Those that Urbanization Left Behind A Case Study of Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Coa by Elinor May Cruz

Those that Urbanization Left Behind A Case Study of Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Coastal Areas in Mindanao, the Philippines

Carmeli Marie Chaves Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, Volume 24, Number 2, October 2009, pp. 251-268 (Article) Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies DOI: 10.1353/soj.0.0027

For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/soj/summary/v024/24.2.chaves.html

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Those that Urbanization Left Behind: A Case Study of Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Coastal Areas in Mindanao, the Philippines Carmeli Marie CHAVES

Urban-rural disparities are exacerbated by failed livelihood projects, declining fishing incomes, and rising poverty levels in coastal areas in Mindanao, the Philippines. This has spurred the out-migration of young adults from the rural to urban areas. Faced with collapsing fisheries and a lack of income opportunities, families are compelled to abandon fishing and farming occupations for urban services jobs that give predictable and sustained incomes. The rural demographic picture that is emerging is one that is characterized by a changing household structure where the very young and the elderly stay home while the men and women of childbearing age migrate to urban areas for work. The high dependency in rural areas and urbanward migration have thus worsened urban-rural spatial inequalities. Keywords: urbanization, urban development, dependency, urban-rural disparities, livelihood, urban areas.

Background

In the Philippines, as in many developing countries in Asia, there is a distinct spatial shift that is often a characteristic of rapid urbanization. As the countryside becomes urbanized, land use conversion of agricultural lands to non-agricultural uses occurs at a frenetic pace. This change was most apparent in the Philippines during the eighties, when the Fidel Ramos administration developed industrial zones in unproductive agricultural areas as both an employment generation strategy and an urban development policy. With this aggressive

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industrialization programme, President Ramos attempted to make domestic industries more globally competitive. At the same time, he sought to move development away from the traditional socioeconomic and political centre, Metro Manila, to the agricultural areas. However, concurrent with the changes in the rural landscape was a massive urbanward movement of rural residents. Young men and women moved in droves from the periphery to the centre, that is, from farms to towns and cities, in search of employment. While the national government jump-started decentralization by building industrial centres in the sixteen regions of the country, the rural working age populations flocked to major urban centres within the region. The agricultural sector suffered a double whammy: not only were farms sold and converted to industrial and commercial zones, the poor, often landless, residents themselves abandoned impoverished rural areas. Even as the country’s leadership consciously redirected urban development away from Metro Manila, the Philippine Congress enacted in 1991 the Local Government Code. Republic Act 7160 devolved administrative authority to local government units (LGUs) and empowered them to generate local revenue in order to respond more effectively to internal needs (Republic of the Philippines 1991). The Local Government Code mandated all provinces, cities, and municipalities to formulate their own comprehensive land use plans and comprehensive development plans in order to spur progress locally.1 Today, rapid urbanization is sweeping across the Philippines. The country’s urban population is growing at 3.12 per cent (United Nations 2007), higher than its population growth rate of 2.04 per cent. The rural population meanwhile is decreasing at a rate of 0.2 per cent per year. The reclassification of barangays (villages) from rural to urban can hardly catch up with the runaway urban growth rates.2 In 2000, the level of urbanization in the Philippines was 48 per cent, but the percentage of barangays in the country that is classified urban is

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only less than half of that — at 23.8 per cent (National Statistics Office 2000). These figures indicate that nearly half of the Philippine population is crammed in urban barangays that make up only a quarter of all barangays in the country. It is clear, nonetheless, that the effects of urbanization have been lopsided. Urbanization in the Philippines has seen some of the country’s poorest agricultural regions falling behind cities in socioeconomic development. Only the urban areas, the so-called drivers of economic growth, received serious attention from the central government in terms of infrastructure investments. The Philippine government has observed the unbalanced spatial distribution of development, recognizing, for instance, in the Medium Term Philippine Development Plan 2004–2010 that poverty is greatest in the rural areas (National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) 2000). The government subsequently launched a poverty reduction programme that included, among others, the promotion of agribusiness in the countryside in order to generate employment (NEDA 2000) and livelihood programmes for populations reliant on agriculture and the environment (NEDA 2000). Beginning in 2000, such livelihood programmes were established among rural communities in Mindanao, southern Philippines. The Department of Agriculture (DA) and the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) provided local people’s organizations both technical and financial assistance in proposing and implementing the livelihood projects. The study, on which this paper is based, inquires whether these rural livelihood programmes are an appropriate government policy response to the observed spatial development imbalance. The following questions guided the study: • What is the effect of government-initiated livelihood projects on household income and poverty levels in rural areas? • Have rural livelihood projects reduced urban-rural development disparities? • What is the effect of urbanization on this urban-rural imbalance?

