Eline Bugarin_Enabling infrastructures by EMU European post-master in Urbanism at TU Delft

enabling infrastructures

rethinking urban informality in Guadalajara Eline Bugarin | EMU thesis -TuDelft | June 2012

enabling infrastructures

INTRODUCTION

1. NOTIONS OF URBAN INFORMALITY 2. GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

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2.1 METROPOLITAN EVOLUTION OF GUADALAJARA THE AGRARIAN ORIGINS OF THE CITY PERIPHERAL GROWTH: HOUSING THE NEW POPULATION TRENDS FOR GUADALAJARA 2.2 A CITY OF POLES POLARITY OF THE LOCALE: THE CASE OF CERRO DEL CUATRO THE METROPOLITAN POLES 3. RETHINKING CONDITIONS

3.1 URBAN INFORMALITY XXI: EMERGING MINDSETS NEW INTERPRETATIONS OF INFORMALITY RETHINKING CONDITIONS 3.2 LEARNING FROM SÃ&#x192;O PAULO CASE STUDY CONTEXT FINDINGS EXAMPLES 3.3 SETTING OPPORTUNITIES TOOLS AND GUIDELINES 4. TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

4.1 ENABLING THE LOCALE 4.2 METROPOLITAN REFLECTIONS 5. CONCLUSIONS & REMARKS

INTRODUCTION During the Emu program a number of issues related to urban form were raced as means to initiate the discussion on the urbanization patterns that emerge from new territorial forms of occupation such as urban sprawl. At the same time, there was an emphasis on raising an environmental awareness in planning practices, leading towards an exploration of new strategies for territorial management highly supportive of local natural conditions. The study of these subjects along the EMU programme prompted an interest in exploring the urbanisation patterns that emerge in the context of Mexico where, as in many other parts of Latin America, urbanisation has been to a large extent by means of informal urban growth. Opposite to Europe, urbanisation in this context emerges in a spontaneousâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;almost organicâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;way but also in highly unequal conditions. The case of Guadalajara city poses a good example of these dynamicsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as in the rest of Mexico, and to a large extent of Latin America,

industrialisation triggered the rural-urban migration that have characterised cities in process of modernisation. However, the socio economic inequalities that exist in the country have resulted in a metropolitan process which finds urban informality a common practice of urban growth. Nowadays the metropolis of Guadalajara houses over four million inhabitants of which an estimated 20 percent live in such conditions. The resulting is a city with a very complex situation as environmental degradation, social segregation, and unequal access to basic services and infrastructure; are but common urban problems of Guadalajara and, according to Moser and McIlwaine, of most cities in Latin America (2006). This is further aggravated by the lack of efficient city planning and political corruption, making urban growth in this context the greatest example of political and environmental instability.

INTRODUCTION

In general it could be said that the complexity of urban informality responds to both causalities and correlation; and in this sense, is impossible to present it as a clear cut cause-effect problem. For this research however, particular attention is paid to the evolution of informal settlements in the city of Guadalajara and its relation to the metropolis. From an urban perspective, this could seem a very obvious step. However, as it will be highlighted throughout this research, the question of urban informality has been often disentangled from the discourse of the city—more so in the context of Guadalajara. It is proposed through this research that by bringing the discourse of informality to the discourse of the city, informality is no longer understood as sectorial but rather as a mode of urbanisation. This is aligned to Roy’s proposal that states urban informality as indicative of an organising logic, a system of norms that governs the process of urban transformation itself; and in this sense, rendering informality as a series of transactions that connect different economies and spaces to one another (Roy, 2005 p. 148). On a first instance, the main intention of this research has been to explore mindsets towards informality, as to reflect what it means in the 21st century metropolis to deal with conditions of injustice and unequal distribution of services. This raises questions not only of economic resourcefulness, but also of environmental risks; and more so, how their unequal distribution poses serious threats for informal communities X

INTRODUCTION

in Guadalajara—adding burdens to their already stressful situation. Certainly, these questions have been addressed before in European contexts by Viganó (2009), providing insightful perspectives on the revalorisation of what they call the diffuse strata. As the case of Guadalajara brings striking similarities to the issues of polarity and environmental risks raised by Viganó; one of the purposes of this research is to explore the question of what can we learn about similar experiences from so called Third World experiences? Moreover, taking the city of Guadalajara as a case study, one of the main purposes of this thesis is to reflect upon the failure of currently implemented strategies in overcoming the state of exclusion and negligence that people living in informality face. It is premised that gearing towards an integration of informal settlements and its inhabitants to the urban life necessitates different (multidimensional) approaches capable of reconciling the different problems emerging of such complex and dynamic urban processes. In this endeavour, particular interest is paid to the role of infrastructural systems as enabling mechanisms of new spatial, and economic organisations that may prove fruitful in improving the livelihoods of communities living in urban informality—empowering the locale. To an extent, this report can be read in two parts. The first one is an initial more descriptive and theoretical approach that aims to contextualise situations that

have contributed to informality. This also aims to raise some of the mindsets and conceptualisations embedded in current approaches towards informality. The second one is more explorative, and aims to portray the authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s conceptualisation of informality within the metropolis, and thus identify possible scopes of action. Through this exploration, a study comparison with the city of Sao Paulo will be used with the purpose of informing proposed strategies with similar, but more developed, examples. Hence, the case study comparison will be used a tool to examine

some of the premises of this research, but also to build up knowledge on alternative models of governance that enable bottomup organisations. Although one of the final goals of this thesis is to formulate strategies as a framework to guide the upgrading and future development of informal settlements; it simultaneously aims to open the discussion on current planning practices in the context of Mexico. Therefore the aim is also to reflect on current governance practices and on the advantages of introducing alternative models of intervention which challenge inefficiencies of applied models.

INTRODUCTION

NOTIONS OF URBAN INFORMALITY

1.1 TRENDS AND CLIMATES IN MEXICO AND LATIN AMERICA Since its first manifestations, informal urban sprawl has been one of the greatest concerns towards urbanisation in the context of Latin America. Despite this phenomenon saw its peak expression in the period of 1950 to 1990 (confirm), informality continues to be a common form of urbanisation in many Latin American countries. When explaining the causes of urban informality; industrialization, urban to rural migration and population growth are often referred causalities. Even though in reality these have been tendencies shared by most cities throughout the world, in developing nations the contrast arises when taking into account the troubled economic, political and social climate that paralleled most of Latin America in the second half of the 20th century. In the case of Mexico it is interesting to analyse the correlation between urban and population growth and its relation to

economic policies adopted in the aftermath of the economic crisis of 1981. Previous to this decade, industrialisation through import substitution was seen as a strategy to stir economic development. Such strategies required major infrastructural investments which pushed most of Latin American countries—and Mexico among them— to acquire increasingly disproportionate amounts of debt (Shefner, 2008). The economic crisis then emerges from the inability of countries to cope with such amounts of debt. In the aim to ameliorate the problem, governments were pushed1 to adopt ‘structural adjustments’ that generally implied austerity policies relying on cutting subsidies to consumers, along with social 1 Shefner points out that institutions such as the IMF (International Monetary Fund) and the World Bank, have systematically pushed developing countries to adopt radical political measures often in the interest of global financial markets.

