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Ellopia Press NY - March 2015 Issue 93

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athinakrikeli@aol.com

Monthly magazine, publishe by Ellopia Media Group in New York City Established 2002

www.icularisa.com

Publisher ATHINA KRIKELI Chief Editor ANASTASIA KASIMATIS

Every time she opened the door for me, I was prepared that along with the welcoming I would hear her caustic comment, “why was I late, why I forgot to bring bread, why instead of oranges I bought candles, why I dyed my hair black...” Every time I come to Greece I manage to spent at least few days with my "mom Krikeli" and believe me its always “spicy” in every aspect. She belongs to the category of the people who "leave nothing to fall on the floor"; dry humor, an amazing memory, quick responds she rejects any use of a computer device and has succeeded in some strange way to turn her brain into a "Brain-top" remembering telephone numbers of known family relatives and friends, marriage dates, events, talks, what happened in 1954, on the second Wednesday of May... and so on!

months of fighting...

My mom stayed at this Unit for eighteen days. She experience first hand human effort, medical professionalism and care from the whole team, doctors, nurses, cleaning units etc .

I cherish director Apostolos Komnos' action - that found all the team in agreement.

When he saw that my mom was placed in room no 5, (the same room my dad was his last moments) he said: "Change the room before Athina comes and sees her mom here"... ...

I could easily write a book for every and each one of that team they are all gifted and effeminately an inspiration , I could talk continuously about Dr. Apostolos Komnos' vision to create an H.D.U HIGH DEPENDENCY UNIT to inspire other doctors to become his successors.

On February 17 she was transferred to the General Hospital of Larissa with influenza H3N1 and within 24 hours was "promoted" to the Intensive Care Unit. 18 days later she left the unit returning home healthy and cheerful. She fought a close battle with death and defeated him. This victory she owes to the ICU and its Director Dr. Apostolos Komnos. They worked hard and gave her the chance to live! You see, when someone has the misfortune to need Intensive Care, and come to this one, they are actually fortunate without even knowing it. In the very same ICU 12 years ago, my father left his last breath after five

We have created a website (built literally from inside the intensive care unit) to offer "access" to this amazing unit and if you have even a dollar you can spare, please do so via paypal.

Today we drank coffee with Mom in the kitchen and literally sipped every moment with her. We take for granted our life and our loved ones, yet, if we knew, we would turn back time and make all those moments with them brighter, sweeter and more joyful. If you still have a chance, don't let the "heavy schedule" of the day eliminate it.

Athina Krikeli

Contributors S. Papathemelis (Greece), Arkas (Greece) G. Kalaras, (Chicago) Titos Christodoulou, (England) Writers G. Skabardonis (Greece) Costas Krikelis (Greece) Anita Diamantopoulou (USA) Kostas Mpliatkas (Hellas) Nick Christophers Senior Editor (English) Music Editors NIKOS TATASOPOULOS CHRISTOS ALEXANDROU PETROS HATJOPOULOS

Business Consultant Maria Papapetros Fashion Consultant Nikos Eftaxias Creative Art Director Hellas kostas Krikeli Anna Papakonstantinou Advertising Director LIA DELKOTZAKI

Ellopia Media Group Ltd. USA KAUFMAN ASTORIA STUDIOS 141 East 55 str New York NY 10022 Tel: (718) 720 4522 infoellopia@aol.com

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THE WORLD

Reboot Greece

By Yanis Varoufakis Finance Minister of Greece.

Feb, 2015 I am writing this piece on the margins of a crucial negotiation with my country’s creditors — a negotiation the result of which may mark a generation, and even prove a turning point for Europe’s unfolding experiment with monetary union.

Game theorists analyze negotiations as if they were split-a-pie games involving selfish players. Because I spent many years during my previous life as an academic researching game theory, some commentators rushed to presume that as Greece’s new finance minister I was busily devising bluffs, stratagems and outside options, struggling to improve upon a weak hand.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

If anything, my game-theory back-

ground convinced me that it would be pure folly to think of the current deliberations between Greece and our partners as a bargaining game to be won or lost via bluffs and tactical subterfuge.

The trouble with game theory, as I used to tell my students, is that it takes for granted the players’ motives. In poker or blackjack this assumption is unproblematic. But in the current deliberations between our European partners and Greece’s new government, the whole point is to forge new motives.

To fashion a fresh mind-set that transcends national divides, dissolves the creditor-debtor distinction in favor of a pan-European perspective, and places the common European good above petty politics, dogma that proves toxic if universalized, and an us-versus-them

mind-set.

As finance minister of a small, fiscally stressed nation lacking its own central bank and seen by many of our partners as a problem debtor, I am convinced that we have one option only: to shun any temptation to treat this pivotal moment as an experiment in strategizing and, instead, to present honestly the facts concerning Greece’s social economy, table our proposals for regrowing Greece, explain why these are in Europe’s interest, and reveal the red lines beyond which logic and duty prevent us from going.

The great difference between this government and previous Greek governments is twofold: We are determined to clash with mighty vested interests in order to reboot Greece and gain our

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Reboot Greece “No more loans — not until we have a credible plan for growing the economy in order to repay those loans, help the middle class get back on its feet and address the hideous humanitarian crisis”.

partners’ trust. We are also determined not to be treated as a debt colony that should suffer what it must. The principle of the greatest austerity for the most depressed economy would be quaint if it did not cause so much unnecessary suffering.

I am often asked: What if the only way you can secure funding is to cross your red lines and accept measures that you consider to be part of the problem, rather than of its solution? Faithful to the principle that I have no right to bluff, my answer is: The lines that we have presented as red will not be crossed. Otherwise, they would not be truly red, but merely a bluff.

But what if this brings your people much pain? I am asked. Surely you must be bluffing.

The problem with this line of argument is that it presumes, along with game theory, that we live in a tyranny of consequences. That

there are no circumstances when we must do what is right not as a strategy but simply because it is ... right.

Against such cynicism the new Greek government will innovate.

We shall desist, whatever the consequences, from deals that are wrong for Greece and wrong for Europe. The “extend and pretend” game that began after Greece’s public debt became unserviceable in 2010 will end.

No more loans — not until we have a credible plan for growing the economy in order to repay those loans, help the middle class get back on its feet and address the hideous humanitarian crisis. No more “reform” programs that target poor pensioners and family-owned pharmacies while leaving large-scale corruption untouched.

Yanis Varoufakis is the finance minister of Greece.

Our government is not asking our partners for a way out of repaying our debts. We are asking for a few months of financial stability that will allow us to embark upon the task of reforms that the broad Greek population can own and support, so we can bring back growth and end our inability to pay our dues.

One may think that this retreat from game theory is motivated by some radical-left agenda. Not so. The major influence here is Immanuel Kant, the German philosopher who taught us that the rational and the free escape the empire of expediency by doing what is right.

