Jesus Garate _ Industrial Vulnerability.

INDUSTRIAL VULNERABILITY ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES FOR THE INDUSTRIAL VALLEYS OF NAVARRA

JESUS GARATE - EMU thesis 2013

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INDUSTRIAL VULNERABILITY ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES FOR THE INDUSTRIAL VALLEYS OF NAVARRA

JESUS GARATE - EMU thesis 2013

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INDUSTRIAL VULNERABILITY

ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES FOR THE INDUSTRIAL VALLEYS OF NAVARRA

JESUS GARATE - EMU thesis 2013 Mentors:

- Vincent Nadin - Paola Vigano’ - Birgit Hausleitner

Readers

- Wim Wambecq - Taneha Bacchin

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Fig. 02: Lesaka

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my mentors Prof. Vincent Nadin and Paola Viganó for their support and guidance. I am also grateful to Birgit Hausleitner, third mentor, and Diana Garcia for their useful comments and kind advices. My special thanks are extended to the rest of the academic staff that I had the opportunity to meet during the master.

I am particularly thankful to Bernardo Secchi for his encouraging words in Venezia.

The result of the present thesis would not have been possible without the support of my EMU colleagues and friends: Carlos Rafael Salinas, Lucile Ado, Johanna Jacob, Perrine Frick and Olga Balaoura.

I don´t forget all the people I had the pleasure to interview: Jose Luis, Enrique, Ramon, Teresa, Michel, Itziar, Miguel, Jose, Luis, Eloi, Koro, Iñaki and Javier, among others.

I wish to thank my friends: Miren, Allende, Igor, Aitor and Ismael for the long conversations during these months.

To my parents and sister: Jesus, Encarnacion and Begoña.

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Fig. X: Orbaizeta. Abandoned Weapons factory (1784-1888) 8

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. RESEARCH QUESTION 3. METHODOLOGY a. Literature overview b. Data compilation c. Site visits and appraisals d. Interviews with the key actors 4. INDUSTRY AS CATALYSER a. Economic activities and spatial development of cities and regions b. Industrial stages c. The role of state: endogenous vs. exogenous development d. Vulnerable and dynamic regions e. Spatial and social consequences of de-industrialization.

5. THE CASE: NAVARRA a. The trajectory of Industrialization b. Type of industry c. Industrial location d. Spatial consequences. Urban transformation and rural depopulation e. Social development f. The actors g. The natural condition h. The role of infrastructure 6. THE CURRENT CONDITION a. What? When? b. Where? Who? c. Social effects d. Spatial consequences e. Vacant Production spaces f. Policies, plans, actions

7. CASE STUDY: CORRIDOR 1, BIDASOA a. Description b. Industrial landscape and issues c. Environmental values d. Different lifestyles e. Coworking 8. VISION/FINDINGS a. Introduction/Findings b. Uncertainty c. Shrinkage d.Common Vision e. Vision Statement 9. STRATEGIES a. Introduction b. Common identities c. Recycling Self-suffiicency 10. REFLECTION 11. ANNEX 1 12. REFERENCES

Fig. 01 (cover): Abandoned Warehouse Fig. 03 (left): Cementos Portland Company. Olazagutia

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´Industrial creation collapses and reduces up to 54% less than 2012”

“The industrial commetee of Inquinasa blames the government for the 71 fires due to the frozen masterplan of Etxabakoitz”

“Inasa closes the factory in Irurtzun and fthe 168 employees”

“Navarra´s industry falls to the historical lowest rates in number of employees and economic influence”

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1. INTRODUCTION Throughout history, the industry has played an important role as catalyser of the development of a city or a region.

While the initial factories in the nineteenth century were directly related to the local sources and consumption (leaving aside specific examples), the globalization, which particularly started after the Second World War, and the development of new technology allowed the expansion of the territorial limits and markets.

It also produced a modification of the methods. It lead towards the mass production-consumption and demanded big industrial complexes and better infrastructure networks.

Nowadays, the world main productive areas have been relocated in Asia. ‘Western’ countries have changed their economic systems focusing on different sectors such as services, tourism or construction. While industry used to provide 22% of the European GDP, it has fallen to the 15% in 2012. This is not only an issue on the dependence of the external providers but also on the local de-industrialization and the fast degradation of the productive areas especially due to the global economic crisis started in 2008.

These issues have already been identified by the European commission and tackled with the “Europe 2020” strategic plan aiming for the reindustrialization.

However, these processes depend not only on the public strategic policies but also on the internal complexity of private companies whose decisions might be transnational.

The role of multinationals and the global economy is nowadays crucial for the development of a region.

According to Sassen (1994), the new urban economy is the result of the “intersection between global processes and place”. Some cities/regions become part of these transnational networks while others are more related to national or regional economic centres.

The other side of the ‘development coin’ is the dependence and risks that external elements imply. The growth of Detroit, based on the car industry, seemed to have no limits in the 1950s. On the contrary, the several crisis and cheaper productive areas that have appeared during the last decades, among other issues, have led it to a strong

shrinkage and the recent bankruptcy declaration of the city in July 2013, the highest in the history of USA. Both, industrialization and de-industrialization have had a varied speed and impact depending on the region.

According to the Oxford dictionary, the de-industrialization is the reduction of industrial activity or capacity in a region or economy. However, it is not an isolated phenomenon since it starts a reaction chain with social and spatial consequences.

The main objective of the present research study is to evaluate the socio-spatial consequences of the previous industrialization process and the current deindustrialization in Navarra proposing new alternative strategies that might reduce the impact of the external elements and enhance the existing local values.

The case of Navarra is not comparable to the Detroit one. However, we can identify certain similarities on the development, currently leaded by a Volkswagen factory, and, moreover, on the risks since it constitutes a “supply region” dependant on the international markets and external decisions.

Additionally, Navarra is an interesting case study within the “Europe of regions” context since it counts with a particular economic regime called “Fueros” that enables the self-administration of its economy, infrastructure, security and education. These benefits have attracted national and international investors in detriment of other Spanish regions. Additionally, the self-development of the infrastructure networks has prevented it from being at the so-called ‘infrastructure shadow’ since it is not located along the main national-international routes.

The present thesis is also an attempt for showing the relevance that industry have had on the development of the region and that transformed a rural, unskilled and dispersed society into one of the most qualified and wealthy not only in Spain but also in Europe. It is currently 11

the number 32 out the 271 European regions in GDP per capita (Moderna, 2010).

The economic transformation started in the 1960s enhanced by a series of strategic industrial and infrastructure plans. By 1968, 300 industries with 30.000 jobs were opened making Navarra the region with the highest economic growth rate in Europe (De la Torre, 2005).

In spatial and social terms, 18 industrial areas were built all over the region aiming for an even distribution of wealth that would avoid the abandonment of the rural areas. As it will be described in the following chapters, they only achieved part of their goal since the polarization between Pamplona, the capital, and the rural towns was not stopped.

For instance, the role of the capital has kept increasing reaching the 54% of the regional population (INE, 2013).

While the type and size of the new industries in Pamplona were varied, the factories that were opened in the territory were usually big plants attracted by the cheap/bigger land and the access to raw materials. In fact, the wide range of natural source attracted big industries related to the wood, paper, chemical and metal sectors, among others.

Nowadays, the economy of Navarra is shrinking. The industrial rate on the GDP has been reduced from 32% to 28% since 2010 to 2103. All the traditional industrial sectors such as wood, furniture, metal and agroindustry have suffered a strong decline. The metal industries in particular, mostly located in the northern valleys, have seen the most dramatic cases of factory closures. The exception is the car industry, led by the Volkswagen assembly plant in Pamplona which has been unaffected.

Although the current global crisis was initiated in 2008, difficulties have emerged from 2012, and particularly during the first half of 2013. Unemployment has risen from the second lowest in Spain, 11.6% in 2010, to 19% in April 2013, the highest in history.

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Although these companies were opened with local funds, they were eventually acquired by multinationals adding ‘external’ complexities. Due to their big workforce and the fact that the strategic decisions are not local, new issues such as dependence or external vulnerability appeared. Although we are in a complex globalized scale, the multinational operations are also evident at smaller geographic scales (Sassen, 1994).

In particular, I will analyse the northern valley corridors.

Although these industry towns didn´t experienced a strong population growth they became the poles within the different ‘rural regions’. Their economy and society started to be articulated around them. While Pamplona has a more diversified economy, their structures are more dependent and vulnerable to single elements. The local newspapers announce every day new closures or reductions in the production. The present research thesis is a project about how regional planning and design can assist in addressing economic and social uncertainties.

2. RESEARCH QUESTION The research tackles the issue of de-industrialization not only as an economic problem but as the beginning of a social and spatial consequence chain. The guiding questions have two different approaches. The first one focuses on the analysis of the local and regional conditions.

The understanding of the historical evolution and the current working forces/trends is crucial for the adequate interpretation of the ‘reality’ and the definition of the issues, risks and opportunities.

The project reports on the dependence on external elements that Navarra´s territory has developed during the last 50 years and the vulnerability of these communities against external changes.

The second question aims for the active intervention of urbanism. It is considered as a tool capable for reducing the impact of these issues proposing alternative and sustainable development.

During the interviews with the key actors a repeated comment has arisen: ‘Why is an urbanist analysing this town? It could be interesting 20 years ago when everything was growing, not now that all the factories are closing down’.

The answering to these questions is framed by the issues tackled during the EMU courses and the necessity of proposing alternative urbanism approaches. The present research project remarks the value of the existing elements but accepts the necessity of new strategies based on what Vittorio Gregotti and Bernardo Secchi call ‘Modification’.

The idea of belonging (to a place, a culture, a tradition) is also stated. ‘It is opposed to the tabula rasa and describes a defensive strategy attempting to minimize errors, round obstacles, reduce arbitrary decision and the nonsense of omni symbolism’ (Gregotti, 1984).

Once again, the observation of the history is considered crucial in order to ‘measure’ the ‘embodied energy’ that cities and the territory enclose.

Additionally, awareness of the different industrial processes, who have had such a big relevance in Navarra, and their spatial consequences makes us consider the idea of ‘life cycles’ and the necessity of establishing adequate but flexible strategies.

The re-industrialization is not a goal itself. Urbanism can define a new vision that would be tackled through strategies aiming for the reduction of the impact of the external changes and the degradation of the local structures.

In addition, the new vision incorporates alternative development based on the local opportunities and the incorporation if new elements such as sustainability.

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How did industry influence the urban and social development of Navarra?

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How can urbanism enhance the local qualities of a territory and prevent it from the external dependence and vulnerability?

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METHODOLOGY DIAGRAM Fig. 04: Methodology diagram.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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3. METHODOLOGY The porpoise of the research was to understand the sociospatial transformations that the introduction of the industrial production systems enhanced in Navarra. The research objectives and goals have also evolved since the issues mentioned have radicalized and new problems have arisen during this period.

The historical analysis was relevant for the definition of the current context and the definition of possible prospective risks. The industrialization and de-industrialization processes are not a detached problem that has economic, social and spatial consequences. An understanding of the events that had taken place in western countries and the current development that is taking place in China was established the theoretical framework of the research.

that helped for building an initial image of the issues and prospective vision. These achievements were first analysed in Navarra´s region scale and in the Bidasoa corridor later where the meetings with key actors became strongly important for the definition of both issues and challenges.

Finally, the research is structured by the development of a `common vision` that is explored through the strategies or demonstration project.

Although there is a linear structure, there have been numerous cycle and redefinitions of the issues that have constructed the present booklet.

This framework, quantitave, has been completed with a series of field works and lectures interviewing and illustrating the key elements. While the first part has mostly contributed for the answering of the first question, the second one was required for the definition of alternative development.

Both analyses were useful for the definition of initial trends 15

A. LITERATURE OVERVIEW The analysis required a deep understanding of the regional economies and their relation with urban spatial characteristics. There are key researchers that have analysed these issues such as Jane Jacobs or Eduard Soja. It was also important to figure how these implications depend from the production sector and the particular relation between industry and city.

The economic evolution has been related to the industrial patterns such as Fordism, post-Fordism, Toyotism are considered applicable not just because of the existence of a Volkswagen factory but for their ability for defining the evolution of the economic production The globalized context has also influenced the industrial landscape. This perspective has been analysed from the economic influence of global cities described by Sasskia Sassen or the evolution of the work and social interactions analysed by Manuel Castells and Richard Florida.

However, the negative prospective trends have also demanded the analysis of the de-industrialization consequences not only from the economic perspective but from the chain of events that starts after the factory closure.

Friedman, Cevik and Daskalakis offer their analysis of the decay in Coventry in the 1980s, Kabakuk in 2003 and Detroit since the 1970s respectively.

Also related to the economic regional studies, I have taken the cases of the so called “Third Italy” in order to compare the top-down/bottom-up and dispersed/nuclear developments and urban patterns.They are described by the work

by Fua “Industrializzazione senza fratture” (1983) described

by Silvia Coderoni (2007), Giacomo Beccatini and Giorgio Calafatti.

The research has remarked the fact that development can be endogenous or exogenous. States have a big influence in this respect though the diverse policies that may consist on the investment on infrastructure or the releasing of economic benefits for industries. In addition to this issue, described by Stimson, it was relevant to realize an analysis of the different policies and the evolution of the tools through the work by Maldonado and Fernandez.

This issue is particularly relevant in Navarra. The Keynesian theories are also paradigmatic for the current case where 16

the self-regulation privileges that the region of Navarra has have stressed the role of the public institutions. In order to explain the influence of the special economic benefits, it was also necessary to realise an analysis of the historical evolution of the industrialization and urbanization during the second half of the twentieth century.

Apart from the mentioned public or academic publications, i will also make reference to historical bibliography about the region such as the analysis about the social movements in the 70s by J. Diaz and the extensive history of Navarra in the 20th century by J. Gallego.

Finally, the transformations that Navarra is experiencing have produced a modification of the initial objetives of the project. The lack of information due to the current changes demanded the use of the local and national press such as Diario de Navarra, Diario de Noticias and the El Pais, among others.

B. DATA COMPILATION In order to produce a trans-regional project, several data bases have been consulted. These sources are not only national but also international due to the peripheral position of Navarra. I have analysed the statistic, gis and planning documents from Europe, Spain and France but also some regional ones apart from the Navarra´s such as: Aquitaine and Mydi Pyrenees (in France), Aragon, Basque Country and La Rioja (Spain). This work was necessary for the production of accurate maps.

In addition, it helped on the identification of confronted strategies, especially from the infrastructure point of view between Spain and France. However, the number of common strategies and the access to information is in constantly growing thanks to European financed projects.

For the analysis of the dependence on the car industry from the local perspective, the data was collected from several specialized sources and the correspondent brand websites.

In total, it was collected the information of 144 car assembly plants (city, population, brand, production, employee, opening-closure year…)

C. SITE VISITS AND APPRAISALS Although the site visits have taken place during all the project phases, they have varied in aim and location according to the different requirements of the project. For instance, the initial ones were related to the car industry since it has played an important role on the development of the Navarra´s society. However, the following trips identified the shrinkage of other industrial sectors such as metal or paper in the “rural� areas and the issues that local inhabitants have.

1.Longbridge, Birminghan Uk: 14.02.2013. Visit to the industrial neighbourhood and the remaining car factory.

2. Pamplona, Navarra. Spain: 22.03.2013: visit to the Volkswagen car factory.

3. Lesaka, Navarra: 16.5.2013: visit to the metal factory 4. Lekunberri, Navarra: 16.05.2013: visit to the remainings of the Plazaola train.

5. Barranca valley, Tierra Estella, Navarra: 17.5.2013: tour along the existing and abandoned rail areas 6. Aoiz valley, Roncal valley, Navarra: 18.5.2013: tour along the abandoned rail lines 7. Mutilva industrial area, Navarra: 20.05.2013: visit to Espace graphic, small entrepreneurship.

8. Lesaka valley, Navarra: 14.06.2013: abandoned industry and interviews 9. Bertiz natural reservour, Navarra: 21.06.2013: interviews 10. Noain, Navarra: 18.06.2013: empty industrial site near Pamplona.

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PHOTOGRAPHIC APPROACH Photography is used as a key element of the research process not only for its descriptive qualities but also for its ability for identifying the character of the rural areas and claiming the value of the multiple abandoned industrial sites that have been identified.

The field work, already described, has been documented from different perspectives following the photographic knowledge acquired during the Venetian EMU course: “Intensified Vision” with the Italian photographer, Guido Guidi. Photographs have been taken through the “approach series” and completed, when possible, with an image from a higher point in order to show the relation between the “factory” and the “city”.

Fig. 05: Abandoned rail station. Alsasua

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INTERVIEWS WITH THE KEY ACTORS The knowledge acquired though the interviews has been crucial for the project since they have helped to confirm the hypothesis resulting from other sources. At the same time, interviews have resulted as the only data source in many cases. There is a lack of “official” information since many of the issues that are treated within the present research project have been recently raised. For instance, there is no data base for the “vacant” industrial spaces. This issue deals with the private property aspects making this identification more complex.

There are two types of interviews with different quantitative or qualitative values. In the first instance, several meeting with experts, such as rural majors, representative from different regional departments or local urbanists have taken place. On the other hand, a series of “local” interviews have completed the research and helped to understand the local stories and the evolution-shrinkage of the city/ industry. These interviews are identified as microstories within the report.

Finally, the research has been completed with the attendance to several local debates and lectures about industry, energy and train infrastructure.

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4. INDUSTRY AS CATALYSER A. ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AND SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES AND REGIONS Castells argues in “The Informational City: Economic Restructuring and Urban Development”, the development of manufacturing processes are related to the development of urban areas. Throughout history, we have experienced several industrial revolutions with not only technological advances but also with strong effects on the spatial structure of urban areas and related social impacts. For example, rapid process of urbanization and economic growth that is taking place in China has been produced by the global market liberalization and the development of the transport modes.