NOTIONS OF INFORMALITY

100%

50%

1900

1950

source: United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), 2007

2000 urban growth EU urban growth LA

2050 social housing EU social housing LA

[Fig. 1] Contrast of urban population growth and social housing investment between EU & Latin America

spending cuts on health, education and housing. Shefner further argues that this has led to an ongoing situation of debt pressure where in the aftermath of the crisis, neoliberal thinking pushed countries of Latin America to govern in ways that disadvantaged their own populations (Shefner, 2008, p. 26). Although it has been recognised that these policies indeed contributed to decrease economic instability and thus reduce poverty in Latin America (Loayza, Fajnzylber, & CalderĂłn, 2004); the abandonment of social welfare states2 has also brought about greater social and economic disparities. This is particularly relevant when analysing the urbanisation process of most metropolises in Mexico, since inevitably these decisions are tightly interlinked to the emergence of

informal settlements.

The real estate market as provider of social housing One of the most evident consequences of the abandonment of the welfare state is presented through the case of social housing in Mexico; more specifically with the adoption of new schemes based on private ownership. Although social housing schemes managed and/or regulated by the Estate had a very short live in the history of Mexico, the initial models bared a certain resemblance to the European ideals of social housing followed after the Second World War. In a historic review of social housing policies and models, GarcĂa Peralta (2010) makes note of housing developments through renting schemes, particularly in the case of Mexico city during the decade 2 Understanding welfare states as policies of 1940. On the one hand, these schemes aimed to cater for the housing needs of designed to ameliorate poverty.

NOTIONS OF INFORMALITY

[Fig. 2] social housing examples in Mexico

the bureaucracy; and on the other, aimed at stirring economic development through the construction sector. From the 60s onwards, this model was replaced by the private ownership housing market that seemed to prevail throughout the world; and which was easily adopted in Mexico because of the economic momentum that the country was undergoing at the time. This meant that social housing was still to an extent available for both medium and low income families. Nowadays, this is far from possible. On this regard, Lรณpez Rangel et. al (1987) highlight a meeting held in 1985 in Costa Rica, in which countries of Central America participated. During this meeting the Inter-American Agency for Cooperation and Development (IACD), in view of the severe economic crisis across Latin-America, suggested that all governments of the region should not continue to subsidise housing. Further suggestions were for the private enterprise to assume, as a business, financing and production of that commodity. Thus the role of the Estate should be narrowed down to the sole task of regulator, but providing also schemes that could allow people to build their own housing gradually (Lรณpez Rangel, et al., 1987 p. 10). Undoubtedly Mexico adopted such measures along with other austerity measures. It is difficult to assert whether or not these were the right decisions, as it is clear that the Estate was simply unable to finance subsidies. But what it is evident is the impact these decisions had for the vast majority of the low income population, who were unable to cope with

NOTIONS OF INFORMALITY

the prizes of a private-led housing market the abandonment of the welfare state can that depended on capitalist ideals of private be found on the lack of support for agrarian ownership. based models of production. Together with the demand for land to accommodate Although the intention here is not to urban growth, the lack of support for provide a full review on social housing agricultural production has exerted great policies in Mexico, it is important to pressure on ejido territories—a communal highlight the negative implications of based territorial structure for agricultural adopted models on the urbanisation production. Ejidos constitute about 52% process of most metropolises throughout of the national territory (fig 3), and have the country. Clearly, one such negative been the main source for urban expansion implications has been the emergence of both for formal and informal types of informal settlements through self-built development. means in unserved and at times hazardous areas. At the same time, a second important Historically, ejidos emerged in response implication is the failure of market driven to the agrarian estate demarcations by social housing, which has proved disastrous the Spanish crown known as haciendas, for most metropolises. In fact, it is fair to say regulated under the Leyes de Indias that there is a wide consensus on the failure (Indigenous Laws). These imposed of these models (see for example (García production regimes saw its end with the Peralta, 2010); and (Núñez Miranda, agrarian reforms proclaimed during the 2007)), which ultimately responds to Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) which two notions. First and foremost, housing resulted in the new Mexican Constitution continues to be unaffordable for the low of 1917. Through the establishment of income. And second, the lack of government the new constitutional rights, and with regulations has given complete freedom for the agrarian law portrayed in Article 27; development to private markets. ownership of all land was attributed to the nation. It therefore granted the state the The consequences of unaffordable housing right to regulate landholding in the public are obvious. What it is not obvious interest (Varley, 1985 p. 2). This type of perhaps is the disruptive character that ownership structure meant that ejidatarios housing developments impinge on the (people granted permission to use this urban tissue; either built in the form of land for agrarian purposes), did not have gated neighbourhoods, or of disconnected the right to sell, rent or mortgage land to mono-functional areas with no public non-ejido members. These measurements transport. sought to protect Mexican patrimony from dominance of foreign investors. However, Ejido territories over time this has become one of the Perhaps indirectly, a second consequence in major problems of city growth throughout 6

NOTIONS OF INFORMALITY

private/estate ownership communal (ejido) territories [Fig. 3] Ejidos distribution throughout Mexico own production based on information by the SRA (SecretarĂa de la Reforma Agraria)

Mexico. Despite most ejidos are located in rural areas, many are to be found adjacent to large cities. This has proved troublesome particularly in the case of Mexico city and Guadalajara (Siembieda, 1996). More emphatically as in the aftermath of the economic crisis of 1981, informal urban growth took place mostly in these types of land holdings. Two factors can be identified that contributed to the informal urbanisation of ejidos. The first relates to the lack of affordable housing, especially after the crisis, which forced people to look for alternative affordable options. This usually meant peripheral land of a primary agricultural

vocation with no infrastructural services. The second factor is related to the detriment of small scale agricultural production which often led to agricultural producers and thus ejidatarios, to find the sale of their plots as a more profitable option. However, because ejidatarios do not hold per se the entitlement of the land apportioned, the exchange of land properties was done through informal means. At the same time, the social type of ownership meant that local and federal governments could only reacquire the land by means of expropriation. The lengthiness of the process, and certainly the social struggles that in some cases arose with these measurements, often impeded local governments to

NOTIONS OF INFORMALITY

have immediate access to available land, further constraining their ability to cope with housing needs. Altogether, this created a cycle which ultimately led to the proliferation of informal settlements as means of the low income to self-generate an uncovered need. In 1992, prior to NAFTA agreements, a reform was passed that allowed for the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;privatisationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of ejidos, giving full property rights to ejidatarios who so wished; and making thus possible to sell, rent and mortgage the land. The reform aimed to surpass the problem of ownership acquainted to informal settlements and subsequently to urbanisation. There are however confronting opinions on the true achievements of this reform (see ( Jones & Ward, 1998)), as some argue that in fact privatisation has rendered ejidos more vulnerable to urbanisation and to the real estate market. Truly, nowadays, ejidos are often the means for urban expansion. As it will be illustrated along this research, particularly for the case of Guadalajara, metropolitan growth has been to a large extent the interplay of these two actorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the ejido and the real estate market. Certainly, it is an interplay that has largely influenced informal urban growth and its relationship to formal patterns of urbanisation in the Metropolitan Area of Guadalajara. relationship to formal patterns of urbanisation in the Metropolitan Area of Guadalajara.

