Irish cities of god

Cities of God? Medieval Urban Forms and Their Christian Symbolism Author(s): Keith D. Lilley Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Sep., 2004), pp. 296-313 Published by: Wiley on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3804493 .

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Cities of God? Medieval urban formsand theirChristiansymbolism Keith D Lilley Situatedin thecontextof recentgeographicalengagementswith'landscape',this to paper combines'morphological'and 'iconographic'landscape interpretations examinehow urbanformswere perceivedin late medievalEurope.To date, urban morphologicalstudieshave mapped themedievalcityeitherby classifying layoutsaccordingto particulartypes,or by analysingplan formsof particulartowns and citiesto revealtheirspatialevolution.This paper outlinesa thirdway, an 'iconographic'approach,whichshows how urbanformsin theMiddle Ages conveyed Christiansymbolism.Threesuch 'mappings'explorethisthesis:thefirstuses textual and visual representations whichshow thatthecitywas understoodas a scaled-down world- a microcosm- linkingcityand cosmos in themedievalmind;thesecond and suggeststhaturbanlandscapeswere 'mapping'develops thisthemefurther inscribedwithsymbolicformthroughtheirlayouton theground;while thethird looks at how Christiansymbolismof urbanformswas performedthroughtheurban landscapein perennialreligiousprocessions.Each of these'mappings'pointsto the urbanformhad in theMiddle Ages,based on religious symbolic,mysticalsignificance faith,and theythusoffera deepened appreciationof how urbanlandscapeswere and experiencedat thetime. represented, constructed key words urbanmorphology medievalEurope landscape iconography SchoolofGeography, BelfastBT71NN Queen's University, email:k.lilley@qub.ac.uk revised manuscriptreceived 12 November 2003

have hardlyaffectedstudiesof urban formin geographyand, with few exceptions,therehas been This paper considershow those of Christianfaith littleengagementin Anglophoneurbanmorphology understoodurbanformssymbolically in latermedi- with currenttheoreticalshiftsin how landscapes eval Europe,specifically symbolically. fromtheninthtothefifteenthmay be interpreted iconographically, century.In so doing, the paper offersa different The second is that,despite a greatdeal of interest approach to mapping medieval urban landscapes in landscape iconography,historicaland cultural to thatprevalentin currentstudies of urban form, geographershave tendedto focusmoreon thoseof in the field of urban morphology.Outlined here later periods, particularlyof the nineteenthand are medieval 'mappings'of the citythatreveal the twentiethcenturies,and have by and large oversymbolic,Christiansignificanceof urbanforms,an looked landscapes of the Middle Ages. To address iconographywhichin themedievalmindinscribed both concernsthis paper uses medieval - Latin the cityand its landscape with religiousmeaning. Christian- interpretations of urban form as a In a broader context,this paper seeks to address meansoftryingto recognizehow urbanlandscapes two issues raised by recentlandscape studies in were symbolicallyrepresented,constructedand human geography.The firstis that recentepiste- experiencedin the Middle Ages. It does so by mological challenges laid down by the so-called looking at how the city stood as a 'map' of 'culturalturn' in arts and humanitiesdisciplines Christianbeliefand meaning.

Introduction

TransInstBr GeogrNS 29 296-313 2004 ISSN 0020-2754? Royal GeographicalSociety(withThe Instituteof BritishGeographers)2004

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From an empirical and methodologicalviewpoint,some historianshave raised questionsabout Mapping medieval urban landscapes morpholo- using post-medieval cartographicsources as a gically is a long geographicaltradition,deriving basis forrevealingthe evolvingformsof medieval largely,but by no means exclusively,fromEuro- urban landscapes (see especially Keene 1985). pean historicaland geographical studies of the However, archaeological excavations in urban earlyto mid twentieth centuryofsettlement patterns areas have shown that medieval plot and street and forms (Siedlungsgeographie) (Whitehand1981 patternscan, and indeed do, surviveforverylong 1992).These studies,of the evolutionof particular periods of timein the urbanlandscape, sometimes settlements or regionalsurveysofsettlement types, for over a thousand years, even in places where attemptedto reveal the presence and persistence redevelopmentpressure on urban propertyhas of medieval urban forms in the landscapes of been high (Ottaway 1992, 173). To address these Europe's modern towns and cities. For UK geo- empirical concerns,'morphogenetic'urban morgraphymuch of this work was 'imported'via the phologistsmapping medieval urban landscapes activitiesof R E Dickinson and latterlyM R G myselfincluded- have dealt more and morewith Conzen, in the middle years of the last century historical(i.e. medieval) material,integratingthe (Dickinson1934 1945 1951;Conzen 1960 1962 1968). resultsofexcavationworkand documentaryanalyAs Whitehand (1981) has shown, their two ap- ses with later, cartographicallyderived maps of proacheswerequitedifferent, withDickinsonadopt- urban form,continuallyseeking to improve and ing a taxonomicmethodof classifyingthe layouts revise our approach and make our methodsmuch of medievaltownsand citiesaccordingto thechar- more rigorous(see Conzen 1968; Baker and Slater acteristicsof theirstreetlayout,and Conzen pre- 1992; Lilley 2000a). During the last few decades, ferringinstead to recognizethatfossilizedwithin then,a key concernwithinurban morphologyhas the compositeformsof European towns and cities been the creationof more 'accurate'maps of mediwere the medieval stages of evolution,theirmedi- eval urban landscapes in order to demonstrate eval morphogenesis.It is this latter,'Conzenian' with more confidencewhat physicalchanges had approach (Whitehandand Larkham1992,5-8, 10- takenplace in townsand citiesin theMiddle Ages 11) thathas since held dominancein the mapping and thusensurethatresearchfindingswould meet ofmedievalurbanlandscapesin Anglophonehuman more withthe approval of those who were sceptigeography(Simms 1979; Slater1987; Lilley2000a), cal about this kind of work. However, these providinghistoricalgeographers,urban archaeo- improvementsin morphogenetictechniqueshave logistsand medieval historianswithopportunities so farlargelyescaped theoreticaland epistemologito piece togetherwhaturbanlandscapes physically cal reflection. lookedlike,on theground,and how and whenthey To me, fromhaving worked for a number of were formedand transformed duringthe Middle yearson mappingmorphologiesofmedievaltowns Ages (Brooksand Whittington 1977;Bakerand Slater and cities (withinthe morphogenetictraditionof 1992).Forthemostpartthisinvolvesusingnineteenth- 'Conzenian' urban morphology),it has become centurycartography, particularlylarge-scale(1:500 increasinglyevidentthatthereis a need to reflect and 1:2500)town-plans,as a basis foranalysingthe more criticallyon the conceptual assumptions formsofstreets and plots,creating mapsofthediscrete employedin this kind of work,and connectmormorphologicalareas ('plan units') and thenlinking phological mappings of landscape study to theseexpressionsof thephysicalformof a particu- broader,theorizeddebates in geographyon maplar townor citywithdocumentaryand archaeolog- ping and landscape (see Lilley 2000c). The conical evidence to reveal its sequence of medieval ceptual condition of currentAnglophone urban morphogenesis,and thusperhapsaccountforpar- morphologyis comparableto thatof cartographic ticularreasons why an urban landscape took the historypriorto the so-called 'culturalturn'of the particularformthatit did (Slater1987 1996; Lilley 1980s and 1990s, a time of rising post-structural 1999 2000b). While intrinsically very revealingof criticismin humangeographyin general(see Philo the otherwiseratherhidden spatial historiesof 2000).ThroughtheworkofHarley(1988 19891992) medieval urban landscapes,this kind of 'morpho- in particular,theoreticallydriven questions were genetic'mappingof medievaltownsand citieshas being voiced by geographersover the politics of began to facedempiricaland theoreticalcriticisms. mappingand map-making,and criticisms

