Building Back Better
The Redevelopment of Bam in Post-disaster Condition
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Vahid Kiumarsi / EMU Thesis / July 2012
Building Back Better
The Redevelopment of Bam in Post-disaster Condition
Vahid Kiumarsi / Master Thesis This thesis has been produced with the guidance of the mentors:
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Dr.ir. Stephen Read TU Delft-Faculty of Architecture Department of Urbanism Chair of Spatial Planning & Strategy Prof. Kelly Shannon KULeuven Department of Architecture, Urban Design and Regional Planning and was reviewed by the readers:
Prof. Bernardo Secchi Università IUAV di Venezia Faculty of Urban and Regional Planning Prof. Antonio Font Piera Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya Departament d’Urbanisme i Ordenació del Territori
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Table of Contents
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Part 1 Introduction 1.1 Bam: An oasis in a desert 1.2 Earthquake of 2003; 1.3 Problem statement 1.4 Research question 1.5 Hypothesis 1.6 Thesis objectives and Methodology
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6.2 Creating informal public spaces 6.3 Integrating tourism into development plan Part 7 Design Proposals Conclusion
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Bibliography
31 Part 2 Historical Analysis 2.1 The origin of City -Where road and water network meet 2.2 Safavid Dynasty - A trade centre in the Silkroad 2.3 Qagar Dynasty - Dominance of agriculture 2.4 Pahlavi Dynasty - Modernisation and Urbanization 2.4 Earthquake of 2003 2.5 Reconstruction (2003-2012) 2.6 Conclusion
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Part 3 Reading the Contemporary Territory 3.1 Landscape 3.2 Infrastructure 3.3 Water network 3.3 Settlements
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Part 4 Disrupted landscape 93 4.1 Urban-rural disparity 4.2 Earthquake, immigration and interrupted social networks 4.3 Urbanisation, earthquake and Interruption of sustainable water network (Qanats) Part 5 Building Back Better 5.1 Design approach: Post Disaster Sustainable development 5.2 Design principles: Resiliency
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Part 6 Design Strategies 6.1 Preserving agricultural livability 6.2 Improving urban-rural linkage
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1 Introduction 6
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1.1 Bam: an oasis in a desert
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The ancient city of Bam is located on a vast plain in the middle of the central desert of Iran, 190 km from Kerman toward the south. The city slopes slightly, with a gradient about 1.2%, from the southwest to northeast. Bam covers an area of 19,374 km2 and is situated at 1076 m a.s.l. With the exception of the citadel, which is 60m high, there is no natural structure all over the city. Wind often blows from the northwest to the southeast. The average annual temperature is 23 degree centigrade (maximum: 44C, minimum: -2C). The city experiences an average of 298 days of dry weather and eight days of rainy weather annually (minimum: 3 days); the average annual rainfall is 62.5 mm. The southern part of Bam has rich underground waterbeds of which 51.5% is used in the city’s aqueducts. Bam has a sophisticated water irrigation system and a long history of successful agriculture (Eshghi and Zare 2004, Ministry of Husing and Rural Development 2004, G. Ashtiany 2004). Bam grew in an oasis created mainly thanks to an old underground water management system (Qanat ), which has continued its function until the present day. Farming and gardening formed the primary sources of income, and the city has large orchards of citrus fruits and palm groves. Bam’s date is well
known worldwide, with 100,000 tons of the finest quality dates being exported per year. A new major industrial complex was built during the last decade which houses various factories, including a major automobile assembly factory. According to the most recent statistics, in 2006 Bam county had a population of 282,311, of which 38% lived in the urban area 9 of Bam (Unesco 2008). The dominant culture of Bam is a tribal one, consisting of large ‘‘family’’ units, and there is a very strong attachment to the land, with 81.2% of families owning their homes and only 18.8% living in rental housing. There were 62,364 buildings in Bam prior to the December 2003 earthquake, of which 34,531 were residential (G. Ashtiany 2004). Bam and related sites represent a cultural landscape and an exceptional testimony to the development of a trading settlement in the desert environment of the Central Asian region. It developed at the crossroads of important trade routes at the southern side of the Iranian high plateau, and it became an outstanding example of the interaction of the various influences (Unesco 2008).
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City Profile
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History
Geography
Demography
Economy
• Emerged around 200 BC
• Located on a vast plain in the middle of desert
• Population of city: 84,032
• 22 percent of date production and export
• A trade centre next to The Silk road
• Covers an area of 19,374 km2 • An average of 298 days of dry weather
• Population of County: 282,311 • Population density: 22 person per ha
• Annual rainfall is 62.5 mm urban 39%
• 10 percent car manufacturing • 20 percent unemployment
agriculture 35%
industry 31%
rural 61% services 34%
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Region of Bam 2010
1.2 Earthquake of 2003
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The Bam Ms = 6.5 destructive earthquake at a depth of 10 km leveled the historical city of Bam and Barvat in the early hours of 26 December 2003 at 05:26:26 hours local time. 80% of all buildings were completely destroyed, 17% of all buildings were so badly damaged that they can no longer be used, about 2.8% of the buildings remained undamaged and 0.2% experienced minor damage. The earthquake caused 31,383 deaths and left about 20,000 persons injured and 65,000 homeless. A total of 27,734 19 buildings in Bam and 25,022 in the rural area were destroyed and 9,005 were damaged. In addition, most of the public and state buildings, urban facilities, including water, sewage, power, and telecommunication systems, as well as irrigation and agricultural systems, gardens, streets and roads were badly damaged. The Bam historical citadel was totally destroyed (G. Ashtiany 2004).
DAMAGES
90% DEATH 31,383
Bam, 2003, NCDIR
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Bam, 2003, http://www.vojoudi.com
80% to 100% 50% to 80% 20% to 50%
A general view of Bam and a map of the distribution of damage to buildings based on Iranian Nathional Cartographic Centre map
Bam, 2003, Mehrnews agancy
1.3 Problem statement
Overview Eight years after earthquake, while official reports are announcing the completion of reconstruction, the city is still not recovered. Although buildings are now considered quake resistance, the rehabilitation process has not been sustainable. The city and its dependent region are very vulnerable both socially and environmentally.