NOTIONS OF INFORMALITY

GUADALAJARA:

PRECEDENTS & PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

2.1 URBAN INFORMALITY: THE PERIPHERAL GROWTH OF GUADALAJARA The evolution of Guadalajara as a metropolis has been largely determined by the surrounding territory and the forms of production associated to it. This is reflected in the agrarian vocation of the city that established colonies adopted. With the transitioning of estates into social property structures pushed forth by the ideals of the agrarian revolution, the organisation and ownership structure of the surrounding territory has been radically changed. Moreover, with the adoption of new models of production and the subsequent population and growth dynamics, such forms of territorial organisation have absorbed new patterns of urbanisation reflected in peripheral growth. In this sense, informal settlements in the context of Guadalajara, paralleled not only the disparate economic and social dynamics of Mexico at the time; but they also paralleled an urban process largely determined by the interstitial urban-rural dynamics proper of many metropolises in

process of modernisation. In this pursuit towards modernisation and consequently of ongoing urban growth, ejidos have played a fundamental role in the urban dynamics of the city; in which they have transitioned from spaces of production, to spaces of consumption. Indeed, it can be said that informal settlements constituted a first step of this transition that accentuated the periurbanisation process of Guadalajara. In this sense, the growth of the city has been demarcated mostly by two poles. On the one hand, there is the eternal exodus of the upper classes from the inner urban fabrics, seeking more peaceful and exclusive places to live. And on the other, there is the struggle of the migrating rural and urban low-income population to find affordable places to live. This interplay has inevitable rendered ejido territories more vulnerable, which in the eyes of real estate developers became a highly profitable market to cater for both informal and formal interests.

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

The agrarian origins of the city The establishment of the city in 1542 during the Spanish colony responded to the need to have a node of communication between the West and East side of Mexico (Cruz Solis, Palomar Anguas, & Cabrales Barajas, 2000, p. 693). The location of the city, in the Valley of Atemajac, was chosen primarily on the vast natural resources available— the good hydrological conditions, woods providing good timber and a vast highly fertile area with good opportunities for agriculture and livestock (Luz Ayala & Jiménez, 2004). Thus the foundation of the city was strongly linked to its natural surrounding landscape and the resources available which allowed haciendas (estates) to be highly productive and flourishing businesses. Notably, the landscape was also used as an element of social demarcations. An example of this is the now channelized river San Juan de Dios serving as a natural divide between indigenous communities and colonies, which many argue has been the beginning of a class differentiation for the city. For long time, Guadalajara along with the rest of Jalisco, would affirm its national position through the flourishing haciendas, which became major agricultural producers at a national level; mostly through the production of corn. The highly productive haciendas and the establishment of colonizers in the region made of Guadalajara an important epicentre for Mexico since its very early stages. In 1888, the introduction of a railway connecting the Pacific to the city, the role 14

of Guadalajara as a trading centre was also affirmed (fig 4). The agrarian origins of the city meant that in the aftermath of the Revolution, many ejido demarcations were established in the adjacencies of the city, sometimes substituting former haciendas. The first ejidos around Guadalajara were established in 1921 (Siembieda, 1996, p. 374)—immediately few years after the proclamation of the new Constitution. However, ejido demarcations continued to be established well until the mid-50s and expansions of these demarcations continued until the 70s. What is interesting to note is that contrary to other cities in the country with a more concentrated distribution of ejido holdings (for example Mexico city), in the case of Guadalajara they are to be found in a scattered pattern around the city (fig. 5). The proximity of some ejidos to the city, meant that their urbanisation began as early as in the 1940s; when the city’s expansion started to take off at a much faster rate. Because at this point ejidos were still under a social property scheme, the only means for municipalities to access this land was through an expropriation process granted by the Federal government, under the acknowledgement that such actions were for the common interest of the city and its citizens. In the case of Guadalajara this usually meant an infrastructural expansion, such as a road.

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

[Fig, 4] The distribution of Haciendas in 1902

20 km

[Fig. 5] Ejido Territories around the city in 1920 (hashed areas)

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH 0

20 km

Peripheral growth: housing the new population Along with the rapid urban expansion that Guadalajara started to experience in the 70s, an accentuated peripheral urbanisation process began. In real terms however, peripheral urbanisation in Guadalajara had already been initiated previously by the wealthy (usually descendants of previous hacendados) often in conjunction with developers. In fact, land speculation was already a common practice; but this was usually to cater the needs of the upper classes. With the industrial growth of the city as a step towards modernisation, and the subsequent population growth (both from internal and external processes), institutional efforts were made in conjunction with private entities to introduce to the market housing units and serviced plots. But they were usually too expensive for the majority of new residents who were often of a lower income profile. As a result, the low-income often looked to more peripheral land usually cheaper due to the lack of services, but of larger sizes than plots offered through formal markets. Inevitably, these lands were often available through ejidos, which were also suffering the agricultural detriment common throughout Mexico and often forcing producers to see land sale as a more profitable option. In this sense, the most accentuated form of peripheral urbanisation was through self built housing on purchased ejido land, available

through informal markets1 either directly from ejidatarios or through intermediary agents. Notably, this often meant a speculation process initiated by officials and coordinated with developers. In which either ejido or private land was acquired and later subdivided into smaller rectangular plots which followed the grid pattern replicated throughout the city. In this sense, informality in the context of Guadalajara refers mostly to the occupation of land not qualified as urban and thus outside the government norms. The problem of titling in this case is mostly related to corruption (plots sold several times) or to an unclear evidence of the acquisition of the property (for example unclear receipts). Nevertheless, informality in Guadalajara also happened through â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;formalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; or planned land speculation, but this has been only to provide housing and facilities for the upper class. With the Agrarian reforms passed in 1992 which encouraged full private property rights for ejidatarios2, a formal 1 The term informal has been preferred over illegal as in reality the sale of ejidos was not really penalised, as often officials also participated and profited from these transactions. 2 Although the reform sought to change property rights to private ownership schemes, this was by no means imposed to ejidatarios. Ejidatarios had the the right to choose whether or not to move towards private schemes, and the decision always depended upon approval of the majority of ejidatarios.

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

[Fig. 7] In green, Informal settlements from 1970 to 1990

20 km

[Fig. 6] Developments initiated by the real estate market, both formal and informal from 1970-1990

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

type of peri-urbanisation also sprawled. Private property titling made it easier to acquire land from the now owners (which was in essence the goal of the reform), and therefore ejidos became more susceptible to urbanisation. Historically in Guadalajara there has been a lack of a consistent planning apparatus and almost a null reinforcement of building regulations. As a result, urban growth has been largely determined by real estate markets which are given almost complete freedom in deciding new developments. On first instance, this has triggered a new peripheral pattern of expansion for the city, where informal settlements are no longer the marginal peripheral areas in the city; rather, they are gradually becoming social enclaves within the city. This has become more acute as the real estate market functions also as promoter of social housing, often in the form of gated neighbourhoods that previously characterised only upper class developments. On a second instance, the lack of visionary planning has resulted in a haphazard urbanisation on unsuitable areas and at the expense of highly productive agricultural land. The reinforcement of urban expansion, both formally and through speculation, has left behind large amounts of high quality vacant space in the more inner fabric. It will be shown further on, this vacancy is also extended to parts of the informal fabric as the gradual introduction of services has increased land values; forcing again low income populations to seek for yet cheaper places to live. 18