'Mapping' urban morphologies

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essay be made of the largelyunreflective(in Harley's in which the editors,in theirintroductory view) practicesof cartographersand cartographic (Daniels and Cosgrove 1988, 3-4), set out a conhistorians.Harley (1992,231) was arguingthatfor ceptualizationof 'landscape' based on iconography too long 'epistemictime'had stood stillin the 'his- and iconology, drawingupon the thinkingof Erwin toryof cartography'and thatcartographers' claims Panofsky(1970), which in turnwas influencedby of symbolic that theirswas a 'progressivescience', providing ErnstCassirer's (1953 1955) Philosophy ever more accurateand truthfuldepictionsof the form.For Cassirer,'symbolicform''is a condition earth'ssurface,had been accepted largelyuncriti- of the knowledge of meaning or of the human cally. In his mind there was a need to seek an expressionofmeaning'(1953,53) wherebymaterial 'alternativeepistemology,rooted in social theory forms(such as landscapes) are earthlyrealizations ratherthan scientificpositivism',and in enlisting of mythicalforms (such as cosmologies). Using the work of Derrida and Foucault he sought to Panofskyand Cassireras theirguide, Daniels and 'deconstructthe map' (Harley 1992, 232). While Cosgrove suggest that interpreting iconographicHarley may have somewhat over-statedhis case ally requiresus 'to probe meaningin a workof art (Belyea 1992;Andrews2001),the challengethathe by setting it in its historical context and, in laid beforecartographichistoryis, I think,much particular,to analyse the ideas implicatedin its the same as thatwhich now lies beforeus in UK imagery'(1988,2). Panofsky(1957) did this in his urban morphology:to 'read our maps foralternat- study of medieval religious architecture,Gothic in which he read the ive and sometimescompetingdiscourses' (Harley architecture and Scholasticism, 1992,247). Thus morphologicalmaps of medieval 'structure'of contemporaryScholasticthoughtin urban landscapes mightbe read more reflectively, the materialstructuresof FrenchGothicbuildings and critically,to take into account that they are - reading in one the meaningsof the other.Since afterall subjectivemappingsthatreflect, at least in an understandingof 'form'is the basis forinquiry part,the ideas and values of those who produce in both morphologicaland iconographic study, them(see Lilley2000a 2000c). thereis potentialto align - conceptually- urban There is also the matter,as some have argued, morphology with the landscape iconography thatthestudiesof urbanlandscapes by urbanmor- approach currentlyfavoured among geographers phologistsdo not engage sufficiently with recent (see Lilley 2000c, 377-81). It is, after all, an work done by culturalgeographersand otherson approach that also has particularsuitabilityfor the contestedand contextualnatureof 'landscape', studyingmedieval urban forms,for the Middle and 'do not adequately reflectthe varietyof ap- Ages was a period when life was rooted in a proaches to the study of the urban landscape Christianview of theworld,where'materialthings currentlyon offer'(Driver 1995, 769-70). Urban signified spiritual things, even God himself' morphologists,in the UK at least, have indeed (Ladner 1979,226). themeantakena different conceptualtackin theirapproach Iconographyderivesfrominterpreting to landscapes comparedwith those historicaland ings and symbolismof Christianart and architectculturalgeographerswhose work has opened up ure (see Didron 1965;Grabar1968). In interpreting an 'iconographyof landscape'; yet thereis some the religiousmeaningof medieval buildings,parcommongroundbetweenthem- a mutualstudyof ticularlychurchesand cathedrals,theirarchitecture form. is studied in the same way that medieval Christiansread Holy Scripture.Male makes thispointin his Religiousart in France,where in his discussion Landscape iconographies and 'symbolic he draws of theiconographyofGothicarchitecture form' writingsofWilliamDuranupon thecontemporary For the last decade or so, historicaland cultural dus, Bishop of Mende, who in the laterthirteenth ways thatthe geographershave increasinglyemployed 'icono- centurycommentedon the different graphy'to understandhow landscapes conveyand word 'Jerusalem'can be interpreted: constructculturalmeaning,particularlyin studies in thehistoricalsense Jerusalemis thetownin Palestine of representedlandscapes (Duncan and Ley 1995; wherepilgrims go; in theallegoricalsense,itis theChurch Seymour2000). Many are inspiredby a volume of Militant;in the tropologicalsense it is the Christian papers broughttogetherby Cosgrove and Daniels soul; and in the sense anagogical it is the Heavenly (1988) under the title,The iconography oflandscape, Jerusalem, theheavenlyhome.(Male 1984,145)

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Male uses this exegetical schema to read the recentlyset out by historicaland culturalgeograChristianmeaningsof religiousarchitectural forms phers,it also beginsto revealsome of theChristian because this was how art and architecturewere meaningsand symbolismthaturbanformshad for understoodin theMiddle Ages. Thus,AbbotSuger thoselivingin theMiddle Ages. of St Denis, in describingthebuildingof theabbey Medieval landscape iconographies have been church in the middle decades of the twelfth altogetherabsentfromUK geography,and despite geogracentury,reflectedon his 'delightin the beauty of so many studies of landscape iconography, the house of God', and how through'transferring phersrarelyseem to deal withtheirpossible Christhatwhichis materialto thatwhich is immaterial' tianmeanings.Geographerswho have worked on he felt'transported fromthisinferior to thathigher the religious meaning and symbolismof urban world in an anagogical manner' (Suger cited in formshave done so mainlyin non-EuropeanconPanofsky1979,63-5). For ThomasAquinas,writing texts,notablyWheatley(1971 1983; Wheatleyand also in thelate 1200sin his SummaTheologica, these See 1978) in the case of cities in south and east different readingsof Scripturecould be simplified Asia, as well as Duncan (1990 1993) and Nitz into just two: the 'literal sense' (historical, (1992), while medieval cities have instead been etiological and analogical) and 'mystical sense' studied iconographicallyby art and architectural (moral or tropological,anagogical and allegorical) historians,some of whom have dealt withparticu(Brown 1999, 22-4). To contemporaries,the lar 'images of urban experience' (Frugoni 1991), religiousarchitecture of theMiddle Ages conveyed and others with the meanings of buildings and both literal and mysticalmeanings (Wallis 1973, theirurbancontexts(see Wittkower1956;Krauthe224-31), allowing 'the divine mysteriesto be imer1983). Whatthesestudiescollectivelydemonconveyedto an unculturedpeople' (Aquinas cited strateis thatforvarious culturesaround theworld in Eco 1988,156). urban landscapes have long held symbolicmeanWith Christianarchitecture, then,'all formsare ings, and that forms convey and constructthis such symbolismrequires endowed with spirit'(Male 1984,16), but what of symbolism.Interpreting the medieval urban landscape? Was it also being lookingat theculturalvalues and beliefsystemsof read 'literally'and 'mystically'as buildingswere? thosesocietiesto whichthecitiesbelonged,and for Certainly,towns like religiousbuildingshad their the Middle Ages, forLatin ChristianEurope, this founders,their'patrons',whilein some cases archi- means bringing'imagined' and 'material' urban tectsare knownto have designedtownsas well as landscapes into dialogue with the thinkingthat cathedrals(see Friedman 1988). So the potential underpinnedthem,takinga leaf out of Panofsky's does existforreadingbuiltformslike architectural book,as it were,and seeingthecitywithmedieval, of forms,in a mysticaland literalsense. Indeed,writ- Christianeyes. Whatfollowsis such a remapping ing in the middle part of the thirteenthcentury the medieval city,addressingsome of the theoretiin Cologne in his Questiones on Aristotle's cal issues outlinedabove. It is not meant to supNicomachean ethics,theScholastictheologianAlbert plant conventionalmorphologicalmappings but theGreatdescribesthecity'materially'as 'a collec- rathersimplyput on offeran iconographyofmedition of humans and a set of buildings' (cited in eval urban landscapes that tries to connect the McGrade et al. 2001, 107). Clearly this is the city 'medieval' and the 'modern'imagination. seen in the literal sense - a physical city. The Three iconographic'mappings' of the medieval remainderof thispaper is concernedwithhow the city are discussed here, interpretingmedieval medieval citywas understoodin a mysticalsense, urbanlandscapes in a 'mysticalsense' (ofAquinas' interpreting urban landscapes throughtheir'sym- scheme).The firstshows how urbanformwas used textualand visual imagesto make bolic form'. Rather than mapping the medieval in contemporary urbanlandscape in its literalsense,morphogeneti- the citya microcosmsymbolicof the wider Chriscally, as urban morphologistshave done previ- tiancosmos;thesecond examineshow,throughthe ously,hereI attemptto show that,in themedieval use of sacred geometryin design and planning, mind, urban landscapes were symbolic,and that this cosmic symbolism was also materially mysticalmeaningsofthecitywere constructedand expressedin thelayoutand physicalformofmediconveyedthroughitsform.Not onlydoes thisthen eval urban landscapes; while the third'mapping' help to align urban morphology- the study of looks at how these same symbolic forms were urban form- with approaches to landscape more embodied by being tracedout in performancesof

