of woven bamboo and the floor is raised on bamboo joists and panels. The structure is braced with diagonal bamboo members on every side.
Some communities recovered very quickly as they already had knowledge on how to build with bamboo.
The frames connections are pinned with bamboo pegs and secured with rope. Roofing and flooring are fixed with nails.
Once permanent homes were acquired, transitional shelters became kitchens, sheds, small shops, workshops and storehouses.
The project was built on the Javanese self-help culture of gotong royong, a concept similar to that of the Filipino bayanihan that promotes working together towards a communal goal.
KEY DESCRIPTION:
The paper log system was used in conjunction with local materials such as nipa for the gable roof and amakan for the walls. The paper log system by Shigeru Ban is designed to be easily constructed with little time and people required.
The shelter is a hybrid of Shigeru Ban’s paper log system and traditional materials such as nipa for the roof and amakan for the walls. A plywood floor sits atop a foundation of crates filled with bags of sand.
The amakan walls allow light to filter into the space and openings of the awning type allow air and light to pass through the space.
Under the nipa roof is a layer of plastic sheeting which likely serves to protect from heavy rain.
CS01
DISASTER:
HOUSEHOLD SIZE:
TIME TO BUILD:
LIFESPAN:
AREA PER UNIT:
AREA PER PERSON:
COST PER UNIT (USD):
SITE CONDITIONS: (RELOCATION?)
COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION:
KEY ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS:
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
5,4 people
6 months for 600 units
10-20 years
17,5-21 sqm
3,5 sqm
$5160
No legal status or proof of land ownership. NGO assisted in securing documentation and relocating singular households or small groups from unsafe zones to nearby plots.
A handbook with 3D drawings was distributed to show households how to build their own homes. Some households needed support during construction and making design decisions.
Inspired by common rural houses from the area.
Flexible design to allow for extension and modifications suiting family’s needs.
Built to resist seismic loads of up to 7.2 on Richter scale and 200km/hr wind load.
Tropical Storm Washi, 2011
5 people
2-3 days
5 years
18 sqm
3,6 sqm
$410
Prone to flooding, near the riverbanks. If low-medium risk, households were sited in their original neighbourhood. If land owenership issues arose in the future, structure could easily be moved.
-
Combines traditional materials (locally procured coconut timber, bamboo and amakan walling) with modern materials such as concrete footings and corrugated iron roofing.
Can easily be dismantled, relocated and upgraded.
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
4,1 people22 sqm
5,4 sqm
$2240
Coastal areas, structures were built above ground to prevent flooding.
Beneficiaries without land were relocated but within the same area.
Initially difficult to involve beneficiaries as they were in a distressed state. However, through focus groups and participatory activities, cooperation become stronger.
Structurally designed to withstand 200km/hr winds.
A hybrid design using traditional materials locally sourced and corrugated iron and concrete footings.
Some shelters included ramps for accessibility.
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
5,4 people
3 months for 86 units 10 years$1333
The coastal transitional site was one hour away and many families spent large income on commuting to work and school. Fisherman were unfamiliar with the new fishing grounds.
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
Raised concrete footings helped tackle slopes and difficult terrain.
Constructed from light materials due to expected short life-span.
Good ventilation thanks to nipa roof and amakan wall panels.
2 months for 133 units
Government prevented community from returning to original sites due to them being located in a no-build zone. Permanent homes to be constructed on the same site as the transitional shelters.
Includes a small porch and two entrances. Steel straps on roof edges tied the structure down to concrete footings.
Some households used plastic tarp to cover amakan walls to protect from rain which reduced ventilation.
Ramps for accessibility.
CASE STUDY
SUMMARY
DISASTER:
HOUSEHOLD SIZE:
TIME TO BUILD:
LIFESPAN:
AREA PER UNIT:
AREA PER PERSON:
COST PER UNIT (USD):
SITE CONDITIONS: (RELOCATION?)
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
5 people11,5-23 sqm
4 sqm
$2250
Earthquake, 20093,5 days per unit 1-5 years 24 sqm$695
Mostly coastal sites, some inland. Coastal, Inland.
COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION:
KEY ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS:
Indigenous communities were involved from the early stage, in planning their homes and managing the construction in an owner-driven design approach. Architects provided technical support.
Beneficiaries were indigenous communities so vernacular design principles were culturally important as well as practical.
A mix of traditional and modern materials were used. Corrugated iron, nipa, plywood, amakan and concrete blocks could be combined.
Some communities were able to construct shelters very quickly thanks to their familiarity with bamboo construction.
The structure is a bamboo frame with that holds a hipped roof of terracotta tiles. The walls are made of woven bamboo and the floor is raised on bamboo joists and panels. The structure is braced with diagonal bamboo members on every side.
CS08 TRANSITIONAL SHELTER
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
1 day
Coastal.
The structure was constructed by volunteers (some locals).
CS09 TRANSITIONAL SHELTER (ADDITIONAL DATASET)
CS10 TRANSITIONAL SHELTER (ADDITIONAL DATASET)
The shelter is a hybrid of Shigeru Ban’s paper log system and traditional materials such as nipa for the roof and amakan for the walls.
A plywood floor sits atop a foundation of crates filled with bags of sand.
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
4,8 people4 years 24 sqm 5 sqm
$1960
Soft earth. Built on resettlement sites.
Some households had to relocate as they were located in no-build zones.
Carpenters and assistants came from local communities which generated a source of income.
Community participated in construction and distribution of kits.
Made of coconut timber, amakan walling and corrugated iron roofing.
People personalised their shelters adding small stores and temporary structures outside for livelihood activities.
Typhoon Haiyan, 2013
5 people19,4 sqm
3,9 sqm
$3500
Were able to rebuild in the same location.
Could easily be disassembled meaning less problems if the structure had to be relocated in case of land ownership issues.
Community identified their priorities through participatory workshops.
Beneficiaries were in charge of the storage and safety of construction materials.
Used prefabricated trusses.
Followed the Build Back Safer guidelines provided.
Latrines also constructed considering privacy and security (no gaps in the lower part, locks and close proximity to the shelters).
While varied, a comparison of the case studies data can help to form a rough idea of what can be expected in constructing post-disaster shelters. As expected, many of the findings are in line with the research findings from the previous chapters.
Factors such as costs are difficult to form an average from mainly due to the uniqueness of the scenarios. These costs are usually made up of the cost of materials and the cost of delivery which can both differ greatly depending on the area of the intervention and their access to markets.
It is clear however that the shelter should be relatively simple to construct so that community members, with guidance, can build their own homes. The case studies also show the need for other spaces other than the home, for example, gathering spaces and communal latrine blocks.
DISASTER:
HOUSEHOLD SIZE:
TIME TO BUILD:
ANTICIPATED LIFESPAN:
AREA PER UNIT:
AREA PER PERSON:
SITE CONDITIONS:
COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION:
KEY ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS:
Typically a typhoon
4 to 5 people
Roughly 2-4 days
Anywhere from 1-6 years
19,64 sqm
3,93 sqm
Mostly lowland, coastal sites, some inland. Prepare for uneven ground and the possibility of relocation
Construction of homes should technically simple enough for community to participate.
Use of familiar materials helped with self-building efforts.
Important to have spaces to discuss and host participatory workshops so communities can plan their own recovery.
Often a mix of traditional and modern materials.
Use of prefabricated elements as well as building on-site.
Flexibility and adaptability important qualities for reasons of a changing situation or personalisation of the homes.
Defining Vernacular Architecture
Research focus area: The Philippines
A Short History of the Filipino Vernacular DRAWINGS: Filipino Vernacular Elements
Paramount to the thesis is first defining what is meant by the term “vernacular architecture.” Etymologically, the word vernacular is derived from the Latin word “vernaculus,” which means native and is typically used in the field of linguistics. Paul Oliver, a distinguished architectural historian who specialised in vernacular architecture, loosely defines it as the “native science of building” (Oliver, 2006).
However, Oliver, like other scholars, notes that the usage of the term vernacular can be confusing, too broad, and even problematic. For one, vernacular architecture is sometimes used interchangeably with terms such as popular, traditional, rural, and indigenous. Less commonly used terms such as folk, savage, and primitive architecture can also carry negative connotations. In Rudofsky’s Preface to Architecture without Architects, an important book in the discourse of vernacular architecture published in 1964 following the MoMA exhibition of the same name, he states that some of these terms are generic labels for what he called “nonpedigreed architecture,” suggesting an interchangeable use (Rudofsky, 1964). However, in the past few decades, there has been a rise in scholarly work and discourse around the topic of vernacular architecture (Elizabeth Grant et al., 2017), and while the terms are still often used synonymously, slight distinctions do exist and are debated.
According to Allen Noble’s definitions, “traditional architecture” is built with the knowledge that has been passed down through generations. Under this term is “vernacular architecture,” which is “of the common people” and uses local traditions and materials in its design. It may be built by trained professionals, whereas buildings by untrained persons are referred to as “folk architecture” (Noble, 2007). The definition of indigenous architecture, on the other hand, is widely accepted as that of indigenous peoples who are defined as inhabiting or existing in a land from the earliest times or from before the arrival of colonists. Matunga warns against using labels such as traditional, folk, and primitive, as they can marginalise or frame native building as non-legitimate architecture (Matunga, 2018).
In contrast to Noble’s distinctions, Oliver’s definition of vernacular architecture includes all buildings made by “tribal,
“NONPEDIGREED” ARCHITECTURE = Interchangeable use with:
“VERNACULAR” “RURAL” “INDIGENOUS”
Definitions according to Bernard Rudofsky (1964)
TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE
Uses knowledge from local traditions & materials
VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE
Can be by trained specialists
FOLK ARCHITECTURE
Untrained professionals
Definitions according to Allen Noble (2007)
POPULAR ARCHITECTURE
Buildings for popular which can be by trained professionals
VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE
By untrained specialists
TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE
INDIGENOUS ARCHITECTURE
FOLK ARCHITECTURE
folk, peasant, and popular societies where an architect or specialist designer is not employed.” He also stresses that vernacular architecture is much deeper than its aesthetic value and that the resulting built form is a manifestation of the processes and traditions that are specific to the culture and conditions of that place (Oliver, 2006).
To avoid confusion and the risk of bringing unwanted negative connotations, the thesis will mostly use Oliver’s definition of vernacular architecture: structures that are constructed by the local people and utilise local knowledge, traditions, and materials. By this definition, the term vernacular encompasses indigenous architecture and includes buildings produced by non-indigenous people that still meet the criteria of localised knowledge and materials.
Definitions according to Paul Oliver.
Figure 41
Author’s diagrams of different definitions for vernacular architecture.
Considering that only 2% of the world’s buildings are designed by architects (Rapoport, 2006), there is a deep wealth of knowledge to be gained from the ways people construct their own dwellings.