â&#x2013;ś [Fig 7] Growth of the city over time., to its current state, the darkest colour shows the current situation (right) â&#x2013;ś [Fig 8] North-South section showing the Distribution of population (inh/ha) in relation to housing units (hous/ha) (down)

housing & population distribution level of exclusion

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

Trends for Guadalajara Despite Guadalajara hosts nowadays about 4.2 million people, these growth patterns have led to a very low density throughout the city. It is estimated that about 20% of the urban fabric is constituted by informal settlements, although this figure varies within each municipality. Conversely, since the past decade informality is no longer a major form of urbanisation. However, this does not mean that the problems associated to informal settlements are overcome. Even though efforts have been made to introduce basic services such as water supply and sewage, a 100% coverage has yet to be achieved, and communities are still deprived of many services. At the same time, the interplay of ejido territories and the real estate market continue to be the main form of urban growth for the city. Thus in the continued process of city expansion, informal areas are gradually becoming social enclaves in which a deeply rural landscape and precariousness coexist with wealthier, at times opulent surrounding neighbourhoods. This is often seen through new housing developments, targeting both low and high income population, in the form of gated communities which further polarise and disrupt the urban tissue. It has become clear then, the project for Guadalajara (if any is to be recognised) it is one of a multiplicity of private enterprises, of disconnectedness and of politics. 1.1 A CITY OF POLES

The polar nature of Guadalajara, as many other parts of Mexico, is intricately related

▶ [Fig 9]Aerial from cerro del cuatro in 1961. ▶ [Fig 10] Previous agricultural plots, with running streams and infrastructure ▶ [Fig 11]Existing urban grid imposed on the landscape,

to institutional attitudes based in neglect and mismanagement. The poor institutional response, especially with regards to urban planning, has proved insufficient for the needs of Guadalajara’s low income families, as favouritism and clientelism have been the modus operandi. This attribution is partly inherited from the historic family ties of the bourgeoisie established during the colony, whose economic position asserts them the right to influence decision making. Undoubtedly the entrepreneurial spirit of the elite has been important for the economic life of the city; but their conservative nature has nurtured highly repressive dynamics of patronage. Notwithstanding, elites also made great contributions to the public sector in providing infrastructure and maintaining the urban amenities that made Guadalajara once famous for its liveability. But this was in return of institutionalised influence over the city’s decision making (Shefner, 2000, p. 343), reinforced by the 70 years of the PRI’s political dominance in Mexico3. 3 PRI stands for the Spanish equivalent to Institutional Revolutionary Party. This political party occupied the presidency from 1929 to 2000, as well as most of the State government chairs throughout the country.

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

[Fig 12] Paved street at the top of cerro del cuatro

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

[Fig 13] Paved street at the top of ce

erro del cuatro

For the city in general this meant that infrastructural services and improvements were mostly directed to cover the needs for the wealthier inhabitants, an attitude completely opposite to that towards informal settlements. This has resulted in polarities almost at two scales. At the fine grain of the informal fabric, access to services has become politicized resulting in the unequal distribution of services; thus increasing social and spatial disruption. At the broad scale of the metropolis, this has led to a widely polarised urban landscape in which enclaves of wealth and precariousness coexist; although with very different ways to experience the city. Polarity of the locale: the case of cerro del cuatro The polarity of the fine grain can be better understood through the example of Cerro del cuatro which is a neighbourhood located on a hill in the southern outskirts of Guadalajara. The hill is locally known with the same name and sits within the boundaries of the municipality of Tlaquepaque. As the city is located in a wide valley, the hill has become a landmark; making the area around it well known for the locals. It is unclear when people started to establish in the area, but by 1974 it became the first informal settlement to be ‘recognised’ by officials— wherein this meant simply acknowledging its existence. By 1994 the area had vastly extended, housing an estimated of 300,000 people (Shefner, 2000, p. 346). After almost 40 years of existence, the area still

presents quite a precarious landscape; although some efforts have been made to introduce services to the area, it has not been widespread. Shefner narrates on the unequal distribution of services among dwellers of this area, relating access to services to the support for the political party in turn: Street paving on Cerro del 4 appears haphazard. A few streets are semi-paved with stones, punctuated by pits, potholes and bare spots. Although there is little apparent logic to the paving, the logic becomes more apparent after mapping out areas of PRI and opposition affiliation. Areas aligned with the PRI are most likely to be paved; opposition areas are less commonly paved, and areas with no neighbourhood political association are entirely neglected. Some streets are paved for several blocks and serve as bus routes, while others are paved for only one block and are bordered by unpaved streets. Most streets on the hill consist of hard-packed earth driven by streams of waste water and sewage. Larger trenches cut into the streets where small streams converge, especially during the rainy season when water cascades down the hill. Power lines hang overhead throughout most of the neighbourhoods. Many houses tap into the lines that pass overhead, the response of residents who grew tired of waiting for the Federal Electricity Institute to install home lines. Some blocks are notable for their electric meters, demonstrating residents’ legal electricity. The installation of legal electricity again mirrors support for the PRI, so neighbouring blocks display a checkerboard pattern of access (Shefner, 2000, p. 346).

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

▶ The historic division line of the city

Perhaps this checkerboard pattern can be also explained by the lack of a clear strategy towards informal settlements and their gradual incorporation to the city fabric. Despite eradication threats were frequent at the beginning, overtime this position has diminished as institutions have acknowledged the gains of urban informality (housing the poor), and the high costs that eradication would bear on the institutions. Thus, national policies have sought to respond through legal actions that tackle the problem of titling, often referred as a process of ‘regularisation’. The tendency is that people would most likely obtain property titles, encouraging informal dwellers to withstand the long wait for services. Certainly the cultural and economic advantages of 24

granting ownership rights have been acknowledged over time, supported in the argument of ownership as a mean for access to participate in the economy through financial credits. Bearing with this the thought that it creates opportunities for self improvement. However, the benefits of land titling in Mexico have been quite limited in achieving livelihood improvement; mostly because it obviates the fact that human capacity development is largely dependent on access to urban life— to granting the ‘right to the city’ (Roy, 2005, p. 148). Inevitably this raises the evidence of a much needed participation of local levels of governance, in whose capabilities relies such fundamental right.

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

inventory of accessibility +

no access to sewage

access to public services (formal jobs)

too small dwellings

population to housing ratio

precarious dwelling characteristics

highly educated population

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

The metropolitan poles It is difficult to portray the polarity of Guadalajara through other means than space itself; where the discontinuity of the urban landscape demarcated by infrastructures is most evident between the East and West sides of the city. The EastWest polarity responds to the historical separation of classes that retraces its steps to the San Juan de Dios river, now running channelized underneath the Independencia avenue. The avenue cuts the city from the industrial centre to the natural northern border of the city; and it is continued to the south by adjoining the Federalismo avenue, which hosts a light rail line. Both avenues present how the landscape and the infrastructural systems become axes of division in the city, marking conditions of deprival; almost as in a similar way as in the fine grain illustrated by the cerro del cuatro case. However, the peripheral patterns of urbanisation, first through informality and now through real estate developments, no longer respond to a clear description of two separated poles. Rather, the city is gradually revealing a greater heterogeneity distributed throughout the territory, wherein polarity is understood through a question of accessibility (to infrastructures and services), or the lack thereof, among the residents of the metropolis. A possible understanding of this phenomenon of heterogeneity could be posed through the interplay of the political forces which trigger polarity at the two scales; an intermixing of the realities of the locale with that of the metropolis.