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religiousprocessionsthroughtheurbanlandscape.

All threeof these 'mappings'not only pointto the symbolicsignificanceofmedievalurbanforms,but reveal a sharedChristiansymbolismin how urban landscapes were represented,constructed and experiencedduringthelaterMiddle Ages.

The microcosmiccity:textand image There are, as Hyde (1966) recognized,few textual descriptionsof cities survivingfromthe Middle Ages, but there are two that help to give some insight on the mystical symbolism that urban formshad in the medieval mind.The firstof these comes fromItalyand is a descriptionof Padua of c.1318.Writtenby a local judge,Giovannida Nono, it 'comes in the formof a vision givenby an angel to comfortEgidius,the defeatedlegendarykingof ancientPadua' (Dean 2000,17). This is his vision: I asked the angel in whatformthe cityof Padua would be built.He told me: 'The finewall of the citybuiltby yourPaduanswill . . . curveroundfora milelikea horseshoe ... and thewateroftheBacchiglioneand "Tusena" riverswill flow around it ... The Paduans will place fourroyalgatesin thewall . . .' (citedin Dean 2000,17) And so he goes on, describing each of these in turn and their attributes.The city's four gates were each

placed at cardinal points, as Scripturerelates in descriptionsof the holyJerusalem(e.g. Ezekiel 48: 16-35; Revelation21: 13). Giovanni's description

thus reveals something of the imagined Christian significance of Padua's urban form,as seen by one of its citizens. It places emphasis on the outline of the city's walls and the locations of the gates.

According to the passage, these were ordained from on high, by an angel. They were, then, divinely sanctioned: the city's creation - through its symbolic form- connected it with the Creator of all things, God Himself.

The second description comes from England, from c.1195. Written by a local monk called Lucian for the purposes of a sermon, it praises his city of Chester (see Hyde 1966, 325). Lucian's description again provides somewhat rare access to the thoughts of how urban form was symbolically understood in the medieval mind. Lucian writes that the city has 'four gates to the four winds', that thereare also two excellentstraightstreetsin the form of the blessed Cross, whichthroughtheirmeetingand crossingthemselves,thenmake fourout of two, their heads ending in fourgates ... [and] in the middle of

thecity,in a positionequal forall, [God] willedthereto be a marketfor the sale of goods ... Now if anyone standingin the middle of the marketturnshis face to the East, accordingto the positionsof theChurches,he of the lord to the East, Peter findsJohnthe forerunner the Apostle to the West, Werburghthe Virginto the North,and ArchangelMichael to the south.Nothingis more true than that Scripture,'I have set watchmen upon thy walls, 0 Jerusalem'[Isaiah 62: 6].... So behold our city,as it was predicted,entrustedto the holyguardiansas it were in fourfoldmanner.Fromthe of the Lord supports East the mercyof the forerunner it, from the West the power of the doorkeeper of Heaven, to theNorththewatchfulbeautyof thevirgin, and to theSouththe wonderfulsplendourof the angel.

(Citedin Palliser1980,6-7) Here again Lucian invokes the role of God's interventionin the layout of the city,in prescribing its form of streets and walls and gates, in imitation of the celestial city itself, the heavenly Jerusalem, and imagining it thus. Through his allegorical, mystical reading of Chester's twelfth-century reveals symbolic Lucian urban landscape, meanings of the city's form,as da Nono had done in describing Padua. Both show that the shape of a town or city conveyed Christian symbolism, connecting the earthly and heavenly worlds; indeed the 'city' represented a microcosm of the wider 'cosmos' - each being divinely ordained and ordered. This microcosmicism is evident also in surviving visual representations of medieval cities.

With its stylized circle of walls and opposing gates, images of Jerusalem represented the city as a scaled-down cosmos, the wider Christian world (Kuhnel 1998, xxiv). In a ninth-centuryCarolingian depiction of the heavenly Jerusalem, Christ as the Lamb of God is shown in the centre of the celestial city, protected by a circle of walls (12 concentric rings representing the disciples of Christ) and four gates (for the evangelists) at each cardinal point (Frugoni 1991, 21-2). Symbolically, Jerusalem represented the history of the world, its past, present and future, and its cardinal-orientated circular form signified the cosmic order (Kuhnel 1998, xxiii). This same symbolic form (and divine history and hierarchy) is repeated in mappaemundisuch as the Ebstorf map of the thirteenth century, where the world is superimposed upon the body of Christ, with Jerusalem at his navel - the axis mundi - and orientated to the four cardinal points, crossshaped (Woodward 1987; Obrist 1997). Of course, a circular-shaped heavenly Jerusalem did not tally with Scripture. Revelation (21: 16) clearly states the

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city lies 'four-square',so in some images of the celestialcityit is shown as such (see Brieger1967).

One ninth-century apocalypse manuscripthas an image of the angel showingthe 'new Jerusalem'to St Johnin which fourof the towersin the wall of the circular-shapedcityare differently colouredso as to markout thecityas a square,squaringthecircle as it were (Frugoni 1991, 22-3). Earthlycities were also widelyrepresentedin medieval imagery as a circle of walls and a cross of streets.For instance,images of Bristol(c.1480) and Talamone (c.1306) both show circular forms,cross-shaped streetsand opposing gateways (see Ralph 1986; Harvey 1987),and in thisway imitatedepictionsof the heavenlyand earthlyJerusalem(see Laveden 1954),whilethesame motifsappear on cityseals as well as on itinerarymaps and portolancharts(see Campbell 1987;Harvey1987).

