Where is home ? The architecture of refugee camps: the case of the Calais Jungle.

WHERE IS HOME? THE ARCHITECTURE OF REFUGEE CAMPS: THE CASE OF THE CALAIS JUNGLE

ELINE COMBES

Course: Masters of Architectureat the Queen’s University of Belfast Year: one Session: 2018/2019 Subject: Humanities Dissertation Title of Dissertation: Where is home? The architecture of refugee camps: the case of the Calais Jungle Student’s Name: Eline Combes Student’s Number: 40250217

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Dr. Gul Kacmaz Erk for her generous guidance and her valuable comments and encouragements throughout the duration of the writing of this dissertation. Her willingness to offer us her time and her own knowledge has been greatly appreciated.

Hence, special thanks must be given to my fellow students who knew how to be a strong supporter and how to share their learning.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to all the people who have contributed to making this year of Erasmus possible. My teachers from my school in France (ENSAB in Rennes), those from Belfast but also my friend for the year, LĂŠa Vandekerckhove, without whom this year would have been very different.

I

ABSTRACT

There has been a pattern for over twenty years of alternating between providing accommodation and conducting evictions or forced relocations. Reception centres have opened and then shut down and encampments have been allowed to grow and then demolished (Boyle, 2017, 30).

By the end of 2016, the Calais Jungle Camp was dismantled. This French camp welcomed migrants, mostly from Syria, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Eritrea, wishing to reach the United Kingdom. They had decided to make a great journey to escape the war in their homeland, to join their families in Europe, or to live a better life in the promised European ‘Eldorado’. The Jungle was the largest camp in France, hence, the most mediatised. Due to its scope, different ways of settling in had appeared over the course of more than fourteen years, from 2002 to 2016. The search for a place of belonging is an aspect that helps refugees to connect with their culture. The camp became a real city; districts were created by ethnic groups, and some of the refugees used their own shelters to create an establishment to allow them to earn a living.

In order to understand the responses that the architect is required to provide in emergency and/or temporary architecture, this research explores questions related to the notion of “home”. This exploration will range from the place of migrants in host countries to the representation of what evokes their home now, as well as different meanings of the terms home and dwelling as seen by philosophers and other thinkers (such as sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, architects, and urbanists).

II

From looking at the Jungle of Calais, we will be able to have a better comprehension of how refugee camps are formed and how they work. We will analyse the urbanism of the refugee camp and how architecture can support refugees’ daily life. Particular attention will be paid to how people live in different types of camp dwellings in order to understand their perceptions and feelings about belonging (or not belonging) to this new «home».

This study will question the future of refugee camps and emergency architecture. Our world is in constant evolution, and thus, the flow of migrants is becoming increasingly important. If a camp’s primary function is to be temporary, it is important not to forget that when some migrants are leaving, others are appearing. Camps are temporary for users, but permanent as a space. The architect is one of the few who can provide these people with more sustainable solutions to live in. So, what might we do?

KEYWORDS: refugee camps, concept of home, camp architecture, temporary living, identity, adaptability, appropriation, integration.

WORD COUNT: 9 764

III

LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1. The container camp and part of the Calais Jungle, Irit Katz, April 2016. Available at https://medium. com/insecurities/the-global-infrastructure-of-camps-8153fb61ea30 [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 2. The Kabul cafĂŠ, collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu.com/sansplusattendre/ docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 3. Living places destroyed, Albert Facelly, March 2016. Available at: https://www.liberation.fr/ france/2016/03/04/dans-la-jungle-de-calais-les-lieux-de-vie-sont-detruits-petit-a-petit_1437343 [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 4. The primitive hut. Frontispiece of Essai sur l’Architecture by Marc-Antoine Laugier, Charles Eisen, 1755. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Primitive_Hut [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 5. In the slum of Calais, Sarah Prestianni, December 2015.

Fig. 6. Kyber Darbar Restaurant, Pierre Gautheron, October 2016. Available at: https://www.streetpress. com/sujet/1477402009-calais-restaurant-jungle [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 7. Aerial view of the Jungle, Philippe Huguen, Aout 2016. Available at: https://ici.radio-canada.ca/ nouvelle/810566/jungle-calais-demantelement-migrants-illegaux [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 8. Tag remained on the walls of the highway bridge near the Jungle. Lise Verbeke, Janvier 2018.

Available at: https://www.franceculture.fr/societe/les-migrants-continuent-de-rever-dangleterre [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 9. Localisation map, author, 2018.

Fig. 10. Migrants present in makeshift camps, author, 2019.

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LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 11. Countries of origin of migrants in Calais, author, 2019.

Fig. 12. New Jungle in April 2015, author, 2019.

Fig. 13. New Jungle and the new container camp in January 2016, author 2019.

Fig. 14. Buffer zone between the Jungle and the ring road, January 2016, author, 2019.

Fig. 15. Dismantling of the southern Jungle area, between February and March 2016, author, 2019.

Fig. 16. Number of people in the New Jungle of Calais, author, 2019.

Fig. 17. Summary timeline, author, 2019.

Fig. 18. Summary of the camps’ history in Calais author, 2019. Information from La Cimade, 2016.

Fig. 19. The Calais Jungle is growing, Vincent Winter, June 2016. Available at: https://www.lexpress. fr/diaporama/diapo-photo/actualite/societe/en-images-avant-apres-la-jungle-de-calais-vue-duciel_1846301.html# [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 20. New «humanitarian camp», Philippe Huguen, February 2016. Available at: https://www.lemonde. fr/europe/article/2016/02/24/calais-les-limites-des-solutions-d-hebergement-proposees-auxmigrants_4870765_3214.html [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 21. Provisional Reception Center, author, 2019.

Fig. 22. A container of the PRC, LS Container, 2015. Available at: http://www.revue-urbanites.fr/8habiter-le-temporaire-et-la-contrainte-le-centre-daccueil-provisoire-de-la-jungle-de-calais/ [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

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LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 23. Security measures at the entrance to the PRC, Bunel, 2016. Available at: http://www.revueurbanites.fr/8-habiter-le-temporaire-et-la-contrainte-le-centre-daccueil-provisoire-de-la-jungle-decalais/ [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 24. Examples of equipment bypasses, Keiser, Souleyman, Adam, 2016. Available at: http://www. revue-urbanites.fr/8-habiter-le-temporaire-et-la-contrainte-le-centre-daccueil-provisoire-de-la-junglede-calais/ [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 25. Containers: poorly appropriated spaces, Fayaz, Abdel, 2016. Available at: http://www.revueurbanites.fr/8-habiter-le-temporaire-et-la-contrainte-le-centre-daccueil-provisoire-de-la-jungle-decalais/ [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 26. Map of different living places in the New Jungle, author, 2019.

Fig. 27. The Music District, Miriam Elleuch, Celine Lasne, Lou Mocquet-Mesnard, 2015. Available at https://www.actesetcites.org/nord-est [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

Fig. 28. The Fork: Eritrean Community, Meriem Frikha, Lina Guarin, Pauline Pujole, Samantha Tumbarello, 2015. Available at: https://www.actesetcites.org/sud-ouest [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Layout by the author.

Fig. 29. Plan of Zaki and Fouzi’s shelter, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu. com/sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

Fig. 30.Section of Zaki and Fouzi’s shelter, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu. com/sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

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LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 31. Elevation of Zaki and Fouzi’s shelter, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https:// issuu.com/sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Layout by the author.

Fig. 32. Plan of the Belgium Kitchen, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu.com/ sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

Fig. 33. Section of the Belgium Kitchen, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu. com/sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

Fig. 34. Elevation of the Belgium Kitchen, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu. com/sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

Fig. 35. The Belgium Kitchen, Collective Sans plus attendre, 2016. Available at: https://issuu.com/ sansplusattendre/docs/000_dossier_final_sans_plus_attendr [Accessed: 20th April 2019]. Layout by the author.

Fig. 36. A reporter getting some groceries at a stall or school of « le chemin des dunes», Peter Jordan, August 2016. Available at: https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/1685095/restaurants-boxing-clubs-andbooming-businesses-we-go-inside-calais-sprawling-migrant-city/ [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

Fig. 37. Camp activity, Peter Jordan, August 2016. Available at: https://www.thesun.co.uk/ news/1685095/restaurants-boxing-clubs-and-booming-businesses-we-go-inside-calais-sprawlingmigrant-city/ [Accessed: 20th April 2019].

VII

CONTENTS Acknowledgements Abstract List of Figures

VII

I II IV

1.

Introduction

1

2.

The notion of “home”

5

2.1 2.2 2.3

Home as a shelter: refugees and the loss of home Home as dwelling: the notion of home as seen by philosophers and other writers Home as home: solutions to feel “at home”

9 15 21

3.

Camp life, integration or segregation?

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3.1 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3

History of Calais Sangatte From the Tioxide Jungle to the New Jungle After the Jungle

29 31 35 43

3.2 Home in the Jungle 3.1.1 Architecture for refugees 3.1.2 Architecture of refugees

49 54 65

4.

