EPILOGUE FEBRUARY 2009 by Epilogue Press

RNI ; JKENG/2007/26070

ISSN 0974-5653

Jammu, February 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 2 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2007-09 || www.epilogue.in

SETTING OUT

AGENDA FOR

OMAR GOVERNMENT

Salman Haider l PR Chari l Rita Manchanda l Balraj Puri C Uday Bhaskar l Ashok Jaitley l Madhu Kishwar Lt Gen V K Patankar l Tahir Mohiuddin l Leela Karan Sharma M Ashraf l Rekha Chowdhary l Vikram Gaur l Murtaza Shibli K.N. Pandita l Verinder Gupta l Dipankar Sengupta l Mahesh Kaul THEME MODERATORS

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY D SUBA CHANDRAN RAGHAV SHARMA

BOOKS

SPECIAL REPORT

New Challenges and Unending Puzzles

Lost in Pay Din, Officers of All India Services

J&K ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION AGENCY

Economic Reconstruction Agency, under the financial assistance of Asian Development Bank has launched several schemes to augment the water supply through drilling of Tube wells, replacement of worn out pipes for leak proof delivery system, laying of new rising and distribution mains for adequate water delivery, construction of Over Head Tanks and Ground level Service Reservoirs for storage of water.

TUBE WELLS (TARGETS) Scope of Works Construction of 22 Tube Wells in Jammu (East)

Water Supply Augmentation 10.05 MGD

Population to be benefitted 3,35,000.00

Location of Tube Wells in Jammu East : Sainik Colony, Sector-C, Sector-G, Sanjay Nagar, Adarash Enclave, Gangyal, Deep Nagar, Apna Vihar, Rehari Park, Kunjwani, Jamwal Residency, Trikuta Nagar Sector-5, Narwal, K.C. Colony, Nakrain, Babliana, Balmiki Chowk, Digiana, Nanak Nagar Sector -8, Channi Himmat Sector-IA, Greater Kailash, Dill, Chatha Construction of 30 Tube Wells in Jammu (West)

16.53 MGD

5,51,000.00

Location of Tube Wells in Jammu West : Science Collee - I, II, III, Rajinder Nagar, Durga Nagar, Dental College, Medical College, Barnai, Relief Commissioner Office, Kabir Colony, Indira Vihar JDA Park, Paloura, Suryananshi Nagar, Dharmal, Poonch Colony, Gole Gujral, Agricultural Complex, Rajpura Mangotrian, Gole (Shamshan Ghat), Canal Road, CPS Muthi, Roop Nagar Stage II, CPS Bantalab, Lower Barnai, Patoli Brahmana, Lale-Da-Bagh, Muthi Village, Keran, Talab Tillo, Gole Pulli.

? With the commissioning of 52 Tube Wells in Jammu City, about 26 MGD of potable water supply shall be made available to the population of 8,86,000 souls.

? Of 52 Tube Wells, 10 Tube Wells have been handed over to PHED and are under sue. ? About 4.5 MGD of Water Supply is being harnessed by the Tube Wells under use. ? About 1,50,000 souls are getting benefitted by this augmented water supply. ? 20 Tube Wells are proposed to be commissioned as per 100 days target set by Honâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ble Chief Minister. ? About 10.5 MGD Water Supply shall be augmented by the commissioning of 20 Tube Wells. ? Flow meters have been / shall be installed at each Tube Wells to record the continuous flow of water. ? Fully Automatic AVRs have been / shall be installed at each Tube Well.

B R I D G I N G

T H E

I N F O R M A T I O N

D I V I D E

Taking J&K Closer to World Bringing World Closer to J&K

Epilogue because there is more to know

26 Volume : 3, Number : 2 ISSN : 0974-5653

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 www.epilogue.in F O R

T H E

M O N T H

O F

F E B R U A R Y

The coalition government of the National Conference and the Congress headed by Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it is yet to come up with a Common Minimum Programme –a shared agenda for next six years. In this issue, Epilogue has put together opinions of well meaning people from across the country setting out an agenda for the Omar Abdullah Government.

Epilogue Ø 1× February 2009

2 0 0 9

FALL OF COALITION

he coalition government peoples PDP and the Congress had come up with a Common Minimum Program at the time of its formation in 2002. When the government fell down in July 2008 after a bitter acrimony between coalition partners, they went out without leaving a report card on their performance. Epilogue brought out a point-wise examination of all 30 points contained in the CMP of governance and concluded that the pledges were forgotten. Aug. 2008

J&K'S SUMMER AGITATION

ummer of 2008 will always be remembered as a dark chapter in the secular and tolerance history of Jammu and Kashmir. On Amarnath land row, the lunatic and hawkish voices had completely taken over the sensible voices. We launched a search for the voices of peace and reason and came up with as many ideas as possible. We are happy that no chance was given to the narrow regional or religious views to creep in our pages. Sept. 2008

INTRA-KASHMIR CONTACTS AND TRADE hortly before the historic cross-LoC trade was launched between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir, the United States Institute of Peace had come up with a most comprehensive study on making borders irrelevant. Under a special endowment from USIP, Epilogue carried reproduced the study in fall. It was a painstaking research taken by Hassan Askari and PR Chari, two leading policy experts of Pakistan and India, respectively.

A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

Oct. 2008

ELECTIONS: CHALLENGE 2008

e have brought out three issues on assembly elections 2008 and the November issue was first in the series. Elections were being held in the backdrop of a worst separatist and communal agitation in state. With a commentary on the prevailing political and security atmosphere, the November issue carried a complete backgrounder on the past elections. Nov. 2008

HUNG ASSEMBLY

n the middle of elections our small team of staffers along with some 30 volunteers traveled across the length and breadth of Jammu and Kashmir to gauge the public mood. The conclusion was that there will be a hung assembly with NC as largest party, PDP second and Congress third. Looking at the pages of our December issue one can see all parties have come up with same number of seats as we had predicted except the BJP. Dec. 2008

MANDATE :

collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.

Jan. 2009

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks. For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

Epilogue because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in

SETTING OUT

Associate Editor Irm Amin Baig

AGENDA OMAR

Designs & Layout Keshav Sharma

IN FOCUS

Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran

Mailing Address PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, Jammu

FOR

GOVERNMENT Agenda for Omar Abdullah Government

Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94190 00123 editor@epilogue.in editor.epilogue@gmail.com subscription@epilogue.in Edited, Printed, Published and Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. Published from : Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only. RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 ISN : 00974-5653 Price : Rs 30

Agenda for Omar Agenda 1 : Provide better Governance Agenda 2 : Improve the Economy Agenda 3 : Generate adequate energy supply Agenda 4 : Provide Humane Conditions Agenda 5 : Bring the regions and communities together The Team. So far Agenda 6 : Work and Bargain with New Delhi Agenda 7 : Continue Cross-Loc Interactions Letters to Omar Abdullah Keep the Official and personal apart Beyond 100 day Honeymoon End the Chain of HR Violations A Non-Conventional Agenda Revive Panchayats, Empower SWC, SHRC Initiate from Top to End Corruption Make difference at Govt, Party Level Give Jammu its due share Bring Reforms to Power Sector Debate Wisdom on J&K’s Accession Discrimination against Jammu is well known, end it by delimitation Address the Displacement of the Kps Governance is Important but don’t Abandon Politics NC-Congress Will they ever have a common agenda ?