The textual descriptionsand visual images of Jerusalemand othercitiesbothrevealhow cityand cosmos were symbolicallyconnectedin the medieval mind.Theirshared forms- the circleand the square - pointingto shared meanings. That the microcosmiccitywas a pervasive motifin medieval Christianthinkinghas long been recognized (see Allers1944),but onlyrelativelyrecentlyhas it received much specificattention,particularlyby Dutton (1983, 80), who has demonstratedhow Plato's idea of thecity-state as sketchedin theprologue to the Timaeuscame to be transmitted subsequentlythroughmedieval texts,culminatingwith the 'fairly widespread circulation of the idea among learned men generally linked with [the School of] Chartres'in the twelfthcentury,men such as Williamof Conches and Alan of Lille. This process was long and protracted,as Dutton (1983, 83, 84) shows, and hinged on Latin glosses and commentaries based on a translationofthe Timaeus

by Calcidius, writingin the fourthcentury,who had 'followedthelead of Plato in employingterms derivedfroma city-state to describethe partsand functionsof the [human] body', drawing 'a comparisonbetweenthe cosmos and the humanbody, since, of course, the parts of man [sic] follow the of the cosmicbody'. It is thisschema arrangement that was adopted and adapted subsequently throughthe Middle Ages, providinga conceptual link in the Christianmind between city and the cosmos.Some of themoreexplicitexamplesof this come fromthe twelfthcenturyin particular,a time when European urban lifewas expandingrapidly (Lilley 2002), and a time too when the Platonic

inheritance, with its emphasis on the relationship between the megacosmus and microcosmus, was reaching its influential height in Christian thought (see Gregory 1988).

For William of Conches, writing in the 1120s and 1130s in his gloss on Macrobius' Commentaryon the dreamofScipio - a neoplatonic discussion on Plato's and Cicero's Republics - the city 'imitated the divine arrangement' of the human body: The head holds the highestplace ... [and thus]just as wisdom is located in the head and oversees the remainingmembersof the body, so the senatorsbeing in the highestplace, that is in the citadel of the city, overseethe lowerclasses and regulatetheirmovements and actions. Under the head are hands which are disposed to act and the heart where the abode of courage is located; so under men fromthe senatorial orderare soldierswho are disposed to endurehardship and are courageous in defence of the state. The kidneys,in whichhuman desire flourishes,are located under the heart and so under the soldiers are found cobblers,skinnersand other craftsmen. confectioners, At the remotestpart of the body feet are found,so of thecityare farmers outsidethewalls on theoutskirts to cultivatethefields.(Cited in Dutton1983,91) In the twelfth century, there was, then, in natural philosophy a likeness deduced between the world, the city and the human body - a likeness that pointed to the same hand in their creation (cf.

Eliade 1959, 165, 172-9). Others, too, followed this line of thinking, including Bernard Silvester, Alan of Lille and Thierry of Chartres (Stock 1972; Sheridan 1980; Haring 1955), while the theme recurs in twelfth-centuryanonymous glosses on the Timaeus, including one in which 'the city is called a world ... having as its senate an order of superior spirits, as soldiers ministering spirits, and as dwellers on the outskirts of man' (cited in Dutton 1983, 105). Such conceptions of the citycosmos were present also in the political philosophy of the period, most notably in John of Salisbury's Policraticus, where he espouses an idealized city-republic 'arranged according to its resemblance with nature' and where 'civil life should imitate nature' (cited in Nederman 1990, 127). 'Ideal' cities were not confined to the works of the twelfth-centuryneoplatonists either, for they recur later, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, inspired by a model provided by Aristotle's Politics, as is clear from the translations and commentaries, such as those by Thomas Aquinas (d'Entreves 1970; Dunbabin 1982), who

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philosophically'accepts essentiallythe universeof leftbehind,and in part throughthe textsused to Aristotle' (Gilson 1956, 175), and also Guido explain and teach methods of drawing and surVernaniof Rimini,whose earlyfourteenth-centuryveying.In both,geometryis key,and it is through commentary on thePoliticswas written, it has been geometrythat medieval urban landscapes were argued, for a local mercantileelite (Dunbabin inscribedmateriallywithsymbolicformand myst1988). In all these works, the city reflected ical meaning. universal order,both literallyand mystically:'in Writtenevidence thatgeometricalknowledgeis essence,it was a way of connectingthe worlds in being used in medieval urban planning is to be whichman [sic]lives' (Dutton1983,116). found in texts known as 'practical geometries', Through its form, then, the city was being practicageometriae.

Both theoristsand practitioners thought of microcosmicallyby medieval Chris- ofgeometryproducedthesein thetwelfthand thirtians,connectingsymbolicallythe earthly(human) teenthcenturiesfordidacticpurposes (forinstance, body with the heavenly (cosmic) 'body'. As an Hugh of St Victor,Leonardo Fibonacciand Villard idea, the microcosmic 'city' circulated widely de Honnecourt)(Homann 1991; Victor1979). One around Europe in the later Middle Ages, among such text,of1193(anonymouslywrittenbut known and originconsummatio, scholarsand clergymen, and citizensand nobles of by theincipitartiscuiuslibet those very cities where much of this knowledge atingfromnorthernFrance),containsa procedure was being produced and consumed, particularly 'to inferthe number of houses in a round city' but by no means exclusively in the university using geometry,for example (Victor 1979, 219). towns and cathedral cities where teaching and This same textalso gives instruction on more genlearning took place (see Southern 1995). Repre- eral surveyingproblems:how to findthesurfaceof sentedin contemporary textualand visual images, a slope-sided field; how to count the numberof and reflecting the mysticalmeaningsurban forms small rectanglesin a known surface;and how to had in Christian thinking, thisimagined'city-cosmos' countthe numberof houses to be obtainedfroma formeda linkbetweenheavenand earth,a crossing known surface,all of which were applicable to place offeringthe 'possibilityof transcendence' urban planning (Victor 1979, 205, 207, 213). The (Eliade 1959,26, 37, 63). practicaluse of geometryto lay out new urban landscapes is thus clear. There is evidence thatit was used to design them,too. A plan of Talamone Sacred geometries: design and planning (1306) in Italy is a case in point,since it seems to Thinkingabout mysticalmeaningsof urban forms have been drawnto facilitatethe foundationof the is one thing,but were theyalso beingput to use in new town (Harvey 1987,491), while Roger Bacon mathematica of the end of the thirtheformation ofmedievaltownsand cities,in their in his Communia designand planning?Comparedwithlaterperiods, teenthcenturynoted thatone of the uses of pracrelativelylittleis recordedof theculturalprocesses tical geometrywas 'to draw cities' (in figuracione thatformedurban landscapes in the Middle Ages, civitatum)(cited in Steele 1940, 43). But geometry but specialistindividualswho measured and sur- not only had practicalpurposes in creatingurban veyed new urban landscapes are mentionedocca- landscapes - it had also symbolicmeaning. The sionally in contemporarysources. In the twelfth circleand square were used to representcityand and thirteenth centuriescertaintown councils in cosmos, fused togetherin images of the heavenly Flandersand Italy employedmensores (measurers, Jerusalemand the wider world (see above). Archisurveyors),for example (de Smet 1949; Schulz tectsmeanwhilewere arranging'Gothic'cathedrals 1978), while an account of the laying out of the of medieval Europe according to geometrical town defencesof Ardres in c.1200 recordsSimon designs in orderto conveymysticalmeaning(see the Dyker,'so learnedin geometricalwork,pacing Lesser 1957;Wallis 1973; Hiscock 2000),as well as with rod in hand' (cited in Frayling1995, 64). If designingnew towns (see Friedman1988). While centurbanlandscapes werebeingdeliberatelyinscribed in the period fromthe ninthto the thirteenth - was widely principalis with symbolism, most likely it would have uries,God Himself- artifex occurredthroughtheactivitiesof such individuals, depictedas a geometer,compass in hand, fashionshadowythoughtheyare. The practicesand know- ing and shapingthecosmosto His designas would witha city,as PhiloofAlexander ledge of these mensores is evidentin part through a 'trainedarchitect' the physicallayouts of the urban landscapes they had made clearin his observationthat