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Conclusion: sustainable solutions for a world in constant change

CONTENTS

A. B. C. D.

Bibliography

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Appendices

«Rentrez chez vous» / «Go Home» by Bigflo & Oli From the Tioxide Jungle to the New Jungle The dismantling of the New Jungle Bachelard and Dekkers thoughts

91 91 96 97 98

VIII

1. INTRODUCTION «There’s no place like home» Dorothy, the Wizard of Oz, 1939

Fig. 1. The container camp and part of the Calais Jungle .

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On the right, containers provided by authorities. On the left, shelters built by refugees.

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As population displacements bring various economic, political and sociological challenges, migration is therefore a central concern at the heart of the issues of the 21st century. However, it takes a completely different meaning depending on what the reasons for migration are and on the social, cultural and financial capital of the person migrating. In the animal world, this term is used to describe the seasonal movement of animals from one part of the world to another: Birds move to an area to improve their chances of survival, usually because its climate provides a better environment for feeding, or especially for rearing young. There is a corresponding return movement at the end of the breeding season. [...] But there are dangers. Bad weather, lack of food, predators, navigational problems and human interference all take their toll. Although many perish, enough survive to keep the species going (BirdWatch Ireland, 2018).

This statement about birds’ migration is easy to understand and proves itself similar to human migration.

Birds move to find better living conditions, or an interest related to a specific time. Some humans migrate by choice and are able to come back the same way as birds at the end of their chosen “season”. For those who do not choose to be migrants, returning home can only be a utopia: “We can figure that forced migrants can be considerate as a “problem” specifically because of their lack of a national homeland” (Taylor, 2013:131). This dissertation will explore the notion of home through the life of refugees and will show how refugees are temporarily living within the architectural spaces of refugee camps.

This investigation will involve the use of a wide range of research methods. In chapter 2, a literature review shall explore facts and theories around the notion of home. This shall firstly focus on the singular situation of being refugees and their search of belonging in the world. The discussion will then concentrate into significant statements and approaches regarding the notion of “home”.

The research will later be used as the context to understand the life of refugees in the Jungle of Calais.

This first approach will give us an overview of the architecture of refugee camps, and how this works in this specific context. This shall be carried out through mapping and analyses of the history of the camp and how their inhabitants have invested in the place. The camp was located on the north coast of France, and types of shelters can be divided into two groups. The first group could be defined as the 3

prefabricated shelters provided by the government, the second one as ones built by its inhabitants. The two approaches are different in the way they are experienced. The link between form and function is a great concern for architects. In this case, the two kinds of buildings have a real effect on the way of living of their users.

I chose to study two parts of the Calais Jungle for their complementarity. Indeed, the Jungle, divided into many places, was very specific in with regards to an urbanism way. The container camp will be analysed as well as the makeshift part of the New Jungle. The two different spaces were highly dissimilar as much in their architecture of their shelters as in their occupation. The analyses shall illustrate theories of the literature review, and the association between the architecture of this refugee camp and the notion of home will help to fill the gap in the literature on adaptable architecture in these ephemeral spaces.

The conclusion will establish an argument for the evolution of both the perceptions about the conception of temporary solutions for a world in constant change and that of the architectural profession.

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2. THE NOTION OF «HOME» «The feeling of being “at home” is in many ways generated by living in an environment that is familiar» Taylor, 2013, 147

5

Fig.2 The Kabul café.

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The various interpretations of “home� overlap. [...] Home can refer to the place of birth, a country, the place where one resides, where one comes from or where one is going to. As a consequence of this ambiguity, the idea of home is connected to many other notions such as: roots, house, environment, family, dwelling, intimacy, privacy, protection, security, comfort, sacredness, and paradise (Wim Dekkers, 2011).

Wim Dekkers is working in the Scientific Institute for Quality of Healthcare of the University of Nijmegen in The Netherlands. This statement, as well as his research, are therefore related to health, whether it is physical or mental. His approach to the notion of home is intrinsically linked to the psychological feelings of the people concerned. In order to develop the idea of the different aspects from the notion of home and link it to the question of displaced persons in our current societies, the research will be divided into three parts.

The first one will show home as its primary sense: a house like a shelter. This part will be used to contextualise the place of refugees in today’s world. The second section will examine ideas of home as a dwelling through research and point of view of philosophers, scientists, and other writers. The final area of research is home as a home, in the sense to feel at home.

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2. THE NOTION OF «HOME» 2.1 Home as a shelter: refugees and the loss of home

9

Fig. 3. Living places destroyed.

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The experience of forced migration is qualitatively different to other forms of migration because of the absence of choice involved. However, refugees should be seen as victims of circumstances, rather than victims per se, and as actors in their own lives (Taylor, 2013,135).

Refugees can be defined by their loss of home. Basically, it means that home is something refugees have been forced to leave behind them. At this stage, we think the model of home as its first function: being a shelter, usually represented by a house or an apartment itself. Marc-Antoine Laugier, a French architectural theorist wrote his book called “Architecture essay” (fr Essai sur l’architecture) in 1753. He describes what he considers to be the creation of architecture. He briefly tells the story of a man in his “first origin” who, to rest, needs a shelter to be protected. After trying to cover himself thanks to natural spaces (the forest and then, the cave) he decided to use elements from nature to create a spot where he would be safe. This is what he called the primitive hut (fr Cabane primitive), which is composed of four large solid leaves standing up in a square arrangement, then four other large leaves placed on it in order to protect himself from the elements. Laugier presents this creation as the first place which can be considered as home.

In the Wizard of Oz, Dorothy says “There’s no place like home” after being in the world of Oz. We can notice that there is a difference between what we expected of a home and what we are really experiencing (Ralph, David, and Staeheli, 2011, 517). In the story of Dorothy, her first dream to discover a new world showed her that her true home is great. Unfortunately, in the case of forced migration, it is not that easy. Refugees do not choose their situation. If they make the decision to leave and want to back home after, they will not necessarily be able to do it. Through the migrant, for whom implications to find a home is incredibly strong, we can understand home in a large spectre of meanings. Today, everything is accelerating, therefore find solutions is necessary to solve the displaced people’s issues which are becoming increasingly significant. In this state of perpetual movement, what can we say about the place of the home in the lives of migrants? In this first part, the focus is on the home as such, which is physical and connected to a specific place. By extension, it can be linked to a State. If we can consider a state as a home, what about refugees who may be in transit for years? What about those who are moving from country to country, from camp to camp or being trapped in a country between the country of origin and 11

Fig. 4. The primitive hut.

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the desired one? People finally find themselves without any national home. They are no longer under the control of their own state but have not gained the control of another state. Can we consider these inhabitants as homeless?

The fact that you simply cannot reduce a refugee to being described as homeless might be induced. In fact, the possibility for each of us to become a refugee in different circumstances can be admitted. Keeping this in mind, analysing the unique situation of forced migration can lead to a better understanding of important concepts such as home. Simply put, Taylor considers that « refugees are ordinary, yet diverse, people who are compelled to deal with extraordinary situations.” (Taylor, 2013,135). The young French rappers Bigflo and Oli wrote a song on this subject, the text telling their fictional story as two people wishing to leave France during the war (Appendix 1). Through this song, they allow French people to feel like refugees because of the evocation of places known by everyone in this country. They also reveal the racist approach that some French people may have with foreigners. The quote of known or living places in this song allows the singers to provoke strong feelings of belonging to France among the audience.

This once again reveals the psychological importance of certain places in our life.

“Concepts of home are not static but dynamic processes, involving the acts of imagining, creating, unmaking, changing, losing and moving ‘homes’” (Al-Ali and Koser, 2002, 6). We may wonder where and on what scale the home is located. Is it a homeland, a country, a region, a neighbourhood, a house? In today’s world, borders are disappearing while they are becoming even stronger in some cases. Why do migrants have to choose between their former and their current home? Can they not have connections to more than one country? Do refugees always call home the nation they left behind? When do they chose to consider home their place of resettlement?

Many refugees may just have the feeling of «being everywhere and nowhere». That feeling can be the consequence of the transnationalism. This term is related to notions of exchanges, relationships and cross-border practices (physical, economic, social or cultural). In the field of migration, it can refer to the fact to belonging to more than one place at once. Combined with this, globalisation seems to bring in our world limitless movements and communications between and within nations (Taylor, 2013,132).

Transnationalism and globalisation push us to perceive a borderless world. Unfortunately, refugees are 13

not the ones who benefit from this globalisation because they do not “benefit” States (economically).

Marfleet says that they are those with “the narrowest range of choice, usually because specific local conditions have made for exclusion” (1998, 71). It makes it clear that a refugee’s migratory experience differs from the one of a migrant who has the opportunity to move around freely thanks to his social, cultural and financial capital. In that case, globalisation is a true asset. Compared to this opening, the boundaries surrounding the edges of Europe seem to be more effective on migrants from whom states cannot benefit. In short, boundaries are openings for the privileged and educated while they are closing opportunities for the rest.