Epilogue Ø 3× February 2009

CONTENTS Who Said What Prologue Letters Note Book 10 Essential Entries 8 Essential Stories

4 5 6 9 14

Diplomacy Obama’s Kashmir Conundrum 15 Miliband’s South Asia Blunder

Special Report Sixth Pay Panel Dillema

Lost in Pay Din, Officers of All India Services The Leh Verdict

The Change we Need

20 51

Interview

UT demand was prompt reaction to Greater Autonomy Resolution

Politics The Return of Farooq

Columns Oral Traditions and History of 56 Jammu Hill States Prof. Jigar Mohammad

On Defining Freedom

Prof. Noor Ahmed Baba

Reviews Books

H E A R

Who Said What

In Verbatim ‘No Elections could produce a result with reference to final settlement of Kashmir' Abdul Ghani Bhat, Senior Separatist Leader, commenting on recent J&K Assembly Elections.

‘Resolution of the dispute over Kashmir would help deny extremists, in the region (sub-continent) one of their main calls to arms'. David Miliband, British Foreign Secretary, writes in an opinion piece for the Guardian Newspaper.

'Youth are the greatest treasure of any nation'. Being young, I am aware of their problems. Omar Abduallh, Chief Minister, in his Republic Day Greetings.

'In our liberal democratic framework, there is enough space for any divergent thought or opinion' N.N Vohra, Governor, in his Republic Day Greetings. ‘PDP would forcefully pursue its self-rule agenda for Kashmir Resolution to usher the state and the region into era of peace' Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, Former Chief Minister and PDP Patron, speaking to media on the sidelines of a party function. 'Kashmir is the ”root cause” of tension with India’ Yusuf Raza Gilani, Prime Minister, Pakistan while addressing a press conference at Islamabad on his return from the World Economic Forum (WEF) at Davos

Epilogue Ø 4× February 2009

Epilogue @ Rs 30 WE HOPE YOU UNDERSTAND Epilogue was launched in January 2007 with an inaugural issue priced at Rs 320 and subsequent monthly issues had cover price of Rs 40. We had always wanted to make this magazine affordable and easily available to our esteemed readers. Therefore, in July 2008, the cover price was slashed to Rs 15 but over the months it made nearly impossible for us to continue operations at this price as subscriptions and retail sales are the only backup for continued publication of your magazine. As all of you are aware of the economic atmosphere prevailing around us, we had no other option but to hike the cover price. At Rs 30, Epilogue is being now offered to you at roughly half of the cost of production of every copy. We hope you understand our compulsions continue your unflinching support for making your magazine richer in content and wider in reach Management

P R O L O G U E

From the Editor

Realise Real Challenges

Zafar Choudhary

henever a new government takes over in Jammu and Kashmir, people refer to the arrival of a new opportunity. A renewed opportunity to meet the challenges. Newspapers and magazines come up with editorials and commentaries with the catchy title –“new opportunity in Kashmir”. Six years later, when the government ends its term –or even before when it is made to fall –an audit of performance remains elusive. When there is no balance sheet at all, somebody concluding “an opportunity lost” can be entirely disapproved. Omar Abdullah's government has come at a time when challenges are enormous and the young Chief Minister has really historic opportunity before him to meet the challenges. His sweet talk has been liked by many particularly when he candidly admits that his party made many mistakes in past and he vows to correct those. It needs courage to admit your faults and Omar has shown that. Good. But what disappoints is when Omar says that his government is for governance and governance alone. Such statements hold good when they comes from leaders like Sheila Dixit or Narendra Modi as Jammu and Kashmir can't be taken as just another Indian state like Delhi or Gujarat. A government which intends to limit its role to merely that of Municipal Corporation cannot do any good to Jammu and Kashmir. Look at Ghulam Nabi Azad –the

predecessor of Omar Abdullah. He can't be challenged much when he says that his regime's development performance is better than all Chief Minister over past six decades put t o g e t h e r. I f development alone is the role of State government in Jammu and Kashmir, the devastating fire of summer 2008 that shook the very foundations of this state would never have erupted. That experience of governance is fresh and brings home much needed lessons –political Immediately after fall of the PDP-Congress coalition process can't be government, our August 2008 issue did an audit of the Common Minimum Programme –a vision document on abandoned and governance and political processes they released when development alone government had taken over in November 2002. A can't resolve issues pointwise performance analysis of all pledges in CMP Jammu and Kashmir was made with supporting statistics. is plagued with. Third from Abdullah before him should be on reducing this dynasty, Omar has taken over as Chief gulf and setting the process of Minister at a time when distance political consolidation in motion. between Kashmir and New Delhi is at State government can't wash its hands its longest and the gulf between off this major responsibility leaving three regions of the state has been people to explore other options. left widest in the history. In my Feedback : opinion the single biggest challenge zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in

Epilogue Ø 5× February 2009

L E T T E R S

Readers Write

Change by New Delhi, again Dear Editor I fail to understand the media interpretation of Jammu and Kashmir elections. Yes, there was a high voter percentage and that indicates peoples' growing faith in the institution of democracy. But why are the media calling it vote for change. Where is the change? The party which has now come to rule –National Conference –got exactly the same number of seats as it bagged in last elections -28. Its partner, the Congress has suffered loss of three seats over the 2002 performance. The parties which have been made to sit in the opposition have actually improved their position –PDP from 16 to 21 seats and BJP from 1 to 11 seats. Jammu and Kashmir has long been fighting a political disease of governments being fixed un in New Delhi. So why the media is ignoring the fact that the latest change in Jammu and Kashmir has been brought by New Delhi and not by the peoples' mandate. SHAFI MIR Nowhatta, Srinagar

Terrorism v/s Secularism Dear editor

errorism refers to acts of violence or the threat of such violence used as a political strategy by an individual or a group. Terrorism tries to paint violence as a legitimate political tactic, even though such acts are condemned by virtually every nation. Terrorist also bypass established channels of political negotiation. Terror is, therefore, a weak organization's strategy to harm a stronger foe. Indeed, Terrorism has become almost commonplace in international politics. The 9/11 of India that is the brutal Terrorist attack on the financial capital of our country. The unprecedented attack on world's largest democracy is of urgent and serious concern not only for the nation as well as the world. The recent attack on HOTEL TAJ, HOTEL OBERIO and the NARIMAN HOUSE shows that the terrorist were intensified their striking attack with the help of modern gadgets and information technology to handle such a terrorist attack the nation of the world should come forward to crab the menace of terrorism, because unilaterism did not works, to fight and control the menace of terrorism the approach should be multilaterism. Our security personals should be equipped and updated within modern trainings, gadgets, weapons and information

technology. The primary responsibility of any security force is to provide security to people and their property. The various branches of the security force should have well coordination in terms of information of any future plan of attack. By doing so, they were capable of preventing any terror attack on vital installations as well as common. Why the terrorist succeeded in executing the recent terror attack? The one and only answer is lack of coordination among the security forces. The Indian constitution provide for a secular character of our country. The constitution says that there is no discrimination on grounds such as caste, colour, creed and sex. The very foundation of our secular character is very strong, but there are some anti-national and anti- social elements present in the society who is always ready to take advantage of such opportunities for their self and vested interests. They use different platforms and means to achieve their vested interests, either moral or immoral. By doing so, they help to fulfill the mission of the terrorists, whose primary target is to divide the society as well as the country on the basis of religion. Here comes the burden on the shoulder of the common man. The common man should not come in the trap of such elements. The example is seen in the recent terror attack on the financial capital of our country (MUMBAI). The people of Mumbai maintain communal harmony, so they deserve the credit of not spreading the fire of communal violence, which we see after an terror attack. This shows that the very foundation of secular India is very very strong, impossible to break.