How do we know that our modest policy agenda, which constitutes our red line, is right in Kant’s terms? We know by looking into the eyes of the hungry in the streets of our cities or contemplating our stressed middle class, or considering the interests of hard-working people in every European village and city within our monetary union. After all, Europe will only regain its soul when it regains the people’s trust by putting their interests center-stage.

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Feel free, think free. BE FREE!

“Thinking of the self-distractive element in the Greek mentality, I strongly recommend to all to support the man they have elected to do his job” We celebrate the day the Greek nation revolted against the Ottoman Empire and got away from under their thumb. In Greece, celebrations that day mean church litanies, and armed forces and schools proudly parading the blue and white Greek flag, in the center of every city, and spirits are high.

I personally enjoy the festivities that take place outside Greece, in where millions of Greeks have made their homes.

In most of the Hellenic communities around the world, festivals are organized by the church and are held in various parks and or the church grounds.

Greek music and dancing, lots of Greek food, souvlaki, kebob, stuffed grape leaves and baklava and everyone celebrates freedom.

I remember the many years I went to those festivals in California, not even once did anyone ever toasted freedom, “hey here is to Greece let’s drink to freedom.” Are we really free? Is Greece free?

For hundreds of years the Turks ruled us, and then the Germans came and occupied Greece for another so many years. I’ve never really given any thought to the significance of this particular day, till I was called to write this article.

I am not clear on the declarations of independence and the “free Greek spirit”. It feels to me as if we are again occupied by Germany.

How did it happen? Why did we let it happen? How did we attract this situation again? Could it be that we are used to be oppressed and cannot handle being free?

Today 2015 as a nation, we are told how to live our lives, and how to function by another country.

This is not freedom, why do we celebrate it then?

What are we going to do about it? I believe that living outside of Greece has given me clarity to view the situation objectively.

This is a very important time for Greece; there is a new government, and a new young, bright and competent man has been elected in to position.

Thinking of the self-distractive element in the Greek mentality, I strongly recommend to all to support the man they have elected to do his job.

I understand he is capable, and that he has already taken major steps in restoring truth and balance in the system.

Let us all pray that soon we will have a new independence day to celebrate.

Freedom is in the heart, in the soul, in the mind. Feel free, think free. BE FREE!

THE WORLD

What greece has to do now

by Michael G. Jacobides * After weeks of media frenzy around the Greek election and the new government’s once-ambitious plans to renegotiate with the Eurozone over its debt crisis, the searchlights of publicity are shifting. For all of its bravado, Greece was pushed into a corner in an eleventh-hour deal that will extend a bailout agreement for four more months.

And although it has been given a temporary lifeline, little has been resolved.

Greece’s creditors have by and large insisted that prior agreements be honored, and told the government that its radical plans for state largesse (let alone debt forgiveness) are off the table. A few verbal tweaks (such as renaming the “Troika” — which consists of the EU, the IMF, and the ECB — the “Institutions”) were given as a political concession to the newly elected government, which had created high expectations with its electorate.

The tentative agreement with creditors reached this week is much less favorable to Greece than what was on the table last fall. To be sure, the proposal set forth by the Greek finance minister is less detailed than that of his predecessor, and leaves some room for maneuvering, but this is a mixed blessing, as the EU, the IMF, and the ECB will need to sign off on specifics. Greece appears

also to lose control of the €11 billion reserves of the Greek banking stability fund.

Worse still, the real issue, which is the possibility of lightening the real debt load by rescheduling payments and extending maturities (but without affecting the nominal value due to Greece’s official creditors), has been pushed away, and some in Germany would want to renege on a 2012 deal which reduced interest rates and extended payments.

This unfortunate state of affairs is partly the result of the difficult negotiating hand Greece dealt itself. Greece did have some good arguments going for it: It had achieved the biggest fiscal adjustment any developed country had mustered so far, stabilized its economy, and restructured its private debt. As for its official debt to the EU, the ECB, and the IMF, it consisted largely of payments that were made to pass through to EU financial institutions, between 2010 and 2012, so that the Eurozone banks and insurance companies would not be imperiled. So, clemency on loan terms might make procedural sense.

It also made economic sense, allowing Greece’s GDP to grow, and thus ultimately pay the creditors, as Paul Krugman has repeatedly argued.

The initial reactions, in particular in the press, were positive. Greeks would be able to plead their case; to ask for support; to explain why they deserved it. But the new Greek team consisted of an inexperienced and ambitious set of politicians and academics with little, if any, policy experience. And as days unfolded, perceptions about them changed. Insistence was taken to mean intransigence and entitlement; gusto was seen as lack of respect; and the unusual negotiating style (which included leaking document drafts) infuriated the negotiators in the EU. The Greek team found out that in a restructuring, the debtor isn’t in the driving seat; and that Mediterranean posturing can win you more enemies than friends in Brussels and Berlin.

At the end of a difficult process, the Greek government has ended up deciding that a collapse of its banking system and a forced introduction of a parallel currency to pay state obligations is not a price worth paying in order to keep its promises to the electorate.

The EU is notorious for putting off its hard decisions. This is precisely what it did with Greece in the first place, by not allowing it to restructure in 2010, and thus building this mountain of debt.

But this time around, kicking the can

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What greece has to do now

down the road has a silver lining in that it gives time to Greek society and polity to adjust. For ordinary Greeks, who were told by their politicians that there was an alternative way out, and that the EU would fold, it is certainly a rude awakening.

But it also means that public debate may shift from how best to renegotiate to how best to fix the Greek economy.

For all the talk of reform, little has happened on the ground: this is partly a legacy of poor leadership from the previous government as well as of the Troika’s priorities. With financial negotiations now stalled, it’s time to focus on the “hard yard” — the issues in the public sector holding Greece back, such as red tape, barriers to competition, a clientelist, incumbent-friendly state, inefficient public services, and a challenging environment for new businesses. These were things that the previous government, especially from the summer of 2014 onwards, also failed to achieve, and that the Troika was unable to push for.

Will there be progress in this regard?

Many a government has started with bold declarations, and the proposed agreement contains strong pledges. Yet

when it was in the opposition Syriza, the new party of government, blocked any effort to reform the public sector, open up the economy, or infuse competition.

It is now being asked to act against its ideology: its new commitments to stick with the agreed upon privatizations, to “fix” the pensions deficit, and to reform the inflexible labor market contradict its pre-election pledges.

Worse, Syriza started its tenure by appointing failed MP candidates to the position of Secretary Generals of key Greek ministries. The lack of experience, coupled with an inefficient public sector, does not bode well. Will an advertised collaboration with the OECD bear any fruits? It might, but so far there’s little evidence on the ground. It looks like “politics as usual,” and what will make or break this (or the next) government is moving beyond that.

One ray of hope is that some changes in the justice system may take place, and tax and duty evasion might be contained. Despite its travails, Syriza retains significant support from a large part of the electorate, which voted it in not because of its policies, but because of its quest for a fairer social system, with fewer people evading taxes or the

law. But to do so will require determination, and a shift in government and governance.