In this first part, we have investigated the situation of migrants in our world. Simply by contextualising where we locate the spatial home, we discovered that the study of the home through refugees raises many questions and does not only have a single answer. We pointed out the fact that each of us can, one day and depending on the circumstances, become a refugee. Moreover, our world is constantly changing, and the boundaries opening is not equal depending on who we are. Besides, it is difficult for a migrant to understand and assimilate his physical situation between two countries or always in movement and displacement. With all those factors in minds, we are becoming aware that beyond the physical aspect of a home there are many psychological parameters.

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2. THE NOTION OF «HOME» 2.2 Home as dwelling: the notion of home as seen by philosophers and other writers

15

Fig. 5. In the slum of Calais.

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The concept of home is complex, and needs to be pushed beyond its physical meaning. In this part, we will go over home as a house, we will understand why we build them and how we interact with places that we call home.

The case of forced migration is very particular, and it leads us to ask ourselves: Where do refugees belong? “If refugees are seen as people outside the national order, not only does this facilitate their exclusion by the State, it also allows us to consider them as objects rather than subjects.” (Taylor, 2013, 135). Here, Taylor raises the question of the place and belonging of migrants in a new state but also, by extension, in their state of origin.

The case of the Pieds noirs is a great example to illustrate that. Those people were French inhabitants in Algeria at the time of colonisation. Algeria was colonised by France since 1830, and at this moment, some people from metropolitan France came to live in Algeria. Following Algeria’s independence, nearly one million French people were repatriated to metropolitan France between 1962 and 1965; identity issues then appeared. Indeed, many people born in Algeria were forced to leave this territory to return «home». Unfortunately, they did not know metropolitan France well, and thus they did not feel at home and were stigmatised by a part of the French people. This generation no longer belonged to their native country or their so-called country of origin: France. Thus, to identify where their home was did not have a single answer.

Due to the forced nature of their migration, refugees live in a constant sense of urgency. They may feel distraught after losing their bearings and for some, leaving their country and home seems to cut off all the psychological ties associated with these places. In fact, people commonly assume that refugees belong to the country they have been forced to leave. Thus, this idea is supported both by States that do not wish to receive refugees and, ironically, by defenders of refugee rights (Taylor, 2013). But this idea may not be the most accurate or the only one. Indeed, we could suppose that some people do not have special ties with the place they are living in. It would mean they could have no difficulties leaving this place and they could simply live elsewhere.

However, human nature is complex, it can lead a person who is not particularly attached to his or her usual place of residence to be disturbed by the loss of that place. Especially if this loss is not deliberate,

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it feels unfair to them. Thus, a feeling of loss grows and may further convince the person that they had a natural connection to be in that particular place or even a historical attachment due to family history.

Kaplan writes on this subject: «the paradigm of exile requires a coherent, recognised identity or point of origin» (1996, 104). Thus, a bond of belonging to a fixed household may increase in times of crisis. In addition, the sense of belonging may be created by the residents of a household who have no primary connection to that place. And, evolving with the inhabitants, the matter of belonging and representation of the place is a process, which evolves through time and everyday events. According to Massey (2005,9), interactions between people and places give meaning to space. Thereby, the interactions between the human and non-human elements of a place are essential for human beings. “Possessions are connective markers to geographical nodes of identification.” (Tolia-Kelly, 2004, 317). Her statement is described by Ralph and Staeheli: She continues that such material objects serve to both buffer individuals from the pressures of outside cultures, but also help to forge a feeling of identity and belonging somewhere, if not necessarily in the particular place they may occupy at a given moment (2011, 519).

This assumption of Tolia-Kelly questions the idea of seeing home as a fixed place. Can the notion of a home be limited to a single and constrained space? The approach of Magdalena Nowicka questions the home as a stable physical place. This place may be where the domestic life involves practices of everyday, for example. Everyday life practices can also be linked with objects which can be mobile. Home does not only localise in a particular place, it is built through relationships that do not necessarily depend on a static spot. A dynamic process is involved to build a home, and thus people sharing a house and material objects represent this home. This implication of people and objects leads Nowicka to describe home as “a space in becoming” (2006, 82). This statement is wondering about the capacity of home to evolve through people and places across space thanks to displacement and time.

In short, these studies suggest that home can be both sedentary and mobile through networks and objects.

Such notions can be simplified by the explanation of the word “dwelling”. “We do not dwell because we have built, but we build and have built because we dwell, that is because we are dwellers.” (Heidegger, 18

1971) Through this statement, German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) highlights a point that many writers explored: what is it dwelling? First, we may not separate the building from the dwelling.

Over here, the notion of process is the main focus. Whenever we build, there is the beginning and the desire for a kind of dwelling. According to Heidegger, it is essential for us to build to be able to dwell.

While we do not live in all the buildings we build, all of them, without exception, protect us. That is the concept of shelter stated in the first part of our research.

It would be wise to come back to the idea of building to live and not to build and then, live. In his book Building Dwelling Thinking, Heidegger chooses to explain the concepts of dwelling and to build through its etymology. In German, Bauen which today means to build, to construct from its origin meant to dwell.

Bauen comes from the word buan (in Old English and High German) which means to dwell. But it goes further because the term bin of ich bin (which means I am) would mean: I live because it would also hail from this famous term bauen. He said that “The way in which you are and I am, the manner in which we humans are on the earth, is Buan, dwelling.” The two terms are therefore intrinsically linked. In this regard, Heidegger argues that we do not only dwell in the place where we sleep and have our family life, but it is also where we are working, for example. In short, where we have our habits. Heidegger gives high importance to how, and hence why, spaces are created. He says that “[...] the basic character of dwelling is to spare, to preserve.” and, in order to reach that goal, we have to build different spaces. Thereby, it would be through the knowledge of how to dwell that we would be able to connect different spaces between them and thus be able to build. He sums up his thought thanks to the sentence: “Only if we are capable of dwelling, only then can we build”. Indeed, thinking and building cannot be separated, and both belong to the same process, which allows the creation of a place to dwell. According to Heidegger ’s theorization, dwelling and building are linked as ends and means.

«Man carves out of universal space a special and to some extent private space and thus separates inner space from an outer space” (Bollnow 1961, p. 33). Bollnow focuses on the home as a place. He seeks to know what this place means to human beings. He fundamentally opposes the inner space of the house from the outer one. For him, the house is: “the spatial center of the life of the individual” (ibid., p. 33).

As it is for Heidegger, the importance of dwelling is essential in Bollnow’s opinion. This allows human beings not to remain lost on earth and thus to bring meaning to their existence. However, to protect 19

t oneself from the outside world, the walls of the house appear like a boundary. Within the walls, we are protected and can let our guard down. However, this does not mean that Bollnov demonises the outside world, for him this is the place in which human beings have the duty to fulfil their role in life. Thus, he represents the windows and the door as transitions between the inner world, representing protection, and the outer world.

One decade onward, in «In Totality and Infinity» (1971), Levinas wrote a chapter on «The dwelling.» In the vein of other philosophers, he believes that housing is essential for human beings. The house is not to be regarded as just a shelter. Like Bollnow, he considers the home as an indispensable means to retreat from the outside world (Levinas 1971, p. 152) There is a strong correlation between feelings about perceiving the inside of our bodies as being protected, feeling free to think and to act and our physical position of being either inside or outside a home.

The different thinkers’ views demonstrate that the concepts of house, dwelling, and home can be interpreted in several ways. In Appendix B, two other concepts are developed that reflect similar aspects to the ones mentioned above. Despite the differences, the thoughts converge towards the same idea that it is essential to dwell in order to be human.

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2. THE NOTION OF «HOME» 2.3 Home as home: solutions to feel “at home”

21

Fig. 6. Kyber Darbar Restaurant.

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«The feeling of being “at home” is in many ways generated by living in an environment that is familiar» (Taylor, 2013, 147). However, how is it possible to feel at home in a completely new and unknown environment? Through this section, we will explore ways of dwelling to understand concretely how the thoughts seen in the previous section can be implemented. Along those lines, we will understand how, according to societies and cultures, we can move from a dwelling state to feeling at home. To emphasize that point, different ways of dwelling will be analysed in next chapter within the case study.

Migrants can illustrate some of the everyday life practices which can lead them to feel at home. “Refugees are subjected to such a sudden change and may find that their ‘instinctive’ patterns of behaviour no longer fit.” (Taylor, 2013, 148). For many, loss of bearings is a serious phenomenon. In a relatively short period of time, they are expected to learn to communicate in a new way, adapt to new behaviour system and cultural norms. To face all these challenges, it is essential to them to be able to recreate their bearings.

To do that, memories are a key issue for refugees. Although their memories can lead to nostalgia for the lost home that used to represent the homeliness of a home. On the other hand, memories are allowing them to reconnect with the lost home and thus can be capable to recreate their bearings in order to feel at home again. To that end, they use a wide range of methods.

“The passing on of memory to the next generation is an important way in which the connection to the lost home is maintained.” (Taylor, 2013,145). Being surrounded by a family or community from our country of origin is an essential point in creating an environment of trust. Refugees can then share their culture and transmit it to the younger ones in order to preserve a common history. Beyond this surrounding, many practices feed this feeling of being at home.