Epilogue Ø 6× February 2009

L E T T E R S Readers Write

Hostage taking and outright killing provoke popular anger, and there is little doubt that the nov-26, 2008 attack united India. But taking action against terror groups is problematic. Because most terrorist groups are shadowy organization with no formal connection to any establishes state, it is difficult to point a finger of responsibility and a reprisal may be all but impossible. A final reason for continuing militarism is regional conflicts. During the 1990, for example, localized war broke out in BOSNIA, CHECHNYA, and ZAMBIA, and terrorist today run high in the Middle East as well as between INDIA and PAKISTAN. Even limited wars have the potential to escalate

LAHDC discouraging entrepreneurs Dear Editor

etting up of a small industry to promote local produce in Leh is a distant dream for aspirant youth on account of bureaucratic irregularities. After taking a diploma course in fruit processing in 2003 from Jammu I have struggled for the last six years meaning to set up a fruit processing industry. My aim turned out to be a distant dream and years of struggle due to lack of support from concerned authorities at Leh. It took me six months at the District Industry Centre (DIC) Leh just for the Provision Number, the basic registration of being unemployed. The DIC Leh is being handled by an officer as the manager who is also responsible for the Employment department. The next step after DIC was the Bank loan procedure and this has also been a two-year long struggle for a person who aspires to set up a small industry. My case in the J&K Bank was the first for fruit processing and it would take more than week for a

and draw in other countries. INDIA and PAKISTAN both nuclear powers- moved to the brink of war in 2002, raising fears of atomic war. In 2003, the announcement by northkorea that it, too had joined the nuclear club ensures that tension will remain high in ASIA as well. The resignation of union home minister, Chief Minister and the deputy chief minister is not the answer to the menace of TERRORISM. The solution is only possible when the government, the security force and the common people come together and fight the growing problem of TERRORISM. MOHAMMAD SHAMIM Old Bus Stand, Leh Ladakh

minor thing at the Bank. In the J&K Bank Leh the manager asked me to submit a copy of FPO license before starting the loan procedure. When I approached Delhi for the FPO license I was told that FPO license is granted only after building for the proposed industry is complete in all respect and the required machineries are bought. I followed the suggestions and I first arranged some loans from my relatives and friends and invested an amount of rupees 5 lacs and then I invited the inspector from the Ministry of Food Processing who, after two weeks, granted me the FPO license. When I produced the FPO license the Bank manager from Khalsi came for inspection and asked me to bring Performa bill from the authorized dealer but when I submitted the proper bill which I had got from the dealer, the Bank refused it. Then I brought a new Performa Bill from the authorized dealer in Delhi from whom I had bought machineries and submitted the new Performa Bill to the bank. The bank sanctioned me a draft of 4 lac rupees in the name of the dealer. I went to Delhi with the daft to transfer the draft into cash. The dealer told me it will not be transferred unless I took the

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 7Ă&#x2014; February 2009

machineries again and at that moment I got completely disappointed and requested him a lot saying that I had already taken the machineries from him. After huge request and struggle he transferred draft into cash by charging rupees of 80,000 as tax. On the other hand I had to stay in Delhi in rented room for over three weeks for this particular purpose. I returned to Ladakh with the remaining money from Delhi and reimbursed to different places.. Having a few months passed I got a platform to question whether the loan assistance comes before or after the FPO lincense but I have not got the answer yet. Then comes the Land issue: As I had applied for a piece of land at Leh to promote the industry in a bigger scale, another dramatic trouble I had to undergo. I was allotted 10 marlas of land at Leh industrial estate, only on the paper. I virtually didn't get the piece of land. I have given my 6th reminder to DIC and Hill Council but I'm now told that there is no vacant land available. But the ground reality is such that a nonLadakhi who had applied for land after me had got a land allotted at the

L E T T E R S Readers Write

Industrial estate. I am also aware of some influential people who are using such lands for residential and other commercial purposes in the name of industry. For a person like me, who hails from a rural background can't afford to use influential connection, has no other choice but to follow the proper channels. But then all hopes shuttered when proper channels are also found dysfunctional. It's very sad that even the executive councilor for industry is ignorant about the ground reality of the land allotted at the industrial estate. The Marketing issue: We all know that marketing and a market place for local produce and handicrafts is a big problem for all Ladakhis, especially farmers. The administration of the Hill Council never took it seriously nor did we get any encouragement from them as we requested the concerned executive councilor time and again to help in pulping of apricots. Very regretfully I want to highlight an example of how the Hill Council discouraged local entrepreneurs and produces during the Ladakh Festival 2008. The Festival was particularly to showcase Ladakh's identity, its tradition, Agricultural and Horticultural potential of the land but at Pologround, the main venue of the festival, a Big Fancy shop and a shop of SAMOSA and PURI and playing of trains and doll show for kids for entertainment were permitted. And on the other hand stalls for the Ladakhi products, foods such as PABA, THUKPA, MOKMOK, fine wood curving, local juices etc were permitted in the NAC forest behind the Bazaar which is not easily accessible to the public and the tourists. After the festival was over the organizers, in an edition of Rangyul, had appreciated themselves by terming the festival a successful one. Earlier I was a bit hesitant to share my narrative story but I am now sick and tired of the uncountable requests I made to the concerned authorities, especially to the Hill Council. Thus I chose the last option to expose such irregularities so that concerned authorities might think twice before victimizing and torturing another beneficiary in the bureaucratic machinery.

An idea that worked

hen Epilogue was just an idea, an energetic Zafar talked endlessly about the magazine which would take a wholesome look at one issue. Two years down the line the idea is a successful venture. I have been contributing to Epilogue and also, being a regular reader. It is a comprehensive, incisive and has varied perspectives on a newsy, strategically important topic. It is informative and at the same time educative. I wish Epilogue all the best in the years ahead and hope it will continue to contribute towards meaningful writing.

PAWAN BALI Senior special correspondent CNN IBN

The Magazine, sensitive to change

pilogue is one of the best magazines, I have come across, that covers the news in its truest colors and the analysis of the news is equally balanced. The issue on Forest (December, 2008), their plight and the condition of forest officers was covered by the magazine in a very emphatic way. We need more such work in near future. It is a magazine that is sensitive to the change be it environment, politics, history or the happening next door. I congratulate the magazine and the team behind it for completing two fruitful years.

SURESH CHUGH Conservator of Forest, Research, J&K

SKARMA TOKDAN stardhomkhar@rediffmail.com

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 8Ă&#x2014; February 2009

N O T E

B O O K

10 Essential Stories HEALTH

SKIMS says brought down net death rate to 3.2%

tate's prestigious medical institution, the Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, at Srinagar, has claimed that it brought down the net death rate of patients to 3.2 per cent during the preceding year. These mortality figures are at par with other tertiary centres in the country, says noted endocrinologist and Director, Shere-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, Dr. Hamid Zargar. "Out of the 47,660 inpatient admissions last year, as many as 44,541 have been discharged after

recuperation", he adds. The institute has also recorded a marked decrease in average length of the stay of patients. The OPD attendance in the institute has also increased by 11 per cent with nearly 5.72 lakh patients availing OPD facilities in various departments, adds Dr. Zargar. The institute has also carried 16,348 surgeries, including 9,867 major

operations pertaining to neurosurgery, paediatric, plastic, urology, et al. "In accident emergency, we have treated 68,000 people in 2008, in comparison to a mere 10,000 in mid-Eighties and 20,000-25,000 in mid-Nineties", says Dr. Zargar. The Department of CVTS performed more than 100 open heart surgeries, which is a record in 26 years of SKIMS' existence. Mortality in these patients was 5 per cent, which is at par with other centres of national repute, he adds with pride.

RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS

SASB gets luminaries on board

etting at rest a major controversy which rocked Jammu and Kashmir in 2008, the Governor NN Vohra, on January 7, reconstituted the Shri Amarnath Shrine Board by taking luminaries of their own fields on board. The newly appointed Members as the persons of eminence, who have distinguished themselves in the service of the religion and culture, social work, administration, legal affairs, financial matters and environmental management.

SRI SRI : The Champion of values

The new members are: Founder of the world-wide 'Art of Living Movement', Sri Sri Ravi Shankra is an eminent scholar who has been tirelessly striving for fostering, on a global scale, a deeper understanding of the values that unite the people of different faiths as a human community. His 'Art of Living' organisation has a special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. Dr Kapila Vatsyayan, Member Parliament (Rajya Sabha), has served as Secretary to Government of India in the Department of Arts and Culture for over a decade. She is the founder Director of Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, a former President of the India International Centre and presently the Chairman of the IIC-Asia Project.

SUNITA : The environmentalist

Sunita Narain, a Padma Shri awardee, is currently Director, Centre for Science and Environment, and the Society for Environmental Communication. She also edits the fortnightly newsmagazine Down to Earth. Associated with leading international environmental organisations, she is a Member of Prime Minister's Council on Climate Change and Commission on Climate Change and Development, Sweden.

Justice (Retd) G D Sharma has been a distinguished member of the judiciary and is presently working as President, State Consumers Forum in Jammu and Kashmir . He has held key assignments in the Judiciary. Santoor maestro, Pandit Bhajan Sopori, is a music director of repute, having produced several musical productions and composed music for songs in various Indian languages. He has also composed music for operas, tele-films, serials and documentaries. Dr Ved Kumari Ghai, is a renowned Sanaskrit scholar and former Head of the Sanaskrit Department in the University of Jammu.

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 9Ă&#x2014; February 2009

N O T E

B O O K 10 Essential Stories

POLITICS

PDP-Congress honeymoon ends

pon Congress alliance with the National Conference to form Government in Jammu and Kashmir, the Peoples Democratic Party pulled out of

the United Progressive Alliance on January 4 –a day ahead of the Omar Abdullah Government was sworn in. PDP had only member in the UPA –Mehbooba

Mufti. PDP pulled out after writing a letter to the UPA Chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi which is reproduced here:

Dear Sonia Ji, Six years back we had started a journey together against the backdrop of blood, mayhem, repression and despondency in Jammu & Kashmir. Today there is enough indication on ground to feel satisfied that the alliance turned out to be an enterprise of hope for the people of Jammu & Kashmir that you and Mufti Saheb had intended it to be. Your statesmanship contributed in a substantial measure to the turnaround in the situation. And for the first time in the State's history, the PDP-Congress Coalition worked as a remarkable facilitator of reconciliation between political aspirations of the State, its developmental needs and the national interest. In fact the measures of significance initiated by the PDP-Congress Coalition Government led to an entirely new realization of peace as the only way forward in South Asia. During the stewardship of Mufti Saheb at the State level, an unprecedented national consensus was attained on Kashmir and the need for opening up to Pakistan and reaching out to the people of Jammu & Kashmir for its final settlement was vehemently articulated by the then Prime Minister Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee and his successor Dr Manmohan Singh. The peace and reconciliation process made the mainstream of Kashmir politics to gain a new status and prestige as a factor for resolution and the ground situation in the State started transforming positively. My father and my party feel we have done a duty towards our State, which could not have been achieved without the support of your party and the UPA Government. I have from time to time been briefing you on the goings on in our coalition arrangement, which unfortunately could not run its full course. But, even after the fall of the PDP-Congress Coalition Government in the State, we continued to be with the UPA and extended our full support to your government at the Center in whatever circumstances. We had gone into the recent elections with our agenda for dialogue, Self-Rule, reduction of troops and scrapping of special powers in view of the vastly improved ground situation in the State. The emphatic rejection of violence by the people of the State as a means of solving problems and reiteration of their faith in democratic means became very clear during the just concluded elections. We have been raising the vital issues concerning the State and its people for quite some time in the interest of peace and stability. We as a responsible opposition will continue to flag the issues that we feel people have mandated us for. As you have exercised your unquestionable right to choose a partner for government formation in J&K, we wish the new government well. I sincerely hope the new Government in the State is able to respond to the highly complex situation with success. In view of your new arrangement with the National Conference, both in the State and in the UPA, you would appreciate our difficulty in continuing to be a part of the UPA. My party has decided to stay away from the arrangement as it has become now untenable for PDP to continue in this alliance. While conveying the party decision, I may express my gratitude for the personal affection that you always showered on me, the consideration that you and your Government showed to our point of view and the historic contribution you made to Kashmir's fortunes in 2002. With warm wishes and best regards, Mehbooba Mufti, Srinagar, January 4, 2009

Epilogue Ø 10 × February 2009

N O T E

B O O K 10 Essential Stories

SOCIETY

WILDLIFE & ENVIRONMENT

Kashmiri women victim of sexual abuse

8 lakh migratory birds flock Valley wetlands

he Kashmiri woman is increasingly falling victim to sexual abuse –both at home and at work, say the experts. The study “Domestic violence against women” reveals that the varied practices related to molestation of Women are in vogue in Kashmiri society as well. This sociological study, by noted sociologist Dr B.A Dabla, while confirming these propositions states that over the past few decades there is significant degree of increase in the practice related to molestation of Kashmiri women within the in-laws and parental home. However, the study adds that this crime against women is also rampant outside the domestic framework. According to the research study, of the sixty-six percent cases of molestation that have come to fore within the period of one year, 30 such cases were reported in the domestic framework. Overall, Within the domestic framework, 9% victims revealed that there close relatives especially first cousins were involved in this bestial acts.7% reported the involvement of distant relatives and in 14% cases this shameful act was carried out by neighbours. While probing the reasons responsible for the acts of molestation of Women, the study emphasizes that in a tight knit community like Kashmir women do not break the silence by exposing the horrendous crimes of sexual abuse. However, Some of the 'apparent' reasons the study has mentioned within and outside the domestic framework include , overcrowd in public buses(11%), raids by armed forces 16%; jealousy of working women(6%), sexual lust(7%),indecent dress of women (4%), impact of films (6%); juvenile delinquency(6%) While speaking on long-term implications of molestation, the study maintains that the victims develop severe psychological problems and tendency for suicide. Expressing concern over the growing insecurity for women within the home, the social activist, Sumeera Rashid said, “Due to conservative structure of the society most of these incidences go un- reported. The fact, is molestation within domestic framework, is still underground. Being at the lowest rung of the ladder in society, women suffer the most in this patriarchal society,'' Adding further she states that for fear of retaliation and losing face, women keep away from registering complaints. Against this backdrop, only few such cases have been registered so far by the police. It is time, she says, to put aside what some people believe is cultural sensitivity and start seeing molestation as the crimes that they are KNOWLEDGE

Libraries to go online

s many as 140 public libraries in Jammu and Kashmir will soon go online. This was decided at a meeting chaired by the Tourism and Culture Minister Nawang Rigzin Jora. Expressing concern over dwindling visitors to the libraries, the Minister said that all 140 libraries in the State would be made online and books from national-reputed organizations sourced to enrich the libraries so that better content and research-based references were available to the readers. The construction of S.P.S. Library, at Srinagar with a total project cost of Rs.17.34 crore was under construction, the Minister informed.