In understanding the coexistence of this multiplicity of poles, the question of institutional response becomes fundamental. Taking again the case of cerro del cuatro, it is hard to believe that in the nearly 40 years of its establishment and the so called recognition, so little improvement has been made. Streams still run downhill every year during the raining season carrying peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s belongings downstream; heavy floods continue to happen; and unpaved streets and decaying homes are but common. Paradoxically, some of these problems are not unique to the informal areas, particularly when taking into account the severe problems that the city faces in regards to the hydraulic system and mobility. Then the characteristic of polarity becomes not only a question of accessibility but also a question of vulnerability, which inevitably raises problems in relation to the infrastructures and their performance.

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

▶ Qualities of deprival extremely marginal marginal wealthy extremely wealthy no data available

20 km

extremely marginal ▶ Qualities of welfare marginal wealthy extremely wealthy no data available

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH 0

20 km

mely marginal nal hy mely wealthy a available

extremely marginal marginal wealthy10 extremely wealthy no data available

20 km

GUADALAJARA: PRECEDENTS AND PATTERNS OF A POLARISED GROWTH

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

3.1 URBAN INFORMALITY XXI: EMERGING MINDSETS During the previous chapter a number of issues in relation to urban informality were raised: how the process of informality relates to economic and territorial dynamics; how informality is bounded to a status of legality and the inconsistency of this with political actions; how informality triggered a process of peri-urbanisation and how its marginal position has changed overtime as the city continues to expand. Throughout these issues a thread emerged on relation to institutional neglect as an agent of spatial and social disruption; contributing to the polar character of the city. But what is it that has triggered such negligence towards informality? It is proposed here that it is a matter of mindsets; that is, how informality is perceived and addressed. Taking the case of cerro del cuatro, Shefner in his studies, makes note of the struggles of communities with planning officials as threats of eviction were frequent at the beginning. This led to self-organised

institutions whose endeavour was to guarantee their establishment, and demand access to services. As a result of this, institutions have stopped criminalising informality, but this has not guaranteed the recognition of informal settlements as part of the urban fabric. An example of the state of no recognition is the lack of any clear definition of informal settlements in municipal planning documents; that is, there are no specific areas identified as in need of attention. Another example can be seen in the Housing Law of the State of Jalisco, passed in 2000, where the focus is 1) regularisation of private land, and 2) it targets social housing (low-cost houses provided by private markets) for income groups earning 3 to 10 times the minimum salary1 (UN-HABITAT, 2005, p. 84). One 1 Minimum salary for the region of Guadalajara is 60.57 MXN (Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Público, 2010); about €3.48 at exchange rate of June, 2012. RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

of the positive sides of this law is a call for local agents to take on responsibility on their contribution to trigger a situation of informality. However, there are several paradoxes to this law. The first one is that is only targeting a very narrow scope of informality, as most of informal settlements take part on ejidos ruled under social property schemes. A second paradox is the focus on social housing developments rather than self-built houses, as certainly, the former are more in need of attention. These actions pose an attitude of norecognition of the problem, where the actions taken towards informality are rather tangential and no clear strategies are laid out to recognise and address the problem. This also proves that good intentions are not enough, and that new mechanisms should be introduced to address informality comprehensively. It is proposed here that a fundamental step is to rethink informality; what it is, what it represents for the city, and thus how it should be addressed. New interpretations of informality A possible reinterpretation to urban informality arises from the idea that accounts urban informality as a mode of urbanisation, rather than a sector (Roy, 2005); wherein informality is viewed and thought through a different mindset that surpasses the question of legitimisation and the political struggles that come along with it. And so through this understanding acknowledge informality as a series of transactions that connect different economies

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

and spaces to one another (Roy, 2005, p. 148). Such reinterpretation aims at bridging the connotations of independency and indistinctness often found in the discourse of informality, which inevitably forces one to think about these places in isolationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as blind spots in the city in terms of Brillembourg and Klumpner (2010, p. 125). Fundamentally, this also fails to acknowledge how important people living in informality are in sustaining the economic performance of the city. The consequence is a vicious cycle which entails the exclusion of urban informality from the discourse of the city, thus preventing a sustained improvement of the livelihoods of depressed communities. However, it is important to acknowledge that such recognition entails not only questions of economy, but also questions of spatial and environmental attributes which hinder development and distribute problems unequally. Analysing the case of Guadalajara this surfaces environmental and spatial problems with affect at two scales: the metropolis and the locale. Spatial problems The spatial problems challenge current policies towards informality based solely on regularisation. Although indeed secured titling has benefits, it proves insufficient. This is perhaps better portrayed through the case of cerro del cuatro, which in over 40 years of establishment still presents great conditions of deprival. It shows that through legalisation individuals are granted the security that eradication or eviction is

convoluted & inefficient public transport

no longer a possibility, but it ignores the importance of accessibility to the urban life. In this sense, the serious problems of Guadalajara in relation to mobility, but more importantly on public transport, pose serious constrains in making the urban life accessible for the low income in informal areas (FigX). Despite efforts have been made to introduce more efficient systems such as a BRT line and a light rail, the system has little coverage.

In the case of cerro del cuatro, ‘feeding’ bus In the case of cerro del cuatro, ‘feeding’ bus lines that connect to the BRT system were lines that connect to the BRT system were

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

BRT line and its feeding bus lines

Road traffic in BRT access areas to cerro del cuatro

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

introduced a couple of years ago; however, the bus network still must face the heavy traffic caused by trailers which use the same roads, and consequently slow down the system. Furthermore there are no clear bus stops, and the ‘feeding’ lines have very limited coverage.

often face problems of ‘natural’ floods, which in some cases has become more severe with the introduction of services. This has been the case of cerro del cuatro, in which seasonal streams have caused severe damages to dwellers, resulting even in casualties.

Environmental problems

In general, the problem of water managements surfaces the fact that problems which account for the entire metropolis expose situations in deprival; so that the question of polarity and accessibility, do not distribute risks and problems equally.

The isolation in which informality is treated by local planning agencies reflects the insufficiency of responses on physical improvements. It evidences that although the provision of basic services; such as clean water and sewage; is absolutely fundamental, it covers only a very narrow scope of the problems faced by communities living in informality. This is particularly seen in the severe environmental problems the city is facing as a consequence of bad management: Too much water is being extracted from deep aquifers and nearby lakes, resulting in subsidence and mudslides; and in the gradual loss of water reserves. Sewage is being disposed on open waters (to passing rivers and channels) without previous treatment causing major problems of pollution, particularly for informal settlements. The sewage system is at under capacity and in bad maintenance, which causes severe floods during raining seasons. Particularly floods, are a continuous thread to whole metropolis, as they occur every year, making the roads inaccessible for both private and public transport. Moreover, most informal settlements are situated over a much wider network of natural streams and floodable areas. This means that they

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

environmental risk - hydraulic system

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RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