One of them is the bond with nature. In the article “Refugees, the State and the concept of home” Taylor uses a doctoral research conducted in 2004 in London interviewing Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot refugees. During interviews, many of the Cypriot refugees indicated that nature was one of the ways which reminded them of home and made them feel good. Some of them worked in an olive grove, which is deeply rooted in their memories. The scents associated with the olive trees and the seasonal variations associated with their harvesting are strong memories of their life in the Cypriot home. Today, figs, vines, jasmine and lilies growing in London’s urban gardens are identifying the homes of Cypriots in the capital.

It is a way for Cypriots to feel at home, even though they are in exile.

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The conception of home can also be supported by all our senses. In this case, the familiar smell and taste of local food supports one with homesickness. The food can be culturally related but also a component of religious practices. Food gathers and is at the heart of each of our days. It is a factor of socialisation and exchange. Moreover, this element, like a scent, can bring us back to a memory and a sense of wellbeing, as illustrated by Proust’s Madeleine (fr La madeleine de Proust). In many cultures, food is an essential component of hospitality, food preparation can be anchored in a ritual and therefore has great importance. The agricultural calendar makes it possible to harvest and consume certain products at a given time of year, this cycle also has an impact on people’s minds and is therefore linked to memories.

All these events contribute to the importance of the significance of food. Hage, in his article “At Home in the Entrails of the West: Multiculturalism, ‘Ethnic Food’ and Migrant Home-Building”, claims that cooking typical meals from the migrants’ country of origin would be more related to the desire to feel “at home” rather than to return home. This link to a particular food would allow them to rebuild the feelings of intimacy once known in the old home.

Beyond its practices, it is essential to be able to offer people an architecture capable of adapting to their needs. In this sense, today’s architecture could bring the notion of adaptability to the heart of its concerns. As the conclusion of their book “Adaptable Architecture. theory and practice” Robert Schmid and Simon Austin resume the adaptability in five different lessons: “We need a broadened scope for adaptability”, “Adaptability is context specific”, “Adaptability is supported by simplicity and familiarity”, “Adaptability stresses process over product”, and “Industry’s short-termism deters adaptability” (Schmidt and Austin, 2016, pp 274-277). The implementation of such proposition would allow architects and other designers to offer living spaces that evolve over time according to different inhabitants and functions.

This new type of architecture would offer people on displacement more sustainable solutions that are able to evolve over time and, for some, in space.

Establishing living practices are extremely crucial to be well. The ones mentioned above are only a limited part of what can be created by diverse people to feel at home. Indeed, each of us is unique, our habits and adaptations can be grouped into specific categories but they all are as singular as each of us. In the case study we will immerse into the Jungle of Calais and the migrants’ daily life inside specific places of the camp. Have they succeeded to develop practices that make them feel at home?

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3. CAMP LIFE: INTEGRATION OR SEGREGATION «The architectural forms of emergency shelters and the ways they are created play a significant role in the ability of their inhabitants to deal with their displacement and to perhaps feel, even temporarily, at home.»

Irit Katz, 2017, 17

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Fig. 7. Aerial view of the Jungle.

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With nearly 25.4 million refugees (UNHCR, 2018) in thousands of camps around the world, the number of people living in precarious situations is constantly increasing. Observation about the rise in the number of migrants and therefore the multiplication of camps reveals a new aspect of our current world, called the “encampment of the world” (fr l’encampement du monde) by Michel Agier.

Although 85% of the world’s uprooted people live in developing countries, this study is focusing on one camp which emerged in Europe (UNHCR, 2018). The studying of the French camp “Calais Jungle” history will draw the background of our research. It will lead to the exploration of its inhabitants living practices and to the understanding of how some of them were able to recreate a feeling of being at home, even though they are thousands of kilometres from their former homes.

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3. CAMP LIFE: INTEGRATION OR SEGREGATION 3.1 The history of Calais

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Fig. 8. Tag remained on the walls of the highway bridge near the Jungle.

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3.1.1 Sangatte Calais is a historic transit point for exiles seeking to reach England. The interactions between the two borders are strong, the frontier is not considered as an uncrossable wall. The presence of the ferry, and the one of the Eurotunnel illustrate this point. In the late 90s, after the conflict in Kosovo, people escaping the war fled to this attractive border in order to reach England. They have been immersed in extremely modest places of shelter. To overcome this lack of infrastructure, in September 1999, the French government requested the opening of the Sangatte camp (Sampson, 2016). The camp was managed by the humanitarian organisation Red Cross and was originally planned for a maximum of 800 people but quickly became home to 1800 people. The true objective of this camp was to remove migrants and the disturbances they were causing in Calais and to reunite them in a camp and thus make them less visible.

However, Sangatte has been the main point of departure to England for 67,000 migrants. Because of strong media exposure, highlighting the inhuman conditions in which migrants were received, the camp was closed in December 2002 (BastiĂŠ, 2015).

Simply closing the camp did not solve the problem, it only moved it. This led to a dispersion of migrants in the city of Calais, to micro-camp squats and the emergence of small jungles around the towns of Calais, Coquelles and Sangatte. The aim of such installations was to be as close as possible to the vehicles that will legally cross the Channel to smuggle into them. This suppression of the Sangatte camp allowed the authorities to consider the problem as solved. The situation then became more discreet since the issue was more dispersed. Besides, because most of the camps were relatively small-scale, the police systematically destroyed them. The makeshift camps have seen their population increase sharply following the migration crisis of the 2010s (BastiĂŠ, 2015).

Fig. 9. Localisation map, author.

Fig. 10. Migrants present in makeshift camps.

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Fig. 11. Countries of origin of migrants in Calais.

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3.1.2 From the Tioxide Jungle to the New Jungle Majority of the migrants who composed the Tioxide Jungle were from Afghanistan. The Jungle was located on the outskirts of Calais, in a small forest near to the port. Beyond the cases of previous camps, this one was structured and, in August 2009, consisted of 60 huts in which 700 migrants live. The use of the term «jungle» came from some Afghan and Iranian refugees referring to the woods where they set up their camps under the term “Jangal” (Persian and Pashto origins) meaning «forest». The term was then used by people helping refugees and by the media (Sabéran, 2009).

After a tumultuous history, see Appendix 3 for more explanations, this Jungle was dismantled and a new Jungle «the new Jungle» was created but this time, controlled by the French authorities.

Fig. 12. New Jungle in April 2015.

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In January 2016, inside the new Jungle, they had installed a container camp called Provisional Reception Centre (Mezine, 2016). At the end of January, they decided to create a buffer zone between the Jungle and the ring road in order to keep migrants away from the vehicles they could get into. In February 2016, the dismantling of the jungle was announced and led to several months of successive acts of dismantling (for more information on these different stages, see Appendix 4).

In September 2016, the final dismantling was officially announced by the French Minister of the Interior, Bernard Cazeneuve. Supported by a strong police force, the dismantling began on the 24th October 2016, 6486 migrants were registered and sent to 450 reception and guidance centres throughout France.

In such centres, migrants could apply for asylum and wait for the answer (La Croix, 2016). Isolated minors remained in Calais into temporary reception centres until Great Britain’s decision was taken on their cases. Some migrants were placed in administrative detention centres to be expelled after not agreeing to leave Calais. But, due to a lack of detention space, many of them remained in the vicinity of Calais in increasingly precarious situations.

Fig. 13. New Jungle and the new container camp in January 2016.

Fig. 14. Buffer zone between the Jungle and the ring road, January 2016.

Fig. 15. Dismantling of the southern Jungle area, between February and March 2016.

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Fig. 16. Number of people in the New Jungle of Calais.

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3.1.3 After the Jungle Out of a total of 1,934 minors in Calais at the end of 2016, only 468 were accepted by the United Kingdom. Today hundreds of migrants are still in Calais, hoping to reach England. People who were dispersed all over France were living in centres which only accommodate between 20 and 30 people at a time. This situation allowed a better support for migrants in order to make their asylum request. However, the acceptance rate for asylum seekers was less than 20%. Under the Dublin agreements, people who did not have access to this refugee status were sent back to the country of the European Union through which they arrived. Knowing this, many migrants did not wish to register as migrants or apply for asylum before they arrived in England, so they were not sent back to another country (Sampson, 2016). Some of them refused to stay in reception centres even though their asylum application had already been rejected by the United Kingdom. They kept hoping being able to return to Calais and trying again to cross the Channel by all means again. Today, many migrants are still living on the streets, in private homes or have been dispersed in different types of structures throughout France. In March 2017, the number of migrants still in Calais was estimated between 300 and 400, when Calais Mayor Natacha Bouchart decided to ban associations from serving meals to migrants in order to prevent a return from the «points of settlement» (De Mallevoüe, 2017). The Grande-Synthe camp, near Dunkirk, has seen its population increase from 700 to 1200 refugees in one and a half months after the last dismantling of the Jungle (Guillard, 2017).