This looks unlikely. The problem is that Greece needs operational, transformative changes in the short term, and a revamping of its productive base, starved of investment as it is, in the medium term. The Greek problem isn’t, as Krugman insists, a classic problem of macroeconomic policy. It’s primarily a problem of an economy rendered uncompetitive from state inefficiency and political turmoil.

So, what can we expect moving forward? Most probably another crisis, small or large. Organizations (and countries) in crisis really wake up only on the edge of the precipice. The tragedy is that sometimes this happens too late. The Greek crisis may have abated for a while, but if its root causes are not fixed, expect it to return, soon, to rock the Eurozone. And next time around, “the Institutions” may be less accommodating.

Michael G. Jacobides holds the Sir Donald Gordon Chair for Entrepreneurship and Innovation at the London Business School.

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Central Park W & 79th St, New York, NY 10024 (212) 769-5100

Start your weekend off right at the smartest party in town, hosted by the American Museum of Natural History.

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Greek War of Independence The Ottoman oppression of the Greeks sparked the war of independence.

Greeks fought for Liberty, Human Rights, Independence. Their Nation was buried by Ottomans but again was reborn by its ashes like the mythic bird "Phoinix".

The Greek Empire of Byzantium ended on Tuesday May 29, 1453 when its capital, Constantinople, fell to the Turks.

This day is the black day in Greek history. By the end of the 15th century, Greece was under Turkish rule. Over the next 400 years, the Greeks were slaves to the Turks, deprived of their human rights, considered as second class citizens (rayas means beast in turkish language), worked and lived only for their rulers. Harems of Pashas were full of christian girls while the body guards of Sultan (Jenitsars) were christian boys who were taken by force from their parents.

The passion for freedom is best described in the war song written by Regas Velestinlis (Ferreos) in 1797: "Better one hour of free live, Than forty years of slavery and prison" .

Many attempts were made by the Greeks to gain their freedom, but they were unsuccessful and paid by greeks in very high price. The population was diminished to a critical point, and after thousands years of existence Greek race was in danger of extinction. Many greeks prefered to become musulmans just to live a descent life, others left Greece and founded flourishing communities in Odessus, Vienna, Venezia, Kiev and elsewhere.

Greeks in Constantinople although, were educated and were used by the Turks in public posts. Also in the islands, Greeks were in a better condition and after a treaty made between Ot-

toman Empire and Russia, they could travel in their merchant ships under russian flag, and they could also arm their ships to face Algerian pirates.

The situation was intollerable in Morias (Peloponnese), Roumeli (South Mainland), Epirus and Macedonia where rayas (as turks called greeks) worked all day in the fields just to be able to pay their huge taxes to the tyrants. Many Greeks rebelled against the Turks and hid in the mountains and caves. The Turks called these men "Klephtes". The Turks gave Greek villagers, who were called "Armatoloi," weapons in order to protect the Turks against the brigands.

However, the Armatoloi avoided fighting their "brothers" and in most cases, they united with the Kleftes and went against the Turks in order to destroy them. So places like Mani (near Sparte), Suli (near Ioannina) and Sfakia in Crete remained most of the ottoman period

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free regions.

These types of Greek troops such as the kleftes and armatoloi were of great importance because they gained a significant amount of combat experience.

This group was based on a simple order of rank. The "Kapetanios," being the most prominent position, was usually from a family of great warlords and had to have experience in battle. He had to be accepted by the men he would command, and his orders would not be questioned or disobeyed.

In 1814, three Greek merchants named Emmanaouil Xanthos, Athanasios Tsakaloff, and Nickolaos Scouphas established a secret organization known as "Philiki Etaireia" . The purpose of this organization was to prepare Greece and gather support for the oncoming struggle for independence. The patriotic conspiracy took place in Odessa, now city in Ukraine. As the struggle devoloped, the revolution was united with a crude plan of action. The nation was ready to start the armed struggle for independence.

The phrase "FREEDOM or DEATH" signified the Greeks' commitment to achieving their independence. On February 22, 1821 General Alexandros Ypsylantis, the leader of "Philiki Etaireia", along with a small army crossed the Pruth River, which marked the boarder between Russia, Bessarabia, and Moldavia. Unfortunately, he and his army were defeated by the Turks. The unof-

ficial but actual date of the beginning of the revolution was March 23, 1821, when Petrompeis Mavromichales, Kolokotronis, Papaflessas liberated the city of Kalamata. 24 March 1821, Bishop Germanos declared Greek Revolution in Patras. Turks found refuge in the castle of the city.

As retaliation Turks massacred thousands of Greeks (Romeoi) in Constantinople, Adrianople, Smyrne, Kydonies and elsewhere in Micra Asia. On 10th Apr 1821, Patriarch Gregorios 5th was hung. In 1822, the Turkish fleet reached the Island of Chios. The Turks murdered 50000 of the inhabitants, burned their homes and property, and the rest were sold to slavebazaars.

But for 4 years Greeks had only victories and managed to throw turks out of Peloponness, Aegean sea, Rumeli and Epirus. Kolokotronis, Diakos, Androutsos, Tzavellas Papaflessas, Karaiskakis, Miaoulis, Kanaris, Nikitaras, Ypsilantis, Makrigiannis, Mpotsares, Mavromichalis, Panourgias, Petimezas, Metaxas, Zaimis, Plapoutas, Sahtouris were some of the leaders of the war against the turkish oppression.

As the revolution in Greece intensified, many powerful nations in Europe, such as Great Britain, France, and Austria became involved. Although the governments of these nations officially sided with the Turks, their people supported Greece contributing food, money, and some even fought for the Greeks' independence. The people who supported

the Greeks were called "Philellines" .

Two great Philhellenes were the British romantic poet, Lord Byron, and the French artist Delacroix, who helped in raising money to support the insurrection in Greece (also French Victor Ugho and German Gaete supported the greek struggle). The "Philhellenes" involvement to the conflict brought attention to it, until the powers of Europe decided to intervene.

The Turks were unable to stop the revolution and so the Sultan of Turkey asked Muhammad Ali, the Pasha of Egypt for help.

So under Ibrahim Pasha, son of Muhammad, the well trained by French officers, Egyptian army successfully invaded the Peloponnesus in 1825. In April 1826, Turks and Egyptians captured the city of Messologhion where they slaughtered almost all the population.

In 1827 a treaty was signed in London in which all warfares should stop.

So European powers (Russia, France, England) sent their naval fleets to Navarino Bay on October of 1827, in order to guarantee for the observance of the treaty.

There accidentally broke a naval battle and the united Turkish, Egyptian and Tenesian fleet in a few hours, was destroyed. Finally and after Russian pressure against Sultan, the independence of Greece was declared in 1829 in Adrianople which was then under Russian control.