1.3.1 Social vulnerability 22
Photo by auther
Almost half of the inhabitants are very poor post disaster immigrants(8888). Before the earthquake, Bam had been an affluent city, the regional centre for services, agriculture, warehouses and packing. Yet in the space of just a few minutes, this physical capital was destroyed and the people of Bam were dependent on others to assist them. However, genuine survivors of the earthquake found that their immediate needs were not being met because of the rapid influx of poor people from the surrounding unaffected area claiming relief food and goods. Eventually, this mass of newcomers inhabited in the city, causing immigration problem. Hence, city which lost almost half of its habitants, gained its population in less than months. It changed dramatically the demography and ethnography of the city. As a result, the former social networks were disrupted dramatically. Moreover, the new immigrants do not belong to place and its social networks and have not enough social interactions.
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Emergency camps/ two months after earthquake Photo by Mehr Agency
Emergency camps/ two months after earthquake Photo by Mehr Agency
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Draught around Bam 2011 Photo by Mehr Agency
Besides, there has been a considerable shift in employment pattern. The city has lost its importance as a trading centre and the service sector has declined from 47.2 percent pre-disaster to 34.4 percent in 2010. The earthquake destroyed the service sector in the county—affecting Bam’s central business district (the Bazaar), retail, hotels and restaurants, education, and other areas—while reconstruction efforts shifted the employment to the manufacturing and mining sectors (Mehregan, Asgary, and Rezaei 2011). In addition, some of those who survived the earthquake left the area and started businesses elsewhere. Damage to the Bam Citadel, which had been one of the major tourist attractions, also contributed to the deterioration of tourism-related services. Now, that reconstruction is almost finished, another employment shift has to be considered. However, the relative infrastructures are not ready for this major shift. More important, post disaster immigrants, who are working in construction sector, will lose their job in following years.
1.3.2 Environmental vulnerability The earthquake is the most devastating threats to the city but not the only one. The region is suffering from three other environmental threats: flood, sandstorm and more important, draught. For a city which has been made and evolved in an entirely man made landscape located in an arid area with annual rainfall of 64 mm and surrounded by deserts, water resources are very limited and fragile. This is the problem that threatened the region for hundred years and managed by creating a very innovative water network system, Qanat. Sustaining city for centuries, still it is a fragile system that frequently causes severe damages to main income of the region, agriculture and forces people in far distant villages to immigrate to Bam, temporally or permanently. Besides, it is a serious obstacle to future developments in Bam and its region.
Sand Dune in villages around Bam 2011 Photo by Mehr Agency
80,000 70,000
11,000
224 AD Abondoned Orchards- Bam. Photo by auther 2012
Lawyer offices in cauntainer - Bam. Photo by auther 2012
Bam demographic changes in history
1722
40,000
2003
2005
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1.4 Research question
How can Bam recover through a sustanable process by using its indigenous assets? How can this sustainable approach benefit the most vulnerable social groups in Bam? How can design contribute to make a social and environmental resilient city that is able to tolerate hazards and prevent them to create a disaster?
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1.5 Hypothesis
The first hypothesis is that social and environmental vulnerability are linked. Thus the resilience of social systems is related to the resilience of the ecological systems on which social systems depend. For Bam to be a resilient city, it needs to restructure its urban-rural relationship to reduce the urban-rural disparities and its threaten for resiliency. There are indigenous socio-ecological capitals in Bam region which can be innovatively used to improve the resiliency of Bam.
1.4 Thesis Objectives and Methodology
What does it mean for Bam to recover? Thesis focus
post disaster opportunity/long term vision 2w
20 w
100 w
week
200 w
emergency responses
The thesis attempts to understand the processes of regional and urban decaying process occurred during the last decades in the Bam region led to a vulnerable situation in pre-earthquake time. It investigates the reasons behind social vulnerability in regional and city scale and how the accessibility to infrastructures, road and basic amenities, and resources, water, have determined the social vulnerability to environmental hazards.
restoration
replacement & reconstruction
development reconstruction
Literature review Q: How can post disaster planning and designing contribute to recover a vulnerable city? post disaster/trauma literature - To examine the ways that sudden devastating events can become reframed as opportunities for progress and positive change.
- The relationship between applied strategies and long term spatial outcome. - The recent planning and designing approach to improve vulnerable cities.
Resilient city
resilient city literature - How can we prevent the next hazard to become a disaster? Ecological urbanism - Ecological approach as a restructuring strategy
Analysis of Bam
Perspective
hazard
hazard
Q: Why did the earthquake become such a disaster? - looking at unsustainable spatial structure in regional scale. - evolution of urban landscape in Bam.
Analytical maps
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Case study
Theoretical framework
(Vale and Campanella, 2005)
Through reading the existing condition in four 29 landscape, infrastructure, network and settlement layers, the elements of agreement and conflict are investigated to define new possibility for upgrading and development based on indigenous assets exisiting there for centuries. The main objective of the thesis is to understand how the socio-ecologocal vulnerability has been created in Bam and how new sustainable spatial interventions can contribute to more environmental resilient city by upgrading the social capitals. The regional developed scenario is based on facilitate urban-rural connections and intruducing an inventory and complementory system for existing water network that creates in new economical, social and spatial conditions for future developments. These strategies are working in a very tangible way to promote the socio-economic interactions by creating attractive integration networks and nodes.
2 Historical Analysis 31
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“ Vulnerability is not only about the present state, but also about what we have done to ourselves and to others over the long-term; why and how we have done that in order to reach the present state; and how we could change the present vulnerability state to improve in the future. � (Kelman, 2011)
Citadel of Bam
2.1.1 The origin of Bam Where road and water network meet
Historical map of Marco Polo,s travelling route in the Silkroad
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Bam, appeared for the first time in 9th/10th century Arab geographies, was founded by the Sasanians (AD 224 to AD 651). In a region, repeatedly affected by brigand attacks and banditry, the citadel of Bam was strong and impenetrable (Estakri, p.166). Aside from date farming, economy of Bam was mostly based on cotton, which emerged a prosperous artisan class fro centuries. As famous Iranian historian, Ebn Hawqal describes: “Durable and prized cotton fabric, embroidered veils, cloaks, kerchiefs, and fine turbans were produced in Bam and exported to Khorasan, Mesopotamia, and even as far as Egypt (Ebn Hawqal, p. 223; 33 cf. Hodūd al-ālam, tr. Minorsky, p. 125). The crucial role of qanats was mentioned by historians as the principle water supplier of the city and its quality was praised as well (Moqaddasi p.465). The impressive Government Quarters situated on a rocky hill in the northern section of the citadel, surrounded by a double fortification wall gives the image of a reliable centre next to the Silkroad.