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the city) (see Palliser 1980; Ralph 1986). Meanwhile, urban streetswere physicallybeing made straight,in Florence,for example,with regard to civic improvementscarriedout therein the 1280s and 1290s 'to enhance decorum' (Friedman1988, 207). More generally,throughoutEurope at this time, many new urban landscapes - though of course not all - were being created with highly regular,indeed sometimesorthogonal,layouts of streetsand plots,evidentin some of the 'bastide' new townsof south-westFrance,such as Grenadesur-Garonne,Monpazier and Vianne (see Divorne et al. 1985; Lauretet al. 1988; Randolph 1995),and also in theFlorentine'new towns'in Italy(Guidoni There is no doubt, then,thatin the Middle Ages 1970; Friedman 1988). Some of these new towns theirstreetsand plots geometrywas seen to be symbolic,but was it also were arrangedaesthetically, being used to inscribe urban landscapes with set out to harmoniousproportions,as with Grenmysticalmeanings?It would seem so, ifthelayouts ade (see Bucher 1972). Terranuova,a new town of urban landscapes are examined, and if the founded in the Florentinecity-republicin 1337, significanceof the geometriesthat made them is was laid out with a proportionedquadrate-plan also considered. derived froma circle divided into chords (FriedDuring the twelfthand more particularlythe man 1988,129), its geometricaldesign thus imitatthirteenth centuries,therewas a generalstraighten- ing therepresentedformof theheavenlyJerusalem ing up of urbanlayouts,evidentin streetand plot (see above). The contemporaneousplan of thenew patterns,paralleled it seems by a straightening town of Talamone likewise combined circle with in layouts of religiousbuildings (Bulmer-Thomas square (see Harvey 1987,figure20.27). These per1979; Lilley 1998). While this change is probably fectlyformedgeometricalurbanlandscapes served connectedto usingbettersurveyingtechniquesand no real pragmatic purpose (cf. Boerefijn2000). instruments (as witnessedby thepracticageometriae Insteadtheyindicatea mystical,symbolicintention texts),it also has to do with the aestheticbeauty on thepartoftheirdesignersand planners. associatedwithharmony,proportionand order;an Secondly,thesymbolismofgeometrywas physiaestheticsof the materialworld that was seen to cally writteninto the formsof urban landscapes reflectGod's 'immaterial'beauty (Eco 1986). Geo- throughthe practicesthatwere creatingthem;not metricalformswere more beautifuland harmoni- least throughthe use of those same instruments ous in themselvesaccording to the aestheticsof that God had Himselfused to fashionand shape Thomas Aquinas and otherssuch as Alexanderof theworld at large. 'The scienceof lines,angles and Hales (Eco 1988). There was symbolicmeaningin figures',wrote Robert Grossetestein his Praxis having straightlines. Thus in likeningscriptural geometriae, 'serves to explain to us the verynature study to constructing a new building (a recurrent of physicalthings,of the universeas a whole,and architecturalmetaphor in medieval exegesis), of each part of it' (cited in Callus 1955,26). At a Hugh ofSt Victornotedin his Didascaliconthat'the basic level, cords were needed to lay out streets tautcord shows thepath of the truefaith'(citedin and plots,as is recordedin the case of surveying Taylor 1961, 141-2). The Bible itself taught the thenew townofBaa nearBordeauxin 1287(Trabut faithfulto 'make the crooked places straight' Cussac 1961,142-3);cordsthatto Hugh ofSt Victor (Isaiah 41: 4, 45: 2) and to 'make straightin the had revealed 'the path of the truefaith'.Compass deserta highwayforour God' (Isaiah 41: 3), while or dividerswould be needed to drafta plan of a we have already noted Lucian's remarkson the new town,as withTalamone again, to traceout its straightnessof Chester's streetsand their cross- circle of walls on parchment,or to establish the in his mind,theiractual imper- complexgeometricaldesignofTerranuova.Biblical shape (correcting, fections),and the cross-plan of Bristol's streets passages gave cosmic significanceto the shape shown on the 'map' of 1480 (probablyan image drawn by the compass (Proverbs8: 27), as well as made to convey the imaginedmythicaloriginsof measuring rods and reeds used to fashion the When a city is being founded to satisfythe soaring ambitionof some king ... therecomes forwardnow and again some trainedarchitectwho ... firstsketches in his own mind well nighall the partsof the citythat is to be wroughtout ... and like a good craftsmanhe begins to build the cityof stones and timber,keeping his eye upon his patternand makingthe visible and tangibleobjectscorrespondin each case to the incorporeal ideas. Just such must be our thoughtsabout God. We must suppose that,when He was minded to foundthe one greatcity,He conceivedbeforehandthe model of its parts,and thatout of these... He brought to completiona world discernibleonly by the mind, and then,withthatfora pattern,the world whichour sense can perceive.(Citedin Friedman1974,425)

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orderlyarrangementof the earthlyand heavenly Jerusalem(Ezekiel 40: 3-5; 43: 1-17; Revelation21: 15-17). Thus Lambert,the parish priestof Ardres, recalls Simon the Dyker laying out 'with rod in hand' the town defencesin c.1200, 'not so much withthatactual rod as withthe spiritualrod of his mind, the work which in imagination he had already conceived' (cited in Frayling 1995, 64).

Othermore sophisticatedinstruments, particularly the quadrantand the astrolabe,helped to measure distancesaccuratelyover open ground,necessary forsurveyingwork,while its symbolicsignificance lay in thefactthattheastrolabeitselfis round,like the created world, and through its astrological functionsand astronomicaluses made this wider world observableand measurable(see Kiely 1947).

That these instrumentswere known and used is revealed in practicalgeometries,such as Hugh of St Victor's,which explained the astrolabe's uses in planimetry, in measuring ground-surfaces (Homann 1991), and by the artis text,based on Hugh of St Victor'searlierexposition,which specificallyconcernsthe application of the astrolabe 'to measurethequantityof a straightline' (citedin Victor 1979, 115). Surveyorsworked in different ways. Dominicus de Clavasio, in his practicageometriaeof 1346, notes 'the differencebetween the geometricand thelay measurer'lies in thatwhat the lay measurerknows how to measureby going and dashingaround the sides of a fieldwithhis rods and cords, the geometricmeasurer will know standingstillby mentalreflection or by drawinglines.

(Citedin Victor1979,52)

In c.1220,Leonardo Fibonaccihad noted a similar distinctionin his practicageometriae(Friedman 1988, 125). Certain,more learned surveyorsthus perhaps worked with their heads and with calculations, presumably based on observations derived from instruments, but while these may have led to thecreationof different formsof urban landscapes (some more sophisticatedin design than others), the symbolic significanceof the geometer's instruments was clearly broad, meaning that newly made urban landscapes of whatever shapecould be inscribedwith a common, cosmicsymbolism.

So geometryis notonlyto be foundin thelayout of medieval urban landscapes but also in their laying-out,both on the groundand on parchment, in bothurbandesign and planning.It is surelysignificantthatgeographicallyseparateplaces such as

Padua and Chester had forms that were being interpretedsimilarlysymbolically,with reference to thehand ofGod bothin theirmakingand also in theirresultantform,and thatsuch ideas were cirwiththe spatial formationof culatingconcurrently new urban landscapes. The shared geometrical formsofbothcityand cosmosnotonlygave mystical meaningto the materiallayouts of new urban streets landscapes,throughtheirgeometric-shaped and plots,so too did the sacred geometryused by and architectsin urban design and some mensores planning,imitatingthat used by God in cosmic designand planning.