We find several examples of city typologies dependant on a specific economic source that have shaped their urban structure: harbour, touristic, borderline, leisure or manufacturing cities among many others. Even when the spatial morphology is similar, the economic conditions are able to design a different landscape. For instance, the number of logistic towns or service areas in the borderline between Spain and France in Irun is higher than in Hendaye since the petrol costs are noticeably lower.

Culture or traditions play also a paper on the design of the city. The recent collaborative research project between Pamplona and Bayonne (Project 31-64, 2013) has identified specific differences. While the ‘industrial landscape’ of Pamplona is composed mostly by industrial platforms, Bayonne is mostly urbanized with commercial areas. This is a relevant finding since both cities are located along the same European corridor and have common backgrounds.

The role that cities have in the development of the society has unlimited interpretations. According to Jacobs in “The economy of the cities” (1964), the city is the production and consumption centre. Additionally, the cities are also the catalyser for the rural development and the design of agriculture technologies: “The most thoroughly rural countries exhibit the most unproductive agriculture. The most thoroughly urbanized countries, on the other hand, area precisely those that produce food most abundantly”.

“The industrial revolution occurred first in cities and later in agriculture”.

However, the specificness of activities increases the dependency and vulnerability. Crisis periods might show off the local weakness of the cities-regions that are not ready for the changes. These places might experience a rapid degradation. One of the most extreme examples of this issue could be any of the numerous temporary towns that appeared during the America gold rush in the nineteenth century. As Limerick said: “If Hollywood would have wanted to capture the emotional center of western history, John Wayne would have neither been a gunfighter, but a surveyor, speculator, or claims lawyer.” The problem in this case was not only the rapid construction or degradation but the unsustainable transformation that the speculation left behind.

The economic activities modify the local landscape. In the case of Spain, the deindustrialization, the economic turn towards services or tourism and the well-known construction bubble have led to a critical situation that has been revealed with the current crisis.

The buoyant economic situation didn´t anticipate a recession period. The economy based its growth in the construction sector. Both urban and rural areas modified their image radically. The cities expanded adding pressure over other sector such as the industry or agriculture.

Additionally, numerous ‘containers’ appeared in the city willing to repeat the so-called Guggenheim effect.

However, Periods of economic crisis have been followed by periods of restructuring and change. There have been three periods in the modern history: the so-called “fin de siècle” in the 19th century, the period between 1920 and the Second World War and, finally, the one that started in the late 1960s and has continued until the present time.

According to Soja (2000), after these economic recessions, new modes of economic production appeared, becoming the reference for the new developing periods.

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B. INDUSTRIAL STAGES PRE-INDUSTRIAL ROOTS Although Manchester was a compact and small city in 1750 based on the local economy mostly, it grew rapidly thank to the rapid industrialization and the raise of exports. The first industrial revolution on the nineteenth century in Europe led Manchester to become the biggest industrial city in the world.

This process was favoured initially by the enormous amount of small cotton factories located in a town network (Soja, 2000).

The development of the city and industry was enhanced by the design of new infrastructures that connected the inner land with the Liverpool harbour through the main canal (1760) and the rail (1830).

The rapid industrialization produced a migratory phenomenon that attracted what Marx and Engels called the ‘reserve army of labour’. An intense social degradation took place. Spatially, the industries were mostly located along the rivers Inwell and Irk (see Fig. 07). A new business centre was created in the centre (CBD). The workers neighbourhoods were located in the central rings, while the major classes lived in the periphery enjoying better air conditions. Additionally, the lower classes were forced to commute.

In summary, the industrialization and urbanization processes produced new issues and demanded different approaches. The role of regional and municipal governments expanded to intervene directly to provide or to manage the provision of transport, housing and other services. Government intervention was needed to tackle the contradictions in urban spatial development where the market provided very low quality housing which generated health and congestion problems It is not random that the first “school” of urban studies was established there. The early city planners began to impose regulatory laws establishing housing standards for housing, sanitation etc. Urban planners also introduced parks, playground in city neighbourhoods, for recreation as well as visual relief. The notion of zoning was a major concept of urban planning at this time. (Pundlik, 2013) 24

One of the most important answers to the industrial urbanism problems was the appearance of the idea of the ‘Garden City’ by Ebenezer Howard (1903) or the ‘Industrial city’ by Tony Garnier (1904). Both proposals were a reaction to the issues of newly urbanized society. The rapid growth of cities such as London was understood as an unsustainable situation.

Howard described a new city that would reintegrate the people to the countryside by the definition of three magnets: town, country and the town-country, describing their advantages and disadvantages. Spatially, the garden city was built in the centre of circular area with multiple public facilities and public spaces.

The industrial city by Garnier, has an elongated form due to the disposition of housing areas running east-west, thinking on the passive energy sustainability Both Garnier and Howard mentioned the necessity of the local energy production with water reservoirs in order to prevent from the pollution issues. However, they differ in the location of industry. While Garnier takes advantage of the river as a main structuring element, Howards locates it on the periphery, the opposite as the description of Manchester during the nineteenth century.

The industrialization was delayed and weak in the case of Spain. The metal industry in the Basque Country and Asturias, and the cotton textile industry in Cataluña were the most relevant examples. This process started in 1887 in Bilbao due to the opening of several medium size metal and shipyard companies (Altos Hornos and Astilleros del Nervion) financed by British investors.

Bilbao also experienced a rapid population growth. The society was divided into two social groups: the oligarchs and the working class that were also physically detached.

While the oligarch lived in garden villas at the right bank of the Nervion River, the workers lived in densified dwellings in the left side.

The growth of Bilbao demanded a series of masterplans started in 1892 that were based on the Barcelona Cerda´s expansion. This plans left the riverbank and specific recommendations for the industry. However, the property rights were very strong in that time and defined recommendations but not uses. That implied that factories could be opened everywhere (Albitegui & Zubizarreta, 2004).

Fig. 06: Une cite Industrielle and Garden City Source: Tony Garnier, 1904; Ebenezder Howard, 1903

Fig. 07: Manchester region. Industries along the rivers and growth Source: Douglas, 2002

Fig. 08: Bilbao industry. 1960s Source: Gaia

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FORDISM If Manchester was the paradigm of the industrial city in the nineteenth century, Detroit is the Fordist city par excellence in the twentieth. Industry experienced the start of a new era led by the car sector. Henry Ford established the wellknown production system consisting on the assembly line.

The mass production, based on the mass consumption, not only generated a new way of understanding the manufacture processes but also the way the city and society were structured. Again, the cities, by the hand of industry, became a pole for large-scale immigration from rural areas.

Fordist development had a spiral and never ending pattern.

Graham and Marvin (2001) argue that the whole system aimed for the reduction of costs and the simplification of tasks with less consideration of the re-investment of profits in new products or research programmes. The spatial model consisted on the big focal factory where the production was centralized. Edward Soja (2000) states that the profound suburbanization that took place in the US enhanced the dispersion of the factories and employees constituting the “Regional Fordist Metropolis”. Unlike Manchester, the industry abandoned the centre in search for bigger extensions of land.

There was a direct relation between manufacture and raw material. In fact, the industry was able to readapt the pieces and materials from the cart manufacturing to the first – and simple- cars. There were also important agreements with the different administrations that enhanced the development of infrastructures to provide sufficient energy, water sources and transport. The combination of systems has been defined as “Fordism-Keynesianism”.

The state also intervened on the development of the city. The shape of Detroit had a series of concentric rings following the Chicago school. Although the initial factories were located in the centre, by 1920 they started to move towards the periphery in search for cheaper land and lower taxes. Henry Ford inaugurated the big River Rouge plant in 1917.

The city suffered from social exclusion and many riots started to take place. The neighbourhoods that were created around factories were the more degraded ones.

The municipality, with the releasing of the 1951 plan, 26

aimed for the recovering of the city that had already been initiated after the end of the Second World War. However, the diagnosis was not the adequate since they considered that the process of deindustrialization that had already started was due to the lack of industrial space. The plan proposed the consolidation of the CBD, the creation of industrial corridors and the organization of the residential areas. One of the first actions that were taken in order to favour the industrialization was the acquisition and demolition of degraded residential areas. However, it was not able to attracted new industry and created major social issues. For instance, the introduction of the main highway until the centre of the city enhanced the spatial segregation (Fernandez, 2009).

In “Stalking Detroit” (2001), Daskalakis, Waldheim and Young describe a city where “monuments have been replaced by factories” and the urban space was non-existent.

This system was capable to articulate the society of the twentieth century by the incorporation of large number of unqualified workers to the industrial sector, offering them social and economic stability and making them part of the consumist system. However, the alienation of the simple tasks they were assigned or the low salaries and their demand of better working conditions finally led to it to an end.

The fordist model initiated a decline process in the 1960s with the rise of social movements and, as it is commonly agreed, found its end in 1973 due to the petrol crisis. Detroit has reduced its population since then to 0,7 million. Big social inequalities have raised and an important program of de-urbanization had to be carried out since the 1990s.

POST-FORDISM: TOYOTISM

Fig. 09: Detroit. Abandoned industrial area Source: Sutika

Fig. 10: Detroit 1951 Masterplan. Industry, housing and slums Source: Fernandez, 2006

The Toyotism followed the fordist production and consumption modes. The term is based on the Japanese car brand whose main engineer Taiichi Ono developed a series of industrial reforms. While the Fordism was based on the search of profits, the simple tasks and the mass production, the Toyotism believed on the research and the incorporation of quality, variety and flexibility. The economic benefits were considered a consequence.

Spatially, factories generally reduced in size and fixed the expenses. A new network of suppliers appeared in multiple locations. Additionally, the production systems followed the “Just in time� policies increasing the pressure on the transport times. The relevance of the infrastructure increased in order to ensure the distribution and the functioning of the network manufacturing system. The same way it had taken place during the 19th century, when medium private investors promoted the raise of the rail for connecting their industrial areas with the harbours, industries got involved into the development of infrastructure networks. (Bel, 2011) It increased the complexity not only of the businesses but also the cities, since the globalization process enhanced the raise of flows. The location of corporative headquarters, assembly plants and suppliers played an important role as well on the definition of cities since they might constitute large urban projects.

An example of the changes through the firm policies is the strategic investment that Volkswagen has been making since 1964 in the small city of Emden, in the north-west of Germany. As a result, the city has transformed into the third biggest harbour in terms of car shipment in Europe after Zeebrugge and Bremerhaven (Seaport of Emden Society, 2008). Apart from the investments on the harbour area, Volkswagen itself keeps financing new train lines connecting with the inner land (source to be added). This kind of investment is totally different to the one that the same company is carrying out in Navarra. It will be further described in the following chapters.

The specialization also had an impact on the society. While the previous system demanded a big amount of unskilled 27

employees for doing simple tasks, the specialization and flexibility required high qualified and team-working employees (Torres, 2013). The externalities were diverse: new I+D centre where required the number of graduate employees rose.

The Post-Fordist city is characterized by the ‘downgrading of the traditional centres’ as a product of ‘desertion of these areas by the upper and middle-classes, who fancied more spacious and green environment of suburbia, as well as the safety of exclusive gated-communities punctuated by enclosed shopping malls’ (Rocco, 2006) Los Angeles is one of the best examples of Post-Fordist city. According to Soja (2000), it used to be a city with no define centre until the last decades with the raise of the CBD. However, the city expands massively along the territory. The industrial landscape is also blurry. In the Fig. 12, Soja defines certain areas of production that have been able to recycle from the automotive industry of the 1960s.

Metal, cinema, textile and the new technological hubs have become the referent in the US. Although the sprawl could suggest a low density, the metropolitan area has been suburbanized in mass reaching a similar density as Manhattan in several areas (Soja, 2000). Society has been dramatically polarized with strong commuting issues that have enhanced the appearance of a illegal activities, temporary jobs and barter economy.

Fig. 11: Los Angeles suburbs Source: Edward Burtysnky

Fig. 12: Los Angeles industrial scheme Source: Edward Soja, 2000

Fig. 13: Beijing Danwei Source: Edward Soja, 2000

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HYPER-INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CHINA China became the world´s factory after the final opening of the markets and the incorporation to the WTO in 2001.

This was a relevant event of a series of reforms that have its roots in 1979 after the Third Plenum of the National Party Congress. They concluded that their system needed a reinterpretation that would enhance the growth that was already going on in the rest of Asian industrialized countries such as Japan, Singapore or Korea. In words of Juan Fernandez (2013), “The reform started with the combination of regulation by plans and regulation by the market, to be followed latter by the implementation of the socialist market economy: reform of SOE, finance, taxation, pricing and foreign trade”.

The effects of the reforms not only have produced an industrialization of the country (industry was the 47% of the GDP in 2009) but also had an enormous transformation of the national geography and the cities. 400 million people have moved from to the rural areas from the cities since 1979. The number of urban inhabitants has increased from 20% to 45%. It is expected that 400 million will migrate by 2030 reaching 60% of urban population. The Five-Year Plans, currently the 12th since 1949, aims for the domestic consumption and the sustainable low carbon policies (Liauw, 2013).

However, we can find traces of industrialization since the 1950s-1960s. David Bray describes in “Factory towns of South China” (2013) the “Danwei”: factory compounds that enclosed housing and production complexes within its high wall boundaries. These facilities were ruled by the communist government and provided employment, housing, education, healthcare, welfare services and recreation for its employees. It was the main industrial element of the country until mid-1990s Bray argues that the compounds were a utopic scheme that proved to fail in numerous aspects. It was in his opinion inefficient economically and far from enhancing the egalitarian social structure, both inside and outside communities became enormously corrupted.

The compound system in 1998 was finally abolished when state owned enterprises were forbidden from providing housing to their employees.

In words of Liaw (2013), “the proliferation of factory towns of under 1 million in population has outstripped the growth of megacities. These towns have more flexibility for evading the control of central government and “typically sell the land via joint ventures to industrial or residential developers”. These towns are usually becoming generic settlements, copycats of previous ones.

The massive modification of the territory and the market pressure has also enhanced the appearance of unregulated growth. The household registration system established in the 1950s (Hukou) is used for classifying the large categories of urban and rural inhabitants. It crates social inequalities between the local inhabitants and the rural migrants that move to the factory towns. Although the requirements have been lighted in the coastal regions, rural residents are still not allowed to resettle permanently with the same rights and access to services. This difference between the urban-industry towns and the rural villas enhanced the illegal land renting to private enterprises and the unsustainable degradation.

Nowadays, the issues that the mid-size factory towns are facing nowadays are the pollution and the social inequalities due to the massive migration and the dichotomy between the lack of space and the speculative housing processes. Additionally, the future challenges for China and these towns in particular will be the shrinkage and de-industrialization or the upgrading to “form even larger self-sustainable industrialized agglomerations” (Liauw, 2013)

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POST-INDUSTRIAL CITY As it was stated at the beginning of the chapter, the economic crises reveal the weaknesses of the capitalist economy. The decay of the industrial towns is not only due to the current decentralization to the Asian production hubs. This process started during the 1970s and 1980s.

The transformations on the production processes also meant the modification of the industrial landscape and its associated sectors such as logistics. The industries moved towards the periphery in search of cheaper land. Production was no longer centralized in one single assembly line and became horizontal ruled by the ‘just in time’ policies and the use of large trucks. Factories transformed into multifunctional envelopes (Urhahan, 2006).

Demands, competition and technique enhanced the transformation of the former industrial hubs but also lead towards the de-industrialization. Detroit, Newark and Baltimore are probably some of the most dramatic cases of city decadence. In Europe, although the cases are less dramatic in scale, a series of cities had to start deep strategic renovations in order to avoid the effects of this trend.

The plans are not only local but have a regional approach.

The porpoises of these strategies were usually associated to “the restoration of a devastated and abandoned region, to recover industrial memory, to regain social cohesion and region´s economic base and to preserve and administrate a deteriorated natural and cultural heritage” (Fernandez, 2012).

In the cases were a certain industrialization was possible, this cities such as Eindhoven aimed for the arrival of the creative communities or the technological centres that would shift from the heavy industry towards high added value industry. If initially, the factory location was no longer related to the raw materials, the design processes could also be detached. The boundaries between industry and services are becoming nowadays more blurry (Urhahan, 2006).

The implementation of these actions was not immediate.

Some of the most relevant examples in Europe were initiated more than 20 years ago: Bilbao 1992, EuraLille 1990, Turin Masterplan 1995, IBA Emscher Park 1989 or Nantes 1987. In most cases, they propose the construction 30

of polycentric urban systems that are complemented with social cohesion policies (professional training, improvement of public transport, social housing…). Nantes and Emscher have implemented/restored the tram and industrial rail respectively.

Nowadays, the EU commission is developing a project for the establishment of several creative cluster cities in central Europe: Gdansk, Genoa, Leipzig, Ljubljana and Pecs. The main principles aim for “generating such innovative and economically potential industrial processes, the impact of economic development, to operate a cooperative European network and to establish transfer know-how systems”. The spatial implication of this policy has to do with the relevance of the networks and the necessity of both good communication systems and adequate spaces such as creative industry nurseries.

The new trends aim for sustainable and creative cities, emphasizing the need for public control together with the community involvement and participation.

The relevance of the creative class was first stated by Jane Jacobs (1969) but has been recently become a key element of the agenda of city managers and planners analysed by many authors recently such as Richard Florida in ‘Cities and the creative class’ (2005).

While the traditional perspective consider that the place remain important because of tendency of firms to cluster together for gaining productive efficiency some new approaches consider that the talented people and tightknit communities shore stronger ties than the corporations (Florida, 2005).

Fernandez-Maldonado (2010) describes three types of knowledge-based development approaches from the business, people or comprehensive points of view.

The traditional business oriented approach of clustering is based on the development of local business centres, technological parks that, in the opinion of some authors, depend on the interaction and knowledge exchange within and between them for succeed. The governance has also an important role enhancing this process through the so-called ‘Triple helix’: university-industry-government.