Virginie Guiraudon, research director at the CNRS (national (French) centre for scientific research), a specialist in European immigration policies, was interviewed in January 2018 on the situation of migrants in Calais. She explained why migrants still want to reach England even if it is almost impossible. In the 2000s, the choice of Great Britain as a destination for migrants was quite evident. The economic situation in Great Britain was rather favourable, the functioning of the labour market was ultra-liberal, with less controls on illegal immigration than in France, and it was easier to find a low-skilled job and to be «invisible». In addition, since migrants often have families and networks, they had a point of contact when they arrived. Moreover, many migrants come from former colonies or countries related to the United Kingdom, many are anglophone. In political science, the term «path dependence» defines this process. Information circulates, when a migrant succeeds in getting into England, his or her acquaintances 43

in France also plan to be able to go there, especially since they now have someone on site to welcome them. France is therefore only a transit country until they go to Great Britain to file an asylum application or to integrate the mass of illegal workers.

Since then, migrants are still not informed and believe that the situation has remained the same. However, since the Le Touquet agreements in 2003, the English border has been in Calais, and controls have been tightened up from France to the United Kingdom even before leaving the continent in order to avoid the United Kingdom sending migrants back to France as soon as they arrive in England (Verbeke, 2018).

Reality is that the United Kingdom remains attractive to migrants. In Calais, every night, dozens of them watch for trucks on the motorway stops that leave for England and try to get on board. When will a new jungle be formed?

In the next pages, a summary of the history of the Calais Jungle.

Fig. 17. Summary timeline.

Fig. 18. Summary of the camps’ history in Calais.

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3. CAMP LIFE: INTEGRATION OR SEGREGATION 3.2 Home in the Jungle

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Fig. 19. The Calais Jungle is growing.

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The New Jungle of Calais had a very interesting aspect. In the middle was the uniform, organised and monitored containers camp, while a multitude of makeshift shelters of different sizes, colours and compositions were scattered around it. In this section, the investments made by their inhabitants in various places will be studied, compared but also the way they respond to each other and what are their similarities.

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3.1.1 Architecture for refugees In their book “Living in temporary and constrained conditions: the provisional reception centre of the Calais Jungle” (fr Habiter le temporaire et la contrainte: le Centre d’Accueil Provisoire de la Jungle de Calais), Claraluz Keiser and Lili Lainé, two geographers and urban planners focus on the lives of migrants in the Calais container camp. Their investigations were carried out from May to July 2016 and were mainly based on migrants because they were not allowed to enter the container camp. This system, called the Provisional Reception Centre (PRC), was able to accommodate 1500 migrants at a time in the heart of the new Jungle since January 2016. Through the observations of the two professionals and personal analyses, the living practices of this place will be revealed in order to understand on what extent this place has been the home of thousands of migrants in just a few months. Here, we focus is on migrants living practices in this constrained space in the heart of the camp and how they participate in the production of this place of «urban indignity» (Keiser and Lainé, 2017).

The PRC had 125 containers of 28 m² that could accommodate twelve people each. The containers were identical in terms of colour and furniture. Unlike the rest of the Jungle, where the soil alternated between mud and sand, the interior of the centre is gravelly, making the direct environment less natural, but more sanitary in appearance. Located away, three containers were inhabited by unaccompanied minors and eight for families (two families per container, separated by a bulkhead); the others were occupied only by men. The centre was equipped with 80 common toilets, and the containers were connected to the electricity grid and heating was available. Apart from the streets designed by the rows of containers, three «convivial» rooms and three courtyards equipped with electrical sockets constituted the common living spaces (Euronews, 2016).

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Fig. 20. New «humanitarian camp».

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Highly organized at first sight, this camp layout seems to indicate the authorities’ desire to rationalise the migrants’ settlement in order to make it as efficient as possible in terms of programmatic and spatial organisation. This rationalisation raises several issues. As we previously discussed, we build because we dwell (see p 19). This type of housing is rationally organised but is not necessarily linked to the specific needs of its future inhabitants. How could the future inhabitants be able to succeed in feeling at home there? Beyond the unwelcome physical nature of containers, their spatial organization raises questions.

Indeed, as shown in Figure 21, all containers were aligned, not creating any way for users to identify their homes unless the number of their container displayed on it. Besides, none of the dwellings had a dedicated green space, which is one of the well-being factors allowing migrants to recreate their bearings (see p 23). Containers for families and minors were kept away from the rest of the camp. It seems to be that way because of security reasons rather than privacy. This separation could have been felt like a rejection, or segregation within this camp, itself part of a larger one. This arrangement could physically protect the inhabitants, but it also kept them away from any community life that is essential to the wellbeing of each migrant (see p 23). Also, the conviviality rooms seemed to be scattered throughout the site in order to offer everyone the opportunity to reach them. Unfortunately, these impersonal places were hardly occupied by the inhabitants of the PCR.

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Fig. 21. Provisional Reception Centre.

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How was life in the PCR? Migrants had to comply with many rules, visits were prohibited, and containers inspected. The registration of each migrant was kept in the association’s database for 48 hours. Everyone could leave the camp as he wished but if he left the camp and did not pass through the security gates again during this 48-hour period he lose his place in the PRC. Some derogations could be accepted by the association La vie active which was in charge of the camp, in case of an appointment in Paris for an asylum application for example (Keiser and LainÊ, 2017).

Such installations may further reduce the likelihood of a pleasant home. In chapter 2, Bollnow stated that the walls of a house were boundaries protecting people from the outer space (see p15). We no longer know who was protected by the security measures surrounding the camp or for which reasons.Were the inhabitants of the PRC protected from the inhabitants of the rest of the Jungle? Would the real home be outside the PCR? In this case, the outside space was the one that protected, whereas Bollnow thought that this is what the house should represent. Whereas, would it not be the authorities who were wishing to protect themselves from any possible spill over if there were no barriers?

In shared containers, the migrant could not choose his own bed, he had to take the vacant one. Residents were required to clean the interior of their dwelling, it was forbidden to cook, smoke, drink alcohol, use drugs and invite people from outside the PRC. Non-compliance with such rules is also subject to expulsion. However, the inhabitants found arrangements between themselves and created their own internal regulations. The aim of such rules was to ensure mutual respect for each other’s sleep and to manage light and noise despite the different rhythms of the inhabitants of the same container. The occupants could even agree on the use of alcohol, cigarettes or even drugs. This is the first step for migrants to feel at home, and indeed Massey said that interactions between people and place give meaning to space. For Kaplan, as discussed on page 13, the matter of belonging is a process which evolves through time and everyday events. The introduction of rules directly governed by users, and for users, is one of the first adaptations for occupants in an attempt to create a rhythm of life, habits and therefore everyday living, which is less exceptional than their unique situation and therefore reassuring.

Fig. 22 A container of the PRC. 57

Fig. 23. Security measures at the entrance to the PRC.

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In terms of practices, the interior space of the container was thus composed from the interactions between its occupants. When the camp opened, equipping containers with carpets, using kettles and using fences to dry laundry were prohibited practices. To the extent that these practices became widespread, they were gradually tolerated by the association. The choice to accept certain derogations from the rules became a technique of governance of the association (Morelle, 2015) which sought to have a rather friendly and conciliatory relationship with migrants. But some rules failed to find a compromise, such as washing with toilet showers to avoid long waits in the showers at the Jules Ferry centre or paying three euros in an informal hammam in the Jungle. Despite warnings, migrants kept persisting in their practices, going to the toilet with towels, shampoo and soap (Keiser and LainĂŠ, 2017). These practices, against the ban, were allowing migrants to regain control. Then, they could make choices when their future is beyond their control and no longer fully belongs to them, even though it was derisory.

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Fig. 24. Examples of equipment bypasses.

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Each unit was invested in a different way. The organisation of the space depended on the nationality and traditions of the migrants, the activities they carried out there, as well as the time of their stay or the degree of shared intimacy. The equipment provided by the association was basic and partly not durable: beds, dryer heating, secure lockers and disposable bedding kit (Irit, 2017). It was therefore necessary to bypass the spatial constraint, optimise it and make it liveable by planning the available space (Bruslé, 2015). With the help of bedsheets, migrants created curtains around their beds to be hidden from the eyes of others. Changes increase well-being through the construction of a more pleasant setting, and most importantly, through the designation of a «self-territory» (Sibley & Van Hoven, 2009). Levinas described home as an indispensable means to retreat from the outside world (see p 20). The outside world was reduced to everything around the inhabitant’s bed. The inner world could extend to the whole container if certain conditions were satisfied. This is in line with Nowicka’s thought, which attests of the capacity of home to evolve through time and space (see p 18). This journey takes part in the dynamic process of sharing a home with people and including material objects which can remind to the migrants their former home. Indeed, the containers are invested with decorative elements found, given or bought in shops in the Jungle or in Calais. The personalisation of the surroundings reflects a desire for comfort and to become once again an actor in one’s own “home” even if it is temporary (Lion, 2015). Migrants had to leave the centre to access the infrastructure which allowed them to eat and shower, but this was not the only thing that interesting them. The entire jungle was a space of resources that could be mobilised.