In Oliver’s chapters “Vernacular Know-How” and “Ethics and Vernacular Architecture,” he outlines some of the cultural issues to consider when studying the vernacular (Oliver, 2006). Oliver states that “an incipient romanticism pervades much enthusiasm for vernacular architecture.” Scholars studying the vernacular risk romanticising it too much and, consequently, overlooking its limitations.
Vernacular structures come with their own structural, climatic, and safety issues. They typically do not meet the standards of contemporary building. Clearly, there are cases where modern materials have an edge over traditional materials, and vernacular knowledge of construction techniques cannot always be applied to modern materials (Oliver, 1982).
This is where the role of the modern architect comes in—not as a passive admirer of traditional architecture, but one who, with knowledge of vernacular techniques and architectural training, can make balanced evaluations on how to translate the vernacular into the modern with their skillset. For Oliver, it is less about what vernacular architecture can teach architects and more of a call to action (Oliver, 2000).
Romanticising can lead to learning from the vernacular in an incorrect way. When studying the vernacular, the most common approach is to focus on its formal and aesthetic qualities. This approach generally does not work (Rapoport, 2006). The formal qualities are important because they provide a gateway to a deeper understanding of the cultural or climatic reasons behind those forms.
The thesis will aim to break down the formal qualities of Filipino vernacular architecture in order to understand which values and climatic conditions have resulted in such forms. To learn from the vernacular does not mean simply mimicking what already exists.
LEARNING BY COPYING LEARNING THROUGH ANALYSIS
VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE
VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE
DESIGN
CONCEPTS, MODELS, THEORIES
GENERALISATIONS, PRINCIPLES, MECHANISMS ETC.
DESIGN
Figure 42 Amos Rapoport’s model of learning from the vernacular
Architects have long looked to vernacular architecture for inspiration and innovative ways to solve even modern problems. For humanitarian architecture, the connection to the vernacular is the concept of sustainability. As discussed in Chapter 2 of the thesis, sustainability, in its different forms, is essential to successful post-disaster recovery. In these respects, vernacular architecture remains one of the most sustainable ways of building.
As Ozkan puts it: “...vernacular architecture is the highest form of sustainable building, as it not only uses the most accessible materials, but also employs the widest available technologies” (2006).
Vernacular architecture ticks the boxes on all fronts of sustainability. The fact that it is constructed from local materials, born from local customs and traditions, and built by the local people addresses the three aspects of cultural, environmental, and economic sustainability discussed in earlier chapters. It is this connection that forms the primary research question of the thesis:
What can architects learn from the vernacular in postdisaster architecture?
As the thesis unfolds, the link between vernacular and postdisaster architecture will become clearer, and the lessons that can be taken from vernacular architecture will be expressed through a design project. To better illustrate this connection, the thesis has chosen the Philippines as its case study for both post-disaster recovery and vernacular architecture.
RESEARCH QUESTION:
RESEARCH ANSWER:
CAN ARCHITECTS LEARN FROM THE VERNACULAR?
YES, THERE ARE CONNECTIONS BETWEEN THE VERNACULAR AND HUMANITARIAN
RESEARCH QUESTION:
RESEARCH ANSWER:
WHY SHOULD ARCHITECTS LEARN FROM THE VERNACULAR TO DESIGN BETTER POSTDISASTER SHELTERS?
BECAUSE THE CONCEPTS THAT TIE VERNACULAR BUILDING TO SUSTAINABILITY ARE WHAT MAKE IT COMPATIBLE WITH POSTDISASTER.
RESEARCH QUESTION:
RESEARCH ANSWER:
HOW CAN ARCHITECTS LEARN FROM THE VERNACULAR?
THEY CAN LOOK DEEPER INTO THE PROCESSES, CULTURES AND CLIMATIC CONDITIONS THAT GAVE BIRTH TO THE PHYSICAL.
The chosen focus area for the thesis, in terms of both analysing vernacular architecture and responding to disaster, is the Philippines. The Philippines is a nation that possesses a rich history and diverse cultures, which have manifested in a wide range of architectural responses. The nation is also extremely susceptible to disasters and has experienced some of the strongest natural hazards in recorded history, meaning that post-disaster operations are frequently carried out there. These two factors make it an ideal place to explore the connection between vernacular architecture and post-disaster architecture.
With approximately 2,000 occupied islands under the nation now known as the Philippines, the archipelago boasts over 182 ethnolinguistic groups in varied geographical settings. As a result, these groups developed unique cultures, religions, and ways of life.
Millennia ago, Negrito groups and Austronesian seafarers settled in the archipelago and made contact with Chinese and Arabian traders. Following this were centuries of Spanish occupation and American rule thereafter, which unified the islands into one nation and introduced Western culture – albeit forcibly in most cases.
Each exchange brought different aspects of culture to the nation. For example, Islam was introduced in the 14th century when early settlers made contact with merchants in the Southeast Asian trade networks. The arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in the early 16th century introduced Christianity into the country, which is now the predominant religious denomination in the Philippines today, with 85% of the population being Christian. In addition, the local beliefs and traditions of different groups still exist and mix elements from Islam and Christianity.
The resulting cultural amalgamation, fusing Asian and Western influences, is an essential part of the creation of the Philippines and Filipino identity. This bipolarity of East and West has manifested itself as the Filipino culture of today. It is evident in the nation’s religions, languages, traditions, and the vernacular architecture of the archipelago.
All of this to say that what can be defined as Filipino encompasses an extremely wide range. It is impossible to generalise the numerous complexities of the cultures. Sure, one could separate aspects of Spanish culture or different ethnic groups, but by this point, the intermingling of their cultures is exactly what makes them Filipino. The Filipino vernacular can be found somewhere within this melting pot of cultures.
The thesis aims to highlight these diversities, showing that, regardless of the diversity, their commonality as people experiencing similar climate conditions, high temperatures, heavy rains, local materials available, natural hazards, and being on an archipelago shows a commonality in their built environment, even if not so obvious at first glance. Chapter 3.3 will look deeper into these segments of history to see how the vernacular architecture of the Philippines has transformed and adapted in response to these cultural shifts.
43
Map by Dr. Blumentritt illustrating the different ethnolinguistic groups and religious denominations (1890)
Population in poverty (2012)
Population in poverty (2012)
Earthquake Epicenter (2003-2013)
According to recent figures compiled by UNHCR 60+ million people around the world have been displaced from homes, cities, communities due to conflict and natural disaster. As architects we have a responsibility to design for those in need, especially because natural disasters due to climate change are disproportionately affecting the poor.
Earthquake Epicenter (2003-2013)
Volcanic Events (1991-2006)
Each
Source :
Volcanic Events (1991-2006)
Typhoon Haiyan 2013 One of the deadliest typhoons to ever hit land
Typhoon Haiyan 2013 One of the deadliest typhoons to ever hit land
While there is much to learn from traditional building techniques and architectural forms, vernacular modes of building also include a social aspect that can contribute to the structure’s success and longevity.
7-8
How can vernacular knowledge be combined with modern technologies?
What are the limitations from using only vernacular architecture today? Architects must recognise that a contemporary way of living may not suit traditional models of building and it is only with a combination of modern technologies that these structures can
Map illustrating the frequency of natural hazards in the Philippines (inspired by National Geographic)
What
to
and
to
and
As mentioned in Chapter 2.2, a disaster occurs when a natural hazard meets existing vulnerabilities within a community. The Philippines, with its geological position and widespread poverty, has ranked as the most disaster-prone country in the world (Auer Frege et al., 2023).
The Philippines is positioned on the Pacific Ring of Fire, a tectonic belt of volcanoes and earthquakes. Located within this ring are roughly two-thirds of the world’s volcanoes. The archipelago is situated at the convergence of multiple tectonic plates, meaning frequent earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are a cause for concern.
However, the most frequent natural hazard experienced by the nation, and one that causes the most significant damage, is the typhoon (bagyo in the local language). Situated on the Pacific Typhoon Belt, the Philippines is surrounded by some of the warmest waters, which provide energy to typhoons. The topography of the islands and seasonal winds further contribute to the high frequency of typhoons. The Philippines experiences roughly 20 typhoons per year, with at least five expected to cause significant destruction.
Due to the number of islands, the Philippines has the fifthlongest coastline in the world, and roughly 60% of the population lives along coastal areas. This makes a major portion of the population susceptible not only to typhoons but also to tsunamis, storm surges, landslides, and flash flooding.
When combined with the economic vulnerability of the nation, the effects of these hazards are exacerbated. The Philippines is a country with widespread poverty; approximately 20% of the population lives under the national poverty line. In 2022, the Philippines had an approximate population of 115 million people, 70 million of whom are said to live in substandard housing, shanties, slums, or hastily constructed rural homes. The situation worsens due to the catastrophic effects of climate change, including rising sea levels, warmer seas, and more frequent and unpredictable weather events. Extremely high temperatures, such as some areas reaching 50°C in 2024, are also a major issue.
All of this to say that when natural hazards strike the country, it is highly prone to disaster, and future forecasts predict that these disasters will worsen, prompting a call for action and innovation in the nation’s disaster response.
Figure 47 (above) Housing poverty in the Philippines
Figure 48 (below) Mayon Volcano, Legazpi, Philippines, 1928.
To understand the vernacular architecture of the Philippines, one must look into the history and the cultures that are responsible for the built forms. By doing this, a deeper analysis of the Filipino vernacular can be formulated—an analysis that goes beyond solely the aesthetic value. This will prove useful when trying to learn from the vernacular in post-disaster applications, as the aim of the thesis is not to mimic what already exists but to see what can be learned from the past.
Despite the many differences among the peoples scattered throughout the archipelago, their commonality as nomadic, maritime peoples experiencing frequent earthquakes, monsoons, and high temperatures means that recurring themes can be seen in their built environment. Passively ventilated coastal dwellings with raised floors and steep roofs are just a few examples of their common response to the tropical climate.
This chapter will give a brief overview of the Philippines’ history, beginning with the early nomadic settlers through to the Spanish colonial occupation, the American rule in the 1900s, and finally, the present situation. In parallel with each segment of history, the thesis will uncover aspects of Filipino culture and show the different structures that respond to the changing culture and lifestyle of the Filipino in each era, which could therefore be debated as being vernacular. By the end of the chapter, the research will start to formulate an understanding of what Filipino vernacular architecture is. What will be evident at the end is that the origins of the Filipino vernacular stem from a climatic reaction and a manifestation of the Filipino’s maritime, nomadic, and collectivist nature.
CHAPTER SUBHEADINGS:
NOMADIC AND MARITIME ORIGINS
EPHEMERAL, ADAPTABLE ARCHITECTURE
SETTLING ABOVE GROUND STILT DWELLINGS
THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD
BAHAY NA BATO
MODERNISM IN THE PHILIPPINES: THE TANGHALANG PAMBANSA: NEOVERNACULAR?