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In order to address these points, a case study method was used to generate quantitative and qualitative data in selected sites. It should be noted that the cases are limited to coastal areas in the Northern Mindanao and Caraga Regions, and the data set generated describes only these particular conditions. Given this context, the study sample and data can provide only partial answers to the research questions. The results, however, contain policy implications that have a national scope. This research entailed coordinating with the DENR, which has an existing livelihood project set-up, the Community Livelihood Assistance Special Project or otherwise called CLASP, established in various regions of the Philippines since 2002. CLASP was designed to promote sustainable use and management of natural resources while providing alternative means of livelihood to resource-dependent communities (Department of Environment and Natural Resources 2003). By increasing household incomes, the projects sought to assist families to break out of the poverty cycle in rural regions and, in the long-term, eradicate the urban-rural disparity in development. Research Methodology Site Selection

The selected project sites are coastal provinces in Northern Mindanao and Caraga Regions, where households are among the Philippines’ poorest. These coastal communities, dependent on the natural environment for sustenance, were expected to benefit greatly from countryside livelihood programmes and, thus, were identified by the national government as priority assistance areas. In all, nine barangays were included in the study, encompassing five municipalities and one city, spread across three provinces. The selection of the regions, provinces, municipalities, and barangays was made using purposive sampling, largely based on four criteria: coastal area, support of the LGU, presence and consent of the people’s organization (PO), and peace and order conditions. As nonprobability sampling was used, the results of this study cannot be

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Table 1 Study Sites Study Sites

Province

Municipality

Village

Misamis Oriental

Talisayan Sugbongcogon Magsaysay

Poblacion Silad Consuelo

Surigao del Norte

Surigao City

Day-asan Nabago Manjagao

Surigao del Sur

Alegria Barobo

San Juan Dapdap Rizal

Total

Source: Project Final Report, “Those that Urbanization Left Behind”.

inferred to the rest of the coastal communities in the Philippines. Rather the project sites provide case studies from which national planning policy and programme lessons can be drawn. Respondent Selection

Members of fisherfolk associations and their spouses comprised the eligible respondents. A complete enumeration of the PO members was done in all study sites. Several revisits to households were made in order to interview the eligible respondents, many of whom were fishing during the night and sleeping or doing household chores at daytime. If, after at least two callbacks, the respondent could still not be reached, he or she was delisted from the sampling frame. The final study size is 203 respondents, composed of 132 males (or 65 per cent) and seventyone females (35 per cent). Interviews and Case Studies

Face-to-face interviews were conducted with male and female PO members and their spouses. In most households, both spouses were

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interviewed; in a few households, however, only the PO member was interviewed for such reasons as the spouse was temporarily away or the PO member was single or widowed. The survey questions measured key study variables such as the socio-demographic composition of the households, employment, source of income, and involvement in the livelihood activity. A separate questionnaire was administered to generate the community profile and people’s organization profile. This questionnaire included items on population, socio-economic activities, PO functions and activities, PO membership, description of the livelihood activity, involvement of women, and socio-economic impact of the livelihood projects. The case studies included observations of household dynamics, PO operations and decision-making, and livelihood project implementation. In-depth interviews and focus-group discussions (FGDs) were made with PO leaders and community officials to seek their views on previous and present government livelihood programmes, their development needs, and their aspirations for their families and communities. Population Structure and Urbanization

Among the provinces in this study, Misamis Oriental shows marked differences from Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur. First, unlike Surigao, it is growing faster, at 2.67 per cent, than the national population growth rate of 2.04 per cent; second, it has the lowest poverty incidence among the three provinces; and third, less than half of its population lives in rural areas, although three-fourths of its barangays remain rural. Both Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur have more than 70 per cent of their population living in rural barangays, which in turn make up nearly 90 per cent of all their constituent barangays. Majority of the barangays are classiﬁed rural. Only a few central villages (the poblacion) are urban. Except for Misamis Oriental, the urbanization level in these areas, measured by the National Statistics

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Barobo

Surigao City Alegria

Talisayan Sugbongcogon Magsaysay

Municipality

501,808 34,558

481,416 118,534 12,923

664,338 19,959 7,362 24,550

Popn 2000

1.35

1.84

2.67

Popn growth rate (1995â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2000) (%)

45.7

50.8

32.5

Poverty Incidence 2000 (%)

89.3

88.7

74.5

Rural Barangays 2000 (%)

Source: National Statistics OfďŹ ce (2008), National Economic and Development Authority (2007).