Epilogue Ø 11 × February 2009

igratory birds flocking the picturesque wetlands of Kashmir have created a record this year with nearly eight lakh of them visiting the Valley Coming from Siberia, China, Central Asia and North Europe, apart from the Indian sub-continent, the migratory birds have added more colour to Kashmir's wetlands and fresh water lakes. This year, the arrival of the winged visitors touched the highest ever number of nearly

The arrival of 8 lakh winged guests this year is is in contrast to 25,000 birds in 1992. eight lakh at three famous waterfowl habitats of Haigam, Hokersar and Shalibugh in the valley. This is in contrast to 25,000 birds in 1992. Though the danger of bird-flu had temporarily made them suspect in the eyes of authorities, who issued instructions to the state animal husbandry department for collecting samples of the birds, no case of bird flu was found. Wildlife warden, wetlands, Kashmir division, Mohammad Abdullah Baba attributed the increased arrivals to the steps taken by his department, including improved water level at the wetlands, strengthening infrastructure besides intensified patrolling and making available artificial feed for the birds. The highest number of over four lakh migratory birds visited Haigam in Sopore this year. This was in contrast to last year when only nearly two lakh such birds were seen in the wetland, Baba said. Revolutionary measures taken to improve education set up in JK

N O T E

B O O K 10 Essential Stories

GOVERNANCE

Govt mulls tech-savvy measures

o make the system of governance and administration smart and work efficient, the state government has set up an exclusive e-Governance Agency (JaKeGA) with an empowered Board of Governors, headed by the State Chief Secretary. Modelled on similar agencies working in many progressive states like Karnataka or Punjab , the JaKeGA has been registered as a Society under the Societies Registration Act on January 14, 2009. This is supposed to provide the Agency with the much-needed flexibility to implement IT-related projects throughout the State and to receive grants directly from the Government of

India and other donor agencies. Free of time-consuming procedures, JaKeGA shall also take the single point responsibility for procuring all types of IT resources and services like hardware, software, power, printing and networking peripherals for Government agencies. This will help streamline the IT-related activities of all the departments and help them save time and money by providing them with a single point mechanism for design, development, procurement and training. JaKeGA shall also have the mandate to create permanent, temporary or project-

based positions that shall help boost the employment prospects of the thousands of IT professionals in the State. JaKeGA shall also take up on priority the encadrement of all IT professionals already working in various Government departments into a "J&K Informatics Service" so that their promotional and other HR-related issues are duly taken care of. The day-to-day operations of the JaKeGA shall be overseen by an Executive Committee, headed by the Principal Secretary, Information Technology.

SECURITY & MILITANCY

Police declare 2008 most peaceful year of militancy decades

ith a sharp decrease in terror incidents last year, which also saw huge turnout during the almost incident-free legislative elections, 2008 remained the most peaceful time in the troubled Jammu and Kashmir since 1990.

were killed last year as compared to 399 in 2007. The highest number of civilian killings in terror related incidents was 1,424 in 1996, the year when the first state assembly elections were held after more than six years of president's rule.

According to official figures, the number of militancy related incidents came down to three digits - 708 - for the first time in the nearly two decades of separatist insurgency during which 42,876 people have been killed.

OFFICIAL STATISTICS

The dead include 16,832 civilians, 5,204 security personnel and 20,840 militants. The figures indicate that from 1990 to 2008, a total of 67,430 militancy related incidents have been registered in Jammu and Kashmir. The highest number of 5,946 incidents were reported in 1995 when violence was at its peak. Since then, it has seen a gradual fall every year but in 2001 violence again peaked with 4,536 incidents. According to the figures, 147 civilians

Ø 42876 killed in 67,430 incidents in 20 years

Ø Dead include -16832 civilians, 5204 security personnel, 20840 militants

Ø Highest 5946 people were killed in 1995; 4536 were killed in 2001 Among 1,000 civilians killed in 4,211 incidents in 1990, 539 were killed in firing between militants and security forces. At least 339 militants were killed in 2008 while 460 were killed in 2007. Highest number of 2,020 militants was killed in 2001.

Epilogue Ø 12 × February 2009

According to the figures, 85 security personnel, including 20 policemen and the rest from the Indian Army and paramilitary forces, were killed last year. The highest number of security personnel deaths - 613 - was reported in 2001. Only 21 militancy related incidents, in which a civilian and a security man were killed, occurred during the 2008 assembly elections. As during the 2002 election, 140 militant attacks were registered which left 63 civilians and 29 security personnel dead. "The figures are self-explanatory and undoubtedly point that the situation is fast becoming normal (in Jammu and Kashmir)," an official said. According to official estimates, about 800 militants are still active in the state. These figures are, however, disputed by the separatists and independent activists who say that more than one lakh civilians have been killed. There has never been any independent probe and official figures are the only source of information.

N O T E

B O O K 10 Essential Stories

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

HCC bags Rs 2726.49 cr Kishanganga Hydel project

industan Construction Company Ltd (HCC), India's leading construction and Infrastructure Company in joint venture with Halcrow Group Ltd. U.K. (Halcrow) has been awarded the prestigious and challenging 330 MW Kishanganga hydro-electric project by the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation Ltd. (NHPC). The contract is on turnkey basis and valued at approximately Rs 2726.49 crore. The project involves the construction of a 37m high concrete faced rockfill dam, 23.5 km of head race tunnel and an underground powerhouse. A maximum gross head of 665 m is proposed to be utilised to generate 1350 Million Units of energy, in a 90% dependable year with an installed capacity of 3x110 MW. This is an EPC contract where HCC will be responsible for Engineering, Procurement and Construction of all items including civil and associated

infrastructure works; supply, installation, testing and commissioning of all electromechanical plant & machinery and hydro-mechanical components including generating units. The project will be completed & commissioned in an estimated 84 months.

The Kishanganga Hydroelectric Project, awarded to NHPC, is located on river Kishanganga, a tributary of river Jhelum, in Baramulla district of Kashmir. The HCC-Halcrow Consortium will have a share in the ratio of 98:2 respectively. Sharing details of the contract, Vinayak Deshpande, President & Chief Operating Officer, HCC said, "This is a prestigious contract win for us. HCC has successfully constructed over 23

per cent of India's hydel power generation capacity including several challenging hydel power projects in the Himalayan regions. With this prestigious EPC project for HCC, we have further strengthened our robust order book with a significant portion coming from the Power segment". HCC has contributed significantly in the infrastructure development of Jammu & Kashmir. It has built the state's largest hydro-electric power project - the Salal Dam and is currently also developing five other infrastructure projects. This includes three hydel power projects viz. Chutak HEPP (in Kargil), Nimoo Bazgo HEPP (in Leh) and URI HEPP in addition to the historic 84 km Mughal Road and the Pirpanjal Tunnels of the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla rail link. HCC has also constructed Bhutan's largest hydroelectric power project at Tala.