TODAY’S VERNACULAR? SLUM DWELLINGS: ISKWATER
NOTE:
Going forward, the thesis will refer to all people of the archipelago as Filipinos. Although the term ‘Filipino’ was only coined after Spanish and American rule, the term will also refer to the pre-colonial Austronesian and Negrito settlers as Filipino unless otherwise independently referred to. The reason: intermarriages between different aboriginal groups meant that Negrito peoples had strong Austronesian admixture and thus adopted many parts of Austronesian culture and language. There are also a number of groups that fall under the terms Negrito and Austronesian (the Agta, Aeta, Ati, and Mamanwa, to name a few).
Many theories have been proposed to explain the origins of the first settlers in The Philippines. Before Hispanic rule, The Philippines was not a unified nation but instead a group of scattered islands in Southeast Asia. One theory by Henry Otley Beyer, founder of the University of The Philippines’ Anthropology Department, sees the early groups of people arriving in waves of migration. Yves Boquet summarizes this in her book (Boquet, 2017, p. 62):
“Dawn Man” … around 250.000 BC, then Negritos, via land bridges at the time of ice age lowering sea levels, ca. 25.000 BC, followed by Indonesian seafarers (3000–1000 BC) … and finally more advanced Malay who brought the iron age culture, irrigation technologies and later Islam.”
In contrast, Filipino anthropologist Felipe Landa Jocano’s theorizes a steady flow of people coming from the north of The Philippines that eventually spread through Borneo, New Guinea and Australia (Boquet, 2017, p. 64). Despite the number of theories and even doubts about the popular “outof-Taiwan hypothesis”, it is widely accepted that settlement of the islands was roughly 40,000 years ago by huntergatherers. Human remains in Palawan’s Tabon Cave dating back to approximately 24,000 years ago (alongside other cave dwellings in Batanes) prove the existence of settlers before the arrival of Negrito groups (also referred to as Aeta) (~13,000 years ago) and Austronesian groups (~6000 years ago) (Lico, 2008; Boquet, 2017; Rai, 1990).
One of the earliest built structures of Negrito groups was the lean-to or pinanahang. For Negrito groups in Northern Luzon such as the Agta people; ephemeral architecture was the answer to a nomadic lifestyle which required temporary structures with little investment in time or effort (Lico, 2008; Rai, 1990). A lean-to is a simple screen made of locally sourced materials to protect the nomads from the elements before a hunting or gathering trip. These windscreens were often made of bamboo and thatch and could be large enough to accommodate the entire family (Rai, 1990). The Agta built lean-tos along bodies of water in the drier months and during monsoon season, Agta elevated the floor to knee level to improve air circulation and defend against rain and humidity (Lico, 2008 6). It still remains popular among Aeta groups while some Aetas choose to settle in stilt houses.
With these qualities, the lean-to could be seen as a prototype for the Austronesian mode of building that dominated in The Philippines and throughout The Pacific/Southeast Asia. As groups moved towards a less nomadic lifestyle, the lean-to evolved and semi-permanent structures became more common.
Figure 51 (above)
Author’s 2D drawings of a lean-to
Figure 52 (overleaf)
The lean-to
can range from 1-4 metres, multiple can be combined to create a larger shelter
“Much
of life in the Philippines is lived on or around water with the boat more essential than the wheel”
It is widely accepted that many early Filipinos were Austronesian seafarers who arrived in the Philippine archipelago by boat and went on to settle the islands throughout the Pacific. Thus, ancient Filipinos had a world-view shaped by life on water vessels (Lico, 2008, p. 14), a perspective that can still be seen today. Evidence of this can be found in local languages, where many terms for social structures and groups of people are related to water. The term balangay, for example, refers to a type of boat with outriggers used by Austronesian people. Meanwhile, barangay is the Filipino word for a social unit or local level of government, loosely translated as ‘neighbourhood’ or ‘district.’
Even the names of the different ethno-linguistic groups in the Philippines are related to water: Ilokano, meaning people of the ‘lok’ or bay; Tausug, meaning people of the ‘sug’ or current; and Tagalog, meaning people of the ‘alog’ or shallow waters (Lico, 2008). Local religions and folktales contain references to the sea, boats, and mythical sea creatures such as the naga.
Many settlements in the Philippines are scattered along the coast and around bodies of water. People have relied on these bodies of water for their livelihood for millennia, with structures
built beside the water, above it, or even floating directly on it. Living with water is an intangible quality of Filipino vernacular architecture and reflects a way of life that has always been and is still present. However, such direct exposure to the sea and elements contributes to communities’ vulnerability to disaster. So, what can be learned from the Filipino maritime way of life, as reflected in their built environment?
One example is the architecture of the Badjao people (or Badjau) people. The Badjao, sometimes referred to as sea nomads, are scattered throughout Southeast Asia, with significant populations in the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. In the Philippines, they mostly live on the sea and islands around the Sulu Archipelago. The Badjao are exceptional divers and skilled fishermen; boat-building, fishing, and diving for pearls are their primary sources of income and livelihood, so they spend most of their time on the water. Originally a nomadic people, Badjaos lived in houseboats. Although many Badjaos now have houses and only a minority still use their boats as their primary homes, the boat remains an important element of their everyday life.
Figure 54 (above)
Badjao houses
Figure 55 (below)
Badjao divers at the coral reefs of Pulau Peleng, Indonesia.
Figure 56 (opposite, above)
Diagram of a Badjao houseboat
Figure 57 (opposite, below)
Sama Dilaut houseboat, Tawi-Tawi, 1970
These houseboats are long, narrow vessels, roughly 10-12 meters in length (though this can vary), with a single beam forming the bottom and wooden boards forming the body. Typically, at the rear is a fireplace and storage for household effects, while the open space at the front of the boat is used as a living area and is reserved for fishing. In the centre, towards the rear, is the covered area (Oliver, 1997). This area is only tall enough for a person to sit and is used as a sleeping and living space. Traditionally, the walls of this part are made of amakan (woven bamboo) with a thatched nipa roof. These boats are propelled by sail or, in shallow waters, by stick. This floating structure is designed for the nuclear family, and when children leave the family or someone remains alone on the boat, it is common practice to remarry or adopt in order to keep the boat functioning (Oliver, 1997). Although modern times have changed the Badjao’s way of life, the houseboat remains an important structure for them. It is a strong example of vernacular architecture that supports the local mode of living and is adapted to the environment.
Both the lean-to and the houseboat are among the earliest examples of vernacular architecture. They reflect the nomadic and maritime lifestyles of the early people, which can still be observed today.
These two structures begin to exhibit the ephemeral, portable, and adaptable nature of Filipino architecture. They are structures that must constantly adapt to change, whether due to the movement of nomadic people or the movement of the seas. With relatively short lifespans, these structures are in constant need of repair or replacement. They are also constructed from lightweight materials that undoubtedly face challenges when exposed to the harsh climate of the Philippines. As such, their construction is not necessarily focused on permanence but rather on fragility, allowing for easy replacement and rebuilding.
This adaptable approach to construction could prove useful in post-disaster shelters in the Philippines. Mid-term postdisaster shelters need to be easily and rapidly constructed with minimal effort and investment in resources. They need to be ready to adapt to the changing situation of communities and should consider their continued use as transitional structures. Post-disaster architects could consider concepts such as change, resilience, for fragility, rather than permanence.
As groups of people began to draw away from a completely nomadic lifestyle, settlements began to form near or on bodies of water. Thanks to the diverse ethnolinguistic groups around the Philippines there is a plethora of house types and variations. However, being under similar tropical conditions and prone to natural hazards, common features such as stilt foundations, rectangular plans and steep thatched roofs are present across the archipelago.
In response to their aquatic-based lifestyles, communities built houses upon vertical posts, braced with horizontal tie beams. The elevated floor was an effective way to keep pests, mud, and water out of the house. In some cases, building on stilts also provided protection from warring tribes. Houses commonly rested on foundation stones rather than being driven into the ground. Resting atop foundation stones allowed for portability if necessary and provided structural flexibility in a seismically active region.
During the hotter months, an elevated floor aided passive ventilation. Cool air could rise from the underfloor space and slip through floorboards, driving warm air out through gaps in the roof. The space beneath the floor also provided room for animals, shaded outdoor work, and storage. The height of the floor was often tailored to the specific needs of the barangay. For example, the Badjao built houses on the beach with floors elevated at least 1.5 meters above the ground to protect them from high tides (Oliver, 1997), and even taller for houses that sit directly above the sea. In contrast, highland dwellings such as the Ifugao fale are raised relatively low, as they do not contend with tides; their primary purpose is to keep pests out.
While this architectural feature clearly serves a functional purpose, resting houses on stilts atop foundation stones to allow for migration is also a testament to the Filipino nomadic and maritime traditions. It is a strong feature of Filipino vernacular architecture that could be adapted in constructing lowland post-disaster shelters that are better able to withstand earthquakes.
These raised structures are often rectangular, multipurpose dwellings that reflect the Filipino’s collectivist and outdoororiented nature.
Aside from the outdoor kitchen and bathing areas, traditional houses typically had no partitions to divide the space. The early Filipino’s outdoor lifestyle meant that the interiors of these houses were scarcely furnished (Oliver, 1997). Their main purpose was to provide a place for the entire family to sleep and gather until the children reached a suitable age to build their own houses (Lico, 2008). This communal living meant that the house essentially functioned as a single multipurpose room. As a result, the structure often took on a monolithic form, which was typically cubic and symmetrical on both planes. Floor plans were simple, and openings were scarce, often tucked beneath the roof eaves. This may have also been the early Filipinos’ intuitive response to the frequent monsoons and earthquakes. Structures generally perform better against torsion loads when the plan is symmetrical and when there are fewer openings in the walls resisting lateral forces. In many cases, structures with additional volumes are usually structurally separated from the main house. This might be because the volume was added later, but it is also an effective way to ensure that the main structure remains unaffected if the added volume sustains damage.
Further demonstrating the collectivist nature of the Filipino, some houses had exits that led to a communal porch connecting other houses. For example, Samal coastal dwellings feature catwalks extending from the shore, linking the houses to each other. These intermediate spaces allowed people to welcome guests from afar, signal that they were home (Zialcita, 1991), and create areas to linger under the roof eaves.
Understanding the Filipino’s collectivist and outdoor nature and how it influenced traditional architecture is crucial when designing post-disaster shelters, as these cultural values still persist today. The design of these shelters must consider the spaces a family would need, both interior and exterior, and how these shelters could be arranged in relation to neighbouring ones.