Surigao del Sur

Surigao del Norte

Misamis Oriental

Province

Study sites

70.4

73.3

46.6

Rural Popn 2000 (%)

29.6

26.7

53.4

Urban Popn/ Urbanization level (%)

Table 2 Total Population, Population Growth Rates, Poverty Incidence, and Per Cent Rural in Provinces Where the Study Sites are Located

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Office as the percentage of the population living in urban areas, is less than 30 per cent. At the household level, we find a predominantly young membership: 36 per cent of the study household members are younger than fifteen years old, and 62 per cent are within the working age group of 15–64 (Table 3). Table 3 Study household members, by sex and by age group Sex of household members

Total

Male

Female

230

216

446

375

380

775

65+

Total

629

614

1243

Age group 0–14 15–64

Dependency ratio

64.63

Source: Project Final Report, “Those that Urbanization Left Behind”.

Mired to the Bottom: Mindanao Fishing Communities among the Impoverished

The fishing villages in Mindanao typify the rural face of poverty: poverty incidence in Surigao del Norte province is almost 51 per cent, while that of Surigao del Sur is 45 per cent. Misamis Oriental, the centre of socio-economic activities in Northern Mindanao region, is only slightly better off, if one may call it that, with a 32 per cent poverty incidence (National Statistics Office 2000). These dismal figures changed little from 1997 poverty levels, which were 36 per cent for Misamis Oriental and 52 per cent for Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur.

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Fishing is the main occupation of more than 40 per cent of the respondents, particularly among the males. The rest of the rural folks are small store owners and farmers. There appears to be a tendency among the villagers to rely on the government or their children for their income or sustenance: one out of ten is dependent on a government salary or pension or their children’s financial support. Enterprising men and women engage in buy-and-sell and food vending activities, while a few lend temporary labour in masonry and carpentry or provide community services, such as dressmaking, hairdressing and traditional birth assistance. In rural households where a single source of income is no longer sufficient, the women are typically involved in fish and vegetable vending, providing temporary agricultural labour, or operating a small stall. While the men do most of the fishing, it is the women who peddle the fish in the village or sell it in the market or at the town centre. It is a common practice to shift to other means of livelihood, depending on the weather conditions, harvest season, and availability of agricultural produce. Fishing is not a year-long activity: there are several months in a year when fishing is impossible because of strong winds. In view of this, fisherfolks resort to farming or providing farm labour. In fact, most fisherfolks in the community are also farmers. The women work alongside their husbands as farm labourers during the non-fishing season. In general, however, the income they get from these activities is minimal. Income

Incomes in these villages are barely enough to meet the needs of a household of six members. The average household size in the study sites is 6.18, which is higher than the Philippine average household size of ﬁve. The mean household monthly income is US$122.40 (Table 4). The males reported a slightly higher income (US$124.85) than did the females (US$117.85). These household incomes are only about half of the average monthly income in the region.

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Table 4 Average monthly household income, by barangay Average monthly household income (in US$) Name of barangay Silad Poblacion, Talisayan Consuelo Day-asan Nabago Manjagao San Juan Dapdap Rizal Total

Reported by males

Reported by females

Total

140 75 124 164 154 89 122 128 128 125

18 13 14 15 12 16 20 7 17 132

109 64 119 184 401 88 122 117 114 118

15 7 16 4 2 10 3 4 10 71

126 71 121 169 189 88 122 124 123 122

33 20 30 19 14 26 23 11 27 203

Source: Project Final Report, “Those that Urbanization left Behind”.