The position of Bam in the region in 600 BC
The position of Bam in the super region in 600 BC
Key historical features: - Establishing a strong central government for the first time that gives a considerable attention to the roads and trades. - Bam emerges next to the Silkroad in the conjunction with the main North-South national way next to the main seasonal river.
Bazzar as the notable structure connects the main gate in the south to the governor’s quarters in the north. The main residential quarter of the historic town occupies the southern section of the enclosure. The majority of public buildings are located in the eastern part including the Congregational Mosque, the Mirza Na’im ensemble (18th century), and the Mir House. The mosque may be one of the oldest built in Iran, going back to the 8th or 9th centuries, probably rebuilt in the 17th century.
2.1.2 The city inside- the city outside
Roads Bazaar Qanats
City and social order in Sasanian
Urban area Villages
The city of Bam in 200 BC 0
1 km
2.5 km
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Historical studies as well as archeological sites clearly show that Sasanian society was broadly hierarchical. Kings of the regions were ruling out the remote and independent regions under the authority of The king at the top of the power pyramid (Karimian 2008: 101). The second group was the clergy and secretaries. (Mas’udi 1970: 97). The military officials were the third class of people during Sasanian age. (Zarrinkub 1992:501). The forth group was the wealth producers , including the majority of the population of the country and formed the main sources of national wealth and also of government income (Zarrinkub 1992: 503). Craftsmen, busi- 35 nessmen and farmers are three layers of this class. Businessmen usually lived in the suburbs or in certain parts of the city and were part of a specific guild or organisation (Shahzadi 1949: 80) and were regarded as important sources of national wealth through their ability to transfer products between Iranian cities as well as abroad (Shahzadi 1949: 80; Mosaheb 1995: 342). Craftsmen also conducted activities in certain parts of the suburb or were allocated part of a bazaar. Agricultural producers like farmers and gardeners, as the bottom of the pyramid were living in the suburbs of cities or villages growing agricultural products or breeding animals (Tabari 1983b: 703).
The Citadel of Bam- The city from 200 BC to AD 1750
On the other hand, the archaeological discoveries of ancient qanats in Bam highlights the fundamental link between emerging of the city and the invention and development of the qanat system.
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Built area Orchard Agricultural land Primary road Railway Qanats Water canal
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1 km
5 km
The region of Bam in 200 BC
2.2.1 Safavid Dynasty (1500-1736) The Double Walled City
Roads Bazaar Qanats Urban area Villages
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The city of Bam in 1700
0
1 km
2.5 km
The position of Bam in the region in 1700
Key Historical Features: - Constructing roads and a network of caravanserais are flourished in Safavid dynasty. - Bam becomes a major trade and military centre for the southeast of Iran. The position of Bam in the super region in 1700
In Safavid era, the old city of Bam itself was a rectangle, with the citadel within the north-western quadrant of the old city. The citadel area measures approximately 315 meters east-west by 270 meters north-south and is situated on an artificial hill and elevated approximately 5m above the surrounding urban fabric. The outermost city wall, enclosing the citadel and the old city together, is Bam’s principal urban element. This wall surrounds the working-class neighbourhood (rabaz) on the south, 39 east, and west, and rings the citadel to the north. At its highest point, this wall was eighteen meters in height, with a breadth of six meters at its widest. Two gates into the city of Bam were located on its southern walls, and it is estimated that the eastern and western walls also contained two gates. In the nineteenth century, all gates but one in the southern wall was closed for security reasons. Wells, gardens, and livestock pens were also kept within the city walls for optimal self-sufficiency. Bam provides a good model for understanding the traditional Iranian city. In both ancient and Islamic Iran, cities were composed of four zones, known as the “kohandezh” (citadel), “shahrestan” (wealthy neighborhood), “rabaz” (middle-to-working-class neighborhood), and “roosta” (rural areas, located outside of the city itself). The kohandezh of the old city of Bam contains the citadel and the residence of the governor, while the rabaz bounds the sharestan. Its roosta surrounds the walled city on its south, east, and west, and the river borders
Aerial view of old Bazar in Bam, 1950
Bazar
Mosque
Caravanserai Bam, plan of the city and location of bazar, 1850
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Bazar
Caravanserai
Bazar, A node for social integration and interaction point Mosque, caravanserai, public plazas and hemmam all come together around bazar and make a highly interactive center. Mosque
Caravanserai
it to the north. The rabaz, which comprises seven dif- 41 ferent neighborhoods, contains the bazaar, the Friday Mosque, a husseiniyeh, a hammam, a water storage facility, a synagogue, a madrasa for dervishes, a gymnasium, and approximately four hundred houses. The rabaz is entered directly from the portal projecting from the southern (outermost) defensive wall. Bazar was the economic and social centre of the city located close to the mosque. Trade, commerce, and the crafts were organized on a core-periphery model: The most highly esteemed goods were sold in the centre of the bazar and adjacent to the mosque, whereas the traditional crafts were located on the outer periphery, along with the caravansaries, the focal points for overland trade and commerce. The bazar was surrounded by districts, generally separated from one another by housÂŹing homogeneous ethnic, religious, and/or professional groups. Each district had a small shopping area and a mosque for the inhabitants.
2.2.2 Qanat a social water network
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Aerial view of Qanats around Bam
By growing development of the Iranian civilizations, the exiting water resources like wells and springs no longer sufficed to supply water for communities, so people resorted to using Qanat’s technology to drain groundwa- 43 ter out by the force of gravity and bring groundwater onto the earth surface, the way a natural spring does. It is likely that the ancient Iranians were inspired by the natural springs which were their immediate water resource to dig Qanats. Qanat technology was known in Iran by the sixth century BC, when Indo-Iranians began to settle as agriculturists, to worship one god (Ahura Mazda), and to conquer the Old World. Three centuries later, when the Parthians invaded Iran, Qanats were in widespread use on the Iranian plateau (English 1997), By this time, Qanats had opened alluvial fans to settlement, enabled basin cities to expand, and established the foundations of modern plateau settlement patterns. Hence, by growing people communities, Qanats became an important factor in where people lived. The largest towns were still located at low elevations along the river or in broad river valley. Most of these early settlements were defended by a fortress whose water
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was drawn from hand-dug wells that reached down to shallow water tables. Qanats enabled these settlements to grow by tapping water rich aquifers located deep beneath neighbouring alluvial fans. Qanats carried water from the fans below ground for many kilometers to such settlements providing supplementary water to irrigate more extensive fields and sustain larger urban populations (English, 1997). More precisely, permanent settlements on the alluvial fans were established by Qanat, because the water table were too deep of hand dug wells. In these locations, Qanats tapped somewhat more limited “water hinterlands� with underground water drawn from up slope alluvial deposits in mountain valleys. For the first time, small towns and villages were built at these higher elevations. And further up river valleys in the mountains, small Qanat-watered hamlets appeared.