Greece - thessaloniki

Μνήμες “ασπρόμαυρης” Θεσσαλονίκης του Κώστα Μπλιάτκα Ο τραμβαγέρης, οι ράγες,η σκαλωμαρία, ο παγωμένος αέρας, άγρια ξημερώματα στη στάση. Στριμωξίδι, φασαρία, βασανισμένες ψυχές του μεροκάματου. Και ξαφνικά, μπαμ και κάτω. Ξήλωσαν το τραμ φέροντας τέλος σε μιαν ολόκληρη εποχή και σημαίνοντας, χωρίς να το αντιληφθούν, την αρχή μιας συζήτησης που ακόμα καλά κρατεί: Μήπως να το ξαναφέρουμε; Photo Tram: φωτογραφία Γιάννης Κυριακίδης,© Εκδόσεις Μίλητος, "Γιάννης Κυριακίδης, Ζωή γεμάτη εικόνες".

Από το φωτογραφικό αφιέρωμα του Κώστα Μπλιάτκα, με τίτλο "Λύτρωση με φως και χρόνο" που δημοσιεύτηκε στο τεύχος 50 καθώς καί μια επιλογή 3 εκ των φωτογραφιών του αφιερώματος με τα σχόλια αντιστοίχως των Γιώργου Αναστασιάδη, Ντίνου Χριστιανόπουλου και Κώστα Μπλιάτκα

α) Εξώφυλλο του 50ου τεύχους του ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚέΩΝ ΠόΛΙΣ

NEW YORK Culture Μνήμες “ασπρόμαυρης” Θεσσαλονίκης

Photo Apopsi paralia: φωτογραφία Γιάννης Κυριακίδης,© Εκδόσεις Μίλητος, "Γιάννης Κυριακίδης, Ζωή γεμάτη εικόνες".

Photo Tsioumas _ Xristianopoulos: φωτογραφία Στέργιος Τσιούμας "Εγνατία οδός 1975-1976"

Εγνατία Οδός, 1976 «Ανιχνεύοντας την ομορφιά μέσα στην κακογουστιά. Ο Στέργιος Τσιούμας ανακαλύπτει ιχνοστοιχεία της σε κάποιες οικοδομές, παλιές και νέες, της σύγχρονης Θεσσαλονίκης. Αλλά και όταν δεν τα ανακαλύπτει, τα δημιουργεί είτε με το οξύ μάτι του είτε προβάλλοντας μερικές κρυμμένες λεπτομέρειες….» Ντίνος Χριστιανόπουλος

THE FRIENDS OF HELLENIC STUDIES PRESENTS

Exploring Hellenism:

Peloponnesos

Join us, as we discover the unique history, music, dance and food of the Peloponnesos.

Featuring our keynote speaker: Dr. Nasos Papalexandrou, Associate Professor of Art History, University of Texas, Austin.

March 7, 2015 6 p.m. - 9 p.m.

Stockton Seaview Resort - Bayview Ballroom For more information: 609-652-4433 HellenicStudies@stockton.edu www.stockton.edu/ichs • www.hellenicstudies.org

Stockton College is an AA/EO Institution

The world

We welcome you to …

The Geopark - Grevena-Tethys The Geopark is an area to be explored, its landscape treasured. It has taken geologic processes hundreds of millions of years create this spectacular terrain.

From its rocky foundations to diverse natural environments, we invite you to visit and discover for yourself an area of Greece that retains its traditional values, where the legends of myth and antiquity, the tales of wars and triumphs, where centuries of land use add a veneer of history to the landscape Geologic research in the Geopark region spans the modern scientific exploration, from the pioneering study by Jan Brunn in the late 1930’s, to providing sites that contributed to the birth of plate tectonic theory in the 1960’s, to cutting-edge investigations of continental accretion, rifting, and collision underway today. We are now applying our scientific experience to open new

fields of research in bio- and geo-diversity, and to document our geoheritage.

We are active proponents of geotourism and the development of the Geopark movement as a means to invigorate the economy of rural areas.

The Geopark Grevena-Tethys includes the oldest rocks of Greece at nearly a billion years in age; the site where the ancient Pangaean Super-Continent split to give birth to Europe and Africa; the remnants of the Tethyan Ocean System that once spread from Britain to China; and the collision zone that consumed Tethys and merged the tectonic plates to their modern pattern. Within the Geopark are fossils of the greatest mammoth to roam the late Pliocene, with the world’s longest tusks ever found at over 15 feet in length. Rocks that came directly from the Earth’s mantle are carved by glaciers of the lat-

est ice ages in our glorious mountains; the climate change of that period created magnificent catastrophic canyons formed in a miraculous geological instant in time.

And it goes without saying that this is one of the Earth’s landscape treasures, known throughout Greece as “ο όμορφο τόπο,” that is… the Beautiful Land.

The Geopark is located half-way between Thessaloniki and Igoumenitsa (an hour and a half from either) with seven exits from the Egnatia Highway, and is an hour drive from Meteora. The country towns of Grevena, Deskati, and Siatista are hosts to the Geopark, as well as over 52 mountain and traditional villages. To help expedite your visit, as a tour or private trip, contact Geowonders@gmail.com *photo background by Kostas Petrakis.

new york

FROM A DARK PAST TO A BRIGHTER FUTURE: GREG KRITIKOS

by Nick Christophers Sometimes you need to survive a tragedy to find your place in the world. This would be the case for upcoming comedian/actor Greg “The Greek” Kritikos. Greg was raised on the tough streets of Astoria, Queens from 1971 through the 80’s.

He came to America from Greece at a very young age along with his father, mother and sister. His father was a professional soccer player for the team Panagialo. After he retired from the sport decided to move to New York.

Growing up in the predominantly Irish / Italian section of Astoria was not so simple for Greg. All of his countrymen lived along Ditmars Boulevard nowhere near where he was.

Unfortunately, he became a victim of bullying and was involved in many altercations. This led to his growing animosity towards life. At twelve years old that animosity grew to an almost festering cauldron.

Greg’s mother was hit by a drunken driver and she lost her leg and became an amputee. What made it worse was any help that was suppose to come from the government after the accident never materialized. These two key parts of his life led to his falling in line with the local tough element of Astoria. His new found Greek friends were tagged the “Steinway Boys” a group that even “yours truly” knew well.

Greg would end up in prison around 1988 when released he returned to the streets. Yet after many years of abusing alcohol and running with the wrong crowd something was due to break. At that time he was well over-weight at a staggering 385 lbs. He was then admitted for seven days of detox treatment at East Rockaway Saint Johns Hospital. Then three and half months at Phoenix House in Long Island City, there he

made a pact with himself to truly turn his life around.

He did just that when he meet a lady friend of his who approached him about doing stand-up comedy. At first he waived it off but then decided to take a crack at it. He soon found himself on stage at the New York Comedy club and made a go at it. For his first run he did fairly well.

“Comedy comes with pain, everyone has a story,” says Greg.

This would lead the road him doing shows in Washington, Idaho and Illinois. He has incorporated his fight with obesity, drinking and his “Goodfellas” lifestyle into his show. Locations like Spokane, WA ate up his show as Greg opened the door to a world they only see on TV. He goes by the name “Greg The Greek” which is simple and fitting. He lived in Washington for six months learning the ins and outs of the land which he added into his skit. The crowd was astonished at his knowledge of the area which helped make his show there a success. Also a close friend of Greg’s, Lou Calos produced a show in Spokane, Washington for him at the Bing Crosby Theatre. Lou is from NYC PRYME. “I found the people of that area of America very genuine.”