Figures 60 and 61 Rural houses in the Philippines, early 20th century
The most distinctive feature of Austronesian and Southeast Asian architecture is the roof. It is said that these roofs reflect a connection between the architecture and the maritime traditions of the Austronesian people, sometimes representing an inverted boat hull in both form and construction method. The roof forms found in the Philippines are generally less rounded than those in Polynesia. A voluminous hip or gable roof with large overhangs is the most dominant feature of traditional buildings around the Philippine archipelago. Different house types employ different roof forms, but in almost all cases, they are made of thatched nipa. If properly bundled and laid, thatch can last for decades and remain watertight. The steep pitch of the roof allows rain to run off easily, preventing water buildup after heavy rains, particularly during the monsoon season, thus extending the life of the roof. The steepness also creates a large ceiling space, aiding in passive ventilation.
The overhangs of these roofs serve a functional, climatic purpose by providing shade from the hot sun and keeping rain away from the living space. The overhang also has a social function, allowing people to occupy the sheltered space surrounding the house.
Filipino vernacular architecture is characterized by the use of light materials such as wood, bamboo, palm leaves, nipa palm thatch, and plant fibers in post-and-beam construction. The roof is typically held by wall plates supported by posts. Depending on the roof type, there may also be a ridge piece and purlins.
Walls are usually light screens constructed from woven split bamboo panels (also known as sawali or amakan). These walls are intended to protect from the elements and provide privacy, but they are not usually part of the load-bearing structure (though they can provide bracing).
Floors are elevated above the ground on piles and are made of timber or bamboo planks, usually with small gaps between them to assist with cleaning and ventilation.
Indigenous Philippine houses were held together without nails, relying on timber jointing techniques and plant fiber lashings. Similar construction methods were used in boat building, further reinforcing the seafaring ancestry of Filipino vernacular architecture (Lico, 2008, 39).
This method of construction ties into the concepts of adaptability and resilience. Wall panels could be replaced without reconstructing the entire structure, and the roof could be repaired or replaced if it showed signs of wear or damage. Furthermore, the materials used for these elements are abundant and locally sourced, conserving resources and speeding up the construction process. The materials and construction of Filipino vernacular houses could be described as somewhat permeable. Floor planks, woven wall panels attached to posts, and a high thatch roof create intentional gaps in the construction, allowing air to pass through the structure and ventilate it effectively.
The bahay kubo is a typical stilt dwelling found in lowland and coastal areas throughout the entire Philippine archipelago, particularly in rural areas. It is usually owned by low- to middle-income families.
Bahay kubo can be roughly translated as a “country house.” Bahay is derived from the word balai and means “house” in Tagalog, while kubo is derived from the proto-Malay kubu, which can refer to a country dwelling, lodge, or hut.
The bahay kubo can vary in shape and size, and more modernized versions exist today. Despite the variations, it is still easily recognizable by its three main components: the large voluminous roof, the main dwelling, and the open space underneath. However, it typically consists of one main multipurpose space for living and sleeping, and one or two adjacent spaces that could be used for storage, bathing, or cooking. When partitions are present, they do not reach the ceiling, allowing better air circulation. A front porch with stairs is a common sight and reflects the outdoor and communal nature of Filipino life.
The structure can be made of bamboo or hardwood, such as coconut timber, and the structural segments were traditionally tied with strips of rattan (plant fibers). The roof covering is made of nipa shingles, thatched in dense rows to prevent water from entering. Depending on the steepness of the roof and the closeness of the shingles, a thatched roof could last up to 20 years (Lico, 2008).
Beams traverse each other between 1-2 meters from the ground and are lashed to the main posts. Resting on these are bamboo joists that support a bamboo slatted floor. The floor sill supports the bamboo frames of the exterior walls, and the frames are fastened at the corners rather than directly to the house posts. This allows for easier repair and replacement when needed, and it may also help limit the effects of lateral loads on the main structure. Wall sidings can be made of nipa or amakan, and the windows are of the awning type, with a nipa or palm window lid that can be pushed out with a pole. The lower part of the house, called the silong, is a secondary space and can be used as an enclosure for domestic animals, storage for household items, or, in some cases, as a burial site.
Exploded axonometric drawing of a Bahay Kubo 1 balangkas, structural framework 2 pasibi, lean-to roof 3 batalan, washing area
bulwagan, main house 5 sagang, railing
silong, underneath the house
hagdan, stair
Figure 64 (opposite)
Authors 3D model of a Bahay Kubo
Figures 65 & 66 (above) Filipino Huts, early 20th century
1 atup, roof 2 batang-bubungan, ridge beam 3 lubing-lubing, rafter 4 ubong, king post 5 palimsa-an, tie beam 6 madeyon, living space
ding-ding, wall
lantay,
1 bubong, roof 2 pang-tuud, king
tukalog, stud
taytayan-tikus, roof 5 habong, tie beam 6 salsal, joist
hanglad, girder
(from right to left)
Figures 67, 68 & 69
Vernacular Filipino Housetypes
COASTAL, SEA
HOUSE | HIGHLAND
1 palan, attic
patyie, shelf 3 nundatu, male side
na-ulya, female side 5 punchapalan, fireplace
halipan, cylindrical disk
silong, basement
Spanish contact with the archipelago was first made in 1521, followed by subsequent voyages to scout the islands. However, it was in 1565 that the permanent occupation and colonization of the islands by the Spaniards began. Miguel López de Legazpi was instructed by King Philip II to establish a permanent base for the expansion of the Spanish Empire.
Legazpi deemed a Muslim settlement on Luzon, known as Maynilad (now Manila), suitable due to its strategic location on the South China Sea, which enabled it to harbour Chinese traders. It was here that they established their political centre. The strategic location of Manila allowed Spanish forces to extend their authority throughout Luzon and the other islands during their 330-year occupation.
The first Spanish buildings in the Philippines were constructed using local materials like nipa and bamboo. After a series of fires, the Spanish opted to use stone as the primary building material, although these structures later fell victim to seismic activity in the Philippines. The solution was a hybrid structure with a heavy stone lower floor and a light timber upper floor, which was an effective response to the climate and provided greater stability during earthquakes. While the bahay kubo continued to exist, a new type of building emerged during the Spanish colonial period: the bahay na bato.
The bahay na bato (literally, “house of stone”) is recognizable by its hybrid construction, featuring a heavy base and a light upper story. The wooden upper story typically overhangs and includes ventanillas (small windows) and sliding panels made of glass or capiz shells to allow light and air to pass through. The upper story is often lined with balustrades. Similar to the traditional bahay kubo, the upper story is reserved for living and sleeping, while the lower story is used for storage, cellars, or commercial activities.
Unlike its predecessor, the bahay na bato includes partition walls that separate different spaces, making it more similar to a typical home. The bahay na bato can vary greatly in style. Roof materials could be made from thatched nipa, tiles, or even galvanized metal. Some houses incorporated elements from multiple architectural styles, including Neo-gothic, Moorish Revival, and Baroque. The styles could also vary by region.
Whether the bahay na bato can be considered Filipino vernacular architecture is debatable. As a building designed and constructed by architects with heavy influence from external cultures, it does not fit some of the criteria laid out for vernacular architecture. However, it is a good example of how architecture evolved in the Philippines, taking principles from traditional architecture and applying them to more modern contexts. The bahay na bato retains the same spirit of a rectangular, elevated volume made of light materials but adapts these principles to become more fire-resistant and better suited to the lifestyles of the middle and upper classes during the colonial era.
Figure 70 (above) Court building in Vigan, Ilocos Sur, Philippines, before 1896.
Figure 71 (below) Manila Main Street, Philippines, before 1898
This is a short case study of the Tanghalang Pambansa, a modernist building sometimes referred to as neo-vernacular. The architect, Leandro Locsin, took principles from traditional Filipino architecture and applied them to the modernist style, serving as a strong example of how one can draw from the vernacular in a manner beyond just copying its aesthetic.
After 330 years of Spanish rule, 50 years under American control, and 5 years under Japanese occupation during World War II, the fight for independence was finally won in 1946. This newfound independence later manifested as a political agenda aimed at rejecting the occupied Philippines of the past and returning to a pre-colonial culture. During the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986), he and his wife, Imelda Marcos, used these nationalist ideas as propaganda to strengthen their control over the Philippines.
Imelda Marcos, who led the cultural front of this nationalist movement, used art and architecture as tools to push their narrative of a pre-colonial Philippines. There was a resurgence of indigenous pre-Hispanic architectural motifs, such as the Bahay Kubo or Nipa Hut (a vernacular Filipino house). Unsurprisingly, she commissioned both Francisco Mañosa and Leandro Locsin, architects known for incorporating vernacular principles in their work, to design buildings for the Cultural Centre of the Philippines Complex (CCP Complex).
Leandro Locsin (1928-1994) was one of the most influential architects in the Philippines. His style was often labelled as neo-vernacular, as he was known for incorporating aspects of traditional Filipino architecture into his work in a more abstract way. His work often explored polarities, such as light and heavy, organic and rigid, East and West. He believed that Filipino architecture is “the product of two great streams of culture, the oriental and the occidental… to produce a new object of profound harmony” (National Commission For Culture and The Arts, 2021).
In the Tanghalang Pambansa, we see that the juxtaposition of light and heavy elements draws from a combination of vernacular and Spanish forms. The most obvious display of
this is the 12-meter-high travertine façade. Its monolithic and rectangular appearance pays homage to the elevated cubic houses of the aboriginal Filipino people. However, unlike the stilt foundations of the Ifugao House or Bahay Kubo, the building does not convey a sense of lightness on the lower story. Instead, the floating mass is supported by enormous concave cantilevers made of concrete. The visual heaviness of the ground floor is more closely related to the Bahay na Bato, the colonial evolution of the indigenous Bahay Kubo.
Locsin recreates this model through his abstract representation of light and heavy elements. The floating mass, with its great overhangs and setback concrete supports, gives the impression of being light enough not to need supports at its edges. This perception of lightness, contrasted with the enclosed, heavy appearance of the façade, is Locsin’s way of representing the highland and lowland houses of the aboriginal people, as well as the significant transition to the Bahay na Bato as a symbol of urban living in the Philippines.
The space created under the cantilevered volume is Locsin’s way of abstractly representing the departure from the aboriginal Filipino’s outdoor way of life. The image of people overlooking Manila Bay resembles the traditional coastal house where people would have loitered under the large overhanging eaves in pre-colonial times.
As Lico points out, the typical image of Filipino vernacular architecture is mostly found in rural areas. Vernacular architecture is characterized by its use of readily available materials, and organic materials are typically reserved for rural settings. In 2022, the urban population accounted for roughly 48% of the entire population of the Philippines. So, while people still live in these rural homes, what about the architecture present in the cities?
Lico argues that the essentially intuitive mode of design that characterizes vernacular architecture can still be seen in the metropolitan areas of the Philippines. The resourcefulness of Filipinos persists, and the informal settlements constructed under the pressure of poverty forced them to reinvent a degraded vernacular architectural structure — the “shanty.”
With many people living in poverty in the Philippines, these informal settlements are abundant, densely clustered in the urban margins of the city. They are constructed by their inhabitants without blueprints, using materials that can be found in the city.