Rethinking conditions In thinking that the priority for the city of Guadalajara should be to reduce the inequalities that exist in social, environmental and spatial terms, different set of actions and approaches towards informality should be proposed. Although examples such as the Cerro del Cuatro, show that there has been a certain institutional will, the problem is that it has not been consistent and it has been enormously politicised. For this reason it is proposed here that in order to breach the environmental and spatial deficiencies, is necessary to introduce mechanisms that incentivise participation at two scales: the community, and institutions; wherein the main goal is set to improve communities’ livelihoods and granting them full rights to the city. And so the emphasis of this research is given in addressing these two notions. Thinking that the challenge relies on guaranteeing a consistency in the implementation of programs and interventions, it is absolutely necessary to envision a series of steps and actions that overtime could elevate the quality of life of communities. This raises the importance of infrastructures as ultimately responsible in organizing physically and socially the production of space throughout the different scales that comprise a city. It is proposed here that the aim has got to be thinking beyond ways that surpass dysfunction, and thus to think about strategies which set the seeds to invest in a profitable and healthy future for communities living in informality; and 40

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

through this, rendering the future of informal communities as sustainable and striving places. In this understanding, it is argued that a necessary step is to link communities to the landscapes they inhabit as means to re-integrate society and space in the evolutionary process of the city. Therefore, in thinking possible of scopes of action, the idea of ‘soft’ infrastructural devices for water management can prove more beneficial in a number of ways: they require less investment and maintenance, can host a vast array of program with high social values, and ultimately, can host more extreme water regime situations and thus aid in avoiding catastrophes. Likewise, the restructuring of the existing public transport network, can widen the accessibility of communities to the city. In this sense, infrastructures are thought as systems that enable opportunities to develop human capacity while improving life quality for communities; as a system that facilitates resources to alleviate the state of instability informal communities often face. Therefore, new infrastructural landscape devices, such as swales and wetlands, could offer alternative approaches to effectively manage the territory, particularly in relation to the hydraulic system. However, recent attention has been paid to upgrading strategies and their actual effect on the improvement of communities, questioning the limited effect of physical interventions on improving communities’ livelihoods. This has been supported by authors who suggest that although physical

improvement is absolutely necessary, raising human capacity becomes fundamental (Roy, 2005) (UN-HABITAT, 2008). Moreover, as much wider experience on upgrading strategies exists in other contexts, there is reflection on the unintended consequences that physical interventions may pose, thus acknowledging that upgrading is also about laying out conditions that incentivise economic and political participation of communities, and in so doing, guaranteeing the right to the city. For this reason the case of SĂŁo Paulo is addressed as a method to gather experience from other practices of the possible constrains that these ideas may pose.

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

3.2 LEARNING FROM OTHER EXPERIENCES: SAO PAULO CASE STUDY Since urban informality is an urban condition shared by many other countries in the world, different strategies and approaches can be found in multiple contexts; some more successful than others. Therefore, a case study can prove helpful in gathering and comparing experiences of similar examples but with different approaches. Yin for example (2009), highlights the usefulness of case study research as a method to gather relevant evidence on the efficacy of particular “treatments” that in turn produce a particular (desired) “effect” (Yin, 2009, p. 16). Yin also points out on the inability of case study research to find a direct answer to the efficacy of “true experiments” and thus argues that the validity of a case study research relies on the possibility of regarding the case studies as important evidence to complement (one’s) experiments. Following this line of thinking, the case of São Paulo has been chosen as a method to gather empirical knowledge from what is recognised as an example of best practice, and through this process understand how and why upgrading strategies towards informal settlements have become successful. Moreover, as both cities have very similar contexts in which informal urbanisation and environmental risk are part of the urban question, it is possible to contrast approaches and mindsets. In this sense, the case study is presented in the manner of key findings that prove relevant to the case of Guadalajara, either

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

to be incorporated in the strategies or to highlight possible deficiencies or problems that certain strategies may pose. context São Paulo is the largest city of Brazil hosting nearly 18 million inhabitants distributed in the 38 municipalities that comprise the metropolitan region, representing about 10% of the total population of Brazil (Prefeitura da cidade de São Paulo, 2011, p. 8). The city underwent a similar process of urbanisation to that of Guadalajara: From the 1950s it began to expand because of rural-urban migration and it followed up by a process of natural growth at a very rapid pace (nearly 6% annually). The inability of municipal institutions to accommodate this growth triggered the emergence of informal settlements. More so as land prices soared because of the high demand on available urban land, which inevitably pushed low-income groups to find means to self-provide for housing needs, often in quite remote and haphazard areas (Budds & Teixeira, 2005, p. 89). This has been more accentuated as the city is located within two major water basins to the north and south of the city, next to which many informal settlements are established. Contrary to the case of Guadalajara, where all informal settlements are denominated in the same manner, in the case of São Paulo, there are different types of informal settlements identified:

1948

1977

1987

2000

Fig. X an example of theDOS urban growth of Paraisópolis, a loteamento irregular. IMAGENS AÉREAS DE PARAISÓPOLIS E SEU CRESCIMENTO AO LONGO ANOS

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

Em 2005, foi iniciado um processo de urbanização e regularização dos imóveis

Cortiços. A multifamily collective form of housing, constituted by one or more buildings in the same lot, which is subdivided into several rooms, subleased or transferred in any way. The lack of space in these type of settlements leads to overcrowding, and to several functions to be performed in the same room. They characterise for their precarious infrastructure and sanitary conditions, with very bad ventilation.

population. Loteamentos irregulares. Lots who’s titling cannot be regularised because they do not comply with the established land uses and allotment rules. Despite residents usually paid for the lot, there is no guarantee in obtaining legal ownership.

Núcleos urbanizados. Conceptually related to a favela that has already received infrastructure but is ha not yet been Favelas. Self-built dwellings settled in regularised. public or private land. They are usually For long time already, the municipality associated with problems of land titling, of São Paulo has been a frontrunner in lack of or poor infrastructure and public implementing alternative policies towards services, usually inhabited by low-income

30% informal 17.8 million inhabitants

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

upgrading of informal settlements. The successful examples in upgrading may be widespread knowledge, but perhaps less known are the radical administrative and political changes which have facilitated these interventions. Such changes have occurred from national to local urban planning agencies, and have sought to introduce a more integrated concept of urban development by addressing policies that range from social housing to environmental stability and urban intervention. This has been aligned to what is recognised in this research as a change of mindsets, of which its highest expression can be found in the City Statute; a law

approved in 2001, during the presidency of Ignacio Lula da Silva. Likewise, since 2001 the SEHAB, Municipal Secretariat for Housing and Urban Development of São Paulo, with the introduction of new municipal policies has been a frontrunner in introducing upgrading programmes with a special interest in the low income. Overall, the focus of both national and municipal policies relies on the provision of infrastructures and public services as the central point of interventions, which also include community centres, leisure facilities and space for commercial units. At the core of these interventions, lies the commitment to involve communities’ participation

changing mindsets ‘There are no magic formulas or easy discourses: the housing problems in the city present shocking facts and statistics, and therefore require a continuous policy, serious and of long term.’ ‘...The important thing is to understand that the construction of the city must be based on the understanding and mutual acceptance of differences, in pursuit of social inclusion and of an integrated and proactive involvement of governments, institutions and civil society.’ source: Prefeitura do Sao Paulo, Urbanização de Favelas, p. 14