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

ESSAR proposes BPOs in J&K

rashant Ruia, Director, ESSAR Group, has announced to set up of two BPO centres–one each in Jammu and Srinagar, which would create 2,000 jobs in each city. This announcement was made in Mumbai on January 17 when Chief Minister Omar Abdullah addressed the 1200 Captains of Indian Industry during an award ceremony. Abdullah told his audience from Indian Industry that that in 2009 good news will start coming out of Jammu & Kashmir and urged the industry to see for itself what J&K has to offer. "Business is about profitability and I know that for the past 20 years, no good news has come out of J&K. But I assure you that 2009 will be the year that the good news will start emerging. I know that right now even if I have an economic summit and invite participation from industry, I will not offer you a level playing field vis-à-vis other states. But I want to make an appeal that you visit and see for yourselves what we have to offer",

The Chief Minister said that he would like to see the youth of J&K, who too aspire to be a part of corporate India's dream run, to be equipped with skill sets to meet industry's needs. He said he wanted to create the conditions that Corporate India would earn profits in J&K. "Help me build skill sets for my people that will make you want to employ them in your organisations across the country and in new facilities that I hope you will soon set up in J&K", he said and added "I will then ensure that while peace returns, the youth are trained and employable, ready for you when you decide to come and set base." Abdullah assured the India Inc. represented at the event by CEOs, corporate stalwarts and captains of industry, that every support required to make their entry into J&K, would be made easy and as comfortable as possible and said that he was just a phone call, fax and e-mail away.

Epilogue Ø 13 × February 2009

N O T E

B O O K

8 Essential Entries

{

DIED: Veteran politician G M SHAH, who had become Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir by toppling the government of his brother-in-law Farooq Abdullah, died at the age of 88, on January 6, in Srinagar. Shah, uncle of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, had been ailing for quite sometimes and was admitted to Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences. His party Awami National Conference contested recent assembly elections but could not win any seat.

APPOINTED: Former top bureaucrat JALIL AHMED KHAN is appointed as Economic Advisor to J&K Government. Khan was Financial Commissioner, Finance till 2002 when Abdul Rahim Rather (the present Finance Minister) was the Finance Minister. Khan replaces ace economist Haseeb Drabu.

{ {

APPOINTED: J&K Vigilance Commissioner RADHA VINOD RAJU is appointed as Director General of the newly established National Investigation Agency. A 1975-batch IPS officer, 59year-old Raju will be the head of the NIA till January 21, 2010. He was selected for the coveted post considering his wide knowledge and experiences in investigating high-profile cases, including assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.

DIED: TIRATH RAM AMLA, 95, a leading businessman, philanthropist and a former member of Rajya Sabha who represented Jammu and Kashmir for 21 years. He was also a close confidant of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. End came in Delhi on January 23. Amla has been described as a quintessential part of the Kashmir mystique.

APPOINTED: Justice BARIN GHOSH of Patna High Court was, on January sworn-in as the Chief Justice of Jammu and Kashmir High Court. The J and K Governor N N Vohra administered the oath of office to Justice . Born on June 5, 1952, Justice Ghosh, earlier a Judge in the Patna High Court was enrolled as an advocate on December 19, 1978, and practiced at Calcutta mainly in civil, company and constitutional matters. He was appointed as a permanent judge of the Calcutta High Court on July 14, 1995.

{

ACCIDENT: A major fire broke out in the building of LEGISLATURE COMPLEX in the Civil Secretariat premises. The fire broke out in a store adjoining the hall of Legislative Assembly and within minutes the entire room got engulfed due to presence of combustible substances and entire Assembly hall chocked with dense smoke. All the employees of the Assembly Secretariat immediately moved out of the complex on witnessing smoke emanating from the Assembly hall. APPOINTED: Leading businessman and media baron, also a close friend of Omar Abdullah, DEVINDER SINGH RANA is appointed as Political Advisor to the Chief Minister on January 9. He has been decorated with rank and status of a Minister of State and given a room to work in the Chief Minister's Secretariat.

BAD MONEY: Owner of J&K's only shopping mall, the CITY SQUARE MALL, Jammu surrendered Rs 7.50 crore unaccounted income following raids by the Income Tax Department; his two business partners too surrendered Rs 2.30 crore before the I.T Department. With the coughing up of Rs 2.30 crore by the business partners of Subash Gupta, the total amount surrendered by trio following IT raids has touched nearly Rs 10 crore so far.

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 14 Ă&#x2014; February 2009

D I P L O M A C Y

Kashmir after Obama

Obama’s Kashmir Conundrum

Kashmir, said Barack Obama just a few days before his presidential election victory, is "obviously a potential tar pit diplomatically".

ew could argue with that. Those outsiders who have sought to broker a deal in Kashmir, one of the world's longest running conflicts, have got themselves into a fix. They have not solved the dispute; they have managed to embroil themselves in some very sour diplomatic rows. For six decades, the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan has defied attempts at resolution. One of the United Nations' oldest military contingents is stationed there - it has also been one of the most ineffective.

ANDREW WHITEHEAD is a former BBC correspondent

Just suggesting outside mediation is usually enough to provoke an angry response from the Indian government.

Epilogue Ø 15 × February 2009

D I P L O M A C Y Kashmir after Obama

Bill Clinton role?

et in that same interview with Time magazine, Mr Obama held open the prospect that his administration would get involved in sorting out Kashmir and might even send a high profile envoy. One of the "critical tasks" for his administration, Barack Obama told Ti m e ' s e x p e r i e n c e d p o l i t i c a l commentator Joe Klein, was working with Pakistan and India "in a serious way" to try to resolve the Kashmir crisis. He spoke of the need "to devote serious diplomatic resources to get a special envoy in there, to figure out a plausible approach, and essentially make the argument to the Indians: you guys are on the brink of being an economic superpower, why do you want to keep messing with this? "To make the argument to the Pakistanis: look at India and what they are doing, why do you want to keep on being bogged down with this particularly at a time where the biggest threat now is coming from the Afghan border? "I think there is a moment where potentially we could get their attention. It won't be easy but it's important." Joe Klein then put it to Barack Obama that it sounded like a job for former President Bill Clinton. "Might not be bad," responded Senator Obama. "I actually talked to Bill... about this when we had lunch in Harlem." It was hardly a roadmap for Kashmir, but nor was it just a stray remark. Amid the

clamour of the closing days of the presidential election campaign, the remarks did not get a lot of attention in the US media. But they were noticed and analysed across South Asia. Kashmiri separatists were pleased, the Pakistan establishment did not seem to know what to make of it and the Indian authorities were distinctly annoyed. India controls the Kashmir Valley and believes it has largely vanquished the armed separatist groups, many of which have had links to Pakistan. A US special envoy could be seen as throwing into question the Indian claim to Kashmir, and encouraging Kashmiris to campaign against Indian rule. Ever since a peace accord with Pakistan back in 1972, India has insisted that the future of Kashmir is a bilateral matter. Its message to the rest of the world's diplomats could be summarised as: "Keep away from Kashmir, it's none of your business."