The first show he did in Washington was at Uncle D’s which is the #1 comedy club in the area. He knocked it out of the park and went on to states like Idaho and Oregon. The “funny bug” hit him early in life but he did not realize his potential till many years later. When he was growing up he was always attracted to the comedians in the industry. His favorite was Jackie Gleason he practically knows every episode of the “Honeymooners.”

“I am living my dream. I will never forget my first gig at the

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FROM A DARK PAST TO A BRIGHTER FUTURE: GREG KRITIKOS “Comedy comes with pain, everyone has a story,” New York Comedy club and my good friend Vito told me.

Just be yourself and you will be fine. With no script or real prep work I went out and gave them my all. It went great.”

Besides the comedy shows Greg has also entered into the film world with a big step. He has already taken on roles in five productions “79 Parts”, “City of Gold”, “Pleasure Principals”, “Psycotics” and the upcoming TV show “Scriptless”.

Besides these projects he has also began working on a film about his own life. The first of two installments is “Son of a Shoemaker” and then “Stories of Astoria”. The first chronicles his relationship with his father as the other follows him and his gang the “Steinway Boys”.

Alan Bendich is the creator/producer/director and an actor of the new TV series “Scriptless”. When Alan first thought of creating “Scriptless”, the first actor he thought of to star in it was Greg Kritikos. Unfortunately, Greg was doing his com-

edy on the West Coast playing before massive crowds. Upon Greg’s return east he heard about “Scriptless” and contacted Alan Bendich and Alan asked him to join the production.

Greg Kritkos is not only a star in “Scriptless”, but because of his acting ability, intelligence and business savvy, Alan has named him Associate Producer of “Scriptless”. Together they plan to bring this unique TV show, which will air on TV in Westchester, NY, to an ever increasing number of viewers.

“Stories of Astoria” is produced by Greg and has already hit YouTube with a one minute teaser. The man playing Greg’s father in the film is Alan Bendich who is currently working with Greg on the TV show “Scriptless”.

Greg owes a lot to Alan and has had a pleasure working with him. Greg is on a mission to keep making people laugh and developing his acting.

He is a focused and changed man. May God help us!

New York city

New York Crystal Palace New York Crystal Palace was an exhibition building constructed for the Exhibition of the Industry of All Nations in New York City in 1853, which was under the presidency of Mayor Jacob Aaron Westervelt. The building stood in Reservoir Square.

In 1686, the area now known as Bryant Park was designated public property by New York Colonial Governor Thomas Dongan. After being routed by the British in the Battle of Long Island, at the start of the Revolutionary War, General Washington's troops raced across the site. In 1807, the grid system of streets was laid out in what is now considered midtown, expanding north from the already cosmopolitan downtown Manhattan. Fifteen years later, in 1822, the land came under the jurisdiction of New York City, and one year later, was turned into a potter's field. The city decommissioned the potter's field in 1840, in

preparation for construction of the Croton Reservoir on the adjacent plot of land (now the Central branch of the New York Public Library).

The Crystal Palace and Latting Observatory Inspired by the success of The Great Exhibition of 1851, held in the famed Crystal Palace exhibition hall in Hyde Park, London, New York City began preparations for a similar exhibit on U.S. soil. The New York Crystal Palace was built on Reservoir Square, the park just west of the Cro-

ton Reservoir. Designed

by Georg Cartensen and Charles Gildemeister, the glass and metal structure was built in the shape of a Greek cross and boasted a domed roof 100 feet in diameter. It remained standing until October 5, 1858, when it burned down.

The Exhibition of the Industry of All Nations, also commonly referred to as the Crystal Palace Exhibition, featured four thousand exhibitors and displayed the industrial wares, consumer goods, and artworks of the nation. Notable exhibits included mineral resources of the U.S., the newest precision steam engines, and the largest crocodile ever captured. United States

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The New York Crystal Palace itself was destroyed by fire on October 5, 1858. When it burned, the fair of the American Institute was being held there. The fire began in a lumber room on the side adjacent to 42nd Street. Within fifteen minutes its dome fell and in twenty-five minutes the entire structure had burned to the ground. No lives were lost but the loss of property amounted to more than $350,000. This included the building, valued at $125,000, and exhibits and valuable statuary remaining from the World’s Fair.

President Franklin Pierce delivered a speech at the opening ceremony on July 14, 1853.

Built next to the Crystal Palace in 1853 as part of the exhibition, was the 315-foot-tall Latting Observatory.

Conceived by Waring Latting, and designed by architect William Naugle, this octagonally based, iron and wood tower was the tallest building at the time of its construction and offered patrons unobstructed views of Staten Island, Queens, and New Jersey. It perished in an 1856 fire.

The first of its kind in New York City, the Crystal Palace Exhibition set off one of the first major tourism booms in New York with over one million visitors. (In spite of its popularity, the exhibition’s sponsors lost $300,000 on the venture.) The exhibit closed on November 1, 1854, though the structure remained standing and was leased for a variety of purposes over the next four years.

MARIA PAPAPETROS

www.mpapapetros.com

Feel free, think free. BE FREE! I am not clear on the declarations of independence and the “free Greek spirit”. It feels to me as if we are again occupied by Germany. How did it happen? Why did we let it happen? How did we attract this situation again?

Could it be that we are used to be oppressed and cannot handle being free?

We celebrate the day the Greek nation revolted against the Ottoman Empire and got away from under their thumb.

In Greece, celebrations that day mean church litanies, and armed forces and schools proudly parading the blue and white Greek flag, in the center of every city, and spirits are high. I personally enjoy the festivities that take place outside Greece, in where millions of Greeks have made their homes.

In most of the Hellenic communities around the world, festivals are organized by the church and are held in various parks and or the church grounds. Greek music and dancing, lots of Greek food, souvlaki, kebob, stuffed grape leaves and baklava and everyone celebrates freedom.

I remember the many years I went to those festivals in California, not even once did anyone ever toasted freedom, “hey here is to Greece let’s drink to freedom.” Are we really free? Is Greece free? For hundreds of years the Turks ruled us, and then the Germans came and occupied Greece for another so many years. I’ve never really given any thought to the significance of this particular day, till I was called to write this article.

I am not clear on the declarations of independence and the “free Greek spirit”. It feels to me as if we are again oc-

cupied by Germany. How did it happen? Why did we let it happen? How did we attract this situation again? Could it be that we are used to be oppressed and cannot handle being free?

Today 2015 as a nation, we are told how to live our lives, and how to function by another country. This is not freedom, why do we celebrate it then? What are we going to do about it? I believe that living outside of Greece has given me clarity to view the situation objectively. This is a very important time for Greece; there is a new government, and a new young, bright and competent man has been elected in to position.