Performedlandscapes: embodied symbolism On parchment,then,in textsand images, are the symbolicformsof the medieval city,formsthat were also laid out on the groundin the layoutsof new urban landscapes; the materialand the imagined urban landscapes each having shared Christian symbolismand meaning revealing mystical connectionsbetweencityand cosmos, the earthly and heavenlyworlds of medieval Christianity.If thiswere all, thenthe medieval 'mappings' of the cityconsideredso farcould simplybe regardedas justintellectualexercisesthatpreoccupieda literate and learned minorityof medieval society. The symbolismof urban formshad wider appreciation however,and reachedmoregeneralaudiencesthan just scholarsand clergymen.They enteredeveryday lifein townsand citiesthroughpeople participatingin processionsthatpunctuatethe Christian calendar in honour of Christand his saints. The ritualgeographiesof theseholy processionstraced throughtheurbanlandscape,and tracedout in the minds of the participantsthemselves,the mystical symbolismof urban forms,giving them a wider circulationwithin medieval society beyond the confinesof cloisterand court,touchingthe lives of themany.

Religiousprocessionswere widelyheld in medieval townsand cities,and particularlytowardsthe laterMiddle Ages are reasonablywell documented in municipal records as they became more of a featureof civic festivityand ceremony.In Siena, for example, the festivaland procession of the Assumptionof theVirginMary,held fromthe late twelfthcentury,was a show of corporatedisplay and civic pride as well as religious devotion,as Bowsky (1981, 276) notes. The same was true for

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other European towns and cities,too (see James 1983; Rubin 1991). The roots of these devotional processionslay at least in part in earlierChristian rites.In Jerusalem,Rome and Constantinople,for example, liturgieswere conducted in urban settings and processions interweaved between churchesin the townscapeat key timesin theholy year, both being 'an expression of the religious faithof Christiansas the "common-sense"foundationof thelifeofthecity'(Baldovin1987,251). The stationsof Christ's Passion in Jerusalemare still imitated,placed in urbansettingsin RomanCatholic towns and cities of Europe during Easter for the Christianfaithfulto performpilgrimagesin the image of Christ's own journey to the cross (Sumption1975,93). Such tracesthroughtheurban landscape no doubt inscribed it with symbolic, Christianmeaningsto those who were there,but what is perhaps of more significancehere is how theseperennialreligiousprocessionstracedout,in the minds of participants,the mystical,symbolic formsof cityand cosmos - the micro-and macrocosm - connectingthemselves,spirituallyand bodily, to the broader social 'body' of the cityand to the 'cosmicbody' overall.

The idea thatthecitywas itselfa body had wide currencyin political philosophy of the Middle Ages, as is evidentin the twelfth-century writings of Johnof Salisburyand Alan of Lille (Nederman 1990, 127-31; Sheridan 1980, 120-2), as well as later,in sermonssuch as thosewrittenby Giordano da Pisa, a Dominican friarof the early fourteenth century(Frugoni1991,186-7). This view had neoplatonicroots,as discussed by Dutton (1983), that saw the city as a scaled-down world. Like the wider cosmos, the citywas a 'body' made up of parts,each performing particularfunctions to benefit the overall order and structureof the whole (see above). The citywas a 'body' metaphorically, then,but also in manycases in medieval Europe it was corporalin a literal sense: a political entity made up of citizens and ratifiedin a charterof incorporationmade a city 'corporate' - a 'body' of constitutionalstatus - representing,however unequally, the citizens that were of its making (Weinbaum 1937; Luscombe 1992). The religious processions of some later medieval towns and citieshave been interpretedin this context,of the civic body performing bodily not only to promote civic identitybut also to instil social order and local control,and so enhance social cohesion and legitimateinternaldifferences (see PhythianAdams

1972; James1983; Rubin 1991). The religiousand civic processions thus embodied both collective bond(civic) and individual(citizen)performance, ing thetwo. However,despitean ever growingliteraturein medievalstudieson thereligious,social, literaryand dramaturgicalaspects of these urban processions (see Hanawalt and Reyerson 1994; Twycross 1996; Ashby and Huskin 2001), and increasingawareness of theirChristiansymbolism and cultural meanings (Nijsten 1997; Boogaart 2001), the significanceof theirspatialdimensions remains largely overlooked, despite successive anthropologicalstudiesthatstresstheinterrelatedness ofritualand geography,and theirmutualconstitutiverole in conveyingideas of sacred space and time(Eliade 1959;Wheatley1969); in thiscase the cosmologiesand cosmogoniesof the medieval Christianworld.

Urban processionsin the Middle Ages mightbe held to veneratea local sainton theirfeastday, or to celebratea moreuniversalholyday, in favourof say theBlessed VirginMaryor one of theapostles, or a date in celebrationof thelifeof Christhimself, notablyat Easter,the most importanttime in the Christian calendar (Tydeman 1978, 96). There kinds too, from would be processionsof different processionsthat carriedfortharound a town the relics of a particularsaint, the local patron saint especially,or those that involved solemn procession followingChrist'sPassion and the Stationsof the Cross, as MargeryKempe recordsin her pilgrimagevisit to Jerusalem(Atkinson1983),or the mysteryor 'miracle'plays thatwere held in many Europeantownsand citiesin thelaterMiddle Ages involvinglocal townspeople and guild organizations who, on either specially set-up temporary stages or on movingcarts,enacted particularepisodes from Scripture (the Creation, the Flood, Day and so forth),as well as othersorts Judgement of procession exaltingthe arrival of royaltyin a city,or the appointmentto civic officeof a new mayor, in each case linked to and symbolically imitatingChrist'sadvent and religiousinvestiture (see Twycross 1996; Nijsten 1997; Attreed1994).

The routesthatprocessionstook,the patternsthey tracedout throughtheurbanlandscape,give some indicationsof how the ritualperformancesof the individual (citizen) and collective (civic) bodies replicated and reinforcedthe mystical symbolic formofthecity.

Of these urban processions,those which had Eucharistic dimensions, memorializing and

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commemorating the body of Christ(corpuschristi), the lifeof Christ,see Rubin1991),theycollectively cosare especially significant, for throughcelebrating representedthe linearityof Judeo-Christian Christ'sown body thesocial 'body' of thecitywas mogony,where time definitelybegins and ends mysticallyand symbolicallyconjoinedwiththatof (distinct,therefore, fromthosecosmogonies,derivthe wider 'cosmic body' (Nijsten 1997; Boogaart ing forexample fromPlato, thatpresenta cyclical 2001). Corpus Christi processions became wide- view of world history)(see Grierson1975). The spread in towns and cities from the thirteenth body of Christwas, of course,the embodimentof centuryonwards, arisingfromearlierEucharistic thisworldhistory,forin Him was thepast,present practices(Nelson 1974; Rubin 1991). The feast of and futureof the world,its Creation,Fall and Salsuch Corpus Christiwas celebratedeveryyear between vation,as depicted visually by mappaemundi late May and late June,its actual date depending as theEbstorfand Psalter'maps' (showingChrist's on when Easterfell,and 'came to occupya particu- body superimposedupon thedisc oftheworld;see larlyprominentplace in thetownsman's[sic] litur- above and Kuhnel 1998). So with the Corpus gical calendar' duringthe fourteenth and fifteenth ChristiDay processionthe civic body was not just centuries(James1983,4). Aftermass, a communal performing Christ'sbody as 'a centralsymbol of procession led by the clergy carried the conse- social wholeness' (James1983, 11), it also represcratedhost,thebody ofChrist, ented all that Christ'sbody stood for cosmologicallyand cosmogenically:thetownas a social body throughthe principalthoroughfare of the place ... to performedHis body as the embodimentof the some otherchurchat the otherend of the processional whole world,tracingthroughthe town's centrean route,wherethe host was deposited,and the religious axis symbolizingthe course of the world's linear side of thecelebrations... completed.(James1983,5) history,as foretoldby Holy Scripture.