The people oriented approach on the contrary addresses

Fig. 14: Strategic development scheme Source: Fernandez-Maldonado and Romain, 2010

Big factory

Medium factory + local suppliers

FACILITIES EVOLUTION

Fig. 15: Factory size evolution Source: Self-elaboration

Medium factory + Medium suppliers

the role of the human capital as driver of change and the creative class, according to Florida (2005), should be ‘nurtured’ by the cities. This type of social class chooses first the place for living and then looks for a work or start businesses of their own (Florida, 2002).

Spatially, other scholars, Fernandez-Maldonado (2010) says, focus on the role of amenities: ‘It is now more accepted that cultural, artistic, media-related, recreational, and leisure functions boost the local economies. An emphasis on “quality of place” and high-quality amenities is considered necessary for urban competitiveness. It is the way to attract knowledge-intensive workers, who have different spatial demands and consumption patterns than manual workers, and attach great importance to “third places” (neither home nor office) to meet. Cafés, pubs, terraces, cultural events, etc., and other similar spaces acquire a new dimension in the ‘experience economy’’.

The third approach is the comprehensive one that includes concepts listed on the business and people´s oriented but remarks the necessity of an organizational capacity and a proper balance between them. There are several scheme proposals that speak about‘life quality, human development, sustainable urban development, competitiveness, identity’ among other concepts. Fernandez-Maldonado and Romain present their own diagram (see Fig. 14, 2010) stating that the ‘economic, social and organizational qualities would lead to prosperity’.

Even if cities deliver balance policies, the implementation is usually difficult. According to Baum (2008), it usually follows the economic issues since hard infrastructure can be established almost anywhere while the intervention over the soft infrastructure is a slow process without guaranteed success. Critical mass becomes relevant since big cities have more conditions and opportunities than small ones.

Fernandez-Maldonado describes in ‘Combining design and high-tech in knowledge cities: the case of Eindhoven’ the implementation of the previous principles. The hometown city of Philips has experienced a deep transformation from the heavy industry towards the creative hub becoming the ‘Brainport’ of the Netherlands. The actions have had both organizational and socio-spatial criteria. The city didn´t try 31

to attract the creative class with cosy cafes but with ‘more serious interventions showing the other side of the design: designers, processes, technology, innovative materials...’

The city implemented a series of foundations or lobbies in charge of the promotion and implementation of these ideas: Brainport foundation, Alice Creative Connection…

The urban interventions were defined in 3 phases: the municipality and surrounding in order to improve the urban qualities, the ‘white lady’ area and, finally, the Philips factory Strip-S, 27 ha industrial area that groups a series of mix-used interventions.

As conclusion, I will mention the Manuel Castells’ observations about networks (IUAV lecture, 2013). In the city scale, the networks are an important factor that defines the degree of globalization of a city. The more number of networks, the more globalized a city is. However, there a paradox going on in relation to the work processes and the city. Nowadays the technological advances are facilitating the detached work thank to internet. For that, we could think that living in the city is not so relevant. However, the number of urban population does not stop growing.

In relation to production, he states that the future of work processes leads towards the individual relations of a network society that only meets temporarily in order to produce an specific project. He compares this methodology with the ‘Hollywood projects’ (see Fig. 16). Director, producer, cameras, actors and a bunch of different workers meet temporarily for the production of a movie. Once the project is completed, the go back to the reservoir virtual network until a new project starts. However, he points out that one of the most relevant elements of this process is the fact that they meet in physical space.

The characteristics of these spaces are varied and not clear yet. As I mentioned previously, the new industrial factories are no longer the ground floor massive buildings.

Nowadays, they have become more anonymous and flexible activities containers. Additionally, the issues of efficiency and pollution that have been related in the past could be avoided thank to restrictive policies. Therefore, these spaces can be reintegrated within the urban city fabric again (Urhahan, 2006).

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Fig. 16: The ‘Hollywood’ organization system Source: Self-elaboration

Fig. 17: Changing focus economic policy and planning strategy Source: Stimson, Stough and Roberts, 2002

Fig. 18: City, industry and economy. Spatial and funtioning issues Source: Self-elaboration

C. THE ROLE OF STATE: ENDOGENOUS VS. EXOGENOUS DEVELOPMENT The role that the state has in the economic development has been under deep debate during the last decades. Crises such as the 1973 and 2008 modify our idea of stability, equilibrium or development. Governments, the Spanish one in particular, seem to be confused about the theories or principles that are more appropriate for defining policies for the current context. What is more, decisions are changed in a matter of months.

The debate about the adequate actions for the regional development has been going on since the beginning of the twentieth century. One of the most notable theories was the interventionism proposed by Keynes in ‘General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money’ (1936). He argued that, in a state of unemployment and unused production capacity, the government intervention is necessary in order to increase the consumption. Without this promotion of the expenses, ‘the economy can remain trapped in low employment equilibrium’. This theory is not only applicable to the manufacturing sector but also to the policies that governments have had about infrastructure development.

In particular, the case of the region of Navarra could be defined as a paradigm of Keynesian state since the regional government has thank to historical benefits the legal authority for defining and financing its own infrastructure system. These conditions will be described in the following chapters.

The intervention of state has both promoters and detractors.

An interesting concept about the role that the governance has in the development of a region is the “Crowding out”. It basically states that an excessive investment from the government might displace, or reduce, the private one. It makes us wonder if the level of “matureness” that a centralized society has, is lower when the estate is less prominent. At the same time, the risks, dependence and vulnerability might be higher.

Sometimes, an exaggerated concentration of investment, from both the public and private sectors, may lead to disadvantage of non-nodal (or peripheral) areas (Rocco, 2003).

Throughout history, specifically since the 1970s, the policies for developing a region have experience a profound transformation that is presented by Stimson (2005) in Fig. 17: `Changing focus for economic development policy and planning strategy’. The issue of regional development has become extremely important in the current global and competitive context. Nowadays, the latest policies in words of Stimson are meant for enhancing the existing local capacities.

Economists and geographers have always accepted that economic growth is regional. The traditional view is that places grow either because they are located on transportation routes or because they have natural resources that encourage firms to locate there. According to this conventional view, the economic importance of a place is tied to the efficiency with which one can make things and do businesses. Governments employ this theory when they use tax breaks and highway construction to attract businesses. But these cost-related factors are no longer as crucial to success.

The identification of local capabilities leads for the differentiation between endogenous or exogenous development. According to Stimson (2005), endogenous factors include entrepreneurship, innovation, new technologies, leadership, institutional capacity and learning. The risks are the ‘frequently unstable and changing nature of economic environments, where externalities or exogenous factors impact on the decision making processes’.

A difference between quantitative (wealth, incomes, job creation, services) and qualitative (social equity and life quality) attribute is also established.

The initial policies after the Second World War based on the Keynesianism used to make use of the ‘Master planning’ oriented towards the infrastructure and industrial production and market development. It used to be defined by governmental agendas designed to address shortage in housing, construction, goods and the creation of employment.

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D. VULNERABLE AND DYNAMIC REGIONS This approach was completed in the 1970s with the “Structure planning’ and the incorporation of the geography of economic activities. Governments designed goals and strategies. The role of regions started to be relevant for the achievement of the national goals, but the autonomy was still reduced.

In the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberal policies began to take hold in western Europe and changed radically the public policies including a wave of privatizations took place and a general reduction in state intervention to support economic activity through infrastructure and other means (although the European Union remains an important source of investment and policy to support economic development in poorer regions).

This new approach was based on the’ premise that less state intervention and greater competition in markets would result in lower prices, higher economic growth and increased employment’ (Dühr, Colomb & Nadin, 2010) These policies were applied differently throughout Europe.

While most of airports are private owned in Europe, Spain, Romania and Poland keep their control over this kind of infrastructure (Bel, 2011).

Sustainability, one of key elements of the current policies, started to be implemented in the plans from the 1990s. This aspect was enhanced by the globalization but more deeply by the revalorization of the communities and their concern on life quality. The plans are nowadays shaped in form of ‘Integrated Strategic Planning’.

DEFINITION OF ISP Stimson, Stough and Roberts (2006) suggest that the following aspects are necessary for achieving the regional economic development: Identification of regional core competencies Developing social capital Building and maintaining strategic leadership More effective and efficient exploitation and management of resources Providing strategic and smart infrastructure Identifying regional risks and developing a risks management capability Incorporating the principles of sustainability.

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In words of Beatriz Fernandez (2013), decay in industrial cities is the consequence of unfitness of old spatial structures and new modes of production. The urban model of the industrial city did not foresee any alteration of its initial conditions, so when the circumstances changed the city could only collapse. The urban model was “tied to the economic growth and production patterns”. The city´s historic values were replaced by the “optimum urban model for mass production”. Furthermore, “the more specialized and linked to a single activity, the more difficult is not only to retrieve the city´s economic base but also to revitalize its social and urban structures once the decadence has started”.

In the case of Detroit, the economy of the city was ruled by a tinny number of great firms. Philadelphia, on the contrary, had a wide diverse industrial fabric of small companies linked to scientific innovation. `The Big Three’ term was commonly used in Detroit for speaking about Ford, General Motors and Chrysler. Both cities have experienced a profound decay since the 1960s. However, the Philadelphian industrial model set the foundations for the construction of a more open city, better planned, better governed and less tied to single activities that are currently helping for the regeneration of the city sometimes related to gentrification (Fernandez, 2012).

We must also take into consideration the difference between city, region and city-region. According to Jane Jacobs (1969) some cities are able to create a region around them which constitute an entity by themselves.

Some others are not and create a polarization putting the example of Glasgow and Marseille. Jacobs defines the ‘city region’ as a specific area that gives rise to the dynamic change of goods, services and people. She described five essential elements for establishing a ‘sustainable economic entity’: city markets, city jobs, city technology, transplanted city work and city capital.

The case of Navarra, as it will be described in the following chapters, could be considered as a polarized region since most of the `transactions` take place at the capital. One of the reasons is the fact the big relevance that the central regional government has in the policies development.

Navarra, at the same time, suffers from one of the main issues that Jacobs mentions: dependence from further regions. Its economy and, therefore, its social development highly depend on the external markets: Germany mostly.

‘A supply region is as stunted and stultified as a poor one’ (Jacobs, 1969). Additionally, the renovation of approaches must be permanent: ‘Cities don´t work as perpetual motion machines. They require constant new inputs in the form of innovation based on the human insight. Such a city and its city-region also automatically become capable of shaping and reshaping the economy’.

Although these ideas are 50 years old, they have been reformulated by several researchers such as Richard Florida (2002 and 2006) when he speaks about the creative classes and the ´dynamic communities’.

The vulnerability can be related to the spatial morphology of a region. Interesting cases of ‘city regions’ are the dispersed structures of Los Angeles, Northern Italy and dispersed industrial regions in Germany. The case of the so-called ‘Terza Italia’ constitute a dispersed production and settlement structure that don´t have the influence of a major dominant metropolis (Soja, 2000). They are mostly related to the craft industry. This example has been extensively analysed due to its successful industrial development based on the diffuse production that additionally is more diversified.

Giorgio Fuá (1983) argues that these kind of dispersed developments value the pre-existing elements and minimise the impact. The fact that the house, garden and factory are spatially attached makes it more linked to the environment. However, contrary to what Fuá expresses, the environmental degradation of the Veneto and the loss of ecological diversity are a fact. Antonio Calafati (2003), another economist from the Ancona school, speaks about these social costs in the dispersed city. He also remarks the idea of the city as ‘density of relations’ where transactions and innovation are generated against the traditional idea of city as ‘spatial density’ that reduces the cost of productionconsumption.

Additionally, resilience is a key concept to be raised on the strategic planning of regions. Fuá considers that the advance and centralized industrial systems are more vulnerable to

the lack of elasticity. The role of entrepreneurship on the development of resilience strategies is obvious. According to Petrin (1996), the rural entrepreneurship as a mode for diversity, does not differ in its substance from the urban one. He argues that the main differences between urban and that rural areas entrepreneurship is that they are more linked to the network, familiar, ecological values that are already located there.

Both Jacobs and Fuá speak about the qualities of the unplanned development. In words of Jacobs, “A working city region doesn´t need development experts, it develops itself”. Fuá considers that the spontaneous and gradual establishments of those small entrepreneurships were based on the market stimulus.

Fuá compared the success of the NEC (North-East-Centre Italy) unplanned development to the failure of the big national investments on the South of Italy. The first one is an endogenous development while the second is “artificial”.

Fiat had a policy of building new assembly plants in the south encourage by the governmental policies in order to reduce the traditional higher unemployment rates.

However, the current complex private interest prevail over the local interests and big plants such as the Melfi one are being closed and translated to cheaper location in places like Turkey.

The car industry is probably one of the key elements of the articulation of western society since the Second World War. The benefits that the industrialization brought had already been described in the previous chapters. However, there big amount of city relations such as use of space, infrastructure, human capital or resources establish a complex system that unfortunately implies a strong dependency.

Fig. 19 and 21 present the current 144 car assembly plants in Europe (a more detailed data chart is also included in Annex 1). The aim of this analysis was to describe the dependency that each city has from one single company relating the number of employees and inhabitant in 2012.

The data was collected from the brand websites and several specialized reports.

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The higher dependency is represented with a higher red bars. We can identify different ´factory towns’ with diverse degree of dependence. The ones with higher rate of dependence are specific cases such as Wolfsburg in Germany, Volkswagen headquarter, having the same amount of employees that official workers (50.000, 2012).

The spatial influence of the factory is visible not only comparing the factory size with the city but also with the infrastructures such as canal, train line and road system , or with the number of public and private interventions such as the Phaeno Science Centre, the Volkswagen museum or educational and business centres. Other cases of strong identified strong dependency are the small but specialized in high standard cars such as Gaydon (Uk) with the Aston Martin assembly plant. Of course, the added values that mass and specialized plants produce in the local communities are different.

The private interests of multinational companies have a deep relevance on the development of a region and the shape of the city. For instance, the Volkswagen has transformed the small harbour city of Emden into their main commercial harbours. The company directly invest on the local development of infrastructures.

On the contrary, the closure of a factory might mean the started degradation process of a city as it occurred in Londgbridge, when the 100 years Austin plant closed down. The municipality of Birminghan had to initiate a series of strategic actions in order to prevent the decay of the place and transform the big site plant. The action plant, proposed in 2009, aims for the construction of a technological and business area directly linked to the existing good infrastructure road and rail system.

The national policies also have a role on the vulnerability of a region. The evolution of the car industry also help the research to state growth and decay phases in the industrialization of Europe in relation to the economic and political contexts. Fig 19 shows the car assembly plants in 1965 in Europe in relation to these different systems.

Spain, under the dictatorial regime, started a series of reforms in order to favour the foreign investments and the industrialization.

Fig. 19: Car assembly plants, 1965-2012 Source: Self-elaboration

Fig. 20: Assembly plants in relation to the city: Pamplona, Longbridge, Emden and Wolfsburg Source: Self-elaboration

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Fig. 21: European Car Assembly plants. Employers vs inhabitants (2012) Source: Self-elaboration

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E. SPATIAL AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE DE-INDUSTRIALIZATION. RISKS Urban planning must accept that urban decay or deindustrialization are a possible stage of the life cycle of the city instead of deny it. In words of Kevin Lynch (1990), “our attitude in front of decadence is to avoid it; to reverse the trend, to hide decline, to eliminate the losers, to heal it”. He also pointed out in “Wasting away. An exploration of Waster: what it is, How it happens, Why we fear it, How do it well” (1980) that the region in decline should encourage new business instead of reinforcing the old decadent ones welcoming the local investment.

De-industrialization depends on multiple factors. Although the governments define policies that aim the protection of the local production or the attraction of new investments, these issues can´t be assured.

Friedman (1981) analyses the type of decisions and consequences that big managers take during the severe product market recessions. Decisions will move towards direct control strategies and will try to reduce the amount of peripheral bases enhancing the centres. They will also start splitting the workforce between centre and periphery in different groups that will make the changes easier. “Central workers are those who are considered to be essential for securing high profits in the long run… Peripheral workers are those who can be easily replaced by other within the enterprise”.

Additionally, Friedman considers that the physical environment risks major changes. In a de-industrialization situation, peripheral workers, with less salaries, remain creating a depress environment while the central ones, with higher incomes, may have more “mobility” capacity and will count with more opportunities for leaving the area.

The spatial and social consequences are neither instantaneous nor isolated. When a company decides to close a production plant, a chain of issues appears. It might extent for decades depending on the vulnerability of the place and the lack of adequate actions. According to Cevik (2003), the levels where de-industrialization are 4: neighbourhood, town quarters, city and region. However, I will modify this separation and include the firm issues since in many occasions the de-industrialization process has also a spatial modification of the industry.

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There levels: firm, city and region.

1.

Firm: the firm needs to restructure its facilities to the production shrinkage so that it can improve, in first instance, the efficiency reducing the production costs.

This initial process leads in some cases to new facilities and machinery investments. When this situation is not sufficient, brands start considering the delocalization of departments or the final closure of facilities. According to Friedman (1981), “Besides the difficulty of changing strategies quickly, each type of managerial strategy appears to generate its own peculiar form of inflexibility”.

2.

City: a factory closure produces a domino effect in a city. According to Friedman (1983), the spread of the industrial recession to other economic activities may result with the inner-city decline in both social and spatial terms.

It might force the municipality to design new plans in order to avoid this type of situations like in the mentioned case of Detroit who had to design a demolition plan of vacant buildings all over the city.

The issues may not just start at the industrial platforms but also on the residential areas. Neighbourhoods with a higher rate of unemployment will face major social changes that will have an impact on the spatial conditions starting from the social migration in search of new jobs to the degradation of the public space and security.

The insecurity also has an influence on the real estate market reducing the prices, increasing the mobility and, therefore, increasing the demand of rent dwellings.