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Built area Orchard Agricultural land Primary road Railway Qanats Water canal
0
1 km
5 km
The region of Bam in 1700
2.3 Qagar Dynasty (1794-1920) The first city reconstruction Roads Bazaar Qanats
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Urban area Villages
The city of Bam in 1800 0
1 km
2.5 km
In the 18th century, Bam has an outstanding role as a frontier fortress. The city was occupied by Afghans twice in 1719 and during the period 1721-30. “In 1795, the governor of Bam turned Lotf AlÄŤ Khan(the last king of Zandie dynasty) over to the founder of the Qajar dynasty, Aqa Mohammad Khan. Bam was occupied once again by Aqa Khan MahallAti during his 1840-41 insurrection and remained in an unsettled state until around 1855â€? (Gasteiger, Von Teheran nach Beludschistan, Innsbruck, queted in Yar-Shater, 1988). The reintegration of peace let the town develop beyond its walls, and a new settlement was founded along the river in enclosed gardens and date groves, to the southwest, besides the existing bazar at the time. Four main perpendicular streets extended from the bazar to the gates. All the main urban amenities organically grow around bazar and urban public spaces shaped in the main conjunctions. Eventually a dense urban fabric expanded in the area which was accessible by global roads and could be served by existing water network. Urban streets were based on already established rural network and it attached on ground artificial water streams. The peripheral villages appeared around second wall and the irrigation system, Qanat, developed rapidly and tremendously. While the second wall shaped to guarantee the safety of city against tribal and foreigner attacks, it divided the territory to urban and rural and continued the historical tradition of social division between peasants and artisans.
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2.3.2 Dominance of agriculture The position of Bam in the super region in 1900
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The position of Bam in the region in 1900
Key historical featuresÂą - International roads start loosing their importance. - The international trade is highly dependent on ports. - Bam is an international agricultural exporter of henna and cotton.
In this era Bam starts loosing its strategic position in the global trade network due to declining of the Silkroad because the intercontinental overland trade routes fell into decay. The speed of the sea transportation, the possibility to carry more goods, relative cheapness of transportation resulted in the decline of the Silk Road. 51 Although some of its routes, like the spice route from India to Iran or the route between Islamic countries were working until 19th century it changed the strategic position of the region and the economic balance in the region. However, Bam was still in the national route from the main ports in the south of Iran to the east and north east, connecting Persian Golf to Khorasan and Marv. Nevertheless, it is the time that agriculture start becoming the dominant economy in the region and the city. A huge expansion of farms and gardens accrued around the city but east, in all the lands that had access to seasonal river and permanent water of qanats. The main agriculture products were cotton, date, henna and wheat while there were more veriaty productions like grapes, pomegranates, barley, rice, mung beans and sesame. The cotton textile took over the silk textile and it became a major export along with date and henna (Yar-Shater, 1988; Bam Master Plan, 2003).
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Built area Orchard Agricultural land Primary road Railway Qanats Water canal
0
1 km
5 km
The region of Bam in 1900
2.4 From 1920 to the Earthquake Modernisation - Urbanization 54
In the period of seven decades, the population of Iran has grown rapidly and become more urbanized simultaneously. More people live in increasingly larger cities, and the largest cities tend to grow. These developments are connected with deep-seated changes not only in the physical appearance of the cities but also in their social and economic structures. 55 Three general phases in the modern history of Iranian cities can be distinguished: the traditional Iranian city to about 1920, the beginning of modern urbanization between 1920 and 1960, and urban change and restructuring since 1960 (Yar-Shater, 1988). The first steps toward a restructuring of the city were taken in the 20th century; the expansion of both traditional and modern residential quarters was correspondingly rapid. There were only minor changes in the rural-urban distribution of the population between the beginning of the 20th century and the outbreak of World War II. On the other hand, during the same period the city grew more rapidly (54 percent) than did rural areas (45 percent), owing partly to the superior social infrastructure and resulting longer life expectancy for newborns and partly to steadily increasing migration from rural areas (Bam master plan, 2003).
Majour socio-political shifts and the change of the position of Bam in super region 1920 Major political changes: - Establishing a central government with modern governing system. - Modernization in the networks: Modern roads, railways, dams and modern water ways.
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1955 - Modernization, urbanization and planning cities. - New administrative deviations. - Dependency of national economy to petroleum.
Roads Bazaar Qanats Urban area Villages
The city of Bam in 1900 0
1 km
2.5 km
1975 Dramatic changes in the south-east of Iran: Considerable socio-economical degredation in this part of the country. Sistan is not the agricultural centre anymore. Emerging airports in the major cities.
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0
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The region of Bam in 1970
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Modernization began with the construction of a boulevard in the newer part of the city, and modern facilities for administration, education, industry, and trade and commerce were introduced (Bam Master Plan, 2003). Roads Bazaar Qanats Urban area Villages
0
1 km
2.5 km
The city of Bam in 1970
The width of the main boulevard was to be 16 m, that of the gutters on each side 0.5 m, and that of the sidewalks 3.5 m, for a total width of 24 m. The circular central roundabout was to have a radius of 16 m, surrounded by an inner sidewalk 3.5 m wide, an inner gutter 3.5 m wide, a street 16 m wide, an outer gutter 0.5 m wide, and an outer sidewalk 3.5 m wide. The streets and the roundabout were to be on exactly the same level to facilitate using new vehicles, car (Bam Master Plan, 2003).
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The region of Bam in 1980
In the following years city was expanding to the south with two different morphological characteristics; garden city and an dense perpendicular car based urban fabric. The later one was more around two main planned boulevard that included all the main state buildings, public amenities and later on shops. In a developing process, the main national road in the south was moving south due to the urban expansion.
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During 1960-1975, the pace of ruralurban immigration accelerated and they usually inhabited in the entrance of the roads connecting their villages to the city, shaping their own districts in the periphery which eventually 65 connected to the urban fabric.
The region of Bam in 1990
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The years since 1975, city has been developed mostly to the south and south east continuing the modern grid morphology. The water network and orchards disappears from the new fabric and creates two entirely different fabrics. 67 New industries were emerged in the south of the main road. Based on a national policy, a new free zone was established 10 kilometers outside the city to the east in order to develop the economy of the region. The plan was to absorb investments by duty free policies. One major car manufacturing was the first and foremost factory in the free zone. Baravat grew dramatically in this period and became the host for the most productive date orchards in the region.