Community Livelihood Projects as Attempts to Bolster Rural Incomes

The Philippine Government directed the DENR and the DA to develop the country’s environment and natural resources and, at the same time, provide alternative livelihood to communities that are dependent on these reserves. Community-based resource management and livelihood programmes such as CLASP were subsequently established to address the intertwined issues of poverty reduction, the need to increase rural income, and the mandate to conserve the resources that sustain poor rural households. Across the country, people’s organizations and cooperatives were formed in response to this government initiative. As legal entities, these POs were able to source government funding for their resource management and livelihood projects. Among the livelihood enterprises they implemented are those enumerated in Table 5. The project proposals certainly considered areal characteristics that support the development of the products in their natural habitats. Day-asan village, for instance, is surrounded by thick mangroves and

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Table 5 Livelihood activities of people’s organisations MISAMIS ORIENTAL PROVINCE Talisayan Municipality Poblacion Talisayan

Fish cage operation

Sugbongcogon Municipality Silad

Seaweed culture Fish shelter Milkﬁsh culture Artiﬁcial reef-making Fish sanctuary

Magsaysay Municipality Consuelo

Consumer cooperative store Fish cage operation Milkﬁsh deboning Micro-lending SURIGAO DEL NORTE PROVINCE

Surigao City Day-asan

Seaweed culture Milkﬁsh culture Giant clam culture Grouper culture Lobster culture

Nabago

Planting of mangroves Hog dispersal/raising

Manjagao

Fish cage operation

Alegria Municipality San Juan

Piggery Piglet dispersal Micro-lending SURIGAO DEL SUR PROVINCE

Barobo Municipality Dapdap Rizal

Micro-lending Dried ﬁsh and seaweed production Fish pen operation

Source: Project Final Report, “Those that Urbanization left Behind”.

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shallow sea water. Houses on stilts rise above sea water suitable for grouper and lobster culture as a “backyard” business. The waters of Silad village are appropriate for seaweed culture, while most coastal municipalities can host fish cages. Unfortunately, pollution from households and agricultural runoff from the surrounding upland contaminated the fish cages. Families had to replenish their fish stocks when the pollutants killed the fingerlings. Some projects, such as fish caging, required high capitalization. A grouper fish cage costs Php20,000–50,000 (US$415–1,000), depending on the number of stocks and materials used. Moreover, grouper or lobster culture requires a year for the fish to reach their marketable size. Not all projects considered the skills and expertise of the residents, especially of women. Fish caging, milkfish culture, seaweed culture, giant clam culture, and grouper culture were perceived by the community as male-oriented livelihood projects because the work involved is said to require “masculine” skills. The women tried to learn the rudiments of fish caging, but their interest and efforts waned, especially when the livelihood activities competed for their time for household chores. At the outset, livelihood projects were proposed in response to a perceived market demand for aquatic products. Oddly enough, when the products were grown and harvested, the market was difficult to find. Seaweed culture in Silad, for instance, was considered a viable livelihood. The initial seaweed harvest was sold to a local industrial buyer, who could not, however, assure the cooperative of future orders. Faced with no secure market, the discouraged fisherfolks did not expand their business after the first production cycle. Likewise, Consuelo village residents engaged in milkfish production in fish cages. Milkfish deboning also started as a project primarily intended for women PO members. However, owing to a lack of buyers, both the milkfish caging and the fish deboning projects were discontinued. What appeared on paper to be workable livelihood ideas turned out differently upon implementation. While the project proposals

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predicted healthy returns on investments, most livelihood enterprises yielded no sustained income. A full 70 per cent of the 203 survey respondents did not get any income from the livelihood projects. For 88 per cent of the respondents, neither did their spouse earn any income from the venture. In nearly all research sites, community members received no compensation for the labour they contributed to the project mainly because the livelihood failed to generate any income. We ﬁnd that, overall, none of the livelihood projects in these coastal areas can be considered a success. The failed livelihood attempts exacerbated the lack of economic security and added to the discontent among ﬁshing communities. Fishing Environments under Threat

In recent years, fishing is no longer viewed by the local communities as a dependable or profitable source of income. Fishing in municipal waters yields a declining catch, particularly for small fishermen using manually paddled boats. Those who can afford motorized boats and more efficient fishing gear replace these manual outriggers with more powerful boats that can go farther into the sea, where they can still fish with some success. However, poor fishermen can hardly afford motorized equipment. Faced with a meager catch, they resort to overfishing and unsustainable fishing methods. Fisherfolks also have to contend with the entry of commercial fishers who use more powerful technologies, virtually depriving small fishermen of their livelihood. It has been observed that Philippine municipal waters are deteriorating and its seas overfished (Trinidad et al. 2002). The fish catch per unit effort in municipal waters has decreased since 1948, even with an increase in effort. Various studies (Dalzell et al. 1987; Silvestre and Pauly 1989; Dalzell and Corpuz 1990; Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources 1997) corroborate this observation. The authors noted that there were too many Filipinos dependent on fishing and that a major cause of fisheries decline stemmed