The city will need to establish strategies first that will avoid the de-industrialization but will need to reformulate them if necessary. Former policies might also need to be abandoned.

3.

Region: the region will need to study first the inner commuting pattern of the population due to the expansion of the labour market. An adequate infrastructure system will be necessary but some attention should also be put on the possible new social inequalities. In particular, the abandonment of the rural areas. Regions need to

restructure their strategic plans in order to accomplish the new situation aiming for avoiding the shrinkage, reducing its impact and create alternatives.

Finally, the de-industrialization consequences are not only negative if the region-town is able to adapt to the new conditions. It is also associated to an improvement on the efficiency and competitiveness and the creation of new markets. Additionally, some positive externalities might take place such as the reduction of the energy consumption and the CO2 emission that has taken place since 2008 in Spain (El Pais, 22.03.2013)

Fig. 22: De-industrialization consequences chain. Based on Friedmann (1981) and Cevik (2003) Source: Self-elaboration

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5. THE CASE: NAVARRA

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The region of Navarra is an interesting case study for its high transformations during the second half of the 20th century enhanced for the industrialization and the special economic regime.

It counts with historical privileges called “Fueros” that have remained and updated since Navarra was conquered by the Castilla´s kingdom in 1512. Nowadays, it counts with autonomy in finance, health, infrastructure, education and security. This condition has allowed the territory to design its own development policies converting it into one of the wealthiest regions not only in Spain but also in Europe. This aspect supports the new debate currently going about the “Europe of regions” and self-sufficiency trends.

It also counts with one of the biggest industrialization rates in Spain being particularly concentrated in the capital, Pamplona, who is also inhabited per 54% of the total region population. Unlike Europe and especially the most industrialized regions in north Italy, Germany and Belgium, whose industrial location is dispersed, Spanish industry is concentrated in Cataluña, Valencia, Madrid, Navarra and the Basque country (See Fig. 25) The effects of the current recession started in 2008 have arrived later in comparison to other Spanish regions. Taking the unemployment figures as reference, it had the second lowest rate in Spain in 2010: 11% versus 24%. However, the situation turned worst during 2012 and particularly during the first part of 2013 rising up to the 19% in April, the highest in the history.

The industrialization enhanced not only the economic but also the social development of the region. Territorially, it depended on several aspects that will be further explained. The topography and the infrastructure development together with the regional policies played an important role on it. The mountainous morphology creates a series of valley corridors that were developed thanks to the regional infrastructure policies with the train infrastructure at certain areas during the first half of the 20th century and with the road network during the second one.

Fig. 23 (previous page): Abandoned Potasas mine (biggest company in 1965) Fig. 24 (left): Volkswagen traffic sign. Pamplona

Fig. 25: Navarra Source: Self-elaboration

Fig. 25: Industrial density Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

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A. THE TRAJECTORY OF INDUSTRIALIZATION Navarra was up to 1950 an agricultural, rural and dispersed region. The industries that we can find up to then were directly related to the natural sources being the wood, mining and metal the more relevant. Previously, in the 19th century, there were several weapons industries and warehouses in the north of the region (Orbaizeta, Eugui and Oroquieta) due to the borderline with France and the succession Carlistas wars.

The arrival of several private rail companies, further explained in the following chapter, enhanced the growth of traditional production settlements mostly metal, wood in the north. Similar to the current situation, the industry in the south was more related to the food and agriculture like the sugar factory in Marcilla.

Pamplona, that only had 30% of the total population at the beginning of 1950s, had a series of small craft spaces thanks to the Scolapios technical school that was founded in 1920 and is still active.

However, the situation took a U-turn because the national and regional administrations together with several local developers started a series of negotiation and projects. In the national scale, the policies were both protective, since the regime was dictatorial, but also started opening to the foreign investments particularly coming from US, UK and France. They were designed under specific agreements about local production, imports and exports. In example, the car industry, one of the most important at that time, limited the amount of foreign car elements to 10% or established a maximum production rate for the national market in order to increase the exports and foreign currencies. The country became a strategic hub for the car industry in Europe due to the benefits offered and the low salaries (De la Torre, 2005).

Navarra had the capability for designing specific agreements that were able to bring companies in detriment to regions. One of the most interesting cases is the arrival of Authi in 1964. Pamplona beat Toledo and Santander thank to that policy and for the investments that were planned in education and infrastructure. , The original company that 44

was started under the British support of the Birmingham Leyland company used to produce “Mini” but it was acquired by Seat in 1975 and finally by Volkswagen in 1985.

Nowadays, the former Polo assembly plant is the biggest in Navarra with 5500 direct and an estimation of 8000 indirect employees according to the factory and the Los Arcos (2012).

The investments in Navarra were national (Basque country, Cataluña) and international (USA, UK, France, Sweden, Switzerland and Germany) regions. The fields were various but the car, metal and chemistry were the most relevant.

One of the most relevant policies that the regional government announced was the PPI, Industrial Promotion Plan of 1964. It offered up to 20% subsidies, tax and land benefits and even import and export advantages. This program helped to the creation of 300 industries with 20.000 employees. By 1968, it had the biggest growth rate in Europe (De la Torre, 2005).

The industry became one on the key elements in the region and was the catalyser for its development.

B. TYPE OF INDUSTRY It is commonly accepted among the Navarra´s society that it is not entrepreneur and aims for having a permanent job at a big industry or the public sector. This concept can be supported with several figures.

In relation to the industrial start up, only 6 rich local business men received 77% of the subsidies for opening a new industry in 1964 (De la Torre, 2005).

If we analyse the sizes of the industries according to the National statistics department, the % of companies with more than 25 employees is higher than the national one.

Moreover, the amount of companies with more than 250 employees almost duplicates the national, Basque and Catalan ones (Feliu, 2011). (See Fig. 28) The role that multinationals have is also relevant. 23 of the 40 main companies in the region were acquired by foreign groups in the 1990s mostly (See Annex. 02) It has also been announced that, although the creation of enterprises has risen since the last year, it is still one of the

lowest in Spain (Diario de Navarra, 06.06.2013). In addition, the GEM (Global entrepreneur monitor) warns that these data might not be reliable since most of the new entrepreneurs are open their business without a clear base moved by the crisis.

C. INDUSTRIAL LOCATION The location of the industry has not experienced major changes since it was started in the 1960s. The already mentioned Promotion Plan of 1964 proposed the implementation of 18 areas, not only in the capital but also in the territory in order to avoid the rural emptiness. Nowadays, these areas are still the most important, but few smaller platforms have been added.

The regional standards don´t allow the implementation of dispersed factories.

According to the industrial typology, the metal and car companies are based in Pamplona and the Araquil and Bidasoa corridors (Corridor 0, 1 and 2) in the North. The south counts with agroindustry in Tudela and the Ebro corridor (Corridor 3). The chemical and paper areas are located in Estella and Sangüesa while the renewable energies companies that starte in the 1990s are mostly located in the corridor 4 (See Fig. 66) The role that infrastructure has had in the location of industries is clear since 70% is located along the main roads, being 40% in the capital.

Fig. 26: Pamplona. Industrial archipelago Self-elaboration

Fig. 27: Industrial areas and sectors Source: Self Elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 28: Industrial size. Number of employees.

Data source: Feliú, 2011

Fig. 29: Authi-Volkswagen. Pamplona.

Source: Diario de Navarra

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D. SPATIAL CONSEQUENCES. URBAN TRANSFORMATION AND RURAL DEPOPULATION Spatially, the society became urban instead of rural. In fact, the capital became the main hub of the region. While the total population has grown 130% from 1950, the metropolitan area of Pamplona has experienced a growth of 287%.

The population rate that lives in Pamplona in relation to the rest of the region has also increased from the 30% to the 54%. (INE, 2013). This urbanization process has had a deep impact on the rural areas, since they have experienced a gradual abandonment process. In fig. 34, we can see the distribution of the 261 towns of Navarra. While the metropolitan area of the capital has 314.000 inhabitants, there are only 16 municipalities over 10.000 inhabitants. Half of the towns have less than 100 inhabitants. To the 271 habited towns, we must add 60 totally abandoned. (Data source: INE, 2013)

Fig. 30:

Fig. 31:

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Fig. 33: Population evolution. Pamplona vs Navarra. 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 34: Population distribution (%), 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: IEN, 2013 PAMPLONA

Population distribution

Fig. 32: Evolution of industry in Pamplona.

1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 34: Settlement sizes in Navarra.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

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E. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT Navarra is currently the region 32nd in GDP per capita out of the 217th European regions. The strategic “Plan Moderna” that will be further described, aims for improving the social cohesion increasing the GDP until the 20th and the wealth distribution from the current 28th position to the 23rd by 2030. Within Spain, it enjoys having the 3rd position in GDP per capita and educational level only beat by Madrid and the Basque Country. (INE, 2013) Although there were several craft spaces in Pamplona mostly and several raw materials related industries along the territory, the Navarra’s society was mostly rural and unskilled before the 1950s. As it has already been explained at the introduction, the multiple policies for industrialization and creation of infrastructure enhanced by the economic privileges, allowed the development of the region. Navarra experienced a strong economic boom during the 1960s having the biggest growth rate in Europe (De la Torre, 2005) and the creation of 300 industries with over 20.000 jobs. The same way it happened during the at revolution of Detroit, these hobs were initially part of an unskilled production chain so that Navarra became one of the most attractive regions in Spain for the national migration being Galicia, Murcia, Extremadura and Andalucía the main origin regions. Some of these immigrants still remain in the northern valleys being identifiable for their accent.

The different social patterns that took place in the rest of the world can also be identified in Navarra. In fact, the industrialization that arrived from the de-centralization of other European regions thank to the cheap unskilled workforce, started having a social reaction by 1973. The industrial strikes that took place between 1973 and 1975 in demand of higher salaries, right for meeting (we must not forget that Spain was under a dictatorial regime), holidays, better qualification… Navarra had at that time the highest strike rate being the Potasa´s (mining) and Authi (car industry) the most relevant cases. (Monreal, 2013) At the beginning of the 1980s, another crisis period took place. SEAT, who had taken over Authi in 1974, was acquired

by VW. The factory in Pamplona was sold to the German car 48

builder per 1 symbolic cent. It meant a final start up for the regional economy and society. The corporation decided to make strong investments on the plant for transforming it into the main VW Polo assembly plant in Europe. This factory has finally become the most important for the region not only due to the number of workforce (5000 direct + 8000 indirect) but for its profits, being responsible for 30% of GDP and 90% of the industrial exports.

The economic boom enhanced by the construction bubble that took place in Spain at the beginning of the 20th century enhanced a second migratory movement. This time, they migrants had a foreign origin, mostly from Ecuador and Rumania.

Fig. 35: GDP/cap Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2008

Fig. 36: Education Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2013

Fig. 37: Economic sectors Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Various

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Fig. 38: Actors Map Source: Self-elaboration.

50

F. THE ACTORS The actors map is subdivided in three categories: Public, Private and Civil Society. Each one of these categories includes different institutions of diverse size, as well as people and some other elements which are also responsible for the evolution of the region.

Considering the public sector, in the particular case of Navarra, the already mentioned economic benefits promote the strength of the regional administration. Also, local municipalities are involved, as they can have a high influence in decisions made depending on the area. But not only regional actors but also national actors are relevant, due to the strategic location of the region between France and Spain. The role that France has in the regional development of Navarra is important since it has aimed for having a direct connection through the Pyrenees.

Nevertheless, this goal has always been postponed in the French policy plans. Finally, EU institutions are present as well, since their funds sometimes are vital to develop some particular projects.

From the private perspective, there are two types of sectors. As it will be further explained, big companies are much more important in Navarra than in other regions. This was enhanced by the regional policies in the 1960s and the few but important local investors such as Felix Huarte.

However, their position was eventually substituted by the foreign groups. Regarding entrepreneurs, they have always been a few if we compare them with the huge presence of enterprises, as their working benefits were much worse than salaried employees. But the number has been growing since the economic crisis started due to unemployment

and lack of common jobs.

The civil society, with strong rural links, has been shaped by the arrival of national migrants in the 1960s who, attracted by the big amount of industrial jobs, moved from the south and west of Spain. In the 2000s, a new migratory pattern took place thanks to the national law modifications, increasing the number of immigrants from 2% to 11% in 12 years.

These actors are not unique, and we can also find some other elements half-way between the 3 groups: semi-public industries, educational structures and union parties, being the semi-public industries the most relevant and visible.

However, there are also private infrastructure companies that play an important role on the spatial transformation.

Although their relevance decayed with the disappearance of private rail lines in the 1970s, they came back again in the 1990s and 2000s thanks to the development of the road infrastructure network, which has had in Navarra several economic implementations since then, such as the direct shadow payment.

Union parties also had a great importance on the development of workers benefits, particularly those coming from the metal and mining sector in the 1970s.

They were fighting for the worker rights and calling strikes till they reached healthy and reasonable working conditions, as those sectors were specially threatened by the consequences of the use of toxic and dangerous products.

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Fig. 41: la Barranca, corridor valley 54

G .THE NATURAL CONDITION This chapter aims for explaining the influence of the topography and the natural sources in the development of the region. It also intends for providing awareness of its huge relevance to develop adequate, not ‘tabula rasa’ future policies.

Navarra counts with a strong natural diversity as the regional tourism campaigns state. Although it is a small region, there is a great range of different landscapes to be found: the desert of Bardenas, the rain beech forest of Irati and the Pyrenees mountains. As well as having a strong biological value due to the existence of different animal and vegetation species, these areas have been also defined by climate, which significantly varies from north to south considering the small distance.

Most of the settlement location is highly influenced by the topography and we can identify typological differences between the north and the south. However, being such noticeable differences, these characteristics are not recognised in the regional strategic plans.

Pyrenees have a strong effect in the settlements of the north, with low population, not more than 3000 inhabitants.

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INDUSTRIAL CORRIDORS AND TOPOGRAPHICAL MORPHOLOGY Self-elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 43: Corridors location and geography.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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Fig. 44: Rivers and vegetation Source: Self-elaboration.

The minimum entity is the ‘Caserio’, a self-sufficient traditional element dispersed in the territory which has a direct relation with the production and the management of natural sources.

On the contrary, the topography in the south is less rough allowing a much better infrastructure network, which enhances the appearance of bigger settlements (up to 10000 inhabitants).

The management of the ‘natural layer’ is also diverse. The north has a strong wood tradition while the south and mid regions are based on the vegetables and cereal cultivation.

Nevertheless, having a family garden is a quite extended tradition along the whole territory.

As it was said before, climate is changeable from north to south, due mainly to altitude, but it is mainly Cantabric, characterized by cold winter and hot summers. Rain is very common, especially in autumn and spring.

Regarding the water system, it is mostly related to the Ebro watershed, being the case study river Bidasoa the only one that belongs to the Cantabric watershed. There are also three main artificial water reservoirs built in the 1950s, 1970s and 2000s, which are intended for the provision of water to the capital, Pamplona, and the irrigation of southern land.

Fig. 45: Corridors and geology Source: Self-elaboration.

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CORRIDOR 1

CORRIDOR 2

CORRIDOR 3

Main towns: Lesaka, Santesteban

Main towns: Alsasua, Irurzun

Main towns: Peralta, Lodosa

Main economic sector: Metal Industry and Forestry Infrastructure: National road, connection to the French border

Main economic sector: Metal Industry

Main economic sector: Agroindustry

Infrastructure: Highway

Infrastructure: National highway

Others: This corridor is threatened by the progressive ageing of population, and an alarming decrease of the local industry. As a result of this lower activity, most of the, in other time growing factories, have closed down, also contributing to create a new landscape of abandoned rural areas.

Others: Unemployment has grown to a worrying point, consequently increasing the number of abandoned industries. Due to this lack of industrial fabric, the remained working population is undergoing a commuting process, which also contributes to the degeneration of the area.

58

Railway,National

Others: Old-fashioned urban plans have led to big concentric towns surrounded by plenty of industrial spaces, perfectly suitable for establishing new local industries. However, the development of the area is mainly based in agro alimentary exports.

CORRIDOR 4

CORRIDOR 5

CORRIDOR 6

Main towns: Aoiz, Sang端esa

Main towns: Estella, Viana

Main towns: Tafalla, Olite, Tudela

Main economic sector: Paper industry, Wind industry Infrastructure: Regional highway

Main economic sector: Paper Industry and Forestry Infrastructure: Regional highway

Main economic sector: Diversified, Agroindustry Infrastructure: National highway

Others: The establishment of new industries in this area is subject to the development of regional urban plans.

In addition, important investments in infrastructures are needed to solve the extreme polarization of the urban settlements.

Others: Just as in corridor 4, developing new industries in this area highly depends on making regional urban plans with dedicated industrial areas.

Together with the huge investment in improving the existing infrastructures, the main towns have been growing along the regional highway.

Others: This corridor reflects what it used to be the traditional axis of investment, the connection of the two main towns of Navarra, Pamplona and Tudela, with the rest of the country. A number of different industries are based along the highway reinforcing this link.

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Fig. 46: Train line, Errotz 60

H. THE ROLE OF INFRASTRUCTURE

INFRASTRUCTURE NETWORKS IN NAVARRA. MYTHS AND OPPORTUNITIES. The infrastructural system of Navarra is probably one of the most developed in Spain. The regional government has realised a series of plans such as the 2nd Director infrastructure Plan that have designed a high standard network of radial highways. The regional strategy has, since the first infrastructure plan of 1964, exceeded the national standards thank to the autonomous regime.

According to Graham S. & Marvin (2011), the old networks had a more resilient and isotropic character. These networks have been eroded and require a certain upgrading.

The new ones, more complex, “forget” the isotropic character due to local competitiveness, cost reduction… They are top-down designed and therefore, connect privilege sectors that increase the social inequalities.