Thinking of the self-distractive element in the Greek mentality, I strongly recommend to all to support the man they have elected to do his job. I understand he is capable, and that he has already taken major steps in restoring truth and balance in the system. Let us all pray that soon we will have a new independence day to celebrate. Freedom is in the heart, in the soul, in the mind. Feel free, think free. BE FREE!

THE WORLD Ioannis Yannas to be inducted into the National Inventors Hall of Fame

MIT professor of polymer science and engineering recognized for inventing "artificial skin."

Alissa Mallinson | Department of Mechanical Engineering Ιoannis V. Yannas, professor of polymer science and engineering in the MIT Department of Mechanical Engineering, was recognized as one of the highest achievers in his field last week when the National Inventors Hall of Fame announced it would be inducting him at their 2015 ceremony this May. With this honor, which recognizes his invention of what has become known as "artificial skin," Yannas joins a small group of approximately 500 renowned Hall-of-Fame inventors.

Until just a few decades ago, human and pig skin were often used in burn treatments, but were commonly rejected by the body’s immune system. Immune suppressants also left pa-

tients vulnerable to infection. What's more, replacement skin often suffered from dehydration; at the time, no one had yet found a way of rebuilding skin that could maintain a normal moisture level.

In 1969, Yannas was studying the physics of collagen and the theory of viscoelasticity in polymers at MIT when he approached surgeon John F. Burke to collaborate on the problem. As chief of staff at Shriner's Burns Institute in Boston, Burke had already made significant strides in burn treatment, but was still missing a piece of the puzzle.

“He wanted something to keep the bacteria out and keep the moisture in,” says Yannas. “So I started to work on synthesizing a dressing for wounds that would speed up their closure, minimizing patients’ risk of infection and dehydration.”

THE WORLD Protecting and Promoting the Open Internet,

For over a decade, the Commission has endeavored to protect and promote the open Internet. FCC Chairs and Commissioners, Republican and Democrat alike, have embraced the importance of the open Internet, and the need to protect and promote that openness. Today is the culmination of that effort, as we adopt the strongest possible open Internet protections.

Last May, the Commission proposed a set of open Internet protections and, at the same time, asked an extensive series of questions about that proposal and about alternative approaches for protecting the open Internet. We asked about the benefits and drawbacks of different approaches, different rule formulations, and different legal theories.

We asked the public to weigh in, and they responded like never before.

We heard from startups and worldleading tech companies. We heard from ISPs, large and small. We heard from public-interest groups and public-policy think tanks. We heard from Members of Congress, and, yes, the President. Most important, we heard from nearly 4 million Americans who overwhelmingly spoke up in favor of

preserving a free and open Internet.

We listened. We learned. And we adjusted our approach based on the public record. In the process we saw a graphic example of why open and unfettered communications are essential to freedom of expression in the 21st century.

I am incredibly proud of the process the Commission has run in developing today’s historic open Internet protections.

I say that not just as the head of this agency, but as a U.S. citizen. Today’s Open Internet Order is a shining example of American democracy at work.

It should not be surprising the public engaged like never before, because the stakes of the debate before the Commission have never been higher.

Broadband networks are the most powerful and pervasive connectivity in history. Broadband is reshaping our economy and recasting the patterns of our lives. Every day, we rely on high-speed connectivity to do our jobs, access entertainment, keep up with the news, express our views, and stay in touch with friends and family.

There are three simple keys to our

broadband future. Broadband networks must be fast. Broadband networks must be fair. Broadband networks must be open.

We know from the history of previous networks that both human nature and economic opportunism act to encourage network owners to become gatekeepers that prioritize their interests above the interests of their users. As the D.C. Circuit observed in the Verizon decision and as the public record affirms, broadband providers have both the economic incentive and the technological capability to abuse their gatekeeper position.

Our challenge is to achieve two equally important goals: ensure incentives for private investment in broadband infrastructure so the U.S. has worldleading networks and ensure that those networks are fast, fair, and open for all Americans.

The Open Internet Order achieves those goals, giving consumers, innovators, and entrepreneurs the protections they deserve, while providing certainty for broadband providers and the online marketplace.

New York city

The Open Internet Order reclassifies broadband Internet access as a “telecommunications service” under Title II of the Communications Act while simultaneously foregoing utility-style, burdensome regulation that would harm investment. This modernized Title II will ensure the FCC can rely on the strongest legal foundation to preserve and protect an open Internet.

Allow me to emphasize that word “modernized.” We have heard endless repetition of the talking point that “Title II is old-style, 1930’s monopoly regulation.” It’s a good sound bite, but it is misleading when used to describe the modernized version of Title II in this Order.

Today’s Order will also use the significant powers in Section 706, not as a substitute but as a complement. This one-two punch applies both Title II, as well as Section 706, to protect broadband Internet access. It is the FCC using all of the tools in its toolbox to protect innovators and consumers.

Building on this strong legal foundation, the Open Internet Order will: Ban Paid Prioritization: “Fast lanes” will not divide the Internet into “haves”

and “have-nots.”

Ban Blocking: Consumers must get what they pay for – unfettered access to any lawful content on the Internet.

Ban Throttling: Degrading access to legal content and services can have the same effect as blocking and will not be permitted.

These enforceable, bright-line rules assure the rights of Internet users to go where they want, when they want, and the rights of innovators to introduce new products without asking anyone’s permission.

The Order also includes a general conduct rule that can be used to stop new and novel threats to the Internet. That means there will be basic ground rules and a referee on the field to enforce them. If an action hurts consumers, competition, or innovation, the FCC will have the authority to throw the flag.

Under the Order we adopt today, open Internet protections would – for the first time – apply equally to both fixed and mobile networks. Mobile wireless networks account for 55 percent of Internet usage. We cannot have two sets of Internet protections – one fixed and one mobile – when the difference is in-

creasingly anachronistic to consumers.

Today’s Order also asserts jurisdiction over interconnection. The core principle is the Internet must remain open.

We will protect this on the last mile and at the point of interconnection.

We also ensure that network operators continue to have the incentives they need to invest in their networks. Let me be clear, the FCC will not impose “utility style” regulation. We forbear from sections of Title II that pose a meaningful threat to network investment, and over 700 provisions of the FCC’s rules.

That means no rate regulation, no filing of tariffs, and no network unbundling.

During the 22 years that wireless voice has been regulated under a light-touch Title II like we propose today, there has never been concern about the ability of wireless companies to price competitively, flexibly, or quickly, or their ability to achieve a return on their investment.

The American people reasonably expect and deserve an Internet that is fast, fair, and open. Today they get what they deserve: strong, enforceable rules that will ensure the Internet remains open, now and in the future.

THE WORLD

THE WORLD

Russian lawmakers will reevaluate Germany's reparations for WWII damage Lawmaker Mikhail Degtyaryov believes the final amount of reparations to be paid to Russia, which is the legal successor to the USSR, will stand at â‚Ź3-4 trillion MOSCOW, February 3. /TASS/. Deputies of the State Duma, the lower house of Russian parliament are setting up a workgroup that will calculate the damage that Germany inflicted on the Soviet Union during World War II, Izvestia daily said in an article published on Tuesday.