The region of Bam in 2003
2.5 Earthquake 2003 At the time of the earthquake, the greater Bam area consisted of the city itself, with a population of approximately 86,000, as well as the surrounding villages, with a total population of 100,000 residents. In only 12 seconds, Bam was totally destroyed by earthquake on December 26, 2003. The devastation was equally bad in both the old and the new parts of the city. The historic part was a garden city with small private palm groves 69 and sun-dried brick buildings, while the new section of the city, with its dense population, was built with modern materials, although this did nothing to save lives. More than 90% of the buildings of the city were totally destroyed or beyond repair. Almost all the infrastructure, such as water pipelines, hospitals, schools, municipal buildings, banks, and fire stations that were built in recent years was ruined. The devastation in the rural areas was massive—more than 20,000 buildings were destroyed, 30,000 animals were lost, and 19,000 acres of agricultural land were ruined (Tierney, Tobin, Khazai, Krimgold, and Parsizadeh, 2004).
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80% to 100% 50% to 80% 20% to 50% 0
1 km
2.5 km
The city of Bam in 2003
The regional economy was disturbed by earthquake and survivors force to leave the area at least temporarily, while migration into the city increased from surrounding regions, as poor villagers came to the city in search of temporary housing and other disaster related services. Thus, despite the high death toll, the population of Bam was larger two years after disaster than be-
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fore. The economies of the neighbouring small agricultural communities were already severely stressed due to a six year drought. Because of extensive earthquake damage to the Qanats, there was originally great concern that high-value crops would be lost. However, repairs to the irrigation system have progressed well, and this year’s crops will likely not suffer as a consequence of the earthquake (Tierney, Tobin, Khazai, Krimgold, and Parsizadeh, 2004). In the first few days, more than 30,000 tents raised along the city streets sheltered the survivors and the thousands of rural dwellers who flooded to the city to receive relief aid. Gradually people moved the tents to their own ruined houses and the need to create private spaces and attachment to the place has intensified. Families gathered together, their tents arranged around a central open space, to support and remind each other of their ties and kinship. A few months later, when summer was approaching, a second phase of settlement was started. People refused to move to the temporary units in camps, which replaced the tents, they preferred to build on their own land. The authorities finally gave into the wishes of the people. The initial reconstruction plan was to shelter affected people in camps after emergency phase till their houses
been built and people move to their new houses. The construction of campgrounds started as early as February 2004 (Khazai and Hausler, 2005). However, people were reluctant to move to the camps and gradually after the emergency period moved the tents (which were provided immediately after the disaster mostly by Iranian Red Crescent) to their own ruined houses. Consequently efforts were made to replace tents with prefabricated units on the site of the original plots of 71 land. Camps became a waste of resources and the place of nonlocal or landless people with high rate of insecurity and lack of privacy. These units were supposed to be used for at least two years until the new houses were constructed. However, most of the were used for more than 7 years. Two of the camps are still houses to immigrants and a considerable number of shops, schools and offices are still on the temporary containers.
2.6 The Bam reconstruction plan
The Centralized planning in Iran is realised according to a 20-year National Master Plan divided into a series of fiveyear plans. The role of local government is merely limited to providing some primary information and the formality of the planning approval (Tierney, K. and Tobin, T. and Khazai, B. and Krimgold, F. and Parsizadeh, F. 2004: 214). At the time of the earthquake, Armanshahr office, a consulting firm in Tehran was completing the Bam plan for the national Ministry of Housing. Consequently, the master was reviewed for the new post disaster condition. After considering alternative locations for reconstructing Bam, city was planned in the same location due to existing water and road networks and the orchards and agricultural lands which was the main source of income of population. The land use plan was modified and the main streets was widened (Ashtiany, 1999).
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The first step in the planning process was to identify a solid boundary between urban and rural areas and to limit the expansion of city within the proposed distinctive line. Therefore the master plan not only does not address the problem of urban-rural disparity but deteriorate the situation by imposing an imaginary line between Bam and the surrounding villages and even the attached small town of Baravat. The Bam reconstruction plan Prepaired by Armanshahr Office
Moreover, the modification in land uses accelerated the unbalanced urban development to the south by separating the administrative, services and tourism centers. The public amenities and services concentrated on the south connected to the primary network while tourism core considered to be in the north next to the historical fabric. As the result, the surrounding villages became more disconnected from economic centers and public facilities while they accepted the highest proportion of post disaster immigrants. Now, eight years after earthquake, housing reconstruction has been almost finished while lack of public amenities and urban services is a predominant issue.
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3 Reading the Territory 74
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The Mechanism of Qanat Qanats are gently sloping underground horizontal tun83 nels dug the earth surface to the aquifer in order to drain the groundwater out. To do so, a gentle slope (about 1:1000) should be envisaged to let the gravity bring the groundwater to the surface. Qanats bring water to the surface and support settlement in arid regions where other traditional water technology would not work (English 1968). The cross section of a qanat tunnel is almost one-half meters high and one meter wide to accommodate men working for digging and maintaining the system. Vertical shafts are need to be dug down every 50 to 100 meters to ventilate the tunnel as well as to provide a way to haul the debris to the surface. These shafts also help the workers find the right direction under ground as well. These debris shape a donut-shaped spoil heaps around the tops of these vertical shafts which create a distinctive landscape show the chain-of-wells (English 1968; Beaumont 1971).
3.3.1 Qanat as a Renewable Resource The rate of water in a qanat is controlled by the level of the underground water table. Thus qanat’s flow varies directly with the subsurface water supply and then it cannot drain an aquifer. When properly maintained, a qanat is a sustainable system that provides water to settlements indefinitely. Qanats draw out ground water as a renewable resource.
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While the self-limiting features of qanats make them a sustainable technology, can be their biggest drawback simultaneously, particularly when they are compared with the range of technologies available today. For instance, the flow of water in qanats varies from year to year, depending on the recharge rate of the aquifer. In 85 Bam, where drought hits on average once every four years, this uncertainty often results in conservative cropping strategies geared to the cultivation of low-risk, low water-consuming, low value crops (English 1968). Next, water flows continuously in a qanat and this continuous flow is frequently viewed as wasteful, but it can, in fact, be controlled to a large degree. During periods of low water use in fall and winter, water-tight gates can seal off the qanat opening (mazhar) damming up and conserving groundwater for periods of high use. In spring and summer, night flow may be stored in small reservoirs (ambar) at the mouth of the qanat and held there for daytime use (Beaumont,1989 queted in English, 1997). Although deep wells have been operated since 1950, qanats are still irrigating half of the fields and orchards on the region and more than 80 percent in Bam (Bam comprehensive plan, 2003).