In this chapter, it will be described the role that transport infrastructure have had on the industrial and social development of Navarra. However, its influence might be overestimated. According to Segura (2013), “once that we reach a certain infrastructure threshold, the increase not always produces wealth but can become counterproductive in opportunity cost terms, raise of the externalities or the maintenance…”.

In their opinion, the new networks create “uneven nature” of what they call three types “infrastructure bypass”: local, global and virtual bypass. The first one generates the more unbalanced regions since it is based on the selective connection of main focal points. It is the less reliable or sustainable and produces regional “tunnels”.

On the other hand, it is accepted that there are some cases were a certain redundancy generates a major development. As it was analysed during the Venice 2012 fall EMU course, the 714 x 714 m Roman Centuriazione in the Veneto has been one of the key elements for the industrialization.

The net, with mobility and drainage function, creates a redundant and isotropic system that multiplies not only the routes but also the interaction between house-road and industry-road.

It is not possible to define which the adequate level of infrastructure is. We are currently having a deep debate on the infrastructure system due to the high speed train implementation. While the regional government has made an important bet for the construction of this transport mode, multiple associations, press and parties represent the opposition arguing that the invest is excessive and the impact will not be as positive as expected. In addition, the industrial sector remarks the necessity of upgrading the rail track width to the European standards.

On the contrary, the global bypass considered the more resilient since it is based on the fragmentation and subdivision of the territory in the multiple “segments” (areas or users).

This separation is completed with the interaction between local and global networks. In addition, they emphasize the different role that public or private companies have and put as example the “Heathrow express”, a private rail link between central London and the airport that completes the public transport service.

However, the case of Navarra (and Spain) is quite different to the rest of Europe in regard to private infrastructure.

There have been some examples of private transport infrastructure. For instance, the rail network was started by private investors (mostly supported by British companies).

However, they were nationalized and absorbed by Renfe from 1941 (Reference to be added). Apart from certain temporary concessions such as highways, nowadays the infrastructure is public owned (Bel, 2011)

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Fig. 47: Spain infrastructure evolution, 100-1967.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Bel, 2011

HISTORICAL EVOLUTION According to the historical infrastructure maps of the Iberic peninsula, the kingdom of Navarra had certain relevance until 1512, before it was invaded by the Castilla´s kingdom.

It was not only due to local policies. It was already part of strategic routes since the early roman times in the Iberian Peninsula according to the Estrabón description in the first century AD. (Bel, 2011). At the same time, the Saint Jacobs was a relevant link between the region and Europe in religious, cultural and economic terms. It is worthy to mention that one of the three burgs that formed the city of Pamplona had French inhabitants.

After the conquest, the Spanish institutions defined different policies that left the region in a secondary infrastructure level. By 1720, the connection with France through Irun, in the Basque country, started to be privileged in the road network to the detriment of the Pamplona´s route. Navarra remained at a so-called “shadow” area.

This situation has remained in the following centuries. While the national maps of road investments in 1967 left aside Navarra once again. On the contrary, the local government started a series of infrastructure works in parallel with the PPI, Industrial Promotion Plan (1964) on their search of 62

urbanization and industrialization.

The new policies were clearly in favour of a radial morphology and the link between Pamplona and Tudela, the second biggest city in the south of the province, through the regional highway (1974).

In the recent history, the region has experienced a big transformation of the road system. The second Director Infrastructure Plan, 2002-2009, enhanced the development of the radial system upgrading the main roads to highways.

The autonomous finance of the network is based on 3 different modalities: direct charge to the users, indirect charge depending on the number of users regionally subsidized by the regional government or the total subsidisation. Nowadays, the 3rd Plan, 2009-2016, aims for the consolidation of the road system.

In parallel to the road plans, other series of big infrastructure investments took place in order to satisfy the future water demands like the Eugui reservoir (1971) that provides the water for Pamplona or the, irrigation aimed, reservoir of Yesa (1959). In 2002, the “Canal de Navarra” and the Itoiz water reservoir were finalized completing

Fig. 48: Infrastructure Governance conflicts.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various

GOVERNANCE ISSUES The fact that Navarra has the privilege for designing its own infrastructure policies has leaded in multiple occasions to regional conflicts. For instance, Navarra is surrounded by 3 Spanish regions, Basque Country, Aragon and La Rioja, and 1 French one, Aquitaine.

While a big percentage of the strategic highway network in Navarra has already been upgraded, most of them are interrupted when crossing the boundaries. The most relevant case is the little road (11 km) along the Bidasoa River that connects the region to the closest harbour (Pasajes), France and the main E-road network.

Although the road is within the Basque territory, the land has been owned by the Navarra´s government for more than 150 years. The Basque country has hindered its upgrading aiming for the development of the roads within its territory. After several years of negotiation, it was agreed in 2004 that Navarra would cost the works. In exchange, the land would be returned to the Basque region after 20 years.

(Diario de Navarra, 2004) Nowadays, a new debate has arisen since the Basque government has proposed to start charging for the use of the A-15, main Navarra´s connection with the international

routes (Noticias de Navarra, June 2013). Although it might not be relevant initially, it has already been described as an important effect on the society by “El Pais” (00.00.2013) since the crisis is also having an impact on the goods routes avoiding the payment routes.

The international expansion of the region also deals with the French infrastructure policies. Navarra has always aimed for having a direct highway through the Pyrenees.

The negotiation between both provinces was quite developed but the French National Government stopped the project in 2006 due to the important cost in the and not considering it relevant for the national interest (Diario de Navarra, 2006).

A similar situation has taken place lately (El Pais, 26.06.2013) since the French infrastructure department announced that the plans for connecting Irun (borderline) and Bordeaux with the high speed train were postponed until 2030.

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Fig. 49: Train network evolution in Navarra, 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various

2010

2020

2030

2040

2050

EUROPE

17%

20%

30%

40%

50%

SPAIN

1%

3%

6%

12%

24%

NAVARRA

0,5%

4,5%

20%

30%

50%

VOLKSWAGEN NAVARRA

30%

75%

>75%

>75%

>75%

Fig. 50: Train goods transport Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: ANL, 2012

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THE VASCO-NAVARRO TRAIN (1878-1967) This regional train connected Estella with Vitoria and Bilbao, having 70 km and 8 stations in Navarra´s territory along the Ega valley.

Economic and social impact: It was an important social and economic link in the region reaching 325000 passengers and 179000 tm. In Navarra, the wood industry had a big dependence on it. (Wikipedia, 2013) It is nowadays one of the most relevant touristic attractors since most of the paths along Navarra and Alava have been recuperated. The tunnels and bridges still remain in good condition. Although most of the stations remain abandoned, they constitute an interesting touristic attractor.

Closure: It implied the beginning of the abandonment of the region. According to the INE (2013) the population of the affected municipalities in Navarra (except Estella, capital of the region) has decreased from 5307 in 1950 to 2300 in 2010. The remaining inhabitants depend on the car and most of them have to commute to Estella or Pamplona.

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MICROSTORY: TERESA Teresa lives in a small town of Zu単iga whose population has decreased since 1950 from 403 to 108. She remembers the train as the most important element on the region, since she used to commute to Estella or Vitoria for working in the domestic service.

Working-commuting: Teresa has 2 children who work at the wood industry. Although there is one sawmill in the town and some other in the valley, the recession has forced them to commute further since there are not enough local jobs.

In addition, only one bus a day connects it to Estella the so that old people or kids depend on family or neighbours.

Town life: although the town has a low population, the empty houses have become a secondary or touristic residence and remain in a good condition. The old school has been refurbished into the elderly centre and bar.

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6.THE CURRENT CONDITION A. WHAT? WHEN? Fig. 56: Industrial production index. Cars vs rest.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2012

Fig. 57: Industrial Exports.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Diario de Navarra, 2013 PAPER

Indicador de Clima Industrial. Ciclo-tendencia

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The current situation of Navarra is uncertain. Although the unemployment had remained low in comparison to other Spanish regions, It has grown in 2012 and, particularly during the first half of 2013, from the second lowest in Spain in 2010 (11%) to 19%, the highest in the history of the region. In economic terms, the influence of the industry in the regional GDP has been reduced from the 32% to the 28% in the same period (INE, June 2013).

The situation has led to a new migratory pattern since the number of workers particularly among the 25-34 years old people whose population has been reduced by 6000 people. The industrial sector is the one who has lost the biggest number of jobs - 2200- during the last 3 months (Noticias de Navarra, July 2013).

The current de-industrialization is not only due to the “global” crisis but also to the competitive shrinkage of the local industries that started in the 1980s (reference to be added). At the same time, there have been particular “crisis” like the construction one that have directly influenced to the big industries such as the concrete or appliance ones in Olazagutia and Tafalla.

The production sectors that have been mostly affected by the de-industrialization are the mining, wood-furniture and metal (see fig. 58). On the contrary, the car industry, leaded by the Volkswagen plant in Pamplona, has become the most important element of the regional economy. While the other sectors are experiencing the production reduction, the car production has maintained the equilibrium (see Fig. 56). The role that this sector has on the economy is relevant because it constitutes 30% of the industrial GDP and 90% of the exports (Diario de Navarra, 2013). In fact, this factory has even reached a production record in 2010 and 2011 thank to the German, Italian and French market. In words of Miguel d’Entremont during the visit to the car plant in April 2013, the current Polo design is at the end of its life cycle and waits for the new design. Although the production has decreased in 2012 it remained at the average levels and it is expected to raise with the new model.

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Fig. 58: Industrial tendencies by sectors Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2013

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This issue helps us to understand the dependence of a region´s development on external elements. Not only from the fact that its development depend on the foreign decision from the multinationals but also from its dependence on foreign markets. For instance, Volkswagen, that exports 90% of its production, follows the “just in time” production model that makes the number of direct and indirect employees fluctuate. Nowadays, there are 5000 direct employees and 8000 indirect ones.

Nowadays, there are 133 multinational companies based in Navarra (Moderna, 2013). According to the Bayo & San Miguel at the 5th Economic Congress of Navarra, the strategies and investments are quite different. While the local companies invest 10.346 € and 803 € per employee in material and in-material issues (facilities or R&D, in example) the multinationals only invest 6.46 € and 429 € respectively At the same time, the network that these companies generate is smaller in the local scale, since only 13% of the sources are bought in the regional market while the local companies reach 30%. On the contrary, the profits that foreign companies have is higher, being 55.385 € versus 44.787 € that local companies achieve per employee.

The actions and policies are also quite diverse. Inasa, opened in 1955, is one of the most relevant and traditional metal factory in Irurtzun. It has been owned since 2002 by a Norwegian group but it was sold to a German group for a symbolic euro in 2010. The new owner announced the closure of the factory in 2012 leaving the economy of the 2300 inhabitants in a damage position and firing 200 workers.

The reactions didn´t wait. The workers tried to take the control of the company constituting a cooperative.

However, it couldn´t take place since the company decided to szell the machinery to a British group per 3 million euros.

On the contrary, there are cases of successful transformation.

Industrias Luzuriaga, inaugurated in 1967, agreed on becoming part of the Mondragon Cooperative joining with Fagor Tafalla and, although they are also experiencing difficulties, they were capable to re-structure themselves in order to maintain their human capital.

While the factory in Irurtzun is abandoned, the one in Tafalla remains still operative with 750 employees.

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Fig. 59: Main factories in the territory.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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The fact that workers try to take the initiative and change the situation is quite relevant for the development of strategies. In addition, new trends such as the coworking or networks associations enhanced by the new technologies have aroused in the region.

B. WHERE? WHO? As it has already been mentioned, the de-industrialization has bigger effects in the territory and the industrial valleys than the capital whose economy relies more on the services.

Additionally, its industry is more diversified and counts with two successful industrial sectors: the car industry and the logistics area.

In order to explain this situation, the 40 more important industries in the region have been briefly analyzed and localized along the corridors (Se Fig. 65-66 and the Annex Chart 02). In particular, the data that has been compared are the location, current workforce, maximum workforce, inauguration, acquisition by a multination, the town population and the shrinkage that has taken place during the last 5 years. Multiple press, statistical and historical sources have been consulted in addition to the official websites.

The social dependence or vulnerability on the mentioned companies is measured through the relation between the number of direct employees and the metropolitan town population. The risk is shown in the chart through a colour scale of the % shrinkage.

This approach gives 2 main results. On the first instance, although it is important, Pamplona has less dependence from a single factory than the rest of the towns. Secondly, corridors 1 and 2, specialized on the metal sector, are the ones with a major social vulnerability (Corridor 1 will be analyzed in the following chapters). According to the Entrepreneurs Association from the corridor 2, they lost 25% of the industry during the 3 first years of the crisis (2008-2011).

The unemployment evolution at these areas has followed different patterns but with a similar result. While the “Corridor 2� was affected from the very beginning and has had a constant growth, the first one has followed the Navarra´s evolution that experienced a radical raise during 74

2013 (See Fig. 61 and 62).

There has been a transformation on the regional industrialization. While the most important factories in the 1960s were part of the mining, metal and appliance sectors, nowadays the car and renewable energy have taken the leading position. However, there are still important metal factories that are struggling to compete in the global context. A similar situation is going on with the paper and the renewable energy companies.

During the last 5 years, the total direct workforce has been reduced by a 30%, until 12800. This amount constitutes only the 44% if we sum the maximum workforce that these factories ever employed (See Fig. 64). However, we must not forget that the technology development also has an effect on this issue as Jane Jacobs describes in The Economy of the cities.

The importance that multinationals have in the region has also been confirmed. Although all the 40 main factories were opened with local funds, 24 out of them were acquired by foreign groups in the 1980s and 1990s especially.

Fig. 60: Workers strike. 30.05.2013 Source: Noticias de Navarra

Fig. 61: Unemployment in Corridor 1.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 63: 40 main industries opening by decades.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 62: Unemployment in Corridor 2.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 64: 40 main industries, workforce shrinkage Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various . See annex 1, chart 2

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Fig. 65: Analysis of the 40 main companies.

Shrinkage and local dependence.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various.

See annex 1, chart 2

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Fig. 66: Analysis of the 40 main companies.

Location along the corridors.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various.

See annex 1, chart 2

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D. SPATIAL CONSEQUENCES As it was described in the initial part of the report, there are 3 different scales of spatial consequences: firm, settlement and region.

1.

Firm: It is possible to identify multiple cases of firm restructuring with uncertain results. In the case of the already mentioned factory of Irurtzun, the new company owner invested 2 million euros in new machinery. It didn´t stopped the final factory closure 2 years later. In the case of Gamesa, a wind mill producer, it has reduced the number of factories in Navarra from 4 to 1. The production has been centralized in one of the plants located in Aoiz. The former plants remain vancant.

The most interesting one is the Lesaka´s factory. (see firm policies chapter, Bidasoa plan) 2.

Settlements: Public space: the high educational level and the role of the family are having a big relevance reducing the social inequalities that could be expected due to such a high unemployment rate. The municipalities are struggling for paying the normal maintenance works but the conditions of the public space remain correct. There is a certain degradation of the rural areas.

On the contrary, most of the urban plans that were designed before, and even during the recession period, can´t be fund so that multiple projects have not been initiated or multiple spaces remain unfinished. This issue will be further explained in the following chapter.

The real estate market has seen a 25% reduction on the prices (Noticias de Navarra, May 2013). The long term unemployment has also affected to it increasing the demand on rent housing not only by the local people but also for the ones that have had to change their residence in search for a job.

The new vacant industrial area have started to suffer from spatial insecurity along the souroondings since they are not under permanent security control.

Areas en las afueras…

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3.

Region: The current de-industrialization in Navarra is having both social and spatial effects. Thanks to the familiar support, already mentioned, the migration within the region is not having notorious consequences yet. It is also the result of the previous economic boom since, as it was identified through several interviews; the fact that most of the people already owns a residence forced them to commute instead of The use of infrastructure is also being affected. Although the commuting issue has increased, the pay highways have experienced a reduction on their traffic flows while the free previous roads have a higher usage as it is taking place at the one connecting Pamplona and Tudela (Diario de Navarra, 8.12.2013). On the contrary, there is an unexpected increase on the number of users in the Pamplona-Estella who is financed through the shadow toll system affecting to the regional budget (Noticias de Navarra, 20.01.2013).

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OLZAGUTIA

Name: Cementos Portland Company Sector: Concrete Number of Employees: 60 Location: Olazagutía Current Situation: Spatial Characteristics:

“The establishment of the company was very important for the development of the region. Many people came from Galicia or the South of Spain in 1960s-1970s. There used to be work for everybody” “I don´t understand what it´s happening now. I think the youth must look for a job in Pamplona” “Having the railway passing through the town was vital. But nowadays, the traffic of goods has decreased” “Environmental conditions have improved a lot lately. It´s not as polluted as it was 30 years ago” Fig. 67: Industrial area in Olazagutia Source: Self-elaboration.

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IRURTZUN

Name: Cementos Portland Company Sector: Concrete Number of Employees: 200 Location: Olazagutía Current Situation: Spatial Characteristics:

“Nobody understands the logic of multinationals.

They lied to us” “The strategic position of Irurtzun is favorable.

However, the town doesn´t take any advantage from the railway. In fact, there´s no train stop” “I´m not really worried about my future. I don´t have any children, so when I retire, I will be selfsufficient with my animals and growing my own vegetables. But my colleagues are concerned about their children, as it won´t be easy for them.

Fig. 68: Industrial area in Irurtzun.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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E. VACANT PRODUCTION SPACES The issue on the vacant production spaces is also related to the 3 different scales. Additionally, It is particularly difficult to define since the data is not complete and deals with private management of the space. Unfortunately, the amount of vacant spaces is not quantifiable.

The consequences are connected to the already mentioned chain of events: spatial degradation, security, social inequalities but it also has environmental issues due to the lack of necessary maintenance.

Throughout the research, several typologies of vacant spaces have been identified due to different reasons: Crisis, Variation of the demands and typologies, Unused spaces, Clustering, and The regulation and function conflicts.