Lico describes their attitude of building as “bahala na” which can be loosely translated as come what may. He describes it as “a philosophy of sporadic and incremental intuition, juxtaposed with the desire to create dwellings as beautiful and comfortable as possible.” (Lico, 2008).
Interestingly, Lico points out that these shelters can be broadly categorized by the materials used: a) temporary shelters (salvaged materials), b) semi-permanent (second-hand, durable materials), and c) permanent (concrete blocks, galvanized iron sheets). He also notes that the construction of shanties must be done with “speed and adaptability” in case there is a need to evade authorities. Such qualities further reinforce the argument of vernacular architecture’s potential to inspire post-disaster architecture.
The shanty unit is flexible, and like traditional dwellings, it consists of one multi-functional room for living and sleeping. It may have adjacent outdoor or indoor spaces for storage, bathing, and cooking. Extensions such as shades, lean-tos, and
porches are also common in these slum dwellings, once again reflecting the communal and outdoor way of life of the Filipino people.
Based on the definitions provided in Chapter 3, whether the shanty can be defined as vernacular architecture is debatable. However, despite replacing nipa and bamboo with scrap wood, cardboard, plastic, steel, and corrugated iron, there are undoubtedly vernacular modes of building that reflect the Filipino way of life today. Thus, there are lessons to be learned even from the humble shanty. As Lico concludes, we should avoid romanticizing poverty, but rather “admire the capacity to provide immediate shelter for the poor and the improvised beauty and resilience processed through the aesthetics of poverty.” (Lico, 2008).
Looking at the history of Filipino vernacular elements, there are certain themes and recurring concepts that are present from the early settlers all the way to the present shanty dwellings.
Dr. Gerard Lico, one of the leading researchers in Filipino architecture, describes five principal features pertaining to the vernacular mode of building in the first edition of his book “Arkitekturang Filipino”. They are as follows:
(1) the builders, whether artisans or those planning to live in the buildings, are non-professional architects or engineers;
(2) there is consonant adaptation, using natural materials, to the geographical environment;
(3) the actual process of construction involves intuitive thinking, without blueprints, and is open to later modifications;
(4) There is a balance between social/economic functionality and aesthetic features;
(5) architectural patterns and styles are subject to a protracted evolution of traditional styles specific to an ethnic domain.
This part of the thesis attempts to visualise the many concepts and elements that make up Filipino vernacular architecture through a series of abstract drawings and short captions.
They show that Filipino vernacular architecture is:
COMMUNAL, EPHEMERAL, OUTDOOR, ADAPTABLE, AQUATIC, PERMEABLE, RESOURCEFUL, RESILIENT.
“BAYANIHAN”
the concept of togetherness that represents the communal spirit of the filipino, as seen in their built environment
“SILONG”
under the main living space, the basement has always served as a secondary space.
traditional joinery techniques utilised wooden joints, plant fiber lashings, no nails or glue, allowing for dismantling.
foundation stones allow the structure to be picked up and relocated when needed.
thatched plant material cover a wooden structure to form walls and roofs
whether in the mountains, lowlands or coastal areas, the stilt dwelling can be found, responding to climatic and cultural needs
traditional techniques allow for ease of replacement or repair, increasing resilience
rectangular, multi-purpose dwellings for sleeping, living, eating, for the entire family
“BAYANIHAN”
the concept of togetherness that represents the communal spirit of the filipino, as seen in their built environment
MINDMAP: Links between post-disaster and the Filipino Vernacular
The Design Brief
Material Choices and Construction Details
WHAT MAKES POSTDISASTER RECOVERY SUCCESSFUL?
SUCCESSFUL POST-DISASTER RECOVERY MEANS CULTURAL, ECONOMIC & ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY
Increases resilience
Improves access to resources
Culturally, locally sensitive
Spurs economic development
Environmentally conscious
Satisfies users
Self-building efforts are encouraged
CULTURALLY, LOCALLY SENSITIVE DESIGN
AFTERLIFE OF TEMPORARY SHELTERS RESILIENT, ADAPTABLE DESIGN
MATERIAL CHOICE SELFBUILDING
CONCEPTS OF FILIPINO VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE
IMPERMANENCE
STEEP ROOF
DISASSEMBLE
OUTDOOR COMMON SPACES
PHYSICAL, TANGIBLE, CLIMATE RESPONSE
ABSTRACT, INTANGIBLE, CULTURE, TRADITION
PERMEABLE CONSTRUCTION
BAYANIHAN (COMMUNITY)
BAMBOO
SILONG (LOWER SPACE)
INCREMENTAL BUILDING
BUILT ABOVE GROUND
AMAKAN (BAMBOO WEAVE)
CATWALKS
NIPA (PLANT MATERIAL)
THATCHING
OVERHANGS
ONE COMMUNAL SPACE
LINKING POST-DISASTER NEEDS & THE FILIPINO VERNACULAR ELEMENTS
THATCHING
OVERHANGS
RESILIENT, ADAPTABLE DESIGN MATERIAL CHOICE SELFBUILDING
CULTURALLY, LOCALLY SENSITIVE DESIGN AFTERLIFE OF TEMPORARY SHELTERS
This mindmap shows the different ways that the vernacular elements as summarised through drawings in chapter 3.4 are relevant to the different factors that contribute to the success of post-disaster architecture.
To support the research findings of the thesis, a design exercise will be undertaken. The purpose of the design is to illustrate the different qualities of successful post-disaster recovery found in the research. They are not meant to be end-all solutions but rather to show the different possibilities that could occur after a post-disaster.
Post-disaster structures should be resilient and able to adapt to hazards and future change by learning from Filipino building traditions.
Transitional structures should consider their afterlife potential to be reused, recycled, repurposed, relocate, thus contributing to long-term development of community. Especially since people live in these shelters for longer than expected.
A mix of traditional and modern materials and building technologies is important for functional and cultural reasons.
Materials procured locally have an essential environmental benefit but also more effective in long term since more familiar for future maintenance.
Sheltering is a process so the temporal aspect must be considered, how the structures are built and evolve over time.
Community participation and self-building are important so construction should be relatively simple. Spaces to discuss important to involve community EFFECTIVELY. (Also contributes to user satisfaction and sense of ownership leading to more success)
Spaces other than homes are essential such as outdoor gathering spaces, pavilions and latrines.
Structures should be culturally sensitive, pay attention to the outdoor and communal way of life in the Philippines. Need spaces that relate to each other.
DISASTER:
HOUSEHOLD SIZE:
TIME TO BUILD:
ANTICIPATED LIFESPAN:
AREA PER UNIT:
AREA PER PERSON:
SITE CONDITIONS:
COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION:
KEY ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS:
Typically a typhoon
4 to 5 people
Roughly 2-4 days
Anywhere from 1-6 years
19,64 sqm
3,93 sqm
Mostly lowland, coastal sites, some inland. Prepare for uneven ground and the possibility of relocation
Construction of homes should technically simple enough for community to participate.
Use of familiar materials helped with self-building efforts.
Imporrtant to have spaces to discuss and host participatory workshops so communities can plan their own recovery.
Often a mix of traditional and modern materials.
Use of prefabricated elements as well as building on-site.
Flexibility and adaptability important qualities for reasons of a changing situation or personalisation of the homes.
PRIVACY, OUTDOOR, ROOF
PERMEABILITY
GROUND
movable posts
slab on ground fixed footings
CONSTRUCTION
corrugated iron, bamboo,
nipa,
AFTERLIFE
dismantle, relocate, recycle, repurpose
dismantle, recycle, repurpose repurpose, relocate
users: family of 4 people
sqm: 15-22 sqm
verbs: living, sleeping, eating, sitting, talking, keywords: adaptable, deconstructable, evolving, moveable
A small home for a family unit. Simple enough to allow construction by community members (with some technical assistance from specialists). A main multi-purpose space for all day and night activities with secondary spaces for storage and cooking or washing areas. Maintains a high level of privacy. Should invoke a sense of home albeit being temporary and allow for personal customisation give dignity to the users in a distressing environment.
users: community members - ~30 people at a time
sqm: 130 sqm
verbs: cleaning, washing, showering, meeting, keywords: private but public, water, sanitation
A structure containing the typical WASH facilities prescribed by humanitarian organisations such as toilets, showers, basins and spaces for laundry and water collection. More private spaces are enclosed in heavier construction while the other spaces are open and promote interaction between community members. Scattered around the transitional settlement, they are designed to accomodate approximately 8 families of 4 people each.
users: barangay members - 120 people at a time
sqm: ~400 sqm
verbs: gathering, playing, eating, praying, making keywords: events, community, bayanihan, adaptable
The centre of a transitional settlement for community members to gather and plan their resettlement strategies. The space is flexible and can be used as a school, for meetings, workshops, building, presentations, aid distribution and religious gatherings. Encourages community to actively participate in their recovery and strengthen relationships.
As discussed in previous chapters, choice of material is an important part of designing post-disaster structures. One of the key attributes of vernacular architecture is that it is constructed from local materials. Using locally-available materials in postdisaster architecture has an obvious time and cost benefit but working with familiar materials also has a cultural benefit and means that locals are better able to maintain the structures over time, even after external aid has withdrawn.
As discussed in Chapter 2.3, vernacular materials in postdisaster contexts also have their limitations and there are the obvious advantages that modern materials have over more traditional ones. Weighing the advantages against each other and making tradeoffs in terms of price, availability, strength and cultural appropriateness usually means using a combination of both modern and traditional technologies.
For example, while thatched roofing using nipa and cogon grass is a familiar technique in the Philippines and can be sourced in most parts of the archipelago, in the case of the WASH facility which hosts a rainwater collection system a corrugated iron roof is more appropriate. This is because the water quality is higher from corrugated iron than plant materials (Emergency WASH, n.d.).
There are also materials that are common in post-disaster contexts such as the plastic tarpaulin and compressed earth block. These are both commonly associated with humanitarian aid projects due to their affordability, relative speed and versatility.
This section of the thesis will give a brief overview of the materials used in the designs of the transitional structures. The important thing to consider in the design exercise is to use a combination of these materials in accordance with the needs of each structure and exhibit their potential in post-disaster applications.
Thatched roofing is a technique typical of traditional houses in the Philippines. The two plants most commonly used for roofing are are nipa palm (nypa fruticans) and cogongrass (imperata cylindrica). Both of these species are abundant throughout the Philippine archipelago. Nipa can be found in lowland, coastal areas and along river valleys whereas cogongrass is found even in highland environments.
Much of the vernacular architecture found in the Philippines, particularly in rural areas display thatched roofs. It is a familiar sight for Filipinos and its abundance mean that the method of creating the roof shingles is relatively simple and cost-effective. The way they are constructed from multiple shingles stitched together means that they can easily be replaced in case of wear or damage.