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY



in the decision making process, which is aligned to the idea that self-built housing is considered as an already made investment by the population, and thus acknowledging that reallocation can be more expensive. At the metropolitan level, São Paulo has also defined strategies promoting urban regeneration of the city centre targeting the low income, and thus attempting to reverse the tradition of reallocating low-income families in the peripheries of the city. All these strategies are the resulting alignment of national and municipal governments enacted in the City Statute, which has consequently led to what is called a ZEIS demarcation, translated as Zone of Special Social Interest. The ZEIS demarcations set guidelines on relation to urban planning and plans, urban management, market ZEIS denominations in the São Paulo Metropolitan Region source: Prefeitura de São Paulo regulation and social participation in the elaboration of projects. All which have resulted in a comprehensive set of legal  actions that regulate institutional response, priorities of intervention, and market behaviour for each type of informality. The following page highlights some of the most Color code upgrading strategies  relevant strategies which have resulted from  infrastructure principles the new policy framework for housing and  urban development.  environmental principles 

financing target strategies housing strategies institutional strategies community strategies

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

findings introduction of infrastructures and services as a first step towards upgrading (no titling necessary)

subsidised housing for the low-income

Securing land values & usage through penalties

Resettlement of families living in high risk areas

purification & sanitation (reservoir-basins programme)

Finance schemes to mobilise public investment in housing & direct subsidies to poorest families

Community participation in decision making

Housing renovation of existing dwellings

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

Melissa K. Matsunaga, Melina Giannoni (autores), Suzel Maciel e Christian Werthmann (consultoria em paisagismo), Wagner Garcia (consultoria em estruturas) EXECUÇÃO DAS OBRAS: Consórcio Schahin Engenharia e Carioca Christiani Nielsen Engenharia

example implemented POPULAÇÃO BENEFICIADA: 9.800 famílias programs - cantinho do ceu ÁREA DO LOTEAMENTO: 2.000.000 m²

The project deals 2 with loteamentos PAISAGISMO: 380.000 m (área do parque) irregulares in the area of Cantinho do REMOÇÕES: 1.650 construções Ceu. The aim was to integrate strategies PAVIMENTAÇÃO DE VIAS: 80.500 m2 ofDRENAGEM: water 7.management of the Billings 250 m reservoir with upgrading programs, LIGAÇÕES DOMICILIARES DE ESGOTO: 470 unidades which corresponds to the Environmental Sanitation ANO: 2009 Program of the Upper Tietê Watershed. The objective to protect LOCAL: Subprefeitura Capela dowas Socorro Região Sul São Pauloof fundamental and maintain thedequality sources of drinking water for the city, for which families in high environmental risk

CONEXÕES do Céu – Entre a casa e a água CONEXÕES Cantinho doCantinho Céu – Entre a casa e a água

São Paulo

areas had to be reallocated; mostly those along the shore. The project also involved the introduction of sanitation lines, and complementation of the road system. The shore was rehabilitated as a linear park for the community, combining recreation and leisure facilities; and it was done also with the purpose to create a buffer zone that would prevent the appearance of more informal dwellings.

Cantinho do Céu

Localização do Cantinho do Céu na Represa Billings

linear park project after the reallocation of families

1. CAMPO DE FUTEBOL 2. PISTA DE SKATE 3. RETORNO AUTO 4. PRAÇA 5. MIRANTE 6. ÁREA INFANTIL 7. DECK 8. ACADEMIA DA TERCEIRA IDADE 9. CAPOEIRA DANÇA DE RUA 10. PASSEIO/CICLOVIA 11. ÁREA DE PINGUE-PONGUE 12. PASSARELA 13. ÁREA DE ESTAR

First stage implementation of the project all images source: a cidade informale do século XXI, exposition curated by Marisa Barda

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

example laboratory of ideas - cantinho do ceu The approach of integrated upgrading strategies with water management has triggered the implementation of more innovative ideas, which embed the notion of sustainability. With this, is incorporated the notion of softer approaches towards water management, through a system of ditches and wetlands to collect and slow down water and encourage infiltration. In return the system also provides public space facilities, and leisure areas.

water purification project proposalâ&#x2013;ś

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

3.3 SETTING OPPORTUNITIES Thinking that the aim is to breach environmental and spatial deficiencies which make informal settlements more vulnerable, the case of SĂŁo Paulo has surfaced that the integration of strategies can be more beneficial. The case has also highlighted some of the problems that could be faced in introducing these programs directly to the case of Guadalajara, more so in relation to institutional will, or what has been acknowledged in this research as a question of mindsets. Another major problem is the enormous administrative changes that Brazil has had over the past decade, and which have set strict housing regulations and subsidies. Unfortunately, this is not the case of Mexico, and so in thinking in more immediate scopes of action an important question is how to move forward? Attempting to answer to this question, the proposed strategies of intervention stem out of the idea that as long as funding becomes one of the main constrains for the formulation of projects, it will be impossible to stir any positive change for these communities. Along this discourse, it is presented the idea that offered solutions in relation to the landscape as well as supporting infrastructures, could become devices of economic production. In turn, this would allow to build up a trust fund that creates institution-community partnerships for future projects to be implemented. And so by an accumulation of step-by-step implementations paired

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

down with achieved revenue, it could be possible to ensure continuity of projects, thus leading to a gradual improvement of these areas. Through the envisioning of possible applications at the local level, it is investigated how such infrastructures could generate or enable positive changes that feedback to the community. In this sense, the case study from SĂŁo Paulo has been used as a way to inform specific set of actions that can be beneficial in the case of Guadalajara.

reduce spatial & environmental vulnerability

guide urban growth

guarantee continuity of projects

incentivise community participation

{

4 main goals

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

tools and guidelines

intervention

green infrastructures

protecting - safetiness - preservation - production

mobility infrastructures

connecting - connectivity - public transport

Guiding mechanisms

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

principles of intervention

generative

common improvements housing improvements

enabling financing enabling program

community centres - schools new housing recreation community improvements micro-business

principles of performance

enabled programs

RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

TESTING STRATEGIES:

CERRO DEL CUATRO

4.1 ENABLING THE LOCALE The case of the communities in cerro del cuatro has been surfaced throughout the document, and as mentioned, there has been little response towards the provision of infrastructures and facilities, although sewage services and clean water have been introduced already. However, little attention has been paid to the problems of the area in relation to water management. As the area sits on a former volcano, the hill known as cerro del cuatro, it is an important

ground water recharge zone 56

erosion

area of ground water recharge, and thus the area is covered in a wide network of seasonal streams. This means that yearly, streams run downhill freely, causing severe damages. Moreover, especially in the southern areas, the retention basins overflow, flooding the dwellings that sit next to the basin. Besides the environmental problems, the area also has a history of criminality, poverty, and unemployment.

landslides

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

seasonal floods landslides polluted streams

neglected transport ntwk degrating housing abandonned housing criminality family violence unemployment excluded indigenous communities

} } }

environmental

spatial

social

population density 203,72 inh/ha average housing density 51,35 houses/ha age distribution 38,30% kids 57,45% adults 4,24% seniors percentage 1,91% unemployment

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

Guiding Mechanisms & principles of intervention

green infrastructures flood protection system (swales & retention basins -wetlands)

enabled program through vacancy

mobility infrastructures public transport network

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

Guiding Mechanisms & principles of intervention Existing water flows

1 1

water run-off

2 2

3 3

floods

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

4 4

5 5

Existing mobility flows

1 1

traffic slow-down 2 3 possible traffic deviation

no hierarchy

5 5

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

guiding mechanisms - green infrastructures

1 1

preservation

2 urban growth limit

3 3

flooding area

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

4 4

5 Proposed water flows

flooding area

guiding mechanisms - mobility infrastructures

1 1

2 2

proposed bus hierarchy

3 3

4 4

proposed mobility flows

proposed new lines

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

green infrastructures- enabled program

protection system water retention recreation

typical sections - retention hills

existing profile protection system water retention

bus stops increased safety

existing profile

typical sections - retention downhill

‘courtyard’ water flow

existing profile

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

typical sections - bio-swales

productive-public framework enabled program- informal market line

flooding area - wetlands enabled recreation space

typical sections - floodable areas wetlands

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

second phase enabled program - biomass production distributed individual & collective improvement

60% housing improvement

40% community

The network of bio-swales and attached vacant land forms the production system for biomass generation. Different crops can be used depending on the wetness of the lot; flooding areas can host reed beds. While the large scattered vacant plots can produce different types of crops such as corn.