Straws in the wind The received wisdom in India was that either Barack Obama was naive in his remarks on Kashmir or he would be pulled back by the seasoned South Asia experts in Washington. The Mumbai attacks in late November and then the broadly successful completion of state elections in Indianadministered Kashmir, were seen as strengthening India's stand. Indeed the veteran American journalist and foreign affairs expert Selig Harrison declared this month that Presidentelect Obama had "made his first big foreign-policy mistake" even before

Epilogue Ø 16 × February 2009

“I think there is a moment where potentially we could get [Indian and Pakistani] attention. It won't be easy but it's important” - Barack Obama taking office. The supposed mistake: pledging US intervention in the Kashmir dispute. "By questioning Indian control of the Kashmir Valley," wrote Harrison in the Washington Times, "the United States would strengthen jihadi forces in both Islamabad and Srinagar, the capital of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. More importantly, it would undermine improving US-India relations." But there have been some straws in the wind to suggest that the new administration will be more active over Kashmir. Susan Rice, one of Mr Obama's closest foreign policy advisers, made reference to Kashmir last week during Congressional hearings for her nomination as the new US ambassador to the United Nations. She commended the role of the UN in responding to threats to international peace and security - "from the Balkans to East Timor, from Liberia to Kashmir, from Cyprus to the Golan Heights". That sent another shudder through the Indian external affairs ministry. Also last week, an article by Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband -

“There is no linkage between Kashmir and the terror India has been facing emanating from Pakistan” - Congress Party spokesman

D I P L O M A C Y Kashmir after Obama

published in the Guardian newspaper while he was on a visit to India - again turned the focus on the Kashmir conflict. "Resolution of the dispute over Kashmir would help deny extremists in the region one of their main calls to arms and allow Pakistani authorities to focus more effectively on tackling the threat on their western borders," Mr Miliband wrote. He did not suggest an international envoy. Nevertheless, the Indian establishment fired a sustained volley of criticism at their ministerial visitor. "There is no linkage between Kashmir and the terror India has been facing emanating from Pakistan," said a spokesman for India's governing Congress party. "The bureaucracy in the British foreign office should have educated him a little bit on the facts." A leading figure in the main opposition BJP was even more forthright. "In recent years, there has been no bigger disaster than the visit of David Miliband," declared Arun Jaitley. A British minister, of course, can hardly be said to reflect the views of the Obama administration. But the remarks will be seen as indicating a new line of thinking in Western capitals. As the world seeks to get the measure of the new man in the White House, South Asia's politicians and diplomats are wondering whether there may now be a determined attempt by outside powers to promote a settlement of the Kashmir crisis.

...Kashmir focus a colossal blunder

trategic affairs specialist Dr Ashley Tellis believes the November 26 terror attacks on Mumbai has given birth to the "misguided notion" that a resolution of the Kashmir dispute is imperative to rein in terrorism in South Asia, and that this should be the priority of the proposed special envoy to the region. Such an agenda, warns Dr Tellis, currently a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, would be "a colossal blunder." "It's an example of facile solutions that people are reaching for because they have either not done the analysis or they have not thought through the solution carefully," the Mumbai-born Dr Tellis said. "Everyone is gravitating towards what appears to be the sexy solution. The difficulty is that it will only make things worse." The single biggest problem, he felt, is that such a solution is based on the assumption that a genuine grievance about Kashmir is the trigger for terrorism in the region. "The fact of the matter is that genuine grievances about Kashmir are being addressed by the two countries through their bilateral process, and the groups that are conducting this murder and mayhem could care a damn about Kashmir anymore than they would care about some other subject." He argued that Lashkar-e-Tayiba and similar groups are "are driven by an ideology that is very, very different, and that can be demonstrated from the fact that these groups are fundamentally non-Kashmiri to begin with. The Lashkar is manned by Pakistani Punjabis. The only genuine Kashmiri resistance group, which is Hizbul Mujaheddin, has never operated outside of Kashmir. I don't understand how making the argument that solving Kashmir is going to end these tragedies makes any sense at all." Dr Tellis says Barack Obama's thinking, expressed often during his election campaign, that solving Kashmir was key to ending terrorism, is analogous to the argument after 9/11 that the Palestinian crisis had to be resolved to avoid such tragedies. "I don't think any of the protagonists of these solutions either understands the region, knows the region, or has given deep thought to it. This is one of these facile things that comes to mind, and it sounds very cute and very reasonable and plausible, and so people are floating this." The real problem, Dr Tellis said, is that the war in Afghanistan has entered a difficult phase thanks largely to Pakistan's non-cooperation, and it is this issue that should be the focus for urgent resolution. If the US went the Kashmir route, the analyst warned, "it would end up being embarrassed and destroying the credibility of American diplomacy. There is a reason why we haven't done this for 30 years. To try and come up with these ideas now is just shallow thinking.â&#x20AC;? AZIZ HANIFFA in Washington, DC

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 17 Ă&#x2014; February 2009

D I P L O M A C Y

Miliband’s blunder

Miliband's South Asia Blunder

ritish Foreign Secretary David Miliband's first visit

to India in the middle of January has been described by the foreign policy experts as diplomatic blunder. India reacted bitterly and also reportedly wrote to the

David Miliband

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown on Miliband's remarks on

‘War on Terror’ was Wrong

Kashmir. Though in Kashmir, Miliband's remarks were seen as a welcome intervention, but

The phrase gives a false idea of a unified global enemy, and encourages a primarily military reply

New Delhi took strong offence to his comments seeking to link the Kashmir dispute to Lashkar-e-Toiba and

he terrorist attacks in Mumbai seven weeks ago sent shock waves around the world. Now all eyes are fixed on the Middle East, where Israel's response to Hamas's rockets, a ferocious military campaign, has already left a thousand Gazans dead.

terrorism in the region even as he expressed faith in Pakistan's judicial system to try the perpetrators of 26/11 and referred to the poor status of Muslims in India. While during his visit Miliband used measured words but what caused flutter was his article appearing in UK's Guardian newspaper. The full article is reproduced along side.

Seven years on from 9/11 it is clear that we need to take a fundamental look at our efforts to prevent extremism and its terrible offspring, terrorist violence. Since 9/11, the notion of a "war on terror" has defined the terrain. The phrase had some merit: it captured the gravity of the threats, the need for solidarity, and the need to respond urgently - where necessary, with force. But ultimately, the notion is misleading and mistaken. The issue is not whether we need to attack the use of terror at its roots, with all the tools available. We must. The question is how. The idea of a "war on terror" gave the impression of a unified, transnational enemy, embodied in the figure of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida. The reality is that the motivations and identities of terrorist groups are disparate. Lashkar-e-Taiba has roots in Pakistan and says its cause is Kashmir. Hezbollah says it stands for resistance to occupation of the Golan Heights. The Shia and Sunni insurgent groups in Iraq have myriad demands. They are as diverse as the 1970s European movements of the IRA, Baader-Meinhof, and Eta. All used terrorism and sometimes they supported each other, but their causes were not unified and their cooperation was opportunistic. So it is today.

Epilogue Ø 18 × February 2009

D I P L O M A C Y Kashmir after Obama

The more we lump terrorist groups together and draw the battle lines as a simple binary struggle between moderates and extremists, or good and evil, the more we play into the hands of those seeking to unify groups with little in common. Terrorist groups need to be tackled at root, interdicting flows of weapons and finance, exposing the shallowness of their claims, channelling their followers into democratic politics. The "war on terror" also implied that the correct response was primarily military. But as General Petraeus said to me and others in Iraq, the coalition there could not kill its way out of the problems of insurgency and civil strife. This is what divides supporters and opponents of the military action in Gaza. Similar issues are raised by the debate about the response to the Mumbai attacks. Those who were responsible must be brought to justice and the government of Pakistan must take urgent and effective action to break up terror networks on its soil. But on my visit to south Asia this week, I am arguing that the best antidote to the terrorist threat in the long term is cooperation. Although I understand the current difficulties, resolution of the dispute over Kashmir would help deny extremists in the region one of their main calls to arms, and allow Pakistani authorities to focus more effectively on tackling the threat on their western borders. We must respond to terrorism by championing the rule of law, not subordinating it, for it is the cornerstone of the democratic society. We must uphold our commitments to human rights and civil liberties at home and abroad. That is surely the lesson of Guantánamo and it is why we welcome President-elect Obama's commitment to close it. The call for a "war on terror" was a call to arms, an attempt to build solidarity for a fight against a single shared enemy. But the foundation for solidarity between peoples and nations should be based not on who we are against, but on the idea of who we are and the values we share. Terrorists succeed when they render countries fearful and vindictive; when they sow division and animosity; when they force countries to respond with violence and repression. The best response is to refuse to be cowed. The Guardian, Thursday 15 January 2009