One of the downsides however is that as plant materials, they are prone to fire. A simple solution to this is to spray them with fire retardant spray. When applied to the exterior, this spray can provide both fire protection and an additional layer of water resistance, lasting up to 10 years. Other technologies such as thatch batts and aluminium barrier foils can also be employed to provide more thorough fire resistance.
Tarpaulin has been described as an aid workers “secret weapon” (Zhang, 2016). Its versatility opens it up to many uses, as a roof, flooring, fences and even as bags. Cheap, lightweight, and waterproof, “tarpaulin is the most common shelter material,” says Joseph Ashmore, shelter consultant for the International Organization for Migration (Zhang, 2016). It is typically produced on a roll of 6 metres and while custom shapes can be cut depending on the needs, the 4x6m dimension is commonly found in shelter kits.
It is an indispensable material in post-disaster recovery and while it is most used in the early stages of relief, the material has the potential to carry on and serve other purposes even in the mid-term and permanent stages. Case studies show it being used as waterproofing for walls and as a sunshade to create extend the porch.
CORRUGATED IRON ROOFING ”YERO”
Typical of slum dwellings and shantys, corrugated iron is can be considered the most imporatant material in the urban vernacular. As a material, it is relatively low-cost and can usually be purchased from most local markets. The method of constructing a iron roof is relatively simple which promotes selfbuilding efforts. It also does not take as much time as stitching roof shingles from plant materials. One of the downsides however is that in the event of a typhoon, these corrugated iron sheets can experience strong lift forces and come off, becoming a hazard as the sharp metal flies through the wind.
COMPRESSED EARTH BLOCKS
As seen in Case Study 1 (chapter 2.6), compressed earth bricks can be used in combination with light materials and these technologies are already used in parts of the Philippines. The parts made from earth blocks can form the core of the structure from which it can expand and change. Earth blocks are not atypical in humanitarian rebuilding efforts. They are effective because they use locally available raw material and through modern machinery, transform it into construction materials. Creating the blocks can be done by members of the community effort which can promote participation and selfbuilding efforts.
An earth brick usually requires 1 day to dry followed by a month for the curing process. If a compressed earth block machine can be acquired when rebuilding, it is a viable option as a sustainable material from which strong structures can be built.
operating a compressed earth block machine
As visible in the transitional shelter case studies and in the short history of Filipino vernacular architecture, coconut timber is widely used in structures from post-disaster to the colonial bahay na bato. The coconut palm tree grows to a height of roughly 25 metres and the trun has an average diameter of 30cm. The densest part of the timber is on the outside and becomes less dense as you move toward the centre. It is preferable to use the densest parts for the main structural elements. Its application in post-disaster architecture is ideal due to its abundance and familiarity. Many trees also fall as a result of storms and disasters meaning that it is a by-product of disaster ready to be used.
Bamboo is already widely known as a versatile and effective construction material with many modern examples showing the structural capabilities. It is found in abundance throughout the Philippines and has been used for structural elements as well as decorative purposes (amakan walling for example).
The main species of bamboo used in the construction of the transitional structures will be Kawayan Tinik (or thorny bamboo - bambusa blumeana). It has a diameter between 1020 cm and is often used for construction due to its mechanical properties. Another species that may be used is Kawayan Kiling (bambusa vulgaria). With a smaller diameter of 6-10cm, the stems of this species are usually used for secondary elements such as roof tiles, panelling and fencing. Both of these species are the most extensively distributed and can be found almost everywhere in the country, except in areas of high elevation (Department of Agriculture - Bicol, 2021).
For more durable structures, the bamboo could first be treated in a borax based solution. However, due to the scarcity of time in post-disaster operations, this is likely not be possible. According to the International Network for Bamboo and Rattan Design Guide, exposed, untreated bamboo can last up to 4 years and if treated could last up to 30 years (INBAR, 2014). Ideally, treatment would be preferred, however, the lifespan of untreated bamboo should be suitable for transitional structures.
densest part of timber on the outside
coconut lumber sawing example for the structural members of the WASH Facility Design (chapter 5.2)
Figures 84 and 85
Bamboo connections with plant lashings
Since the aim of the design part of the thesis is to simply illustrate an example of the research, the design does not go deep into construction details. This part contains some basic details that could be employed in constructing the shelters but should only be taken as guidelines.
These bamboo details have been inspired by the extensive research published by Oscar Hidalgo-Lòpez in his book “Bamboo - The Gift of the Gods”. In part 6 of the book he underlines the ways in which bamboo can be used for all types of construction elements, from vertical members, to beams and trusses.
Bamboo connections are typically held by lashings. Lashings can be made from organic materials (bamboo bark, rattan, plant fibres) or synthetic materials (plastic, zinc wire). Although organic materials provide optimal compatibiltiy between the elements and construction system (INBAR, 2014). Lashings are an effective way for bamboo joints because the use of nails and can cause the bamboo to split. Bamboo and wood pegs are often used in conjunction with lashings. When soaked in water they become more pliable and easier to handle during construction, then, as they dry they lashing shrinks and tightens the joint.
Sandamak 1 Dangkal 1 Talampakan 1 Bisig
Dipa filipino name a pinch (or fingertip)* width of the hand thumb to pinky length of one foot elbow to middle finger wingspan body measurement
While the Philippines now predominantly uses the metric system, there are also Filipino units of measurement that were likely used prior to Spanish colonial rule and are still somewhat used today.
These units relate to different parts of the human body and the distances between them. In her research titled” Filipino Vernacular Scales and Their Use in Construction” by Gregoria Mercado of the Royal Danish Academy, she shares the findings of a study undertaken in the Philippines in which she asks construction workers about these ‘vernacular scales of construction’ and their familiarity with them. Her data revealed that most construction workers were familiar and would actually use two vernacular scales – dangkal and dipa (Mercado, 2023).
It did show that many of these workers used the scales in the absence of more accurate measurement tools and clearly the unit of measurement would vary from person to person. It is still interesting to consider these units since in the postdisaster structures, self-building efforts are encouraged and in some post-disaster scenarios, there could be a lack of these accurate measurement tools. 1 Piranggot
*There is no clearly agreed upon definition for one piranggot. It is simply used to refer to a very small amount and sometimes used in cooking to describe a pinch of an ingredient.
Examples of bamboo connections to be used in the design. Joints use a combination of pegs and plant lashings.
CODE: 01 = Shelter 02 = WASH Facility 03 = Community Centre
After casting the foundations, they will need to be left to cure and watered everyday for 1428 days in order to properly set.
Bamboo members should be cut just above the first or second node located above ground level.
This is for reasons of structural strength as well as avoiding the storage of rainwater.
Diagonal cuts are recommended allowing the evacuation of water by gravity.
Nipa shingles are tied onto bamboo sticks running horizontally which are then fastened to bamboo purlins in the opposite direction. They can also be directly fastened to the roof rafters if the structure allows.
Figure 86
Author’s design process sketches
KUBO: Transitional Shelter
TAGPUAN: Community Pavilion 5.1 5.2
BATALAN: WASH Facility
KUBO [noun]
From multiple Filipino languages, (derived from the ProtoMalayo-Polynesian kubu) refers to a small country country dwelling, lodge, or hut. ku‧bo
users: family of 4 people
sqm: 15-22 sqm
verbs: living, sleeping, eating, sitting, talking, keywords: adaptable, deconstructable, evolving, moveable
A small home for a family unit. Simple enough to allow construction by community members (with some technical assistance from specialists). A main multi-purpose space for all day and night activities with secondary spaces for storage and cooking or washing areas. Maintains a high level of privacy. Should invoke a sense of home albeit being temporary and allow for personal customisation give dignity to the users in a distressing environment.
The resulting design is a simple home constructed from bamboo elements, amakan walling and a thatched nipa roof. The design explores the qualities of evolving and adapting through elements that could be reused in different stages of the shelter. For example, bamboo elements and nipa shingles tied together for the lean-to shelter could be taken apart and used again for the home. Then, the shelter could be dismantled or relocated once it has served its purpose.
PRIVATE, PUBLIC, ROOF
PERMEABILITY
FOUNDATION
foundation stones, relocateable
CONSTRUCTION
nipa, amakan, bamboo, tarp, stone
AFTERLIFE
dismantle, relocate, recycle, repurpose
A quickly assembled lightweight structure such as this could transition people from the emergency stage to the mid-term. The same bamboo members and nipa shingles are tied with lashings and could be disassembled and reused for the next stage of the shelter.
Exploded Axonometric
DEVELOPED STAGE
Plan // 1:50
Transitional Shelter
The public side of the shelter has a small seat creating a social space under the shade created by the roof overhang and the awning windows. All of the additions including the stairs and porch are structurally separate from the main structure.
BATALÁN: [noun]
ba‧ta‧lan
The word “batalan” is used primarily in the Cebuano language. In Cebuano, “batalan” refers to a washing area or wash basin, typically used for washing dishes, clothes, or other items. It’s an outdoor or semi-outdoor area with a water source, where people carry out cleaning tasks, often in rural or traditional settings.
users: community members - ~30 people at a time sqm: 130 sqm verbs: cleaning, washing, showering, meeting, keywords: private but public, water, sanitation
A structure containing the typical WASH facilities prescribed by humanitarian organisations such as toilets, showers, basins and spaces for laundry and water collection. More private spaces are enclosed in heavier construction while the other spaces are open and promote interaction between community members. Scattered around the transitional settlement, they are designed to accomodate approximately 8 families of 4 people each.
The design of the WASH Facility is based on guidelines from humanitarian organisations such as the UNHCR and OXFAM. The design consults the design specifications by the UNHCR to show the typical WASH equipment present in humanitarian response (shown on the following page). The design also employs a rainwater collection system to take advantage of the frequent rain.
The following page shows the WASH Response framework by the UNHCR. This table indicates what can be expected in the different stages of recovery. This design evolves and tries to respond to some of the different needs in the three stages, emergency, transition and post-emergency.
PERMEABILITY
slab on ground
CONSTRUCTION
corrugated iron, coconut lumber, concrete
AFTERLIFE
dismantle, recycle, repurpose
W101 Centrifugal Surface Water Pump Kit
W205 Polytank Kit (5m3)
W401
Tapstand Kitwith 6 selfclosing taps & connection kit
W601
Plastic selfsupporting latrine slab (0.8m x 1.2m)
W604
Sanitary Toilet Pan - Plastic low volume pour-flush pan.
Plan // 1:50
Shower and Latrine blocks
The tabò is the traditional hygiene tool primarily for cleansing, bathing, and cleaning the floor of the bathroom in the Philippines. It is a small plastic water dipper that is culturally important and as the WASH Facility guidelines suggest, attention to cultural norms can make these facilities more effective.
Structure:
Thirteen Tarpaulins (4x6m)
Eight Bamboo Beams (6m)
Ten Bamboo Beams (2m)
Fifteen Bamboo Columns (2,2m) Rope for bracing Coconut timber or bamboo planks for flooring.