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

Large vacancy- production regimes

Through the production regimes, the large vacant plots also become means for institutional bodies to regulate the price of the land, and thus avoid problems of speculation, and have more control over future implemented projects.

Small scale vacancy- production regimes

Communities are also incentivised to join the production regime through small scale crops that take over the small vacancy. Through the introduction of penalisations for unoccupancy owners are encouraged to either take part on the production regime or allow the usage of the plot in exchange of a reduced percentage of the production line.

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

distributed individual & collective improvement - tandas system

The tandas system wherein organise

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

third phase enabled program through mobility network - housing

Within time, the public transport system and the achieved landscape qualities, can be attractive for new housing units. The mobility network sets the areas available for new social housing schemes, while enabling the re-usage of abandoned new housing units

(250 m , & 500 m buffer zone of bus lines)

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

Framework - guiding mechanisms & strategies

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

Where to start - pilot projects

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

4.2 Metropolitan reflections Designation of attention areas Learning from the case of SĂŁo Paulo, it is suggested the necessity of incorporating to planning documents the designation of attention areas. On a first instance, this could be helpful in creating an inventory of environmental, spatial and social conditions found problematic within informal settlements. At the same time, this could allow to have more consistency in implementation of strategies that following

administrations can pick up from. An example of how to inventory some of the social conditions is shown on the right hand side. Although it would be highly advisable to frame more specific conditions such as incomes and forms of employment, so as to assess the possible programs that could be further incorporated into community projects, and which could be considered as a second enabling moment

2 5 3

extremely marginal marginal wealthy extremely wealthy no data available

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20 km

1) mesa colorada

population density 224,73 inh/ha

average housing density 23,56 houses/ha age distribution 40% kids 56,70% adults 3,21% seniors percentage unemployment 2,04 %

2) los camichines population density 47,21 inh/ha average housing density 11,49 houses/ha age distribution 35% kids 59,74% adults 1,80 % seniors percentage unemployment 1,8 %

3)la gigantera population density 134,90 inh/ha average housing density 38,41 houses/ha age distribution 36,4% kids 60,04% adults 3,51% seniors percentage unemployment 1,73 %

4) cerro del cuatro population density 203,72 inh/ha average housing density 51,35 houses/ha age distribution 38,30% kids 57,45% adults 4,24% seniors percentage unemployment 1,91%

5) la primavera population density 112,99 inh/ha average housing density 27,69 houses/ha age distribution 39,99% kids 36,86% adults 1,92% seniors percentage unemployment 1,92 % RETHINKING URBAN INFORMALITY

Rethinking the informal periphery and the dialogues with the city Nodes for intensification The new guiding framework poses a good opportunity to rethink the growth patterns of the city. With an estimated 30% vacancy in the periphery which includes vacant new dwellings, the necessity to expand the boundaries of the city becomes overshadowed. Still, more specific rules and guidelines should be set as to control land values and flexibility to the market to acquire land.

Points of destination The peripheral distribution of informal settlements means in most cases a relationship with beautiful surrounding landscapes. This could be an interesting opportunity for informal settlements to provide leisure and recreation points which lack in the inner fabric, and thus reinforcing territorial dialogues.

Possible

expanded

BRT network

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

Opportunities

to accommodate future housing stock

View of the city from cerro del cuatro

TESTING STRATEGIES: CERRO DEL CUATRO

CONCLUSIONS AND REMARKS

The problems regarding urban informality have been addressed extensively through many studies and projects. However, as has been framed throughout this research, the tendency is to think about informality mostly as a situation to be found in cities, more so within Latin American contexts. Thus the main argument has been an attempt to understand informality from a different perspective which recognises it as the mode of constructing the city. This is a fundamental step in the discussion, for it acknowledges informality as a dynamic in itself, and certainly one of outmost relevance to the performance of cities. The precarious conditions found within informality take a completely different level when taking into account some of the most contemporary pressuring issues for cities around the globe, such as environmental degradation. This surfaces how the unequal distribution of services renders people living in informality more vulnerable to extreme situations; nevertheless these are rarely addressed in the responses provided by institutions, which are mostly framed

in legal terms. Although certainly in this research the legalisation of informality is recognised as an important step in the process of granting rights to the city, it is also acknowledged that this is simply not enough. For this reason, emphasis has been paid throughout to the notion of mindsets and the consequent responses towards informality that this triggers. Through the example of Guadalajara, it has been shown how informality, and the condition of precariousness found within it, can go beyond spatial terms to frame a political struggle between residents and officials; and how this has triggered an accentuated form of polarisation in which deep contrasts coexist. Moreover, through the case of cerro del cuatro, it has been showed how institutional attitudes and behaviours further polarise conditions at the fine grain, turning the problem of accessibility to services, and infrastructure into a question of political affiliation. Within this context, the research project explores what informality as an urban process implies first in metropolitan terms, and secondly in conditioning life opportunities. CONCLUSIONS AND REMARKS

Through the exploration of these two notions—the metropolis and the locale— the attempt has been, on a first basis, to explore possible new approaches towards informality in Guadalajara; and on a second basis, to internalise what informality as a form of urbanisation means in spatial terms. In so doing, attention has been paid to infrastructures as mechanisms capable to function both, as agents of disruption, and as enablers.

the goals they attempt to achieve. Most contemporary research and intervention projects targeting informality, agree on the need to take further steps that move beyond the constraints of pure physical improvement by offering platforms upon which individuals are also given the opportunity for self-improvement. Thus the proposal of productive landscapes presented through the intervention strategies, has been addressed as a possibility to generate such platforms while addressing Formulated proposals stem from the fundamental needs such as safety and idea of regarding infrastructures as an accessibility to the city. opportunity to rethink situations of deprival in a contemporary context when At a broad overview, the proposed environmental degradation and socio- guiding mechanisms are thought as a spatial disruption are two of the major good framework to provide an alignment burdens of urbanisation. In this sense, of multiple strategies considered as this research project also opens up the fundamental in guaranteeing the discussion on the role of infrastructures in environmental and social soundness of the the urbanisation process of Guadalajara, metropolis of Guadalajara. finding on a first instance an interesting opportunity for the city to rethink the role of its periphery, and the future territorial dialogues that can arise with it. Beyond offering a possible approach—a set of actions really—towards upgrading strategies of informal settlements in Guadalajara, the research highlights the necessity of multidisciplinary approaches in rationalising urban processes, more so with regards to urban informality. The administrative problems of Guadalajara highlight the necessity having a plan; a vision of a future outcome to stir actions. Of course then the question arises on what particular actions are taken and

CONCLUSIONS AND REMARKS

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