3-3-2 How Qanat shaped towns and villages The built environments of most towns and villages are aligned along the major stream that runs from the mouth of the qanat down slopes through the length of the settlement. In larger and more complex basin settlements, smaller streams of water emanating from the points of division of several qanats form a spatial skeleton of parallel pathways lined by village structures, walled orchards, and gardens. They are trunk lines of human activity. In Bam, interestingly, qanats also underlie the street patterns of the city as well. In some parts of the city, qanat water flows in tunnels beneath residential areas and surfaces near the cultivated area. Staircases from the surface (payab) reach down to these streams. The first payab usually is at a public cistern where drinking water is available to the entire community (English, 1997). According to English (1997, p. 199), “Where tunnels 87 run beneath houses, private payabs slope down to the stream providing water for various domestic uses. In wealthy homes, special rooms are constructed beside the underground stream with tall shafts reaching upward to windcatchers (badgir) above roof level. Air caught by the badgirs , which are oriented to prevailing summer winds, is forced down the shaft, circulates at water level, and provides a cool refuge from the afternoon heat of summer.”
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Straight streets intersect at right angles forming huge “superblocks” with many short, blind alleys branching off major thoroughfares at right angles (Bonine, l979 quoted in English, 1979). In Bonine’s view, these configurations were established on a network of water channels used to irrigate nearby orchards and fields. As in alluvial fan settlements, slope is crucial. Topography and water flow are the elemental principles of Iranian settlement geography.
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3-3-3 Social patterning Usually, the location of settlement structures reflects the dynamics of water use and social status. Closer to the top of the settlement, at least one branch of the qanat’s water is diverted to a public reservoir or cistern, a communal bath and a mosque. The reservoir or cistern provides clean water to all people in the community (English 1997). According to English (1997): “The social pattern is directly related to water quantity and quality. Alterations 89 in one system involve changes in the other. Variations in water quality from one part of town to another are reduced by customs of sequential water use that demand cooperation, an example of community needs taking precedence over personal influence.�
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Irrigation zones in Bam region- Every zones is dependent on a Qanat
Traditional integration of water system with urban m,orphology and building design
As noted above, a public cistern is often located at the top of the settlement. Its water is reserved specifically for drinking and cooking. In a pool below the cistern, dishes and cutlery may be washed. After water is directed to the communal bath, additional pools are drawn off from the main channel in which household utensils may be washed and still further downstream animals are watered and straw soaked for use in construction. After these communal needs are met, the now polluted water flows directly to the fields. This hierarchy of use conserves water and reduces pollution. (Roaf 1989)
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Bazaar Public Amenities State Building Industry Urban Fabric Rural Fabric
Bazaar Public Amenities State Building Industry Urban Fabric Rural Fabric
Bazaar Public Amenities State Building Industry Urban Fabric Rural Fabric
1800 1970 Shifting of the primary network to the south
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4.1 Urban rural disparity 94
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Despite a decline in poverty across the region, there are significant disparities between urban and rural areas in Bam. It is a widespread problem in Iran and the disparities are the main reason for the rapid urbanization of 95 cities and Bam is not an exception (Fanni, 2006). The 2003 earthquake and frequent disaster of draught have proved that the urban rural inequity had increased the risk of turning a natural hazard to a disaster. In last three years almost half of the remote villages were abandoned frequently in the peak of the draughts. These temporary immigrations sometimes led to permanent move to Bam (Bam master plan, 2003). The urban-rural disparities root in differences in accessibility to power, infrastructures and resources(). Historical analysis in Bam indicates that how considerable difference in accessibility to infrastructures has shaped the region and city in an unbalanced way. All the new developments in last 60 years have shifted to the south and east to have the privilege of connecting to the global networks; national road and airport. As a result, the villages around which were mostly connected to the northern network declined gradually.
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New economic drives and urban destinations shape around primary networks and move to the south
Simultaneously, the new modern administrative and urban facilities like offices, state buildings, educational centres and hospitals shaped around the main axes to the south and next to the national road as well. Thus, the bazaar as the main social and economical integration point which connected city dwellers, villagers, traders and different social groups started losing its importance by appearing of two crossed boulevards. Earthquake accelerated the process and due to severe destruction of the bazaar in earthquake almost all the reconstructed shops are next to the main boulevards. However, urban rural disparity has been deteriorated in post disaster region. Most of the investment has been spent on reconstruction of city of Bam as the first priority. The result is the unbalanced regional situation which is even worth than the pre-earthquake condition which arise the question of resiliency in expecting natural hazards.
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Infi nfillll Imm Immigr igrant ants with so socia ciall incl inclusi usion on pro proble blems m Tempor Tem porary ary sh shelt elters ers
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The process of modernisation cost the city an unbalanced development in region and in city itself. City was developed to the south to have accessibility to the global network. So the north of the city and the villages next to bam which were connected trough northern connection dramatically declined and the city faced the influx of immigrants going to the periphery in the south.
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Disrupted social network caused by death of people in the earthquake
The 2003 earthquake was an indicator as well as a trigger to this process. Influx of immigrants in 4 different groups happened. First group scattered in the city, second settled in the camps, the third group joined their families in former immigrants neighbourhood and the last group found a place in the peripheries specially in the north and in Baravat. The latest group has the worst socio economical situation. Unemployment as well as social exclusion has made these area the most vulnerable district in the region.
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4.3 Urbanisation, earthquake and Interruption of sustainable water network (Qanats) Modernisation, accessibility to the new technologies and agricultural expansion encouraged farmers to use wells with mechanical pumps. Farmers believe that deep wells have several advantages over qanats. First, deep wells are not limited by slope and can be located at sites convenient to transportation networks, dense districts, and markets. Second, they draw water from deep in the aquifer where does not affected by seasonal variations. But deep wells have serious disadvantages. The construction, maintenance, and costs of deep wells are high (English, 1997). Moreover, deep wells cannot be built using local materials and local labor. 101
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Deep wells draw water from permanent aquifers on without any restrictions and ignore the rates of recharge. The technology, therefore, is an exploitation of permanent water resources in an unsustainable fashion. It makes this modern technology very attractive in the short term. As a result, however, water is fast becoming a non-renewable resource in areas where deep wells are used (English, 1997). Qanat
Although, qanats are still the main irrigation resources which supply 80 percent of irrigation demands there is shift tendency toward deep wells and upcoming water canals from new constructed dam (Bam comprehensive plan, 2001).