As for meals, the inhabitants had various options: a breakfast and lunch were distributed every day by the Jules Ferry centre, other associations offered free meals, and there were also some informal restaurants in the Jungle. Finally, it was not uncommon to see a resident of the container camp eating with friends in a shelter outside the PCR. Thus, apart from rest-time, migrants spent very limited time in the PCR. The lack of appropriable space, promiscuity with other «roommates» and lack of privacy were the main explanations (Boyle, 2017; Keiser and Lainé, 2017).

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Fig. 25. Containers: poorly appropriated spaces.

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Bachelard thought of home as human scale, therefore he linked home intrinsically to intimacy (see Appendix D). How can we expect the inhabitants to feel at home when they have to live with strangers in a physically limited space? According to Heidegger, we do not only live in the place where we sleep but also everywhere else which is part of our daily lives (see p 19). In our case, it would seem that many migrants inhabit the places they have decided to invest within the Jungle more than the place they are sleeping in.

Their practices are characterised by coercion: the one of their personal history and the one of their dependence to the place. However, beyond the first observations, it is noticeable that migrants still manage to establish a daily life. This is built on the basis of an appropriation of their very limited space within the PCR, but also on the basis of their connections with the rest of the Jungle. The PCR seems to represent only a transitional space which is only inhabited to be left. It is the place of the transitional present, which is intended to allow a better future (Keiser and LainĂŠ, 2017).

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3.1.2 Architecture of refugees In this section, we will see that the rest of the Jungle was part of a completely different logic compared to the PRC. The construction and occupation of the New Jungle was the result of a more spontaneous and thus more flexible process. The camp was built over months and years by its own inhabitants, with or without the help of associations. Hence, migrants were given a real freedom in design and ways to occupy the place. Each community organised as they wished, creating their own regulations. The Jungle was divided into many districts, as a real city, which evolved and became denser over time. According to their culture and nationality, ways of living took different forms around the New Jungle (Acts and Cities, 2015; Kaiser and Lainé, 2016; PEROU, 2015).

The next pages present four different living areas in the Calais Jungle, each with its own characteristics.

The Sudanese chose to organize their camps around a central space being their main living space, which was the place they cooked, ate and shared convivial moments (Acts et Cités, 2015) (fig. 27). In the fork district, the Eritreans were at the heart of the Jungle’s activity with the main axis in the centre. It offered a passage for vehicles, shops on either side of the street, a church in the centre and dwellings on the outskirts, which all evoked the town or village planning (fig.28).

Fig. 26. Map of different living places in the New Jungle.

Fig. 27. The Music District.

Fig. 28. The Fork: Eritrean Community.

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How did the migrants really live in this area? Between January and March 2016, at the beginning of the dismantling of the New Jungle, the PEROU collective (composed of architects, urban planners and sociologists) decided to capture the ephemeral before it disappeared so they could understand how this camp was inhabited. Thanks to their different surveys we will be able to discover two of the dozens of places.

The first one is the shelter of Zaki and Fouzi two Syrian cousins who arrived in January 2016 in the Jungle. This 9m² room was unique and multifunctional: bedroom, kitchen and living room at once, the two cousins had to adapt it to their needs. They used wall-mounted blankets to insulate the shelter from the cold, clothes were hung on the wall to save some space and the few items in their possession were hung in bags on the ceiling. To the right of the entrance door was the «kitchen» with a gas cooker and some canned food. On the other side was a box to store their dirty shoes and the heater. The only way to get light was through a small plastic window, but it did not open so the only possible ventilation was through the door. (The only objects Zaki had when he came to Calais were a picture of his daughter and a letter written in Arabic describing useful information about him). During the day, they divided their time between living in the jungle and their shelter. They got up at 7am for prayer and had tea in their accommodation and then went to eat, shower and charge their phones at the Al Salam association. In the morning they invited friends to their shelter, went to others’ shelters or enjoyed the shops and restaurants on the main street. After praying at the Mosque, they had their second meal in Al Salam and then went to the Lay School of the Chemin des Dunes to learn English. The rest of the day was spent in their shelters drinking tea, smoking, listening to music and chatting. In the evening, they cooked for themselves or went to the Belgium Kitchen for a meal. In the Jungle, the course of time was significantly reversed. The night became the most important moment, because at this moment hundreds of migrants tried every night to cross the Channel. We found the Jungle empty of any activity between 10pm and 11am when the Jungle shops opened their doors, signalling the beginning of daily practices and activities in the Calais Jungle (Kaiser and Lainé, 2015, p12). During the days they tried to reach the United Kingdom, Zaki and Fouzi’s schedules were suspended from 7pm to 11am the next day.

Fig. 29. Plan of Zaki and Fouzi’s shelter .

Fig. 30.Section of Zaki and Fouzi’s shelter .

Fig. 31. Elevation of Zaki and Fouzi’s shelter .

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The second place is The Belgium Kitchen which, from February 2016, offered between 1000 and 1500 meals each evening. Created by the architect Oldo Pabis, the kitchen was made of a simple wooden structure and was designed in 4 days. It was assembled in one day with the help of around fifteen people, volunteers and Jungle inhabitants (figure ...). Not too far from the container camp it offered its inhabitants a way to come and eat there as they were not allowed to cook inside their own camp. Many people not only donated food but also clothing and utensils of all types, giving more strength and possibilities to this place. When designing this space, it was necessary to consider the problem of rats, so they created different rooms and the food could be kept in an enclosed space. Also, a dormitory and some bedrooms were created. Thus, the Belgium Kitchen is more like an architecture created to be permanent more than ephemeral. The main structure is based on pallets placed on wooden beams in order to limit water infiltration, a major issue in Jungle shelters. Access to water, gas and electricity was essential to them but dependent on the authorisations from the authorities, which could be revoked at any time. It once again reminded them of the ephemeral nature of the installation as well as their situation.

For a few months, this place offered a daily activity for at least three people. It not only provided a meal and a place to sleep for a few residents, but also a place to meet and enjoy a moment of respite, moral support and gave hope to many migrants. Migrants interviewed in the Catholic Relief Book published in 2015 said they wanted to preserve their identity and culture from their country of origin. In these interviews, the disillusionment about what they found in Europe is deep and significant. In addition, migrants often had poor health, usually more psychologically than physically (Secours Catholique, 2015).

This is why it was so essential for them to take possession of places like the Belgium Kitchen.

Fig. 32. Plan of the Belgium Kitchen.

Fig. 33.Section of the Belgium Kitchen.

Fig. 34. Elevation of the Belgium Kitchen.

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A considerable amount of energy, donations, work and people were involved in the various projects: six mosques and a church were built in the Jungle, a school, hammams, grocery stores, hairdressers and other traders. For migrants who established a certain kind of life in these different places, we can only imagine the difficulty of seeing such places destroyed without them being able to do anything about it, once again. Even tough rudimentary, architecture has allowed many people to have a bond, a place to rest when everything else was uncertain. Both forms of architecture, between the container camp and the rest of the Jungle, have positive and negative points, only creating a hybrid architecture could allow refugees to feel at home while benefiting from a decent salubrity.

Fig. 35. The Belgium Kitchen or school of ÂŤ le chemin des dunesÂť.

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3. CONCLUSION «Adaptability should be considered alongside other design outcomes, rather than in isolation.»

Schmidt and Austin, 2016, 274

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Fig. 36. A reporter getting some groceries at a stall or school of « le chemin des dunes».

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Each of the 68.5 million forcibly displaced people worldwide needs a shelter, whatever form it takes. The main purpose of such shelter is to protect inhabitants from the elements and provide them with physical and, at best, psychological security offering them to believe that they still exist, as a human being.

This dissertation was able to describe the reconstruction of the sense of belonging as an essential element in the establishment of a beneficial and sustainable shelter. However, while we estimate the average duration of a refugee camp as 17 years, these shelters are too often anchored in the temporary.

Despite being particular, the formation of Calais reflects one of a number of camps. A camp gradually develops to form the equivalent of a city beyond the community boundaries of a single ethnic group, but trapped within physical, legal and governmental boundaries out of reach of any decision of those who occupy it. How to live in such special places? How can we create camps that provide a sustainable physical and social environment in the long term?

Refugee camps are often far from local residential areas with only limited access to resources. This situation limits the possibility of integration into existing populations and services. This way, the Calais Jungle could have well evolved in the heart of the Calais area. However, the will of the French State was not to integrate its migrants, but rather in the hope to make them disappear from its territory. The successive phases of destruction in the Jungle clearly demonstrate that the acts were far more political than humanitarian.

The architectural forms of emergency shelters and the ways they are created play a significant role in the ability of their inhabitants to deal with their displacement and to perhaps feel, even temporarily, at home (Irit Katz, 2017, 17).

The emphasis on two types of shelters in this dissertation highlights the significant influence that their architectural differences can have on their inhabitants. As we have seen, the containers meet very basic architectural specifications (large number of inhabitants per unit, low cost, fast and easy to assemble, grid layout, etc.). They have to respond to a wide range of scenarios, without taking into consideration a specific type of population or location. In Calais, it was very difficult for the inhabitants to appropriate such living spaces, which nevertheless characterised their existence. This impersonal nature of the shelter is not necessarily due to defective architectural design but may be a consequence of the rules promulgated by those who manage them while they are living elsewhere.