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from increased fishing effort “due to population growth, migration to coastal areas, and the use of more efficient gear” (Trinidad et al. 2002, p. 7). The present study of coastal communities in Mindanao portrays a different demographic trend. While all Mindanao regions grew from 2000 to 2007, populations in fishing areas actually grew slower than those of nearby towns and cities. Non-highly urbanized areas in Northern Mindanao and Caraga regions had population growth rates below 2 per cent, markedly lower than the 2.54 per cent of Cagayan de Oro City, the nearest highly urbanized city (National Statistics Office 2008). Given that fertility and mortality levels are fairly stable in Northern Mindanao, the urban-rural population growth differentials are attributed to migration rather than to fertility or mortality. There is apparently no migration to coastal villages; contrary to the assumptions of Trinidad et al. (2002), migration is towards the cities. Migration of Men and Women to Urban Areas

Fishing has become less attractive to young men who not only have to contend with a declining fish catch, but prefer the option of working in urban areas to earn a steady income than to take their chance with fishing as a livelihood. Young women are taking the same urbanward route, eventually finding jobs as domestic helpers or service workers in the cities and even abroad. During group discussions, parents encourage the young to find occupations other than fishing because the income from fishing is lower and less reliable than the wages from employment in the cities, even as labourers and domestic helpers. Parents dream of urban, non-agricultural employment for their children. The driving force for completing formal education is apparently to find work in the city. Learning fishing skills from elders is foregone because as parents reason out, fishing has not lifted their families out of poverty, and therefore, there is no justification to encourage their children to take up the livelihood they have engaged in.

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This resolve has resulted in the out-migration of young adults from the rural to urban areas, attracted to the predictable income urban employment provides. In the cities and towns, men and women of working age do not have to deal with the vagaries of nature and the uncertainty of seasonal work. The rural demographic picture that is emerging is characterized by a changing household structure where the very young and the elderly stay home while men and women of childbearing and working ages migrate to urban areas for employment. Demographic data from this research bears out this phenomenon. The dependency ratio among the study households is sixty-five dependents, composed of fifty-nine young dependents and six old dependents, for every hundred persons of working age (Table 3). This dependency ratio is higher than that of nearby urban areas, such as Cagayan de Oro City, which has a dependency ratio of sixty (National Statistics Office Northern Mindanao 2005). Moreover, the median age among the coastal households in this study is nineteen years old. This is lower than the Philippine median age of twenty-two years and the twenty-one median age of Cagayan de Oro. Young Adult Children as a Source of Economic Security

An unambiguous finding in this study is the parents’ reliance on young adult children for economic security. The dependence of older fisherfolks on adult children for their income and old-age security overrides any reliance on government livelihood projects or on government pension. In villages where fishing is no longer an economically viable occupation, families send their young adults to the cities or abroad for employment. As expected, parents consider (more) children as a source of economic security, giving them “more choices on whom to ask for support later in life (Leo, male FGD respondent, forty-two years old). Even among couples past the reproductive ages, there is a desire for more children to give them security upon retirement.

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The value of children among Filipino couples for old-age economic security has long been established (among the earlier studies is that of Bulatao, 1975). Children are perceived as a source of assistance in old age and of help with housework. Thirty years since this groundbreaking study, the value of children remains high among Filipino families, although the mode of assistance from the young has shifted from agriculture-based labour to urban employment remittances. This research notes that rural parents prime their children for employment in cities in the Philippines and abroad so that they can send remittances back home. It will be instructive in further studies to quantify the contribution of this funds transfer to rural household incomes — an aspect that was not covered in this research. It is important to determine in future analyses whether these remittances indeed buoy rural incomes, and form part of the “economic security” that children and young adults provide to ageing parents. Conclusion

This research establishes that none of the national governmentsponsored livelihood enterprises implemented by people’s organizations in Northern Mindanao and Caraga Regions provided significant incomes to the intended beneficiaries. The fledgling livelihood projects fell short of their expectation to achieve economic empowerment of the PO members. The CLASP programme foundered in its two main objectives of providing viable income opportunities in rural areas and weaning fisherfolks away from over-exploiting the aquatic resources. The absence of employment and source of income in rural villages compel families to send their young adults to the towns and cities for work. We find coastal villages characterized by young and old populations: those left behind are either still in school, can no longer compete with a younger labour force or have no interest in leaving home to search for economic opportunities elsewhere. There is a consequent marked decline in the number of men and women of both working age and reproductive age in these coastal sites.