TYPE 1: CRISIS The crisis has produced new issues. The price of the industrial land, controlled by the regional authorities, was frozen at the beginning of the crisis but has experienced a 34% reduction since being, the second biggest in Spain (Noticias de Navarra, 18.03.2013). This has leaded to the situation of unfinished industrial areas not only due to the crisis but also to the regional urbanistic regulations that force to complete the 100% of the urbanization before the start of the construction of factories.

It has been also revealed the incoherency of the previous situation and the failure of few planning strategies. The housing and service construction fever lead the cities to multiply their urban land in detriment of other activities.

Inquinasa, a 70 year old factory in the outskirts of Pamplona, was integrated in the High speed and urban expansion of the capital finally approved in the “PSIS 2007”. This project proposed the transformation of the industrial area in 9000 dwelling, a technological centre and the new train station.

The company, multinational, was supposed to relocate the factory within Navarra and receive an economic compensation of 60 million euros. Nowadays, the urban project is long delayed and is under a strong social debate already described previously. In addition, the company who has been the last 10 years waiting for a resolution whose delayed has reduced the investments on the facilities

announced the closure and the moving to Switzerland (Noticias de Navarra, 21.05.2013). Some other examples of abandoned factories due to the housing speculation can be identified along the territory.

TYPE 2: VARIATION OF THE DEMANDS AND TYPOLOGIES. The current demand of industrial space has also changed in terms of typology or size. While most of the main companies that still remain in the region were mostly opened on the 1960s and 1970s (See Annex 02) the character of the new companies is less prominent lately and smaller. The local studies on this subject have been recently pointed by Nasuvinsa, the industrial regional department, who is currently working on the identification of the issues on some industrial areas in the metropolitan area of Pamplona (“Zone 31-64” project, July 2013). One of the most important findings is the relation on the size of the factory plots and the vacancies, being more visible at the platforms with higher plots, particularly at the area of Osasuna, 100% urbanized but empty. On the contrary, the occupation of the areas with smaller spaces is around 8090% (See Fig. 65).

TYPE 3: UNUSED SPACES The production spaces have often been acquired after special agreements with the correspondent authorities and therefore it should not be underused. For instance, the factory in Tudela of Sanyo, 73000 m2 was retaken by the municipality after 40 years in 2010 when it was closed down. 2/3 of the land had been acquired for free.

The case of Lesaka is one of the most interesting ones. The city has grown until the limits of the huge complex, 150000 m2, due to the limitation of space in the valley. Nowadays, the factory is still in use but its production, workforce and spaces under use have been considerably reduced.

Nowadays, according to some interviews, just 30 % of the plant is in use while the rest of the space remains closed.

This is not a new phenomenon since some of the spaces have been locked for more than 20 years.

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The vacancies are not only built elements. A factory is usually surrounded by provision spaces and truck parks that create a particular landscape.

TYPE 4: CLUSTERING The regional administration has been enhancing this type of industrial association since the beginning of the 21st century. The most relevant sectors are the car industry, the renewable energy, the information and biomedicine.

Spatially, it has had diverse results. While the implantation of the technological park, the Volkswagen suppliers area and the so-called “Transport city” in the metropolitan area of Pamplona have been successful, there other series of projects that have failed.

The most relevant ones are the “Security city” and the “Meat city” that have not received the sufficient demand and were finally abandoned in 2013. According to the meat providers association, the Administration´s proposals were not coherent since they planned to move the slaughter and process plants from Pamplona, who means 80% of the consumption, to the south of the region even further from the northern farms.

with different activities. Secondly, the implantation of new activities in abandoned industrial spaces would not be reopened if they are closer than 1000 m from residential areas, something very common as in the case of Lesaka.

The minimum distances might be coherent in terms of security, pollution, noise or any other issues that may affect to the residential areas but it should make a difference between industrial activities.

A new activity conflict has been also identified recently related to the Caserios, the traditional house in Navarra.

This element used to be structure in three levels and activities. The animals used to be on the ground level, the residence at the first one and the vegetables and the straw on the second so that the residence was thermally protected. In the 1990s, many farmers decided to expand their business constructing and additional farm attached to the house. During the 2000s, most of them stopped the activity due to the ageing of the population and the European subsidies. Nowadays, these spaces remain empty and with no possibility of reuse since the specific regulation (2003) doesn´t allow opening this kind of activity closed to 100 m from any residential area even if it is dispersed.

TYPE 5: REGULATION AND FUNCTION CONFLICTS. The last issue that has been identified is related to the regulation. The regional industrial law, “Decreto Foral 84/1990, Implantación territorial de poligonos y actividades industrials en Navarra” defines the authorized activities (art.

6), the location requirements (Art. 7) and the separation characteristics (Art. 10) among other series of elements.

The law stops from dividing the plots or the establishment of different companies and activities in the same factory. It avoids the subdivision of existing factories too. In terms of location, the industrial elements can´t be established closer than 100 m from heritage elements or paths like the Saint Jacobs path. They can´t be located closer than 1000 m from residential areas or 500 m if the project incorporates forest areas in between.

The already mentioned issue of vacant private spaces is also affected by this regulation. In the first instance because the extra spaces produced by the shrinkage can´t be recycle 84

Fig. 69 (previous page) : Abandoned Warehouse.

Fig. 70: Industrial area in Tudela Source: Nasuvinsa.

Fig. 71: Security cluster. Pamplona Source: Diario de Navarra.

Fig. 72: Abandoned Caserio. Lesaka

Fig. 73 : Analysis of industrial plots. Pamplona.

Data source: Nasuvinsa.

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7. CASE STUDY: CORRIDOR 1 , BIDASOA 91

Fig. 75 : Urban Settlements.

Source: Self-Elaboration.

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A. DESCRIPTION

Fig. 76: Administrative limits.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 77: Bidasoa train.

Data source: Diario de Navarra

Fig. 78: Lesaka factory 1965.

Data source: Diario de Navarra.

The Bidasoa River is the main articulating element. Along the corridor we identify a series of medium size towns with a population that varies from 250 to 4000 inhabitants.

Administratively, there is no common entity. The corridor crosses through different municipalities that become smaller due to the topographic conditions and the morphology of the valleys.

The steep topography also enhances the role of infrastructure and articulates the space. Until 1954, the corridor counted with a private rail line that connected the quarries with the French border and the Pasajes harbour.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the metal factory located in Lesaka became the most relevant element not only for the mentioned town but for the whole corridor. The closure of the train line and the opening of the big factory were discussed during the same town hall meeting in 1954.

Residential typologies are similar along the corridor. To the ‘medieval’ spatial shape that some of the towns have, new dwelling buildings where added in the 1960s in order to provide residence for the foreign factory workers. Additionally, we can find multiple ‘palaces’ in the town centres that were built during the last decades of the eighteenth century by successful local inhabitants who invested in the American colonies. The caserio is also a typical element of the landscape.

Both ‘palaces’ and caserios are facing a strong abandonment due to the reduction of the family size and people moving to the cities. Even though the spatial conditions have not been degraded yet, they are at risk for total abandonment in the following decades.

In the centre of the analysed area, we find the Bertiz natural park, owned by one of the local millionaires until the 1950s and transferred to the regional government after his decease.

The ‘fronton’, the traditional sport facility, can be found in each and every settlement whereas the rest of services are less homogenously distributed, being Bera, Lesaka and Elizondo the most important reference towns. For instance, these towns are the only ones which count with a small hospital or a secondary school.

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LOCAL HERITAGE

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SERVICES

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INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE

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B. INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE AND ISSUES

It is mentioned in many documents since the fifteenth century. Through history, the Bidasoa area has been related to the metal production thanks to the rich natural sources and water provision. It was at the beginning of the twentieth century, with the construction of new ovens, and particularly during the 1950s with the new factory, when Lesaka became the industrial reference in the area.

The location of industrial areas is diverse along the corridor.

The higher rate of industrial surface is in Bera and Lesaka, due to their proximity to the international transport routes.

Legasa, a subsidiary factory of Lesaka, is the third most important area.

Fig. 79: Relation of industrial areas.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 80: Analysis of the industrial surfaces along the corridors.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE.

Fig. 81: Unemployment evolution. 2008-2013.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Ministerio de Empleo.

While the mentioned industrial areas are connected to the metal industry, Santesteban depends on the wood sector, also associated with the big paper industry located outside the corridor. Although this industry has experienced a strong decrease caused by the construction shrinkage and the new technologies affecting the paper industry, several factories of wood furniture are based there.

In the case of the more inner settlements, Elitzondo in particular, the industrial landscape is related to the construction field, as it is near several quarries. Additionally, there is also a significant presence of commercial services in these areas.

One of the key elements of the local development is the infrastructure. The area has an important flow of trucks, as it is crossed by one of the main routes towards the international roads and local industry has to be supplied. This road presents two important issues. Firstly, it connects with Pamplona through a series of tunnels which solve the Beloso pass.

However, this road is not wide enough for this heavy traffic and has experienced several closures in the last years due to truck accidents or maintenance issues. Even though there is an alternative to this route in the steep highway towards San Sebastian, it has been demonstrated through the visual approach that the Volkswagen logistic routes prefer taking the narrow Beloso pass instead of the highway, producing traffic jams due to the low performance of road.

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Secondly, the development of the infrastructure towards the north also found conflicts with the neighbour region policies. As it has already been described in the Infrastructure chapter, the improvement of 11km of road crossing the Basque Country region towards France has been delayed by several administrative problems.

As this is a main route for goods transportation, it has also important to mention the frequent presence of truck and logistic areas in the region. Some of them have been consolidated, but there are still several spontaneous surfaces.

The industrial landscape reached its higher productivity and workforce rates during the late 1980s, but both figures have shrunk since then. The economic boom of the 2000s and the influence of exports helped the region to reach an equilibrium. However, the situation has experienced a radical modification, particularly during 2013. Fig. 81 shows the unemployment rate along the corridor, noticing that these issues have appeared this year. The biggest companies have considerably reduced their workforce and according to the several interviews made, the situation is pessimistic.

Some of the workers of the Lesaka´s Metal factory, report that most of its built elements are underused and the production has been concentrated in one of the buildings, remaining the rest vacant. Some of the facilities have been in this situation for more than 20 years, which facilitates frequent acts of vandalism .

Among others, this issue has spatial consequences. Many of these vacant places were taken as an opportunity for the urban development enhanced by the residential bubble.

Nowadays, there is no such a demand and the number of vacant elements is not only but growing.

Fig. 81b : Corridor economic interaction Source: Self-elaboration

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Fig. 82: Traffic issues in the corridor.

Fig. 83: Traffic issues in the corridor.

Fig. 84 : Traffic issues in the corridor.

Fig. 85: Strategic regional roads.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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Fig. 86 (previous page): Historical urban growth 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

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Fig. 87 (right): Vacant spaces.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 88 (left): Vacant industrial spaces.

Source: Self-elaboration.

LESAKA INDUSTRIAL VACANT ELEMENTS Vacant In use Data source: Local Interviews with employees

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Fig. 91: Forest Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

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Fig. 90: Quarries Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

C. ENVIRONMENTAL VALUES Within the studied municipalities we can find a wide diversity of natural elements. The landscape is particularly dominated by the forest and the topography.

We can also find a series of marble quarries in the proximity to Oronoz- Mugaire. This type of red stone is visible in almost all the constructions before the 1980s.

The agriculture lacks from the vegetable cultivation. It is mostly fodder. Its location strongly depends from the topographic conditions as it is perceived in Fig. 91.

However, there are plenty of small family gardens for selfconsumption porpoises.

Fig. 89: Agriculture (mostly fodder and family garden) Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

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BERTIZ NATURAL PARK Lying alongside the Baztan valley, Bertiz Natural Park includes 46 Ha of extensive beech and oak woods, which have remained intact and under the same property since 1200.

During this time, altruistic activities have been taken place, as well as the introduction of some typical elements of the English gardens, such as pavilions, botanic gardens and exotic species of plants.

It was not until 1950 that it became a National Park, when it was transferred to the Regional Government with the condition of preservation of its morphological and environmental characteristics. Currently, and due to the financial situation, the maintenance of the park is subject to important budget cuts, having only two people dedicated to this work. However, there are some other workers focused on the management of the Park.

Bertiz National Park is an important focal point to the development of the region and its environmental qualities.

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Fig. 92: Bertiz National Park Area.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

MICROSTORY: JOSE Jose has always lived in the natural park. He was the last employee who worked for the previous owner.

Issues: the park is now maintained by 2 workers. Jose considers it not enough and states that there are many aspects that are abandoned. The roads and pavilions are not maintained and have a ruined situation.

Valley life: the park used to be the core of the valley corridor.

Nowadays, it has an ecological and economic impact since it has become an important touristic attractor that can be enhanced with the Bidasoa “green via�.

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D. DIFFERENT LIFESTYLES One of the main values identified in the study area is the diversity of options. Although there are similarities between the corridor settlements, house typologies, uses, sizes and social classes, they present individual particularities.

The size of the towns goes from 60 to 4000 inhabitants.

Additionally, the traditional dispersed entity -caserioappears in the rural areas. There is no official estimation of the number of people who live in these structures.

Nevertheless, the population is decreasing as the Microstory Caserios describes.

According to the social pyramids, smaller settlements are inhabited by an aged population, which should mean a more stable community, as the profile is native people who are already retired and are not in need of moving. However, these areas, together with the dispersed ones, present defined depopulation risks, as well as a higher problem of exclusion.

One of the causes that can explain the depopulation is the important relation with the capital, since many young people moved there to attend university. Even though time consuming is higher, it was stated in several interviews that the working and shopping dependence from Pamplona is stronger than from San Sebastian.

Whereas the good economic situation and its large amount of job opportunities prevented the region from shrinking and developed the urban areas during the last decade, nowadays the evolution of the area and its people is strongly attached to the capital.

Fig. 93 : Lifestyles: Town centres.

Source: Self-elaboration. Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 94 : Lifestyles: Dispersed settlements.

Source: Self-elaboration. Gobierno de Navarra.

Daily lifestyles are also strongly related with natural layers, since there is a long tradition of city gardening for selfconsumption. In most cases it is combined with small cattle farms which complete the industrial earnings of the inhabitants.

Fig. 96 (right): Social Pyramids by settlements.

Data Source: INE

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Fig. 98: Services Town. Elizondo

MICROSTORY: CITY GARDEN Elizondo is a good example of combination of services, urban life and agricultural production. Despite of the construction bubble, and instead of filling the empty plots with new buildings, city gardening has been introduced in the town.

Different from other cases in which the urbanization comes first and it is followed by an abandonment of the site, in Elizondo the soil has been treated to have the possibility of cultivating different kind of vegetables, so local people can take advantage from that and contribute to a selfsufficiency of the town.

Some other new elements contribute to spread the selfconsumption and “km 0� in the town. Apart from growing their our products reducing costs, the relationship with new technologies is also present, for example introducing new ways of selling, like milk vending machines.

Finally, it is important to mention that within the corridor 1 this area holds the best morphological soil condition for agricultural production, an important point to develop the strategies for self-sufficiency.

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Fig. 99: Caserios. Dispersed Elements.

MICROSTORY: CASERIOS The traditional construction in the region is called “Caserio�. It consists of a single house directly related with self-sufficient production. The morphological structure is divided in three levels: animals in the ground floor, residence in the first floor and straw loft in the top level, aiming for the energy efficiency.

This logic was abandoned at the end of the 1980s-early 1990s with the construction of big attached farms financed

by European funds.

Nowadays, the progressive ageing of population, together with the smaller size of the families and the existence of strict urban regulations are increasing the emptiness of these elements. Additionally, in the beginning of the twenty first century the European funds supported the closing down of farms and imposed cattle rates, having also a big influence in this abandonment.

To avoid this situation, in many occasions caserios are transformed into rural hotels or restaurants. However, this solution is not applicable in all cases.

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E. COWORKING One of the findings of the research is the fact that the demand of land by the industries and the number of employees are progressively becoming smaller. Furthermore, the relation between production activities varies. According to Castells (2013), the associations in the future will become temporary and will be individually negotiated. This would imply that the actors would be part of a virtual network that would meet to collaborate in temporary projects.

Temporary association can be identified in coworking spaces. Although it is not a new trend, it has recently arrived in Navarra enhanced by the economic recession and the individual search of new opportunities.

Nowadays, there are three coworking spaces in Pamplona, two private and one public. In addition, there are a number of not official coworking spaces such as the Lesaka´s one that opened few months ago.

The variety of users is an added value. They search for individual relations inside and outside the space. Therefore, the space qualities and conditions are really important. It is not a traditional office as it is also related to the external promotion of the users and the interaction with the exterior. If industrial facilities are becoming anonymous containers of activities, coworking spaces are the opposite. This relation with the exterior is not only done through the business activities of the coworkers, but also through the space itself. It usually counts with cafĂŠ-bar, showroom, shop, events hall, etc., activities which are in permanent modification according to the demands. Fig. 101 shows the generic organization of these spaces.

They tend to create clusters such as designers, journalists, architects... However, it is not an exclusive relation between service and production structures. All the members of a coworking community are usually dynamic people, in continuous search of new activities and an active collaboration in between clusters. It´s not a simple space sharing: they see each other as a potential colleague, not as the competence.

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Fig 100 represents user and spatial organization of one of these coworkings. Both spaces count with a shop where the locally produced articles can be shown. These elements may constitute a driving force for the economic development for small local entities.

Both microstories show cases that had the chance of starting with family facilities. Its successful implementation together with its rapid growth, has led them to search new spaces with added qualities. But the search is not easy, as finding a suitable place is one of the main problems that these communities find.

Although they are well known for their abilities in transforming degraded spaces such as former industries, spaces like that in the centre of the towns are not common. They usually exists in industrial areas outside the official urban limits, and consequently, they have transport and connection issues which might be not as attractive for some workers as an common office. Consequently, the choice of the space is vital, and also the services offered.