Upon the completion of computations, the workgroup plans to issue a demand to Germany for reparations.

The initiative was brought forward by Mikhail Degtyaryov, a member of the supreme council of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR). He said Germany had paid practically no reparations for the devastation and carnage during World War II. The USSR got some German assets, furniture, clothes and manufacturing equipment under Yalta agreements from the Soviet sector of control. And although an agreement on cessation of reparations was signed with the German Democratic Republic, no such agreements were ever signed with the Federal Republic of Germany before or after reunification.

Mikhail Degtyaryov believes this issue remains open and quite topical, all the more so that today's Germany continues inflicting damage on Russia as it presses forward with unlaw-

ful sanctions on the part of the EU. He believes that the final amount of reparations to be paid to Russia, which is the legal successor to the USSR, will stand at â‚Ź3-4 trillion.

Russian experts say, however, that although claims against Germany are well-grounded, repayment of reparations is possible only upon an interstate agreement and it is practically unrealistic to recover any reparations seventy years after the end of the war.

New Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras earlier spoke about a possibility of making reparation claims for the damage his country sustained during World War II but Germany made it clear it was not going to pay anything.

As for the efforts of the workgroup set up by the Duma deputies, the chairman of the committee on defense, Admiral Vladimir Komoyedov believes its activity is essential now.

He feels confident that the Russians must know how far back Germany pushed the USSR in terms of development during the war considering the irreparable loss of human resources.

The exact number of Soviet citizens who died during World War II is not known to date, although most historians and statisticians believe the figure stands between 25 million and 27 million people. One of the most illustrative examples in this case is the Siege of Leningrad that lasted almost 900 days and took away the lives of more than 650,000 residents of the city.

THE WORLD Ο Γρηγόρης Αυξεντίου, ο σταυραετός του Μαχαιρά, υπήρξε, όπως χαρακτηριστικά αναφέρουν οι συναγωνιστές του, η προσωποποίηση της πολεμικής αρετής στον αγώνα της ΕΟΚΑ. Γεννήθηκε στις 22 Φεβρουαρίου 1928, στο χωριό Λύση, μεταξύ Λευκωσίας και Αμμοχώστου, που τώρα είναι κατεχόμενη από τους Τούρκους εισβολείς, από αγροτική οικογένεια. Η ζωή του, τα οράματα του, οι περιπέτειες του, ο μυστικός του γάμος καθώς ζούσε στο μοναστήρι δήθεν σαν μοναχός και τέλος ο θάνατος του μέσα στο φλεγόμενο κρησφύγετο του Μαχαιρά, στις 3 Μαρτίου 1957, δεν έχουν απλώς το στοιχείο του απροσδόκητου και του μοναδικού. Τον καθιστούν ένα μυθικό ήρωα απαράμιλλου ηρωισμού.

ΓΡΗΓΟΡΗΣ ΑΥΞΕΝΤΙΟΥ Έτσι πολεμούν οι Έλληνες Ήταν μια Κυριακή στις 3 Μαρτίου το 1957 στα βουνά του Κυπριακού Όλυμπου, στον Μαχαιρά. Η ελληνική ιστορία επαναλαμβάνεται, ωσάν ο χρόνος στο πέρασμα των αιώνων να μην σταμάτησε ούτε λεπτό... Ο Λ ε ω ν ί δ α ς ζωντανεύει και πάλι το μεγαλείο της φυλής των Ελλήνων, το ΄Μολών Λαβέ΄ του ήρωα Γ ρ η γ ό ρ η Α υ ξ ε ν τ ί ο υ έρχεται σαν ΄ιαχή΄ αντίλαλου της χιλιόχρονης ιστορίας μας: «Μάθατε πως πολεμούν οι Έλληνες..., τώρα θα μάθετε και πως πεθαίνουν - ΄Μολών Λαβέ΄»! Ήταν δυο το μεσημέρι. Ο Γρηγόρης άνοιξε την πόρτα και βρήκε το τραπέζι στρωμένο. Ήταν όλοι εκεί και τον περίμεναν. Ο Λεωνίδας των Θερμοπυλών, ο Μιλτιάδης του Μαραθώνα, ο Γέρος του Μωριά, ο Αθανάσιος Διάκος... Όλοι, όσοι μελέτησε, όσοι θαύμασε, όσους ήθελε να μοιάσει ήταν εκεί και τον περίμεναν. Εκεί ήταν κι ο Επίσκοπος Κυπριανός, έτοιμος να τον μεταλάβει απ’ το δισκοπότηρο των

THE WORLD

ΓΡΗΓΟΡΗΣ ΑΥΞΕΝΤΙΟΥ ΄Αθανάτων΄. Πήρε τη θέση του ο Γρηγόρης, αυτήν που του φύλαξαν, κι άρχισε να τους εξιστορεί τη μάχη: ...Ήταν μισή ώρα μετά τις τέσσερις τα ξημερώματα, όταν οι αγγλικές αρβύλες πατούσαν στο στόμα του κρησφυγέτου. «Μας πρόδωσαν» ψιθύρισε ένα απ’ τα παλληκάρια του Αυξεντίου, αφού άλλος τρόπος να ανακαλύψουν την κρυψώνα τους, δεν υπήρχε. Όπως δεν υπήρχε και τρόπος να διαφύγουν. Όχι βέβαια πως το ήθελαν… «Βγείτε έξω, αλλιώς πυροβολούμε» απειλούσαν οι Βρεττανοί στρατιώτες. Με ριπές απαντούσαν οι αγωνιστές στο κρησφύγετο. Όταν έπεσαν οι πρώτοι νεκροί, οι αποικιοκράτες άρχισαν να καλούν ενισχύσεις. Ο Υπαρχηγός της ΕΟΚΑ, ζήτησε από τους συναγωνιστές του να παραδοθούν. Αυτοί απρόθυμοι και οι τέσσερις, όμως ο Αίας, ένα από τα ψευδώνυμα του Αυξεντίου, δεν ήταν απ’ αυτούς που μπορούσες να αψηφήσεις τις διαταγές του. «Σας έδειξα πως να πολεμάτε», τους είπε. «Τώρα, ήρθε η ώρα να σας δείξω και πως να πεθαίνετε». Οι Άγγλοι λύσσαξαν. Απειλούσαν, φοβέριζαν, πυροβολούσαν ακατάπαυστα, έριχναν χειροβομβίδες… τίποτα! Ο Σταυραετός του Μαχαιρά απαντούσε με το κροτάλισμα του όπλου του. «Γρηγόρη, παραδώσου» φώναζε σε σπαστά ελληνικά ο Άγγλος στρατιώτης. «ΜΟΛΩΝ ΛΑΒΕ» ακουγόταν η φωνή του Λεωνίδα απ’ τα βάθη της Ιστορίας! Μια χειροβομβίδα έσκασε στο στόμιο του κρησφυγέτου και τ’ όπλο του Γρηγόρη σίγησε. Κανένας όμως δεν τολμούσε να πλησιάσει και να δει. Οι Άγγλοι, έστειλαν τον Αυγουστή Ευσταθίου να τραβήξει τον Ζήδρο έξω. Αυτός ωστόσο μπήκε στη

σπηλιά. Μισοκαμένος ο Αυξεντίου, με το αίμα να κυλά στο ταλαιπωρημένο κορμί του, ήταν έτοιμος για τον δεύτερο γύρο της μάχης. Απλά ξαπόσταινε για λίγο… Μεσημέριασε.