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Shelters in the rest of the Jungle may have seemed less suitable but were most likely preferred to containers. Shelters, from different forms and sizes, created a spirit of place, where many migrants were able to develop a sense of belonging. In addition, the construction of their shelters was able to restore a sense of being an actor in their own lives. Taking control of these places could develop relationships between individuals, communities but also with associations helping them to develop their shelters.

In this makeshift camp, migrants have been able to achieve a certain degree of autonomy within a multiplicity of identities.

“Adaptability should be considered alongside other design outcomes, rather than in isolation.” (Schmidt and Austin, 2016, 274) Both types of shelters could create a third type. Prefabricated units offering a certain physical and hygienic comfort could have been more modular (in their form but also in their materiality) to allow their occupants to de-formalise this architecture by appropriating it and transforming it. Beyond the architecture, the governance of this new type of camp could move in the same direction.

This is summarised by Brett Moore, the chief of Shelter and Settlement Section of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees:“We need to develop refugee settlement planning processes that not only facilitate longterm planning but also allow for incremental upgrading“(2017, 5).

Architecture of the camps can be rethought as more flexible and adaptable structures, in order to be less rigid. We cannot refute the temporary nature of this type of shelter open to people in displacement situations, but the solutions provided for their installation must be more permanent while offering great flexibility to allow these receiving places to evolve over time. This will allow us to overcome the boundaries between the house and the dwelling in order to allow more people to feel at home, even temporarily, because everyone deserves a home.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY AND APPENDICES

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Fig. 37. Camp activity.

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BRUSLE, T., 2015, «Habiter un camp de travailleurs : appropriations, usages et valeur du dortoir en milieu contraint», Annales de géographie, n°72-73, pp 268-274.

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CHRISAFIS, A., 2015. «At night it’s like a horror movie-inside Calais’s official shantytown», The Guardian.

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HANAPPE, C., 2017. «A camp redefined as part of the city». Forced Migration Review, 55, pp 33-34.

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HUGUEN, P., 2016. «“Jungle” de Calais: 19 blessés dans des rixes entre migrants», Le Parisien.

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MOORE, B., 2017. «Refugee settlements and sustainable planning», Forced Migration Review, 55, pp 5-7.

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TAYLOR, H., 2013. «Refugees, the State and the Concept of Home», Refugee Survey Quarterly, 32(2), pp 130.

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APPENDIX A: «Rentrez chez vous» / «Go Home» by Bigflo & Oli [Intro : Bigflo] [Intro : Bigflo] Ça y est, ils ont fait sauter la tour Eiffel That’s it, they blew up the Eiffel Tower [Couplet 1 : Bigflo] Ça y est, ils ont fait sauter la tour Eiffel On pensait pas qu’ils oseraient mais le mal est fait

[Couplet 1: Bigflo] That’s it, they blew up the Eiffel Tower We didn’t think they’d dare, but the damage is done

Comment on a pu en arriver là ? Difficile à croire La nuit a été calme, ils ont bombardé que trois fois Je suis monté à Paris retrouver ma copine La guerre nous a pris par le col, nous a sortis de la routine Remplacé les fleurs par les pleurs, les murmures par les cris Son immeuble a été touché, j’l’ai pas trouvé sous les débris Je vais rentrer bredouille, rejoindre ma famille dans le premier train Le départ est prévu pour demain matin

How did we get here? It’s hard to believe It was a quiet night, they only bombed three times I went to Paris to meet my girlfriend The war took us by the collar, took us out of the routine Replaced flowers with tears, murmurs with cries

Les hommes sont capables de merveilles et des pires folies Ça fait 4 jours que j’ai pas d’nouvelles d’Oli [Couplet 2 : Oli] Putain c’est la guerre !

On a cassé nos tours d’ivoire Moi qui l’ait connu qu’au travers des livres d’histoires J’veille sur la famille, c’est vrai, nos parents s’font vieux On entasse des bus, on bloque les routes, on s’protège comme on peut 91

His building was hit, I didn’t find it under the debris I’ll go home empty-handed, join my family on the first train The departure is scheduled for tomorrow morning Men are capable of wonders and the worst follies I haven’t heard from Oli in four days.

[Couplet 2: Oli] This is fucking war!

We broke our ivory towers I who only knew him through the history books I look after the family, it’s true, our parents are getting old We pile up buses, block the roads, protect each other as much as we can.

Et la foule suit ces fous sans camisole Paraît qu’ils exécutent des gens place du Capitole Quatre billets pour un ferry Une chance de s’évader Une nouvelle vie de l’autre côté de la Méditerranée Les balles nous narguent, on a peur d’être au mauvais endroit Mon frère m’a dit «Si j’reviens pas, partez sans moi» Difficile d’être au courant, ils ont coupé le réseau Ça fait bientôt quatre jours que j’ai pas d’nouvelles de Flo

And the crowd follows these madmen without a straitjacket I hear they’re executing people in Capitol Square Four tickets for a ferry A chance to escape A new life on the other side of the Mediterranean The bullets are taunting us, we’re afraid we’re in the wrong place My brother told me «If I don’t come back, leave without me» It’s hard to know, they shut down the network.

I haven’t heard from Flo in almost four days.

[Pont : Instrumental]

[Bridge: Instrumental]

[Couplet 3 : Bigflo] Bien sûr les bruits des wagons bondés me rendent insomniaques Certains ont mis toute leur maison au fond d’un petit sac Le train s’arrête et redémarre, me donne des haut-le-cœur On a fait en deux jours ce qu’on faisait en six heures J’dois rejoindre la famille au port de Marseille Mais j’ai pris du retard, j’crois bien qu’ils vont partir sans moi Quel cauchemar !

Pas grave, j’les rejoindrai en barque Pas de réseau, impossible de choper une barre J’vois une enfant au sol, lui demande si elle est seule Elle dit qu’elle a vu ses parents couchés sous des linceuls

[Couplet 3: Bigflo] Of course the noises of crowded cars make me insomniacs Some of them put their whole house in the bottom of a little bag The train stops and starts again, gives me gags We did in two days what we did in six hours I have to join the family at the port of Marseille But I’m late, I think they’re going to leave without me What a nightmare!

It doesn’t matter, I’ll join them in a boat No network, no way to get a bar I see a child on the ground, asks her if she’s alone She says she saw her parents lying under shrouds 92

Les hommes sont capables de merveilles et des pires folies Ça fait bientôt six jours que j’ai pas d’nouvelles d’Oli

Men are capable of wonders and the worst follies

[Couplet 4 : Oli] Direction Marseille ! Un tas d’doutes dans la soute On fait semblant d’pas voir tous les corps qui longent la route Les villes ont changé, la vie et l’horreur aussitôt Les métros sont des dortoirs, les cinémas des hôpitaux Sous le port, on s’bouscule, on s’entasse devant

[Couplet 4: Oli] Go to Marseille! A lot of doubts in the hold

D’un coup le ferry apparaît, certains tueraient pour une place dedans À bord, je pleure l’état de ce monde On a attendu mon frère jusqu’à la dernière seconde On veut pas être là-bas, on veut juste être autre part

I haven’t heard from Oli in almost six days.

We pretend not to see all the bodies along the road The cities changed, life and horror immediately Metros are dormitories, cinemas are hospitals Under the harbour, we push each other, we pile up in front Suddenly the ferry appears, some would kill for a place in it On board, I mourn the state of this world We waited for my brother until the last second We don’t want to be there, we just want to be somewhere else

Enfin respirer comme le lendemain d’un cauchemar Le bateau démarre, je fixe son sillage sur l’eau Ça fait bientôt sept jours que j’ai pas d’nouvelles de Flo

Finally breathing like the day after a nightmare

[Pont : Instrumental]

[Bridge: Instrumental]

[Couplet 5 : Bigflo] Arrivé sur le port de Marseille avec la petite fille dans mes bras Presque un jour de retard, ils sont tous partis sans moi

[Couplet 5: Bigflo] Arrived on the port of Marseille with the little girl in my arms Almost a day late, they all left without me

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The boat starts, I fix its wake on the water I haven’t heard from Flo in almost seven days.