In England,Rubin(1991,267-8) pointsout thatthe The idea that cosmogonyand cosmologywere most common processional routes in the towns representedby theformof processionalroutes- in linked 'the peripheryto the centre',forminga their traces - is furtherborne out by the ritual linear trace through the urban landscape, a geographiesand mythologiesassociated with the symbolicaxis, as was the case at Beverley,York EucharisticprocessionoftheHoly Blood,as Boogaand, seemingly,Coventry (see Phythian-Adams art (2001) has recentlydemonstratedforthe case 1972). The urban focus of Eucharisticprocession of Bruges,wherea phial of Christ'sblood was carrouteswas usually a cathedralor main churchof ried throughthe cityeveryMay 3, on the feastof the town, or the marketplace (Rubin 1991, 268), the Holy Cross. Boogaartmaps out theroutetaken and it too symbolizedan axis,an axismundiaround by theprocession,whichbegan in thecentreof the which the heavens revolved (cf. Wheatley1971), cityand fromtheremoved out south-westwards to the city as a whole thus representing,micro- the circuitof the city'souterdefences,fromwhere cosmically,thewiderworldwhereJerusalemstood it proceeded clockwise, as it were, around the at itssymboliccentre. walls, passing in and out of certaingates along the In additionto the processionof the consecrated way (where psalms were recited)until the city's host throughthe urban landscape, Corpus Christi circumference had been completelycircumnavigDay was celebratedthroughthestagingof plays in ated, returningback throughthe streetsby which thestreets, so-calledmystery plays,well-documented the processionhad firstcome, back to the city's examplesin Englandbeing Coventry,York,Wake- centreand the restingplace of the holy relic.The fieldand Chester,in Irelandin Dublin,butparalleled processionthus traces out a symbolicform,conalso in towns and cities in continentalEurope nectingcentrewith edge, and encompassingthe (Nelson 1974; Rubin 1991; Muir 1995). The plays whole city,sociallyand spatially.The circletraced compriseddialogues or tableauxvivantsperformed by the processionis, Boogaart(2001,89-90) points in the street,sometimeson mobile wagons (pag- out,symbolicof thewidercosmos,itselfconceived eants), the whole ensemble passing throughthe of as a circle, sacralizing the space of the city townscape, stopping at certain locations for the throughcircumscribing it withChrist'sown blood to takeplace (Tydeman1978,97-120; (see also Rubin 1991, 267-9). The circularmoveperformances Craig 1957,viii-ix).Because theplays enacted,usu- mentalso imitatedcosmictimeas well as space, for ally,thewhole of timefromCreationto Judgement the laterMiddle Ages saw a fusionof neoplatonic Day (Johnston1997),as toldby theBible(including cosmology,and its cyclicalnotionofworldhistory,

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with the Judeo-Christian traditionof cosmogony (see Grierson 1975). Indeed the procession at Bruges had similaritiesto rogationalpatternsperformedwidely in medieval Europe (see Metford 1991, 120; Rubin 1991,247), where the communal beatingof the bounds of the parish not only ceremoniallysanctifiedits territory and inhabitantsbut also celebratedthe annual cycle and the earth's regeneration(Boogaart 2001, 76). The Eucharist, too,was a celebrationofregeneration.

The whole 'processionoftheHoly Blood bridged cosmicand civic historyat different levels,implicitly associating communityand cosmos, world salvationand the restorationof justiceduringhistoricaltime'(Boogaart2001,90). ThroughEucharisticprocessions,thecity(spatiallyand socially)thus became a symbol of the wider Christiancosmos, the circular trace of the procession around the walls markingout its circumference, and the start and end pointsat the ceremonialcentreof the city markingthe axis mundi,parallelingcontemporary images ofthecityand cosmos,in mappaemundi and depictionsof the heavenlyJerusalem.Eucharistic processions,such as thoseat Brugesand elsewhere in medievalEurope,embodiedthecosmogonyand cosmology of the Christianuniverse, conjoining civic (citizen) and cosmic (Christ's)bodies in the minds of the local townspeople,and performing throughthem symbolicurban forms.These performedurban forms,moreover,shared the same symbolismthatwas knownand used by thosewho were makingmaterialurbanlandscapes,and those who were representing them,in textand in image, connectingonce again bothcityand cosmos in the mindsofthosewho were there.

Cities of God? Augustine's De civitateDei had a long-standing influenceon Christianthinkingin the Latin West throughout theMiddleAges,numerouscopiesbeing made of it, some exquisitely illustrated with illuminationsshowing a perfectand ideal city lookinglike contemporary images of the heavenly Jerusalem (Stone 2001; Rosenau 1983). For Augustinetherewere two 'cities',the 'cityof this world' and the 'cityof God' (Augustine1984,595, 762). But Augustine's 'city' was not an urban place in a literal sense; it was an idea, a metaphorical,mysticalcitythatencompassed all those - the who were to be saved at the Final Judgement world to come; a 'city' conceived in neoplatonic

as in Cicero's de republica,a body terms,therefore, of people (see Figgis 1921; Barrow1950; Hoffman 1975). The medieval citydealt withabove, in each of thethree'mappings',is also a mysticalone, likewise a combinationof Christianand neoplatonic ideas of sacred space and time,about God and the world,about cosmologyand cosmogony.Through each of them we can begin to understandmore deeply the ways in which urban landscapes were symbolicallyrepresented,constructedand experienced duringtheMiddle Ages.

'A symbol', so writes Visser, 'is a resonating thing,makingsuggestionsand connections,pointing in manydirectionsat once; it can neverbe captured entirely'(2000, 221). To medieval Christians the citywas a symbolthatpointedin manydirectionsat once. As we have seen,at one and thesame timeit stood forthe world,the body, the cosmos, the earth,forChristand forGod. Eliade (1959,528, 166) calls this kind of conceptual connectivity 'homology', and he considers it fundamentalto human existenceand experiencein a sacralized world. Through it religious meaning is given to those 'ordinary',tangibleobjectsand things,such as stones,houses, trees,and also, of course,cities.

Such worldlythings,he says, manifestthe sacred, whereby'for those who have a relia hierophany gious experienceall natureis capable of revealing itselfas cosmic sacralty'(Eliade 1959, 11-12). For Christiansof the Middle Ages, the cityconnected world (of God) withthe worldly the otherworldly world of everyday(human) existence.In contemofmedieval poraryvisualand textualrepresentations cities- both heavenlyand earthly- thishomology was demonstratedby shared forms, especially urbanformsbased on the circleand square, quartered to make thesign of thecross.These particular symbolicformsrelateto Christian(Scripturaland neoplatonic) conceptionsof cosmogonyand cosmology,givingthecities- and theirforms- cosmic dimensions.Urban formsof the Middle Ages thus manifestedthe sacred,and throughcontemporary imagery,urbanlandscapes on thegroundand performancesof civic and religiousrituals,theyconstructedand conveyedChristianideas and beliefs.

Rightfromthe earliestdays, a special relationship existed between Christiansand the urban environment(Baldovin 1987, 254-62). Symbolically,the city,it seems,not onlybroughtthe faithfulspirituallycloserto God, but actuallywas itself 'anagogically' imaginedto be higherand therefore nearer to heaven, and God 'most high' (Eliade

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had meanings at the time, a symbolism that connectedthecity- as a conceived,builtand lived space - with the wider cosmos, the Christian world. This should not be surprising if it is accepted- as it was in the Middle Ages - that'all formsare endowed with spirit',but so oftenit is the case that medieval urban landscapes are mapped by geographers(and others)in a 'literal' ratherthan a 'mystical'sense, even thoughboth means were used by medieval Christiansto make sense of the world around them.What this paper suggests is that for those concerned with urban landscapes of the Middle Ages, interpreting an approach that combines both morphological and iconographicstudy - that is, a literal and mystical'mapping' of landscape - allows us to look at medieval urban landscapes more fromthe pointof view of thosewho were thereat the time, to see them throughmedieval Christianeyes. In endingthispaper some attemptwill be made here to indicatehow this 'remapping'of the medieval city could have broader implicationsfor current geographicalenquiry.