Apart from the property issues, there are also regulation problems. To the already mentioned regional normative that avoids the mixture of industrial activities or the split of spaces, local regulations do not enclose the case of mixed activities and demand the submission of one project per each activity, which increase the difficulty of setting up these spaces and have paralyze more than one initiative of this type.

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8. VISION 117

INTRODUCTION/FINDINGS After fifty years of a great economic, urban and social development, the region of Navarra is experiencing the process of de-industrialization. This is not a detach phenomenon. The globalization that promoted the decentralization towards cheaper production regions and the current economic recession that Europe is experiencing have revealed the vulnerabilities of the ‘system’. The issues have proved particularly relevant in territory where the dependence on big industries is higher.

The findings and the evolution of the research project has been strongly influenced by the events that have taken place in the province during the last 6 months when the number of factory closure and strikes have raised.

The consequences of the de-industrialization are perceived form different scales: firm, neighbourhood, city and region.

The emptiness of the factory is just the beginning of the events chain. In the case of Navarra, the role of the family, the hidden economy and the strong and well financed government have enhanced a slow-short social and spatial degradation. However, the situation still runs the risk for a deeper radicalization since the number of vacancies, commuting-migration are increasing. Municipal and regional projects have been cancelled or postponed while new approaches are needed in order to modify the current situation.

The research has focused on the awareness of this vulnerability and the dependence that the developmentgrowth of the region has. Various factors such as the role of infrastructure, governance, spatial morphology, strategic position among others, define the ‘degree’ of vulnerability.

The understanding of these conditions was considered crucial in order to avoid the ‘tabula rasa’ intervention. For instance, the topographic morphology of Navarra structures the regional settlement along corridors that demand strong infrastructure investments in contraposition to the central metropolitan area of the capital, Pamplona. The strong central government, based on the mentioned historical benefits, defines the development strategies for the whole territory.

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The first research question asked for the influence of industrialization on the development. The findings have revealed that in Navarra, particularly, there is a strong relation between economic, spatial and strategic policies.

As it has been described, the industrialization was the catalyser for the development. The regional government, with a higher autonomy than other regions, was able to implement a consolidated industrial landscape and attract important investors such as Authi – former owner of the current Volkswagen assembly plant – in detriment of other regions.

However, this top down development is still strongly exogenous and depends on big economic efforts. They are usually related to the role of infrastructure such as the current high speed train debate or the subsidies. They also produce negative externalities such as the shadow-pipe effect or fast infrastructure or the reduction of biodiversity due to the provision of funds for a specific cultivation.

Another important issue is the fact that the regional policies meet some incoherencies. Although the POT, have a polycentric territory as a goal, some of the most relevant interventions such as the mentioned high speed train aim for the reinforcement of what they call the ‘Polinuclear Central area’, the metropolitan area of Pamplona.

The role of firms is also relevant. However, their influence and policies hold ambiguity. The case of the metal plants owned by Arcerlor Mittal in the north of Navarra is an interesting case study. The firm decided in 2009 to audit all the plants they have worldwide and close down the less productive. One of the criteria, among others, was to achieve 1500-2000$ per tn. The fact that the Navarra´s plants were ‘competing’ against plants in China or India makes us realise that the context is not the same as 40 years ago when they were opened.

Additionally, one of the most important findings in relation with the private companies is the fact that many of the industrial surfaces, which in some cases were acquired under very affordable terms for its strategic implementation, are becoming vacant or are underused. Sanyo in the south of the region is one of the most interesting since the municipality had to take to the court the firm after the closure in order to regain the land that had been lend for free.

UNCERTAINTY The evolution of the policies described in the specific chapter points the positive emergence of new development approaches. The result of the previous analysis has led to the confluence of two approaches: quantitative and qualitative who are also described in the policies chapter. The findings of both approaches are not contradictory even sharing the used terms.

The interviews with the key actors have demonstrated useful for the understanding of the evolution of issues and the current context. For instance, the issue of vacant spaces would not have been possible without their description since some of most interesting cases such as the Lesaka´s plant have not been identified by the administration. In relation to that, public policy factors such as zoning or the industrial areas regulation also increase the vacancy issues.

The research has also identified the elements that will help in the development of alternative strategies.

In the post-industrial society, the role of the individual interactions is becoming more relevant. Therefore, it is necessary to involve their visions and capabilities actively. The creative class is the most relevant example. Although the recognition is not new - Jane Jacobs already spoke about them in 1969their role, improved by the new informational technologies, is being upgraded even in the European policies.

However, the incorporation of the creative class to a region can´t be defined by a plan. It depends on multiple factors.

According to Florida (2005) these groups choose first where they want to live and then look for a job or start their own business. Therefore, the spatial conditions or the living standards are highly relevant.

On the first instance, the rural areas are secondary for this social category since they tend to search for critical mass and generate clusters. However, the rural areas may offer the added value of the environmental qualities if they are able to provide with a good interconnected network of adequate spaces and facilities.

While the development was based on the mass production in the 1950s, nowadays, the small entrepreneurs are a key factor for achieving the sustainable and self-sufficient goals.

In relation to the vulnerability issues mentioned above, the rate of bug industries in Navarra is higher than other regions such as the Basque Country or Cataluña.

The complexity of the multiple actors, the evolution of the informational era or the globalization of the issues are some of the elements that have contributed to the raise of uncertainty. The releasing of fix plans is no longer coherent. Instead, the plans need to have a certain degree of flexibility and The issue of de-industrialization has been defined as a consequence of unfitness of old spatial structures and new modes of production. The urban model of the industrial city did not foresee any alteration of its initial conditions, so when the circumstances changed the city collapsed as in the well-known case of Detroit.

Economic crisis is not the only reason for the deindustrialization. It is necessary to accept the existence of ‘life cycles’ and the necessity of answering with alternative approaches. Good examples of cities such as Bilbao or Barcelona were able to transform the decaying industry in services Additionally, the former production systems based on the mass and centralized production-consumption are being substitute by the network ‘industrial districts’ which have a wider Although the policies are more mature but similar previous issues are being repeated around the world such as the industrial concentration-specialization town in China which depend on the single product. Ai Weiwei denounced this issue with the Tate performance ‘Sunflower seeds’.

The Chinese town of Jingdezhen, traditionally known for the porcelain production, was saved from bankruptcy in 2010 by producing 1 million hand-painted seeds for the exhibition in London.

The society is also experiencing an increase of the uncertainties. Over the last 40 years, the economic growth in the West countries has been linked to the development of social classes. The mass production was based on the mass consumption of the ‘new middle class’. If we compare 3 generations in Navarra (see Fig. 102), we can identify local ‘prototypes’. The first generation, labour active in the 1960s, was rural and had no formal education. He started working in the new big companies while also worked in the family farms. The second, active in the 1980s, had the opportunity of receiving a better scholar formation and also work in big companies or started their own business. The third 119

generation, 2000s, is the most skilled in history and has the highest mobility options. However, the economic recession and the reduction of workforce are making these qualities to be lost. The current uncertainty due to the high unemployment rate is dramatic. Due to the uncertainty, it is not possible to establish reliable description of the 4th generation.

SHRINKAGE The vision also encloses the possible or probable consequences of de-industrialization. The research also advocates for the awareness of the risks and the urgency of modifying the strategies before the problems arise.

The de-industrialization is followed by a series of chain events that lead towards the spatial degradation and migration among many issues as we have experienced in Detroit. The alternative interventions and policies need to be able to reduce the impact. However, it is also important to define the adequate goals. The de-industrialization might be a part of the local life cycle since, as was already stated, a change on the conditions have taken place.

First goals are the control over the de-industrialization that would produce a reduction of the wealth system.

However, on the mid-term they need to tackle the issue from a different perspective aiming of the transformation of spaces: the recycling of goods, buildings, infrastructure and policies as part of an integrated strategy.

Figures in the right page model two extreme degradations of the public and private spaces in two towns in the Bidasoa´s corridor.The case study not only runs the risks of social or spatial degradation but also a new process of depopulation towards the regional or outsider urban areas in search of opportunities.

This vision is not only applicable for the industrial areas.

The traditional elements such as the ‘caserio’ (described in page 113) also need to be reinterpreted. These elements were a good example of integration between living and working under self-sufficiency terms. Although it used to be inhabited by big families, they are nowadays being 120

Fig. 102: Generational evolution.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various.

depopulated due to the reduction of the family size and the ageing of population.

SPATIAL DEGRADATION SIMULATIONS

Oronotz-Mugaire

Lesaka

Fig. 103: De-industrialization consequences chain Source: Self-elaboration.

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COMMON VISION The research has pointed out the fact the development policies have also experienced a thematic, goals and tools evolution. The concern of sustainability has led to the development of different growth models. While the traditional growth models used to be based on premises such as maximization of profits, fossil fuel energy, large scale production centralized production system; nowadays, the development policies speak about the slow but sustainable growth, dispersed production centres, a shift towards alternative energy sources and the assumption that humans and the environment are mutually interdependent (Stimson, Stough & Roberts, 2006) The result of the previous analysis has led to the confluence of two approaches: quantitative and qualitative who merge in the development of the vision. The findings of both approaches are not contradictory.

According to Stimson (2005), the quantitative approach of development focused on the wealth, incomes, job creation and services. However, the policies have started to incorporate factors such as the life quality, creativity and innovation.

From the qualitative perspective, the incorporation of interviews with the key actors has been one of the most important elements of the research. It has contributed not only to the definition of the issues but also to the generation of a common vision.

Vision is no longer designed and implemented by topdown structures. On the contrary, the current individual relations have led to the appearance and recognition of multiple visions.

According to that, the crossing data chart (Fig. 103) shows the relation between the some of the interviewed key actors and the most repeated topics (core values) mentioned during the meetings. The findings of both approaches are not contradictory and even shared some of the concepts: life quality, know-how, work association, ecological values, diversity, self-sufficiency and valley interactions. These key terms are grouped in three strategic goals: improvement of the spatial and environmental qualities, the recycling of the underused spaces and shrinking activiites.

Fig. 103 (previous page): Interviews crossing data chart Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various.

Core Values: 1.

Life quality: the key actors have coincided on the benefits of living in the countryside having a closer interaction with family, friends and nature. Besides that, the new technologies allow them to be globalized connected.

2.

Diversity: the young entrepreneurs speak about the necessity of having a wide range of production activities within the region that offers diverse opportunities. The temporary jobs have become 3.

Ecological values: this aspect, implicit in the life quality one, was not one of the most relevant probably during the discussion probably because it is taken by granted. However, it has a strong relevance for the future sustainable development.

4.

Know How: people are very concerned with the issue of de-industrialization. They don´t imagine a future without industry because ‘this is what they have been always doing’. The strong skills and the experience are one of the local strengths.

5.

Work Association: the several cases of industry closures have been triggered by the local workers with cooperativeness proposals with diverse acceptance from the company owner. Employees have the skills and will for creating association and opening new businesses.

6.

Self-sufficiency: the issue of the local dependence from external elements is discussed with scepticism.

The role of multinationals and the dependence from the services located in the capital are the biggest issues.

However, they recognise the capacity- based on the preindustrial conditions and the basic unit (Caserios)- from being self-sufficient again.

7.

Valley interactions: the spatial relations between valleys were particularly perceivable with the train line until it was cancelled in 1956. Since then, the connections have only been economic, being the factory plant in Lesaka the main articulator and depended on the car mobility.

The interviews have reflected this issue and remark the necessity of generating relations between the settlements.

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VISION STATEMENT The key terms are grouped in three strategic goals: 1.

Improvement/prevention of the spatial and environmental qualities: to the already rich environmental qualities it is necessary to make a re-interpretation of the public space and its relation with the vacant industrial spaces that are appearing.

2.

The recycling of the underused spaces and shrinking activities: the mass production needs to be substituted by a network of small entrepreneurs with different 3.

Enhancement of local autonomy by creating valley interactions and aiming for a self-sufficient production.

Fig. 104: Core Values Relation Self-elaboration. Data source: various See annex 1, chart 2

Vision aims for a self-sufficient and interconnected region with a renovated and mixed relation between spaces/uses aiming for enhancing the qualities of living in the rural areas, without depending on the external factors, private or public.

It imagines a future in 40 years when the inhabitants of the rural areas enjoy having a different lifestyle from the urban one. However, the commuting towards the city for studying or working is not necessary anymore because people can develop these activities locally. The decisions or regulation don´t depend from higher entities but are modified locally according to the community engagement.

Fig. 105: Lesaka factory in use, 2007.

Source: Escapadas.Blogspot.com, 2007

Production is local. It is based on a good network of high skilled entrepreneurs. The big industrial sites have slowly been renovated and transformed on the micro-business incubators. They are not barriers anymore. The public space connects the towns with the interior.

The agriculture and nature have merged with the city functions starting from the recuperation of the vacant or underuse spaces. The dependence from energy or food is gradually reduced

Fig. 106: Lesaka factory vacant, 2013 Source: Jesus Garate, 2013

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9. STRATEGIES 127

Y

OM

AU TO N

C LO

AL

N TO AU

OM

Y

128

AL

Fig. 109: Strategies Timeline.

Source: Self-elaboration.

LO C

Fig. 108: Strategies scheme.

Source: Self-elaboration.

A. INTRODUCTION T he strategy treats the de-industrialization issue from an alternative approach. The re-industrialization or maintenance of the big structures is not the goal. On the contrary, the aim is the reinforcement of the local qualities by the implementation a common identity based on individual relations along the corridor. The development of local relations is meant for the exchange of the big external ones.

The industrial vacancies are the key element of the strategy.

They provide the adequate space for establishing these relations (economic, productive, human…). They are also well connected to the local and major infrastructure networks.

In order to transform the relation between city and industry, it is also necessary a renovation of the public space which has been limited by the extensive urban industrial barriers.

The strategies complete each other and have overlapping common elements. The strategies also treat the mentioned goals of the vision: self sufficiency-local autonomy, recycling of underuse elements and the improvement of the relations with the spatial qualities.

It aims for the incorporation of the local communities in the development so it has been proposed a flexible timeline with key initial interventions, strategic projects, and other time of actions that might be extended more in the time such as the implementation of local transport policies.

It is considered that the implementation of the dynamic corridor and specific punctual interventions would have a deeper influence in the short term (10 years) on the vacant residential houses than in the industrial areas because they

would benefit the most from the integration in the urban fabric. However, the renovation of the industries that are closer to the urban fabric would have a direct impact, particularly in the hubs that are defined by the strategy. The renovation of the rest would require a longer implementation period (20 years) due to the big amount of elements and the necessity of increasing the number of local entrepreneurs or users.

Finally, the transport policies would require a bigger amount of public funds and would require a bigger number of users. Therefore, it is not expected that the region would have ‘traditional’ bus service in the short period. In order to solve this issue, the use of new technologies would mean a possible alternative.

It is also relevant to incorporate policy modifications that would solve the explained normative issues that generates rigid situation. The flexibility of mix uses instead of the current zoning is considered useful for the dynamization of the frozen situation. In relation to that, the strategy remarks the awareness of the private property and denounces the underuse spaces. Influenced actors need to get together in order to find a common solution is cases such as the Lesaka´s one where empty industrial buildings articulate the functioning of the entire town by reducing their expansion possibilities.

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B. COMMON IDENTITIES VISION CORE VALUES Work association, diversity, interactions

self-sufficiency,

valley

GOALS Enhance the common identity versus the current town isolation. Reduce the social exclusion. Increase the job opportunities and the local interaction. Promote the area as a common entity. Recycling of vacant spaces.

TOOLS 1.

Slow infrastructure 2.

Common urban link 3.

Common transport policies. Implementation of new technologies.

4.

Hierarchical punctual interventions 5.

Community engagement

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DESCRIPTION Although one of the goals is the enhancement of the corridor as single entity, a deeper analysis of the economic, social and morphological conditions has identified specific local conditions.

From the economic point of view, the industrial activities have created a certain ‘clusterization’. The big, metal industries are located in the area enclosed by Lesaka-BeraEtxalar (Area 1=. Wood industry and tourism in SantestebanOronotz (Area 2) while the services and commerce platforms are in Elitzondo (Area 3). This separation is perceived in the distribution of industrial land graphic (Fig. 81b) and the land uses diagram (Fig. 113).

The spacesyntax morphological analysis of the lower, and more accessible, lands supports the existence of 3 individual entities along the corridor. (See Fig. 112) The strategy aims for the dynamization or the relation among these locations enhancing the appearance of new activities and reducing the exclusion issues.

The former train line path constitutes a strategic element of the proposal. Although certain sections have already been implemented into a ‘green via’ there are important missing links located particularly in the connections with the current urban centres. The renovation of this space would also integrate the strong environmental qualities. However, it lacks from specific elements such as lighting, resting areas or crossings, necessary of the adequate performance.

Although the implementation of infrastructure is one of the traditional tools for the enhancement of regional development, it is considered important for the generation of dynamic relations between the mentioned towns. The consequences of developing a common element would modify considerably the lifestyle and the accessibility of the weaker social groups since nowadays there is a strong dependence from the car.

Fig. 110: Main regional high speed roads.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 111: Economical and administrative identities.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 112: Shared Spatial Morphology Source: Self-elaboration. Space Syntax Analysis.

strategic punctual intervention core of each area that also links to the major elemts

Fig. 113: Shared Spatial Morphology. Land uses.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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Additionally, this project would establish not only the necessary administrative relations but also a common element on the users´ personal image of the territory.

The second intervention consists on the implementation of a local transport policy. However, the economic recession has influenced negatively on the transport budgets and multiple services such as regional trains or factory buses have been reduced or cancelled. In spite of that, the new technologies may offer an affordable solution such as shared vehicles services. The implementation of these services would also generate the possible relation between the different areas increasing the common functioning of the whole corridor.