Compressed earth blocks are a sustainable material that generates income, earth sourced locally and therefore common in humanitarian applications. The community can be involved in the process and people can be trained to operate the machinery.
An earth brick requires 1 day to dry and then about a month for the curing process. They can be stored under the corrugated iron roof as they are being cured.
If there is no access to a compressed earth block machine, concrete hollow blocks can also be used (another material commonly found in the Filipino construction industry).
Axonometric view
The shower, latrine blocks, handwashing area could be arranged freely and moved around depending on the site conditions.
Exploded axonometric view
In this phase, the toilet block is constructed first while the shower block from the first phase is moved under the roof. The tapstand is also installed for filtered water collection
SECTION A
People are able to linger under the overhangs and sit in the area around the tapstand as they wait in queue.
The structure is made up of coconut timber members (cut to typical dimensions) topped with a corrugated iron roof. The columns are fixed to a concrete slab with a metal bracket that raises the column off the ground avoiding direct contact with the slab in case of any water build-up.
drainage
drainage point external pipes
drainage (in the slab) water outlet
As time passes, the shelter becomes more permanenent. Both shower and toilet blocks are constructed and a piping system using storage tanks and pumps are installed.
The partitions within the blocks are lightweight structures constructed from bamboo and amakan walling. In the toilets, the doors reach all the way to the ground to ensure privacy. In the bathrooms they are slightly elevated for drainage purposes.
TAGPUAN [noun]
tag‧pu‧an
(tagalog) rendezvous; meeting place; gathering place.
users: barangay members - 120 people at a time sqm: ~400 sqm verbs: gathering, playing, eating, praying, making keywords: events, community, bayanihan, adaptable
The centre of a transitional settlement for community members to gather and plan their resettlement strategies. The space is flexible and can be used as a school, for meetings, workshops, building, presentations, aid distribution and religious gatherings. Encourages community to actively participate in their recovery and strengthen relationships.
The structure is made of bamboo, coconut walling and a large thatched nipa roof. Its volumes and composition are inspired from the vernacular architecture of the Philippines, particularly the roof of the torogan, a pre-colonial vernacular house of the Maranao people of the Philippines. This roof shape can be seen in other parts of Asia, such as in the minka roof in Japan and traditional malay houses. The steep roof protects from the heavy rains while the openings encourage passive ventilation. The idea is that the community centre would start first as an open outdoor pavilion and develop into a more permanent structure as the community is able to recover more.
PRIVACY, OUTDOOR, ROOF
PERMEABILITY
fixed footings
CONSTRUCTION nipa, bamboo, amakan, concrete
AFTERLIFE repurpose, relocate
The community pavilion can serve as an open space for gathering and working even in its phases of construction.
The roof could be built first and the pavilion used as an open, shaded space.
As time passes and if more resources become available, the planks could be added to raise the floor up and the coconut timber panels to close the space.
The community space has a free plan that allows for different functions depending on the community’s changing needs. It could serve as a religious space, distribution centre, temporary school and a meeting space for the community to plan their recovery.
the wall panels made of coconut timber allow light and air to pass through while the roof structure encourages passive ventilation.
aid distribution
The large overhangs and porch create shaded social spaces for people to linger around the building highlighting the Filipino vernacular concepts of community and outdoor living.
6.1
Conclusions and Reflections
So, are there lessons to be learned from vernacular architecture in post-disaster recovery? As the research suggests, there are.
The thesis has shown that through a proper understanding of what makes post-disaster recovery successful, we are able to see how architecture can contribute to this success. Then, through a study of vernacular architecture, we see that it goes deeper than its aesthetic value and is actually a physical manifestation of the ways in which people have lived and responded to the climate of a specific place, sometimes for millennia.
As the research continued, it revealed that the qualities of vernacular architecture respond to many of the aspects that make post-disaster recovery successful, as shown in the mind maps.
By choosing to focus on the Philippines, the thesis was able to demonstrate the research findings with examples, first by examining Filipino vernacular architecture, deconstructing its qualities into a series of abstract drawings, and then applying these qualities in designing transitional structures that exhibited the characteristics of Filipino vernacular to respond to the needs of post-disaster structures.
While the latter half of the research focused on the Philippines, this research could potentially be applied to other places around the world. Architects have long looked to vernacular architecture for inspiration, even outside the context of postdisaster recovery. The fact is that the vernacular architecture of any place is a key to better understanding how to respond to the physical and cultural needs of the local people—two of the most important considerations when designing structures anywhere, post-disaster or not. It is clear that vernacular knowledge, built up over centuries, is still relevant and has a plethora of insights for architects today.
If this work were to be continued and developed in the future, it could be interesting to bring a technical and structural side to the thesis, putting the research and theories into practice. In this thesis, the design project was taken to a relatively schematic stage to simply illustrate the research. However, a more developed version of this thesis could take a deeper look into the construction methods and details used in both the vernacular architecture of the Philippines and post-disaster structures.
For example, a study of the joinery details of Filipino vernacular structures could give a more technical understanding of what makes them so resilient and flexible. In addition, the research could test the structural performance of the designed shelters through models (both digital and physical) and analyse the physical properties of the materials used, such as bamboo and thatch. By doing so, there would be more clarity on the lifespan of the structures and what trade-offs could be made to make these post-disaster structures more efficient and economically viable—an important quality in post-disaster contexts.
Further research would likely involve fieldwork, travelling to the Philippines to study the houses on-site and discussing these topics with local experts. This could also include consulting humanitarian organisations to gain deeper insights.
In general, the fields of vernacular architecture and postdisaster architecture are so broad that this thesis provides only a snippet of the connections that could be made between them. It is only thanks to the research of great scholars of the past in both fields that this thesis was possible. This thesis does not offer a one-size-fits-all solution to post-disaster recovery. Its aim was to shed light on the topic and bring If the work was to be continued and developed in the future, it could be interesting to bring a technical and structural side to the thesis, putting the research and theories into practice.
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Figure 1
Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 & Figure 8
Figure 9 Figure 10
Figure 11
Figure 12
Figure 13
Figure 14
Figure 15
Post-disaster reconstruction
TAO-Pilipinas, n.d. Services. [online] Available at: https://tao-pilipinas.org/services/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Early thesis planning, February 2024 - Author’s drawing, 2024
Aftermath of Typhoon Bopha Disaster Philanthropy, n.d. Typhoon Bopha: Philippines. [online] Available at: https:// disasterphilanthropy.org/disasters/typhoon-bopha-philippines/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Shelter Definitions illustrated by the IFRC IFRC. Transitional Shelters: 8 Designs. 2012. https://www.shelterprojects.org/tshelter-8designs/ index.html#SUMMARY.
Paper Partition System
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Emergency shelters for Rohingya refugees
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Shelters in Tacloban, Philippines following Typhoon Haiyan 2013 Bolisay, K., 2013. Typhoon Haiyan: Helping survivors to jump ship and land on their feet. [online] Available at: https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/typhoon-haiyan-helping-survivors-jump-shipand-land-their-feet [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Transitional Shelters following Typhoon Haiyan
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Paper Log Houses, Shigeru Ban Architects
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Core Shelters Project in Kangkaibe, Bantayan, Cebu
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Diagram showing criteria for mid-term relief shelters - Author, 2024
Villa Verde rehousing project by ELEMENTAL Architects
Chia, S., 2014. Villa Verde Housing, Elemental. [online] Available at: https://www.archdaily. com/447381/villa-verde-housing-elemental/52805149e8e44e5830000097-villa-verde-housingelemental-photo [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Damage caused by Super Typhoon Haiyan, photographed by Raul Banias Banias, R., 2013. Super Typhoon Haiyan. [online] Available at: https://www.britannica.com/event/ Super-Typhoon-Haiyan [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Diagram illustrating the concept of vulnerability and post-disaster reconstruction Lizarralde, G., Johnson, C. and Davidson, C. (2009) ‘Rebuilding after Disasters : From emergency to sustainability’, in Rebuilding after Disasters: From Emergency to Sustainability. London: Routledge., pp. 1–25.
Figure 16
Diagram of contrasting views of the rehousing process - Author, 2024
Paper Log Houses in India
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Simplified model illustrating successful post-disaster recovery. - Author, 2024
Self-built housing project by Architect Yasmeen Lari
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Flood-resistant home design by Yasmeen Lari. Heritage Foundation of Pakistan, n.d. Yasmeen Lari Sets Out to Build One Million Flood-Resistant Homes in Pakistan by 2024. [online] Available at: https://www.archdaily. com/1010265/yasmeen-lari-sets-out-to-build-one-million-flood-resistant-homes-in-pakistan-by2024/65647c6f0ca0c31bbb91e4aa-yasmeen-lari-sets-out-to-build-one-million-flood-resistanthomes-in-pakistan-by-2024-image [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Emergency shelters designed for UNHCR by Shigeru Ban. Shigeru Ban Architects, n.d. Paper Emergency Shelters for UNHCR. [online] Available at: https:// shigerubanarchitects.com/works/paper-tubes/paper-emergency-shelters-for-unhcr/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Haiti earthquake aftermath tent city 2010 Wikimedia Commons, 2010. Haiti earthquake aftermath tent city. [online] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Haiti_earthquake_aftermath_tent_city.jpg [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Sheeting provided by USAID’s Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance and distributed by NGOs after earthquake in Nepal USAID DART, 2015. Humanitarian relief efforts in Nepal. [online] Available at: https://www. flickr.com/photos/usembassykathmandu/17376618846/sizes/k/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Emergency Accommodation Units after Van Earthquakes, Turkey. Dorce Prefabricated Building and Construction Inc., n.d. Van Earthquake Region: Emergency Accommodation Units for 18,900-Man Disaster Housing. [online] Available at: https://www. dorce.com/projects/van-earthquake-region-emergency-accommodation-units-for-18900-mandisaster-housing/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Rural Housing Prototype in Apan - DVCH De Villar CHacon Architecture Navarro Soto, J., n.d. Modular Housing in Latin America: Assembly, Joinery, and Transportation Methods in Construction. [online] Available at: https://www.archdaily.com/1015336/modularhousing-in-latin-america-assembly-joinery-and-transportation-methods-in-construction/660e9 4fc970d5165e4c86dec-modular-housing-in-latin-america-assembly-joinery-and-transportationmethods-in-construction-photo [Accessed 15 November 2024].