One ofthepurposesof thispaper was to address the apparent twin-trackapproach to landscape taken by geographersin recent years. As Muir (1999) and Seymour(2000) and othershave pointed out, there are two main traditionsof landscape study in UK geography,one owing more to the landscape historywork of Hoskins (1955) and Conzen (1960) that has continuedthroughoutthe 1970s, 1980s and 1990s (see Hooke 2001), and remainslargelyunaffectedby the developmentof the second of the two traditions,which instead owes moreto theemergenceof humanisticgeography in the late 1970s and early 1980s,represented for example by the work of Cosgrove (1984), amongmanyothers.The firstofthesetwo 'schools' with is decidedlymorepositivistin its orientation, a concern for mapping out, literally,how landscapes changeover time,while the second is more 'critical',in a theoreticalsense,and concernedwith understandinglandscape meanings,a metaphorical 'mapping' of landscape. The two 'schools', it Yet trajectories. seems, are thus on quite different Re/mappingthe medieval city approachingmedievalurbanlandscapes fromboth The threemappingsof medieval urbanlandscapes traditions, as thispaper has, it is clearthatan interofferedhere serve to show how it is possible to pretationbased on form(morphe)is common to begin to contextualizetheirformsand so interpret each. Whetherstudyinglandscapes on the ground themmore in termsof how theywere seen in the or as representations, recognitionof this mutual Middle Ages, throughthe beliefsand practicesof focuson formmighthelp to bringthetwo 'schools' Christianfaith.Doing so shows thaturban forms closer together in such a way that actually

1959,118). In the divine hierarchyof the Christian cosmos,then,thecityliterallyand mysticallystood between 'man' and God, connectingearthlyand heavenlyworlds,as evidencedby theidea thatthe citywas a small 'world', a microcosm,and also in the way thatthe citywas understoodas a 'body', homologizingthe citywith the human body, the social body, the cosmic body - and the body of Christ.The citywas mystical,therefore, because it was being interpretedin a 'mysticalsense' (morally, allegoricallyand anagogically,according to Aquinas). Such symbolismis of course recursive, and so the mystical'city' - the 'city-cosmos',the city as a 'body', the 'city of God' - createscities withmysticalmeaning.The imaginedand material cities conjoinedin Lucian's allegoricaldescription of Chester(forexample),theurbanlandscapes laid out geometricallyby mensores, or rituallycircumscribed in the religious performancesby local inhabitants,are to those who were there all inscribedwith Christianmeaning: the 'city' in a mysticalsense thus pointed to the city'smystical meaning,a 'city'ofGod. These medieval Christian'cities of God' are by no means unique, however. Parallels exist elsewhere. For religious cultures around the world, both past and present,certaincharacteristics are commonto what Wheatley(1969) describesas the 'city as symbol'; in particularhow the formsof both imaginedand materialcities mirrorthe perceived formof the wider cosmos (its cosmology), and how a ritualfoundingof a new citywas seen to equate withtheworld'screation(itscosmogony).

Likewise, with the mandala for instance, urban landscapes are representedin ways that connect city with cosmos, constructedby using a sacred geometryof conjoinedabstractshapes, and experienced throughembodied religiousperformancein cyclical and linear forms of urban ritual (see Wheatley 1971; Nitz 1992). In this context,then, medieval Christianswere not alone in seeing the city as a 'map' of religiousbeliefsand symbolic meanings.

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strengthensgenerally the place of landscape in geography.

The second broad concern this paper has addressed relatesto where the Middle Ages stand in contemporary geographicaldiscourse.The point has alreadybeen made thatin recenthistoricaland culturalgeographiesmore oftenthan not it is the 'modern' period that is under scrutiny,with the Middle Ages usually under-represented or even absent altogether(see, for example, Graham and Nash 2000). This absence is especially evident in recent criticalperspectivesof the city. In Hall's (1998) magisterialsurveyof citiesand civilization, for example, thereis a conspicuous gap of more than a millennium,between 'Imperial Rome' and 'the rediscoveryof life' in RenaissanceFlorencethe medieval cityis not mentionedat all. So too with Soja's 'remappingof the geohistoryof cityspace', which is likewise ambitious in its treatmentof past urban life,and manages to condense down the subsequent '3000 years followingthe declineof Ur' to one shortparagraph,a briefinterlude betweenthe 'first'and 'second urban revolution' (2000, 69). To writegeographiesthat silence the Middle Ages in general,and the medieval city in particular,would seem to me to be mistaken,for it presentsa particularlyskewed view of the past, and therefore also of thepresent.

How, then,should the Middle Ages be brought into currentgeographical discourse? Placing the medieval city within theorizeddebates on mapping and landscape, the approach taken in this paper, offersone possible route. However, rather than simplytaking(post-)modernideas and theories and 'applying'themto the medieval city,this paper has used ways of seeingwhichwere current in theMiddle Ages - forexample,themicrocosmic city- the 'mystical'city- to tryto make sense of the medieval citythroughthe eyes of those who were there(see also Lilley forthcoming).

In doing this it has emergedthatthe 'iconographyof landscape' of contemporaryhistorical and cultural geography practice seems to equate with how landscapes were interpretedduring the Middle Ages, betweenthe ninthand fifteenth centurieslet us say, and so conceptuallythe 'medieval' and (post-)modernapproaches to 'mapping' landscape would appear to have more in commonthan one mighthave expected,both being concernedwith a landscape's 'literal' and 'mystical'meaning. By acknowledgingsuch connectionsbetweenpast and present,thereis scope to take a less compartmen-

the talized view of thepast - avoidingparticularly tendencygeographershave had of adoptingMarxian historicalperiods- and tryto recognizecontinuities and discontinuitiesin time and space that may in turnchallengeour assumptionsabout the Middle Ages, as well as laterperiods,the 'modern' and 'post-modern'included. In sum, then,if the apparent silence of the Middle Ages is to be geographicaldiscourse, redressedin contemporary as I suggest it needs to be, then one issue that perhaps most fundamentally requires rethinking, of all, is what especially separates the 'medieval' fromthe 'modern'?For a start,the cityof theMiddle Ages is not as faraway as we mightimagine.

Let us not forgetthatits Christiansymbolismstill lives on in presentday life,forexample in studies of Augustine'sCityofGod,which remainsa foundationaltextin bothRomanCatholicand Anglican theology,and in numeroustownsand citieswhere Christians of various traditionsthroughoutthe world continueto performChrist'sPassion and his journeyto thecross.

Acknowledgements I am gratefulto the fourrefereeswho made very helpfulcommentswhich much improvedan earlier draft of this paper. I have also benefited greatlyfromdiscussionsheld withWim Boerefijn, Tom Boogaart II, Denis Cosgrove,UlrichFischer, David Friedman,ChristianFrost,James Higgins, David Livingstone,Rev JohnMedhurst,David Palliser,AnngretSimms and TerrySlater,not all of whom concurentirelywith my particularreading of the medieval city.I wish to acknowledge,too, the opportunityaffordedto me by the British Academy, for a three-yearPost-DoctoralFellowship thatenabled me to spend timethinkingabout medievalurbanformsmorecritically.

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