The renovation of the path offers new opportunities for vacant elements. Some of these interventions may offer strategic opportunities. The proposal recommends the implementation of two types of punctual interventions that would help in the goal of promoting the local identity.

In the first instance, it is important to establish adequate relations with the major structures for the promotion of local products and the interaction with external communities.

These relations may be constitute through the creation of strategic multifunctional spaces taking advantage of former vacant industrial sites such Legasa´s factory which counts with adequate connections with the infrastructure networks. The growth of local production policies such as the Km 0 may consititu an important modification of the local economy and quality since they are usually added value products. The generation of a common identity may also have marketing benefits where producers such as honey, milk, cold meat sell their products.

The second type o punctual intervention has similar characteristics, recycling of vacancies, mixed uses‌ However, it is meant for the local interaction between towns and the towns with dispersed areas. The involvement of the community is strongly important for the development of the specific transformations.

Fig. 115: Proposed local links.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 115a: Proposed local links. A1.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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Fig. 114: Proposed local links.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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C. STRATEGIC PROJECT. BERTIZ VISION CORE VALUES: Life quality, ecological values, valley interactions GOALS: Enhance the common identity versus the current town isolation. Develop the influenced area surrounding the park.

Recycling of vacant spaces. Preservation of the environmental qualities.

TOOLS: 1.

2.

3.

4.

Slow infrastructure Strategic public space renovation Hierarchical punctual intervention Activities connections Fig. 117: Bertiz Natural Park.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 118: A2: Santesteban-Oronotz. 3x10 km Source: Self-elaboration.

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DESCRIPTION Following with the goal of enhancing the common identity of the corridor, it is necessary to remark the role of the natural reservoir of Bertiz. It is the most important structuring element, apart from the road axis and the river. It has constituted for centuries a single entity as it was described in the correspondent microstory. Although it has an extension of 42 Ha, the number of accesses is limited. The main one, in the outskirts of Oronoz-Mugaire, is an important touristic focal point. It counts with a visitors centre but it is detached form the urban settlement. The visitors arrive there by car or bus without interacting with the town services.

The strategy recommends the interrelation of the access facilities with the urban area. A symbiotic relation would modify the current decay that both structures are currently experiencing.

The recent construction of a road diversion has relieved the town centre from the enormous amount of traffic that used to cross it. However, the public space still remains invaded by car and truck unconsolidated parking areas.

In the former central junction, the ancient train station encloses a lot of opportunities for becoming a new attractor in the town. It is also next to the bridge towards the park so it would be the adequate hub centre.

The reactivation of the public space could also have positive externalities attracting investors that would recycle the vacant caserios and nineteenth century palaces located in the town and along the proposed renovated green via.

This strategy is directly related to the enhancement of identities from the previous proposal. The renovation of the public space and the recycle of the train station would constitute the local hub of Oronoz that would be connected though the green via with the neighbour municipalities or Narbarte, Legasa and Santesteban. In the core of this axis, we find the already mentioned industrial area of Legasa, with important vacancies. Thanks to the good infrastructure connection and the availability of space, this area offers a lot of opportunities for becoming the link with the higher networks.

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Apart from the spatial renovation and the recyclement of facilities, new management policies of the necessary maintenance of the park would be an additional economic source. The budget issues have reduced the management workforce until two workers for 42 ha. According to Jose, the situation of the park is dramatic since they are not enough people. There used to be up to 10 workers.

The maintenance products could be used for the production of biomass for example. However, it is important to state that the ecological values are more important than the economic ones since the park is a public interest value.

However, the economic profits out of the maintenance could an adequate solution instead of reducing its preservation rate of allowing other type of activities such as quarrying as it is currently being discussed in the outskirts mountains surrounding Pamplona. Preservation by development could be the alternative.

ABANDONED TRAIN STATION

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D. URBAN BARRIERS VISION CORE VALUES: Life quality, ecological values, work association, selfsufficiency GOALS: Enhance the common identity versus the current town isolation. Develop the influenced area surrounding the park. Recycling of vacant spaces. Preservation of the environmental qualities. Avoid the degradation of vacant spaces and their surroundings.

TOOLS: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Normative modification Vacancies regulation/tax Community engagement Open minded spaces Recycling

Fig. 119: Normative barriers. 500m industry-city buffer. According to current regulations.Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 120: Urban physical barriers.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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Fig. 121: Community interventions along the limits between industry and city. Land use and morphology.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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DESCRIPTION If we analyse the relation between the city and the industrial areas, we can identify different issues. The case of Lesaka, in that sense, is probably one of the most interesting ones that we can find in Navarra. The factory and the town have a similar size. In the first instance, this is not one of the most important aspects since this proportion also occurs in other settlements such as Irurtzun or Olazagutia (Fig. 67 and 68). However, the spatial morphology of the topography enhances this special relation.

From the urban perspective, Lesaka has a medieval structure. The settlement was located there due to the strategic location of the intersection between two paths and the abundant water streams that enhanced the appearance of mills and the development of the traditional metal industry. The labyrinth of streets was enhanced by the interposition of the factory in the 1950s compressing the possible expansion of the town. The irregular public space and the `conflicts’ between the city and the industry have also generated a series of interstitial-junk spaces such as car-truck parking areas.

Walking through the streets, there is no clear perception of the elements outside the urban limits, the factory in particular. The city has turned its back on it.

The strategy also tackles the private property issues. The industrial land is usually offered to the companies under benefit agreements in order to attract them and create direct jobs and other series of externalities. Additionally, the private companies also recommend the administration to have a provision of land in the case of expansion increasing the amount of vacant spaces underused between the city and the factory.

However, the modification of the production systems, the development of the technology or the economic recession have led towards the reduction of the sizes of factories. The result of this trend is the similar vacancy issue.

If we take the coworking association trends as an alternative 140

for the big industrial spaces, it has been identified during the research that they don´t require big individual spaces but in the combination, they prefer added value spaces with a mixture of facilities. These type of buildings or spaces have been described by Rogers (1995) as ‘open minded spaces’ since they enclose flexible and diverse elements.

This renovation of the former industry would therefore have spatial implication on the urban scale. The proposal has taken 1 x 1 km area for the demonstration of the issues.

The spacesyntax analysis of the current public spaces has revealed considerably different to the simulation of the ground floor built elements (Fig. 122 and 123) showing a series of opportunity spaces that would be useful for a renovation of the industry and the public space.

The stripe between the city and the town is a mix of public, private, industrial and interstitial spaces (Fig. 121). The number of accesses that former industrial facilities have is usually reduced due to the security issues. According to that, the factory of Lesaka is a big barrier. The recycling of this space would require a renovation of the links with the city, not only in terms of number of entrances but also in the modification of the public space that connects it.

Apart from the urban barriers, we can also identify some normative barriers (Already mentioned in the vacancies chapter) that prevent from the development of alternative activities. For instance, the implementation of this factory would not be possible under the current regulations since they avoid the construction of industrial areas closer than 1000 m to a residential area (500 m if it has a forest area in between). Fig. 119 shows the 500 m buffer in the current situation. These barriers also avoid the renovation of the spaces, the splitting or the existence of mixed activities.

The strategy recommends several interventions that would advance future renovation of the industrial facilities and the relation with the city. The proposal is not a physical object.

It consists on the identification of challenging spaces and new urban links and on the recommendation to institutions

Fig.122: Current Public space analysis, openess.

Source: Self-elaboration. Space syntax

Fig. 123: Morpholocial transformation of public space, openess.

Source: Self-elaboration. Space syntax

Fig. 124: Public Space transformation.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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and neighbours to initiate individual diagnostics of the issues and propose alternative possibilities.

COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT It is important for the city to tackle the issue of vacancies and underuse spaces. It would be necessary to reformulate the agreements with industries and establish a control of the use of the land. Additional policies could tax the vacant or underuse elements. Vacant private elements could be re-occupied by the communities in order to achieve the vision goals (Fig 107).

Along the in-between stripe, the spacesyntax analysis has identified a series of 5 spaces with diverse conditions and sizes. In this case, the complexity of the private and public issues particularly requires the implication of all the actors in the development of the intervention that would follow the common vision.

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E. SELF-SUFFICIENCY VISION CORE VALUES: Life quality, ecological values, work association, selfsufficiency, valley interaction GOALS Reduce the dependence form external agents, increase the added value of local products, transform the shrinking wood industry, make a sustainable management of natural sources, renovation of vacant elements TOOLS 1.

Subsidies 2.

Vacancies taxation 3.

Showrooms, strategic km 0 project 4.

Wood biomass promotion among other renewable energy sources 5.

Community engagement DESCRIPTION The current fossil fuel dependence constitute permanent regional subsidiarities. This issue has been included in the agenda of governments since the 1973 petrol crisis. Since then, the governments have implemented self-sufficient policies that have been translated to other key aspects of regional development such as food, water or waste in order to break these external dependences.

The research has not focused on the calculation or definition of figures but on the promotion of strategic policies that would implement rational and realistic goals towards the specific development of the Bidasoa corridor and its particular characteristics. Therefore, the preservation of the local culture and the spatial qualities would prevail over the energetic policies if they consist on a radical modification of the spatial conditions.

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FOOD The issue of food self –sufficiency was already part of European policies after the Second World War due to the lack of reservoirs. Since then, we have experienced an improvement of the accessibility and mobility of food products that has not only than but growing particularly enhanced by the single market economy.

However, the international food trade generates strong negative externalities. One of the most relevant is the direct relation between the raise of food prices and the oil ones. The energy speculation has strongly influenced the issues of weaker communities. The use of soja or corn as biomass source has increase their price producing two big food crisis during the 2000s increasing the food issues in poor areas.

Additionally, the releasing of subsidies may have a big impact on the local diversity as in the case of the Veneto region, Camposampiero in particular, where 90% of the cultivation is corn due to the European funds.

In the case of Navarra, we can identify thousands of

incoherencies such as the fact that the region, famous for the quality of the asparagus cultivation, imports big quantities from China or Peru.

Talking about the northern valleys, the agriculture is not the main production sector. Land use is mostly dedicated to fodder and forestry. However, the city-gardening is widely extended among the inhabitants.

The analysis of the location of the city gardening in Lesaka shows that it is concentrated in the ´medieval´ area where almost every plot enjoys from this activity. On the contrary, the new constructions form the 1950 lack from it. These small self-consumption gardens are part of the local lifestyles since the people are used to combine the ´rural´ activities with their jobs in the service or industrial sectors.

The issue of food self-sufficiency can´t be easily tackled.

For instance, the calculation depends on multiple elements such as efficiency, weather, culture, species… It was analysed during the Venice Fall 2012 semester. The findings resulted on the estimation that an average person requires 2500 m2 of cropland and 5500 m2 of grazing per year, 8000 m2 in total. The required surface multiplies in the case of cattle.

According to that, the urban area of Lesaka could not be self-sufficient. If we take the total surface of the municipality (55 km2), the result would be positive but we would have consumed an enormous amount of land with uncertain consequences. In example, the spatial values would be reduced, together with the forestry area and its related industry. Additionally, we would affect to other territories dependent from the natural sources or qualities of the studied region.

The surface can be reduced by the implementation of greenhouses, but it would also have spatial consequences that increasing the built areas and generating a different landscape.

The strategy of self-sufficiency aims for the ‘rational’ and gradual modifications accepting the difficulty in achieving this goal. However, it also aims for the positive externalities

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that would improve the local lifestyles making the region more attractive.

In the first instance, the strategy recommends the implementation of more cultivation areas in the outskirts of the city (Fig. 126). Although the use of subsidies is being reduced and there is a fund shortage, it might be necessary to promote this implementation with tax benefits or other economic tool.

It is also important for the implementation of the Km 0 activities the implementation of a showroom space where local producers may trade. This strategy is related to the common identities one. The showroom may be the any of the local or local-regional hubs.

Finally, the existence of vacant industrial built or plot spaces may be recycle with the implementation of mix activities including the agriculture.

Fig. 125: City gardening. Current Situation.

Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 126: City gradening. Proposed Situation.

Source: Self-elaboration.

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ENERGY Energy self-sufficiency started to appear in the government’s agendas after the 1973 crisis. Nowadays, it is one of the main goals of the European policies although they are not aiming for 100% self-sufficiency yet. The “2020-20 European energy plan� has the 20% renewable energy production, 20% improvement of efficiency and 20% reduction of greenhouse gases production as main targets.

Navarra has overcome the national and European standards of renewable energy production and aims through the Third Energetic Plan for achieving the 30% production of renewable energy overcoming the national and European goals. The regional government has since the 1990s strongly invested in the development of renewable industry even owning part of the stock options of this type of companies, particularly the wind energy industry located in Aoiz. The figures show that we are still far from the local energy independence.

The economic benefits of investing in renewable energy sources may finish due to the new regulation that the national government will release in the next months. Accor-

146

ding to the several press notes, this standard may charge the production of renewable energy instead of subsidising it.

The approach towards the energy self-sufficiency is similar to the food one. The Bidasoa corridor presents two elements that can contribute for the achievement of this goal.

The first one, and with more spatial consequences, is the big amount of forestry. It could help on the relieving of the wood industry which is experiencing a deep recession due to the appearance of new technologies and the reduction of the furniture demands.

If we take the figures of the adequate managed land in the previous years by the wood industry, we would have a potential wood production of 50.000m3 that would produce 168.000 TEP. The figure shown is just a reference because it would be necessary a multidisciplinar analysis for defining the figures and the spatial consequences. Other renewable sources such as the wind or water jumps could be implemented in the region improving the performance of the integrated policy.

Fig. 129: Forest areas Source: Self-elaboration.

Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 130: Current Energy performance (Navarra).

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 131: Goal Energy ’ Balanced’ (Navarra).

Source: Self-elaboration.

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F. INDUSTRY RECYCLING The renovation of the industrial vacancies constitutes one of the main elements of the proposed strategy. These types of interventions have been partially described and included in the previous strategies.

They integrate a mixture of elements: work with agriculture, shop with café, workshop with design office… All of them are designed in order to welcome the visitor-potential client.

They are not isolated interventions. The architectonic transformation is not the goal. The same way the deindustrialization processes may produce a chain of negative consequences, the dynamic renovation of these spaces may have the opposite result. They are, thanks to the adequate, flexible and good infrastructure connection the appropriate driving element for a community based development. Therefore, they can also become strategic element for the articulation of the corridor.

The spatial characteristics are different to the previous production facilities. The factory is no longer an anonymous self-enclosed container and becomes part of the public space. Urban barriers are modified. Coworkers, the main social group that is enhancing the working renovation, demand spaces with additional values. They are not just services related. They also have direct relation with local production. Trends such as the food km 0 may be related to other sector such as furniture, lightings, printing that can be exhibit at these facilities. The mix of uses -open minded spaces- diversity- reduces the vulnerability and increases the number of new opportunities.

It is related to the local qualities, the know-how or the local interaction. An adequate modification of the space may also enhance the renovation of the social interactions The initial barrier that this policy needs to tackle is the property issues since in many cases owners prefer to keep the element empty. Long term vacancies should be controlled and owners involved in the community renovation of the space. On the other hand, it is also difficult to mobilize enough people in the rural areas for 148

the big amount of vacancies. The interventions should be adequate to the local demands. Therefore, the proposed hubs in the ‘identity’ strategy might be a sufficient starting point, also related to the interaction with the public space mentioned above.

The strategy would also enhance the renovation of the city-industry limits physical limits. Form the normative perspective; they also need to allow the renovation into mixed used elements and the spatial splitting.

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10. REFLECTION 151

152

Strategies are important for the development of a region, town or firm. The initial objective of the research was to define the relations between big private entities and the society taking the car industry and the Pamplona´s Volkswagen factory as case study. However, the evolution of the analysis and the degradation that the rest of industrial sectors have experienced in Navarra during 2013 recommended focusing on the industrial valleys rather than the capital.

The industrialization enhanced the development of these regions but at the same time defined strong dependence links. The case of Lesaka is a revealing example of the impact of the industrialization process and the spatial links that the town had defined with a single company. It was surprising that many people asked me the reason of my interest during the local interviews since they considered that it could have been a research topic when it was growing but not now, when it is shrinking.

The present research project has been a challenging experience for applying the knowledge achieved during the master and exploring the personal curiosity on the regional development. It has also been an opportunity for achieving a deeper understanding of Navarra which has resulted as an interesting case for its multiple particularities.

In addition, it has been a personal goal to do a multidisciplinary analysis aiming for the understanding of the ‘shape of the cities’ and analysing diverse aspects from the economic, policies, political, geographic and social perspective.

Although it has lead in some cases towards dead ends, the result is considered more useful.

The research questions have two different approaches. While the first one demands the deep analysis of the historical evolution, the second one requires a more complex answer that required from the interaction with local communities.

From the beginning of the project, it was understood that it required a deeper analysis of the industrial actors: entrepreneurs, multinationals and administration and the evolution showing of the fact that they had a big influence in the past but that their paper particularly in Navarra is changing.

The exogenous investments from the administration and the size of big industries are being reduced. Therefore, the small entrepreneurs are becoming more important.

In Navarra, the territorial industrial towns are dominated by a big factory that is currently experiencing a strong shrinkage process. The alternative might be related to the association in different scales. In the first instance, the morphological and economic association enhanced by a slow mobility network would allow the rural communities to have access to jobs or services. On the other hand, the strategies aim for the social interaction. This would also transform the decisions processes since the bottom up approaches would have more relevance.

Finally, it would like to add the awareness of the mentioned issues not only for the case of Navarra but also for other regions that are experiencing similar issues.

153

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11. ANNEX 1 155

Fig. 132: Car assembly plants in Europe, 2013. Database.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Various. Brand websites and specialized magazines.

156

Fig. 132: 40 main factories in Navarra, 2013. Database.

Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Various. Brand websites and local press.

157

158

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IMAGE CREDITS Unless otherwise stated, all the images are credited to Jesus Garate, 2013 163