A group of men relocate a traditional Bahay Kubo house, Mactan Island, 1955 George Rodger. (1953). PHILIPPINES. 1953. PHILIPPINES. Moving house in the Philippines. 1955. https://jstor.org/stable/community.9756503
Authors diagram of thesis focus in the rehousing process - Author, 2024
Paper Church in Kobe, designed as a temporary cultural and religious structure. Shigeru Ban Architects, n.d. Paper Church - Kobe. [online] Available at: https://shigerubanarchitects. com/works/cultural/paper-church-kobe/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Transitional Cathedral designed as a temporary church. Shigeru Ban Architects, n.d. Cardboard Cathedral. [online] Available at: https://shigerubanarchitects. com/works/cultural/cardboard-cathedral/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 01
Shelter Projects, 2017. Philippines 2015–2017: Shelter and Settlement Response. [PDF] Available at: https://shelterprojects.org/shelterprojects2017-2018/SP17-18_A20-Philippines-2015-2017.pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 02
Catholic Relief Services (CRS), 2012. Urban Transitional Shelter, Philippines. [PDF] Available at: https://shelterprojects.org/files/CRS-Urban-Transitional-Shelter_Philippines_Oct-2012.pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 03
Shelter Projects, 2016. Philippines 2013–2017: Shelter and Settlement Response. [PDF] Available at: https://shelterprojects.org/shelterprojects2015-2016/SP15-16_A8-A13-Philippines-2013-2017. pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 04
Opdyke, A., Gifford, H., Lutz, R., and Martin, J., 2017. Typhoon Haiyan Shelter Case Studies. [pdf] Available at: https://www.colorado.edu/lab/gpo/sites/default/files/attached-files/opdyke_et_ al_2017_typhoon_haiyan-shelter_case_studies.pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024], p. 40.
Collage of images of Case Study 05
Opdyke, A., Gifford, H., Lutz, R., and Martin, J., 2017. Typhoon Haiyan Shelter Case Studies. [pdf] Available at: https://www.colorado.edu/lab/gpo/sites/default/files/attached-files/opdyke_et_ al_2017_typhoon_haiyan-shelter_case_studies.pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 06
Shelter Projects, 2016. Philippines 2013–2017: Shelter and Settlement Response. [PDF] Available at: https://shelterprojects.org/shelterprojects2015-2016/SP15-16_A8-A13-Philippines-2013-2017. pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 07
Shelter Projects, 2008. Indonesia Yogyakarta 2006: Shelter and Settlement Response. [PDF] Available at: https://shelterprojects.org/shelterprojects2008/ref/B5-indonesia-Yogyakarta-2006.pdf [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Collage of images of Case Study 08
Shigeru Ban Architects, n.d. Paper Temporary Shelter. [online] Available at: https:// shigerubanarchitects.com/works/hh/houses/paper-temporary-shelter/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
A Badjao father and child leave their village for a morning fishing trip
Valle, G., 2015. The Badjao nomads of the sea. [online] Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www. aljazeera.com/gallery/2015/12/9/the-badjao-nomads-of-the-sea-2 [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Author’s diagrams of different definitions for vernacular architecture. - Author, 2024
Amos Rapoport’s model of learning from the vernacular - Author, 2024
The Philippine Archipelago
Philippines Department of Tourism, n.d. The Philippines: An Archipelago of Unique Scenery. [online] National Geographic. Available at: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/slideshow/ paid-content-the-philippines-an-archipelago-of-unique-scenery [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Map by Dr. Blumentritt illustrating the different ethnolinguistic groups and religious denominations (1890)
Blumentritt, F., 1890. Ethnographic Map of the Philippines. [image] Available at: https://www. alamy.it/foto-immagine-blumentritt-mappa-etnografico-delle-filippine-1890-139504615.html [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Map illustrating the frequency of natural hazards in the Philippines (inspire by the article by the National Geographic): Mason, V.W. and Nowakowski, K., 2013. Philippines: Dangers of Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda). [online] National Geographic. Available at: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/ article/131111-philippines-dangers-haiyan-yolanda-death-toll-rises [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Figure 47
Figure 48
Figure 49
Adapted from Tiling et al. (1987),2018. Subduction zones in the Pacific Ocean: The Ring of Fire or the circum-Pacific. [image] Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Subduction-zones-inthe-Pacific-ocean-the-Ring-of-Fire-or-the-circum-Pacific_fig1_327866962 [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Housing poverty in the Philippines
Habitat for Humanity, 2024. Philippines. [online] Available at: https://www.habitatforhumanity.org. uk/country/philippines/ [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Mayon Volcano, Legazpi, Philippines, 1928. Johnson, L. (Photographer), 1928. Mayon, Legaspi. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mayon_Legaspi_1928.jpg [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Indigenous people of the Philippines, from a book published in 1931. Huijgens, B. (Photographer), 1931. Indigenous People of the Philippines. [image] Available at: https://boudewijnhuijgens.getarchive.net/amp/media/indigenous-people-of-the-philippines-from-abook-published-in-1931-p254-bba422 [Accessed 15 November 2024].
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Figure 52
Figures 53, 54 & 55
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Figure 57
Aeta family in their traditional lean-to house, 20th century (Mario Feir Filipiniana Library). Feir, M. (Photographer), 20th century. Aeta family in their traditional lean-to house. [image] Available at: https://www.yodisphere.com/2022/03/Aeta-Culture-Customs-Tradition-IndigenousPeople-Philippines.html [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Author’s axonomtric drawing of a lean-to - Author, 2024
The lean-to.
Unknown creator, The Philippine Islands, 42726-H. [image] Available at: https://archive.org/details/ thephilippineisl42726gut/42726-h/images/card.png [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Badjao man and houseboat; Badjao houses; Badjao divers at the coral reefs of Pulau Peleng, Indonesia. Valle, G., 2015. The Badjao nomads of the sea. [online] Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera. com/gallery/2015/12/9/the-badjao-nomads-of-the-sea-2 [Accessed 15 November 2024].
Diagram of a Badjao houseboat
Lico, G., 2008. Arkitekturang Filipino: A History of Architecture and Urbanism in the Philippines. University of the Philippines Press.
Sama Dilaut houseboat, Tawi-Tawi, 1970
Dean Conger, 1970. Sama Dilaut (Badjao) Culture and History in Sulu. Yodisphere. Available at: https://www.yodisphere.com/2022/09/Sama-Dilaut-Badjao-Culture-History-Sulu.html [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Tausug House
Figure 58
Figure 59
Figures 60, 61 & 62
Figure 63
Figure 64
Figure 65 & 66
Figure 67, 68 & 69
Unknown creator (n.d.). Islamic Architecture. History of Architecture. Available at: https:// historyofarchitecture.weebly.com/islamic1.html [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Ifugao Fale
Unknown creator (n.d.). Ifugao Fale .Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Available at: https://collections.peabody.harvard.edu/objects/details/469789 [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Filipino homes 1900-1902
Tewell, J. (2013). Filipino home, 1900-1902. [Online Image]. Available at: https://www.flickr.com/ photos/johntewell/8409627411/ [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Exploded axonometric drawing of a Bahay Kubo Fernandez, R.D.A. (2015). Diksiyonaryong Biswal ng Arkitekturang Filipino: A Visual Dictionary on Filipino Architecture. [Image].
Authors 3D model of a Bahay Kubo - Author, 2024
Filipino huts, early 20th century
Tewell, J. (2013). Filipino home, 1900-1902. [Online Image]. Available at: https://www.flickr.com/ photos/johntewell/8409627411/ [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Vernacular Filipino house types. Fernandez, R.D.A. (2015). Diksiyonaryong Biswal ng Arkitekturang Filipino: A Visual Dictionary on Filipino Architecture. [Image].
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Court building in Vigan, Ilocos Sur, Philippines, before 1896. Schadenberg, A. (Photographer). (n.d.). Court Building, Vigan City, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon, Philippines, before 1896. Photograph. State Art Collections Dresden, Museum of Ethnology, Dresden, Germany. Available at: https://www.flickr.com/photos/johntewell/35833195673 [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Manila Main Street, Philippines, before 1898
Mamm, M.A. (1898). Manila and the Philippines 1898. Photograph. London, New York: F.T. Neely. Available at: https://www.flickr.com/photos/johntewell/14610441032 [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Tanghalang Pambansa
Locsin, L. and Bossi, S., n.d. Tanghalang Pambansa (National Theater). Divisare. Available at: https://divisare.com/projects/340652-leandro-locsin-simone-bossi-tanghalang-pambansa [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Tanghalang Pambansa; Overhangs
Benoit, P., 2018. L’Œuvre de Leandro V. Locsin (1928-1994), Architecte à la recherche de l’identité elusive de l’architecture philippine du second après-guerre. Thèse No 8593, présentée le 20 juin 2018, Faculté de l’Environnement Naturel, Architectural et Construit, Laboratoire de Théorie et d’Histoire 2, Programme doctoral en architecture et sciences de la ville, École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne.
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Figures 84 & 85
Entry to the building Locsin, L. and Bossi, S., n.d. Tanghalang Pambansa (National Theater). Divisare. Available at: https://divisare.com/projects/340652-leandro-locsin-simone-bossi-tanghalang-pambansa [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Slum Housing in Manila
Martin Roemers. Slum Housing in Manila. 2010. JSTOR, https://jstor.org/stable/ community.12145351. Accessed 15 Nov. 2024.
Slum Housing in Manila Mikkel Ostergaard. Slum Housing in Manila. JSTOR, https://jstor.org/stable/community.12126563. Accessed 15 Nov. 2024.
The Filipino Vernacular: Drawing Series - Author, 2024
Kawayan Tinik - Author, 2024
Materials for post-disaster designs- Author, 2024 Process of making nipa shingles - Author, 2024 Process of making compressed earth blocks- Author 2024
Process of cutting coconut lumber - Author, 2024, stylised images from: European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations, 2014. PLAN-UK, San Antonio, Philippines, March 2014. Flickr. Available at: https://www.flickr.com/photos/eu_ echo/14095764776/in/photostream/ [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
Bamboo connections with plant lashings Bamboo Connections, 2017. Bamboo Connections. RWTH Aachen University. Available at: https://bambus.rwth-aachen.de/eng/PDF-Files/Bamboo%20Connections.pdf [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].
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Author’s design process sketches, 2024
UNHCR WASH Equipment UNHCR, 2016. WASH Equipment Specifications. Geneva: UNHCR. Available at: http://wash. unhcr.org/wash-equipment-specifications [Accessed 18 Nov. 2024].
WASH Response Guidelines over time UNHCR, 2019. UNHCR WASH Manual: Practical Guidance for Refugee Settings. 6th ed. Geneva: UNHCR. Available at: http://wash.unhcr.org [Accessed 18 Nov. 2024].
Streetlight Tagpuro by Leandro V. Locsin and Partners + Boase Eriksson, J., Furunes, T., Leandro V. Locsin & Partners, 2017. Streetlight Tagpuro. ArchDaily. Available at: https://www.archdaily.com/883163/streetlight-tagpuro-eriksson-furunes-plusleandro-v-locsin-partners/5a01adfdb22e3816ed00020b-streetlight-tagpuro-eriksson-furunes-plusleandro-v-locsin-partners-photo?next_project=no [Accessed 15 Nov. 2024].