Mais j’ai les contacts d’un passeur, une plage et une heure Plus de trente, entassés, bien sûr, on ne voyage pas seul Il me dit : «Choisis la fille ou ton sac pour jeter du lest» Puis je vide mes poches et lui donne tout ce qu’il me reste Et me voilà parti, acteur d’une drôle de fable À la conquête du paradis sur mon bateau gonflable On navigue loin d’ici Et plus les vagues s’agrandissent, plus notre espoir rétrécit Et ça tangue, et ça tangue Certains tombent dans le ventre de la bête Nous voilà en pleine tempête En une seconde, la fille m’échappe et plonge J’entends ses cris emportés par la mer qui gronde La pluie, le sel et les larmes se mélangent Une femme s’agrippe à mes hanches et m’entraîne dans la danse Le bateau se retourne, on se colle et on coule Nos appels à l’aide sont perdus dans la houle Dire qu’il n’y a pas longtemps j’étais avec mes amis On allait de bar en bar pendant toute la nuit Mes poumons se remplissent d’eau et mes yeux se ferment Mon âme éteint sa lanterne Les hommes sont capables de merveilles et des pires folies Je n’aurai plus jamais de nouvelles d’Oli

But I have the contacts of a smuggler, a beach and a time More than thirty, crowded, of course, we don’t travel alone He says to me: «Choose the girl or your bag to throw ballast» Then I empty my pockets and give him all I have left And here I am, actor in a strange fable To conquer paradise on my inflatable boat We sail far from here And as the waves get bigger, our hope gets smaller and smaller And it’s pitching, and it’s pitching Some fall into the belly of the beast We are in the middle of a storm In a second, the girl escapes me and dives in.

I hear his cries carried away by the roaring sea Rain, salt and tears mix A woman grabs my hips and drags me into the dance The boat turns around, we stick together and sink Our calls for help are lost in the swell To think that not long ago I was with my friends We used to go from bar to bar all night long My lungs fill with water and my eyes close My soul extinguishes its lantern Men are capable of wonders and the worst follies I’ll never hear from Oli again.

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[Couplet 6 : Oli] Le bateau accoste Première vision, des barbelés Ça, mon frère ne m’en avait pas parlé Encore des armes et des pare-balles On nous fait signer des papiers dans une langue qu’on ne parle pas On nous fouille, nous désinfecte comme des animaux On nous sépare de mon père, pas le temps de lui dire un dernier mot Dans des camps provisoires, des couvertures, un matelas Un Niçois me raconte qu’il est là depuis des mois Toulouse me manque déjà Ma mère s’endort dans mes bras Elle me répète tout bas que Flo nous rejoindra La chaleur étouffe, on a vidé toutes les bouteilles Dans un journal, j’apprends qu’ils ont fait sauter la Tour Eiffel Le lendemain on nous entasse dans des bus Les autres sur les uns, qui peut le moins peut le plus Des centaines de fous accompagnent notre départ Des poings brandis en l’air, des cris, des sales regards Je croise celui d’un type qui scande avec ferveur C’est la première fois du périple que j’ai vraiment peur Je ne vois que lui au milieu de la foule Sur sa pancarte, il est écrit «Rentrez chez vous !»

[Couplet 6: Oli] The boat docks First vision, barbed wire My brother hadn’t told me about that.

More weapons and bulletproofing We are made to sign papers in a language we do not speak We are searched, disinfected like animals We are separated from my father, not enough time to say a last word to him In temporary camps, blankets, a mattress A man from Nice tells me he’s been here for months I already miss Toulouse My mother falls asleep in my arms She keeps telling me that Flo will join us The heat is stifling, we emptied all the bottles In a newspaper, I read that they blew up the Eiffel Tower The next day we are crammed into buses The others on some, who can the least can the most can the most Hundreds of madmen accompany our departure Fists brandished in the air, screams, dirty looks I meet the one of a guy who shouts fervently This is the first time in the journey that I’m really afraid I only see him in the middle of the crowd On his sign, it says «Go home!»

Clip video available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gm328Z0JKjA [Accessed: 20th April 2019] 95

APPENDIX B: From the Tioxide Jungle to the New Jungle This jungle made the migration way too visible and it looked like France was unable to respond to the migration problem. Therefore, the government will be trying to fight against the visibility of the jungle.

In April 2009, wild camps were razed to the ground with a bulldozer and 190 migrants were arrested by the police. However, the flow of migrants did not slow down: a new Tioxide Jungle was established in June composed from about 800 inhabitants (Kirby, 2009). However, the French authorities succeeded in destroying definitively the Jungle on 22 September 2009 and evacuated a slum occupied by about 700 migrants. The wish was to restore the site to its natural state and prevent any resettlement. However, this was never effective, and it led to a situation of dispersion through small squats (The Connexion, 2009).

Since spring 2014, a wave of migrants coming from the Mediterranean and Greece reached Europe via Italy: the number of migrants in Calais increased again. In May 2014, three wild camps with a total of 550 migrants were dismantled following a scabies epidemic and, in June, the number of migrants was estimated to 900 (De Mallevoüe, 2015). Over the year 2015, the number of migrants in France considerably increased due to the war in Syria.

In January 2015, due to the response to this influx of migrants the opening of the Jules Ferry centre aims to address the refugees’ shelter problem by offering them access to a former summer camp. Around this official centre, in April 2015, The Guardian reported the opening of a «tolerance» zone for migrants on a former landfill site five kilometers from the city centre of Calais (Chrisafis, 2015), this zone would be called “New Jungle” (Fig.6). This camp would have between 1,000 and 1,500 inhabitants at the beginning and would be the largest of the nine existing camps in Calais. This main camp was the only one with showers, electricity, and toilets. Then, in June 2015, we estimated that 3,000 people were settled in the New Jungle (Mulholland, 2015). On October 21, when the number of migrants in Calais was estimated at 6.000, the government established a plan to disperse illegal migrants from Calais throughout the country to relieve the new jungle. The first week, 400 migrants were spread throughout France.

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APPENDIX C: The dismantling of the New Jungle Between February and March 2016, the New Jungle started to be dismantled (Rescan, 2016). French government tried to convince several hundred migrants to evacuate the jungle. Women and children, who are the most exposed to violence and insecurity in makeshift camps, have been offered 400 places in heated tents in the Jules Ferry Centre (Jules Ferry Centre website, 2019). The government was trying to control the flow of migrants around Calais by offering them several places they are in charge of. As a result, the temporary reception centre, set up in the summer of 2015, was able to accommodate up to 1500 people (Rescan, 2016). At the same time, a camp of wooden sheds was set up by the GrandeSynthe city hall in partnership with Doctors without borders at thirty-one kilometers from Calais (Charlet, 2016).

Between the 29th February 2016 and the 16th March 2016, the southern jungle area was dismantled.

Some migrants agreed to be redirected to reception and guidance centres in other parts of France.

However, most of them, 80%, according to the associations, simply moved to the northern zone (Charlet, 2016). Displacements led to an increase in promiscuity and, consequently, to a deterioration in hygiene conditions. This overcrowding would have led to many conflicts between migrants of different nationalities, requiring the intervention of the police forces (Huguen, 2016).

In June 2016, the number of migrants living in Calais was estimated to 4500 (Leclerc, 2016). From the beginning of August 2016, their number doubled through the different camps. That month, the associations distributed 9000 meals per day against 5000 at the beginning of the summer. At the end of August, the number of inhabitants would have reached 10,000 people ( Agency France-Presse, 2016).

Faced with this massive influx, the government accelerated the spread of migrants through the various reception centres throughout France.

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APPENDIX D: Bachelard and Dekkers thoughts In “Going Home: A short film on Dementia”, a prize-winning video by Vinn Bay and Tee Boon Leng, we follow an old woman who is suffering from dementia. The lady is simply going to buy food but is no longer able to remember where she is living. Strong feelings emerge from the scene where she is calling out many passers-by: “Can you show me the way home!”, “Can you take me home!”, “Just take me home, please!”. The significance of home strongly appears in the importance that this lady gives to this spot.

Beyond the physical place sought by this woman, she is looking for the psychological place where she feels good and reassured. This appears very clear from the vocabulary used. She will utter the word home rather than house.

Dekkers, that we have previously mentioned to introduce this literature review, is concerned about understanding the notion of home to help palliative care patients. Through his research, it became clear that the question of dwelling is at the heart of feeling alive. Indeed, working with people at the end of their lives has allowed him to interpret what people think about the notion of home over a lifetime. We observe different phases that can be interpreted as a retrospective of their own lives: The first one is simply the physical place that is commonly called the house.

The second interpretation is on the scale of their own bodies which reveals their physical well-being.

The third one is the environment related to objects and people (ideas developed in the assumptions of Nowicka and Tolia-Kelly seen previously) which reveals their psychological well-being.

The last one is strongly related to the type of people interviewed, the spiritual dimension link to the understanding of human existence and to question death.

Bachelard, a French philosopher, feels the same sense of kindness and protection provided by the house as Bollnow. He aims to push reflection beyond the rationalism and contemporary sciences of his time (first half of the 20th century). Hence, he is interested in the “Poetic imagination”. He says: “If I were asked to name the chief benefit of the house, I should say: the house shelters daydreaming, the house protects the dreamer, the house allows one to dream in peace” (Bachelard, 1964, p. 6). He goes beyond the rational analysis of the house, built with four walls and one roof. He wishes to transpose the notion of home to the human level and describes the house as a “space that is supposed to condense and defend intimacy” (ibid., p. 48). However, he will not employ the terms house, dwelling and home in very distinct ways, but will rather mix them up in their use. Nevertheless, he will argue that the idea of being home is different from simply being in a house.

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