47 στρατιώτες είχαν πέσει νεκροί στη μάχη με τον Ανταίο της ΕΟΚΑ. Η ξεφτίλα των Άγγλων ήταν ασήκωτη. Το ρεζίλεμα που κατέγραφαν οι παρόντες δημοσιογράφοι, οι οποίοι κλήθηκαν να αποθανατίσουν τη… «σύλληψη» του Μάστρου, πρωτοφανής. Η μάχη έπρεπε να τελειώσει άμεσα. Οι σ Άγγλοι στρατιωτικοί και μηχανικοί, απεφάνθησαν ότι μόνο με ανατίναξη του κρησφυγέτου, θα απαλλάσσονταν από το πείσμα του Ρήγα. Το ελικόπτερο σηκώθηκε γεμάτο με μπιτόνια βενζίνης. Τα άδειασε στην κορυφή του λοφίσκου και τα πυρπόλησαν. Λαμπάδιασε ο Γρηγόρης. Άναψε το άγιο, το ανέσπερο φως του Ελληνισμού. Πετάχτηκε η ψυχή απ’ το σώμα. Ορθώθηκε λεύτερη, περήφανη, σπινθηροβόλα. Φωτίστηκε απ’ τις φλόγες του Γρηγόρη και φωταγώγησε ολόκληρη την Κύπρο, ολάκερο τον Ελληνισμό. Έγινε σύμβολο ανδρείας, αυταπάρνησης και ηρωισμού για ένα ολόκληρο γένος. Από τα Φυλακισμένα Μνήματα όπου είναι θαμμένες οι χοντρές κοκκάλες του Γρηγόρη και λιπαίνουν τα κυπριακά χώματα, από τον Μαχαιρά όπου λεβέντικα στέκει ο ανδριάντας του και αγναντεύει την Κύπρο, από το πάνθεο των ηρώων που φτερουγίζει η ψυχή του, ο Γρηγόρης Αυξεντίου μας δείχνει την στράτα την ίσια. Την στράτα της αρετής και της εντιμότητας. Την στράτα προς τα σκλαβωμένα από τους Τούρκους πάτρια εδάφη της Κύπρου μας: την Κερύνεια, τη Μόρφου, την Αμμόχωστο…»!

The redundant fictions of Greek debt The author is a Reuters Breakingviews columnist.

The opinions expressed are his own.

Greece has a lot of problems. No one would argue about some of them. GDP is too low, the unemployment rate is too high and the new Syriza government is untried. The question of whether the country has excessive sovereign debt is another matter.

There is a heated debate, which is marred by the refusal to recognise four truths.

By Edward Hadas February 4, 2015 The first ignored fact is that net present value (NPV) is the only fair way to value bonds. The idea and the calculations are familiar to those who work in finance. For anyone else, it is enough to know that the lower the interest rate on a bond, the lower the true value.

When non-Greek politicians proclaim that they will never accept any reduction in the value of the Greek debt they hold, they aren’t telling the truth: they already have accepted a substantial write-off of the NPV, and they are mostly willing to accept more.

Insistence on the sanctity of the principal amount may make domestic political sense in Germany or France – just as Greek voters loved the apparently now abandoned insistence on a reduction of that value. But both sides are promoting a false economics.

Of course, politics matter in these debt negotiations. The underlying questions are always about European solidarity. How much and what kinds of support does Greece deserve from the rest of the European Union?

Perhaps the NPV fiction once helped find answers to these questions, but it is now a source of political instability. Creditors see the exaggerated sum of outstanding debt as a risk and a sign of Greek incompetence.

Greeks see a threat of endless corrosive meddling.

The second fiction is that since the crisis, Greece’s creditors have provided the country with massive amounts of money. True, the raw numbers sound large. The Macropolis consultancy calculates that the total funding between 2010 and 2014 came to 254 billion euros, or about a quarter of the cumulative GDP over the five-year period.

But the vast majority of the loan money was given right back to the creditors as interest payments or loan repayments and some went to support Greek banks, keeping them from defaulting on their European obligations. Adjust for that, and the actual transfer is between 3 percent to 7 percent of Greek GDP over the period.

The lenders’ contribution is large enough to justify their influence on Greek policies.

However, a more honest analysis also supports Greek complaints of lender overreach and indifference. Creditors have shown far more interest in keeping their own accounts whole than in funding and supervising the institutional revolution justly called for by Yanis Varoufakis, the new finance minister in Athens. The arguments about how much aid Greece has wasted and how much it deserves would be more fruitful if they were based on realistic estimates of the money actually received.

When Greece’s euro zone partners show an interest in helping Greeks deal with the pains of austerity, they draw a line. They say there is no way they can violate the EU ban on what are known as fiscal transfers. National governments can lend to each other, they declare, but the German government must not give direct support to Greek citizens or companies.

This shibboleth of no fiscal transfers is the third sham. The EU is a bloc with big governments and free movement of people, funds and goods. Money is always moving from one state to the citizens of another.

There is a quasi-fiscal transfer to Greece when a German spends a state pension in a Greek retirement home or when European Central Bank programmes finance Greek banks at a low interest rate. There is a qua-

si-fiscal transfer away from Greece when a Greek-educated emigrant pays taxes in France.

The net Greek gain or loss from the euro zone quasi-transfers could be the matter of a fruitful debate, but clinging to the pretence of absolute fiscal sovereignty undermines the essence of the EU. The bloc is indeed a union, in which many gains and costs are shared. The strong and rich are supposed to support and nudge the weak and poor, with money as required. If the actual and potential implications of crossborder fiscal arrangements were included in the debt negotiations, the process would certainly be more honest. It might well also be more successful.

The final falsehood is moral. Reneging on the payment of debts is not necessarily a sin, as Greece’s creditors would have it. Nor is the demand that the Greek government fulfil its debt contracts an act of repression, as Varoufarkis sometimes seems to believe. In truth, too many mistakes have been made on both sides to allow any moral absolutism. The way forward is to forgive a bit, forget a bit and work together. Both Greece and Germany remain better off as partners in the European project than as self-righteous defenders of weak moral positions.

Each of the four types of dishonesty probably served a valuable political purpose at some time. What the poet Thomas Stearns Eliot said of humankind is certainly true of European voters and leaders – they cannot “bear very much reality.” However, even noble lies can eventually outlive their usefulness. Greece and the rest of Europe deserve a full, frank and fully honest debate.

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