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Urbanization tends to bring with it higher age dependency among the rural households. Along with a rising age dependency ratio is a greater economic dependence on working family members. What future lies ahead for rural regions? Not only are rural places losing men and women in their most economically productive ages; families left behind face greater dependence on outside sources of support. We have seen how urbanization has heightened urban-rural disparities. The government policy response to uneven development should take its cue from the Local Government Code. Local governments, not the national government, must take the lead in rural development and in tempering the preference for urban areas. This entails the creation of local employment, livelihood, and educational opportunities and services outside major urban centres and beyond the regional capital cities. At the same time, rural communities in Mindanao and the rest of the Philippines can gain from the monetary support sent by their workforce from the towns and cities. Measuring the actual beneďŹ ts to the labour-sending regions and in what manner the remittances have supported rural development are prospective research topics. NOTES

1. The Philippines is politically subdivided into seventeen regions (Metro Manila is the National Capital Region), 81 provinces, 136 cities, 1,495 municipalities, and 42,008 barangays, or villages. 2. Each barangay is categorized by the National Statistics OfďŹ ce as either urban or rural based on population density, predominant occupation, and presence of certain infrastructure such as a public market. REFERENCES

Bulatao, Rodolfo. The Value of Children: A Cross-National Study, Volume Two: Philippines. Honolulu: East-West Population Institute, East-West Center, 1975.

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Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources. 1996 Philippines Profile. Quezon City: Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, 1997. Chaves, Carmeli and Chona Echavez. “Those That Urbanization Left Behind”. Final Project Report. Philippine Center for Population and Development, 2007. Dalzell, Paul and Perlita Corpuz. “The Present Status of Small Pelagic Fisheries in the Philippines”. In Philippine Tuna and Small Pelagic Fisheries: Status and Prospects for Development, edited by C. Pagdilao and C. Garcia. Los Baños: Philippine Council for Aquatic and Marine Research and Development, 1990. Dalzell, Paul, Perlita Corpuz, Reuben Ganaden, and Daniel Pauly. Estimation of Maximum of Sustainable Yield and Maximum Economic Rent from the Philippines Small Pelagic Fisheries. Quezon City: Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, 1987. Department of Environment and Natural Resources. The Community-Based Livelihood Assistance Special Project. Quezon City: DENR, 2003. National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA). Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan 2004–2010. Pasig City: NEDA, 2000. ———. Northern Mindanao Regional Development Report 2007. Cagayan de Oro City: NEDA Northern Mindanao, 2007. National Statistical Coordination Board. Philippine Statistical Yearbook 2000. Makati City: National Statistical Coordination Board, 2000. National Statistics Office (NSO). Family Income and Expenditure Survey 2000. Mandaluyong City: National Statistics Office, 2000. ———. Census of Population 2007. Mandaluyong City: NSO, 2008. National Statistics Office Northern Mindanao. Demographic Profile of Cagayan de Oro City. Cagayan de Oro City: NSO Region 10, 2005. Republic of the Philippines. The Local Government Code of the Philippines. Manila: Malacanˇang, 1991. Silvestre, G. and D. Pauly. “Estimates of Yield and Economic Eent from Philippine Demersal Stocks (1946–84) Using Vessel Horsepower as an Index of Fishing Effort”. University of the Philippines Visayas Fisheries Journal 1, no. 2 (1989): 11–24. Trinidad, A., A. White, M. Gleason, and L. Pura. “Philippine Fisheries in Crisis: A Prescription for Recovery”. Overseas 5, no. 10 (2002): 1–11. United Nations Statistics Division. World Statistics Pocketbook. New York: United Nations, 2007. Carmeli Marie Chaves is a demographer, environmental planner, and an Assistant Professor at the University of the Philippines School of Urban and Regional Planning.

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