Water Wheels with electric pump Incult Lands Date Orchard Wheat, Barley, and Alfalfa Farm
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The road from Bam to Kerman
Pressure and Release (PAR) model after Blaikie et al. (1994) showing the progression of vulnerability. The diagram shows a disaster as the intersection between socio-economic pressures on the left and physical exposures (natural hazards) on the right 104
Model illustrating the concepts of vulnerability and post-disaster reconstruction adopted from Pelling (2007)
5.1 Sustainable development as The Approach
Philosopher Andrew Benjamin in his ‘ Trauma within the Walls, emphasis that trauma is not to be understood as an accustomed coming from the outside. Rather it 105 involves a complex sense of place (Benjamin, 2010). There is a growing body of scholars suggesting that it is the vulnerability which turn an environmental hazard to a destructive disaster. As Short points out, disasters are socially constructed phenomena which reveal the social faults and planning failures (Short L. and Short J., 2008). Thus, the conventional assumption of postdisaster recovery as a returning process to the desirable past is an implicit misunderstanding. On the other hand, there has been always a propaganda in first days after massive destructions which government will construct city even better than before. A promising vision which usually costs a great deal of financial resources in unnecessary eye-catching projects; The huge urban projects that are being used to show the commitment of the authorities and fails to address the basic needs of the vulnerable groups and the fragility of ecological resources.
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The chaotic post trauma circumstances and the immediate needs of affected victims to basic shelters, food and healthcare exacerbates the short term sight to recovery process. Moreover, indigenous technologies such as traditional construction technology and irrigation systems are suspicious of causing such a devastating failure. Hence, the earthquake is likely to become a total breaking point. In post-disaster Bam, the traditional construction technology was pointrd out as the main and even only guilty factor. So, the first and foremost action taking after disaster was to build new buildings by modern technology; buildings that are not socially and environmentally comfortable if they are quick resistant. This aggressive tendency towards inherited technology permeated to the inhabitants attitude towards Qanats as well. However, Qanatas were successful surviving after earthquake due to an immediate and serious collaboration between stockholders while the image of the city as a unique fabric shaped by traditional constructions and orchards was lost. In this condition, the forth phase of reconstruction as the development reconstruction phase (Valle and Campanella, 2005) can be used as a turning point towards a more sustainable process that targets social and environmental vulnerabilities. The emphasis is on assessing pre-existing problems and dealing with deeper development issues so that the actions carried out improve the lives of people affected and of future generations (ERRA, 2006; United Nations Thailand, 2005; Clinton, 2006). Social vulnerability is the exposure of people to stress as a result of the impacts of environmental change. Such stresses are very influential for vulnerable groups due to their underlying economic and social circumstances which root in insufficient income and accessibility to resources(Chambers, 1989).
Resources could be tangible and physical resources such as housing, infrastructure, public services, etc or non-tangible, non-physical resources such as employment, education, information, etc (Lizarralde, Johnson, Davidson, 2010). Thus, considering vulnerability as the lack of access to resources, and that the disaster reduces that access to resources even more the process of reconstruction is to improve people’s access to resources that have been lost and developing access to the basic resources that people probably did not even have before the disaster (Lizarralde, Johnson, Davidson, 2010). Through the improvement of resources the risk will be reduced and we can hope that community be more prepared to face the next natural hazard. These are minimum requirements to facilitate the longterm sustainability of the reconstruction and its associated interventions. Therefore, as post-disater recovery is the process of upgrading the pre-diaster conditions towards long-term local development and reducing risks through the pairing of local and external resources, consequently, giving residents increased access to resources (Lizarralde, Johnson, Davidson, 2010; Pelling, 2003). The new level of accessibility to the resources should increase to such a extent that future hazards can be absorbed and tolerate with the internal resources. Otherwise, it is called disaster and reconstruction aims has not fulfilled.
5.2 Resiliency as The Principle
The term resiliency was employed by Valle and Campanella in their book “The Resilient City: How Modern Cities Recover from Disaster “ to manifest the resiliency of modern cities like San Francisco, Chicago, London and Tokyo against disasters. The book intends to show how cities survive disasters and use the post disaster opportunity to build back better. Since there, resilience became an ever increasing term in urban studies as a loos antonym for vulnerability (Valle and Campanella, 2005). Davis (2006) defines a resilient community through three phases: “A resilient community is one that has, firstly the ability to absorb the shocks of hazard impact, so that they do not become disasters (thus to reduce the probability of failure), secondly the capacity to bounce back during and after disaster (thus to reduce the consequence of failure), and thirdly the opportunity for change and adaptation following a disaster (thus to reduce the time needed for recovery as well as patterns of vulnerability)” (Davis, 2006, p12).
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In other words resilience is the ability of a socio-ecological system to absorb unexpected perturbations and to sustain its fundamental services, structure, identity, and feedbacks through either recovery or reorganization in a new environment (Holling et al., 1995). Ecological economists believe that resilience is the key to biodiversity and sustainability (Adger, 2000). A resilient system follows the principles that maintain it sustainable. Social and environmental resiliency
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Social and ecological systems are linked and resilience of social systems is related to the resiliences of ecological systems and vice versa (Adger, 2000). This is clearly shown within social systems that are dependent on a single ecosystem or single resource like in the region of Bam which is dependent on agriculture and scarce resources of water.
• The homeostasis principle. Systems are maintained by feedbacks between component parts which signal changes and can enable learning. Resilience is enhanced when feedbacks are transmitted effectively. • The omnivory principle. External shocks are mitigated by diversifying resource requirements and their means of delivery. Failures to source or distribute a resource can then be compensated for by alternatives. • The high flux principle. The faster the movement of resources through a system, the more resources will be available at any given time to help cope with perturbation.
Resiliency is not a conservative and passive principle and as (Tobin and Montz, 1997 quoted in Plling, 2003) suggest it is a proactive action towards risk. t provides utilitarian principals which can be inventively being used thorough designing process.
• The flatness principle. Overly hierarchical systems are less flexible and hence less able to cope with surprise and adjust behaviour. Top-heavy systems will be less resilient.
The system resilience principles provided by Wildavsky is an inspiring model which has influenced a wide range of academic literature around the idea of resiliency from urban study to ecological research and post-disaster literature (Pelling, 2003).
• The buffering principle. A system which has a capacity in excess of its needs can draw on this capacity in times of need, and so is more resilient.
I have used these model to create my design principles as well. The Wildavsky ‘s principles are as following:
• The redundancy principle. A degree of overlapping function in a system permits the system to change by allowing vital functions to continue while formerly redun-
Driven from resilient system principles I proposed following principles as a framework for my design strategies:
Diversity: Vulnerability is reduced by diversification of resources and means. Flatness: The hierarchical levels relative to the base should not be top-heavy. Overly hierarchical systems with no local formal competence to act are too inflexible and too slow to cope with surprise and to rapidly implement non-standard highly local responses. Buffering: Essential capacities are over-dimensioned such that critical thresholds in capacities are less likely to be crossed. Redundancy: Overlapping functions; if one fails, others can take over.
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Social Vulnerability: - urban-rural disparity - social exclusion - unemployment
The resilience of social systems is related to the resilience of the ecological systems.
Sustainable improvement of physical and nonphysical resources,.
environmental vulnerability: - draught
Bam needs to restructure its urban-rural relationship to reduce the urban-rural disparities. There are indigenous socio-ecological capitals in Bam region which can be innovatively used to improve the resiliency of Bam.
Design Principles Buffering Redundancy Diversity Flatness
Strategies: • Preserving agricultural livability • Improving urban-rural linkage • Creating informal public spaces • Integrating tourism into development plan
Interventions:
- Creating a complementary water reservoir system for Qanats. - Introducing diversified agriculture to the new cultivated lands. - Introducing new type of agricultural economy by using new water reservoirs system like fishery. - Facilitating pedestrian and bicycle routes, connecting urban and rural areas. - Creating temporary markets in urban and rural areas. - Creating community buildings and training centres in rural area - Creating new kind of public spaces connecting new interventions - Building new hotels and tourism facilities connected to other interventions.
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6.1 Strategy1 Preserving agricultural livability Intervention1: Creating a complementary water reservoir system for Qanats To preserve agriculture livability we propose: A new water reservoir system, complimentary for traditional Qanat irrigation system. This new intervention: - increases the quantity of water resources for irrigating new 115 cultivated lands.
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- increases the buffer and redundancy of water resources in environmental stresses. - releases water resources for other purposes.
Qanat Irrigation Canals Proposed Water Reservoir System
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- creates new job opportunities like fishery, leisure and tourism. A new water reservoir system, complimentary for traditional Qanat irrigation system.
- decrease the water exploitation from unsustainable resources like deep wheels. - supports water based social institutions and groups
6.1 Strategy1 Preserving agricultural livability Intervention1: Creating a complementary water reservoir system for Qanats
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6.1 Strategy1 Preserving agricultural livability Intervention1: Creating a complementary water reservoir system for Qanats
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Intervention 2: Introducing diversified agriculture to the new cultivated lands Enhancing new reliable water reservoirs, uncultivated lands in the region can be allocated to diversifying agricultural products. Based on Iran cultivating rules which gives the permission to people to cultivates abandoned lands, immigrants who do not own lands can benefit from growing agricultural products as their primary or secondary job. These lands can be used as community agricultural lands as well. In harmony with creating new public spaces, the new agricultural lands can support new park systems and agri-tourism activity. Proposal for new diversified agricultural lands Proposal for new water reservoirs system
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existing water network
- Introducing diversified agriculture to the new cultivated lands. - Introducing new type of agricultural economy by using new water reservoirs system like fishery, agroindustry and agritourism.
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Strategies 2,3,4 6.1 Improving urban-rural linkage 6.2 Creating informal public spaces 6.3 Integrating tourism into development plan
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There has been a growing recognition on increasing urban rural interconnection in last decade. In sthis new condition the urban and rural and their relationship concepts are not able to cover the reality of such a complex web of interactions and movements of people, goods and knowledge (UN, 2005). However, as UN documents on urban-rural disparities admit this recognition has rarely been influential on poverty reduction interventions. Urban and rural development plans neglects the reciprocal effets of each other, as if rural area exists in isolation. Urban areas and mostely metropolitans are considered as development engines and even the role of small towns in poverty reduction has been neglected (UN, 2005; UN, 2001). To reduce poverty and disparities, we need an integrated approach which provides rural in-
habitants with urban opportunitis and facilitate their access to all kinds of resources such as urban markets for rural products, urban services 123 for rural population, and urban employment opportunities. To approach this goal, there is a need for strengthening rural-urban linkages in a number of areas, particularly economic linkages (markets, employment) and physical linkages (infrastructure, transport, communication). This is very crucial for small town and their villages around in open and globlised economy (UN, 2005). Rural-urban linkages have different forms from flow of people (migration, commuting) to flow of capital and goods. It is important to add to these economic flows the idea of knowledge exchange and innovations. This exchange between urban and rural areas can be beneficial or detrimental to either or both areas(Jacobs, J., 1969; UN, 2005).
6.1 Improving urban-rural linkage 6.2 Creating informal public spaces 6.3 Integrating tourism into development plan
Proposal for secondary network linking urbanrural area
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New public space-park
Retail markets for directs rural production sale Temporary market
public buildings in secondary routs New productive landscape
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New type of social housing New rural centre: - public space - rural community buildings - leisure activity - tourism/fishery
Upgrading school/ training center
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- Creating temporary markets. - Creating new kind of public spaces connecting new interventions - Building new hotels and tourism facilities connected to other interventions.
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- Facilitating pedestrian and bicycle routes, connecting urban and rural areas.
- Creating community buildings and training centres in rural area
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- Creating new kind of public spaces connecting new interventions - Building new tourism facilities connected to other interventions.
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Reflection of the strategies on the territory
Conclusion: There are two sides to the reality of post disaster condition: a dark one and a bright one. In the dark side there are the sudden and slow trauma; earthquake and draught which have been threatening the city for hundred of years. On the other side, there is the rich human culture of sustaining a living in extreme environmental condition which has shaped an astonishing landscape. 140
The objective of this thesis is to broaden the concept of post disaster recovery to a prolong sustanable vision stands on the indigenous resources. So qanat, as the social water network of the city becomes the focal point. Creating a complementary reservoirs system for Qanats and integrating them to the fabric reintroduce the water network as the urban structure. This strategy hand in hand with improving urban rural linkage shape a platform for affiliation interventions in order to promote spatial justice across the urban- rural landscape.
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