“

“Lashkar-e-Taiba has roots in Pakistan and says its cause is Kashmir. Hezbollah says it stands for resistance to occupation of the Golan Heights. The Shia and Sunni insurgent groups in Iraq have myriad demands. They are as diverse as the 1970s European movements of the IRA, Baader-Meinhof, and Eta. All used terrorism and sometimes they supported each other, but their causes were not unified and their cooperation was opportunistic. So it is today”

.” “ “But on my visit to south Asia this week, I am arguing that the best antidote to the terrorist threat in the long term is cooperation. Although I understand the current difficulties, resolution of the dispute over Kashmir would help deny extremists in the region one of their main calls to arms, and allow Pakistani authorities to focus more effectively on tackling the threat on their western borders. We must respond to terrorism by championing the rule of law, not subordinating it, for it is the cornerstone of the democratic society”

.”

Epilogue Ø 19 × February 2009

Omar's emphasis

hile Miliband met top Indian leaders in New Delhi, the Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah spoke to him via teleconferencing on January 14. The conversion followed a bit of controversy as Chief Minister sought UK cooperation in easing tension in the region. The opposition BJP reminded Chief Minister of Kashmir being the “internal matter” of India and advised him on not getting into “foreign matters”. Chief Minister's spokesman said that Abdullah and Miliband discussed Indo-Pak relations in the light of the Mumbai attacks. Abdullah emphasized that IndoPak relations have a great bearing on Jammu and Kashmir and its people as they get positively or negatively impacted by the nature of the relations between the two neighbouring countries. The Chief Minister urged upon the British Foreign Secretary to use his influence to make the international community play its role to ease the tension between the two countries. He said that the two countries have already initiated various confidence building measures including cross-LOC trade and people-to-people contact, which have generated tremendous goodwill and the same are required to be carried forward, in the interest of both the countries.

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T

Sixth Pay Panel Dillema

Lost in Pay Din, Officers of All India Services Over four lakh employees of the state government are abandoning their desks and hitting streets every now and then pressing for revision of their pay scales in accordance with the Sixth Central Pay Commission recommendations. State needs some Rs 3800 Crores to meet this demand and this amount is not immediately available. Another major demand of the state employees is increase in their retirement age from existing 58 years to 60 years, to get at par with the central government employees. The Omar Abdullah government, it is learnt, is not in favour of hiking the retirement age. Interestingly, sitting at the top policy desks, manning over four lakh state government employees, are some 350 officers of All India Services –both locals and non-locals –who are seeing the pay controversy from the fence with no one speaking for them and almost no one listening to them

Zafar Choudhary

he Sixth Central Pay Commission continues to be an issue of importance in different corners of the bureaucracy but for different reasons. It has been a moment of reward for few, resentment because of relative deprivation for some, and a demand for more chunks for still others. After the central government implemented the pay commission report from September 1, 2008, many states of followed the suit. Like centre a score of states like Utter Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, have adopted the new slabs with effect from January 1, 2006,

Epilogue Ø 20 × February 2009

the date central pay commission was set up and recommendations took effect from. Many states have yet to adopt the Sixth Pay Commission report or are working on their own models owing to a host of specific factors. That had been a response to the implementation of the pay commission and the events in its aftermath that the impulse of which pervaded the entire country, with armed forces even fetching a commitment from the Government a separate pay commission for them from next time. But Jammu and Kashmir state created a different controversy on implementation of the pay commission

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T Sixth Pay Panel Dillema

leading to strong resentment among the All India Services officers posted here and even the controversy went ahead to create deeper rift within the services and a controversy which doesn't seem to die down with more than two dozen All India Service officers up in arms against the government claiming violation of basic rights and forced deprivation owing to lack of understanding between those at the helm of affairs. The issue did not catch the eye of media busy in the Post-Land row scenario and the run upto the state elections but certainly it has left a deep impact at many places within the bureaucratic hierarchy and would need an immediate grievance redressal by the state government lest the things reach a moment uncalled for. The issue that rocked bureaucratic circles was that of implementation of the Sixth Central Pay Commission in case of All India Service officers of the Jammu and Kashmir cadre with Officers, Civil Secretariat and Accountant General's office taking tough positions and none ready to bargain an inch therein. The officers of the three AIS viz Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Police Service (IPS) and Indian Forest Service (IFS), as per the Sixth Central Pay Commission were to be given the benefits of new pay scales with effect from that being adopted for the central government employees, that is September 1, 2008 but things took a different path in Jammu and Kashmir with state disallowing these officers from drawing salary as per the revised scales, which officers said is contrary to the All India Service Rules and IAS/IPS/IFS Pay rules. The issue began with two IFS officers in Srinagar venturing ahead to get the salary as per the revised scales which they termed as in accordance with their

service rules and pay rules. A history of sorts was created thereafter and the issue refuses to die down. Upon receiving the monthly accounts in respect of these officers an accountant from Accountant General's office wrote to the government seeking instructions and instead of the letter getting a reply it went from the administrative department to the territorial forest department “warning” the officers of dire consequences for this “financial irregularity” and directing them to draw their salary as per pre-revised scales. This was done on the pretext that state government has issued no orders for implementation of the Sixth Central Pay Commission in respect of the AIS officers. Interestingly this happened more than four months after the central government gave its nod for implementation of new pay scales in respect of the central government employees, central services and all India services. And thereafter a salary movement began across the services with more and more officers opting the new pay scales contrary to the government diktat, but there were many who either stopped drawing their salary commenting that drawl of salary as per pre-revised scales would be a financial irregularity as they were nonexistent scales in their case now, and interestingly many others chose to revert back to the pre-revised scales showing a great deal of loyalty to the government's instructions. Thereafter a couple of IAS officers and few IPS officers also went ahead to draw the salary as per revised scales, though three months later than the commission recommendations came into effect. But what exactly was the legal position on this, many were unclear. Epilogue took the task of cracking this nut by

Epilogue Ø 21 × February 2009

The officers of the three AIS viz Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Police Service (IPS) and Indian Forest Service (IFS), as per the Sixth Central Pay Commission were to be given the benefits of new pay scales with effect from that being adopted for the central government employees, that is September 1, 2008 but things took a different path in Jammu and Kashmir with state disallowing these officers from drawing salary as per the revised scales, which officers said is contrary to the All India Service Rules and IAS/IPS/IFS Pay rules Figures show that 13 IFS officers, 7 IAS and 2 from IPS went ahead to draw the revised scale salaries refusing to bend before the illegal instructions issued by the government in this regard. Four of them even drew their arrears saying that they ought to have been paid by the December last as the Sixth Central Pay Commission.

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T Sixth Pay Panel Dillema

taking views from those taking contrary positions and also going through the a complex web of service rules, pay rules and financial codes to reach the crux of issue and bring to its readers the real position of the issue. The AIS officers are governed under Article 312 of the constitution of India and the service rules drawn thereupon. As per the All India Services manual, the bible of rules governing the three services, these officers have to draw their salary and allowances as per the central government rules but heir functioning and administration is governed by the state governments across the country, that is their respective cadre states, that too subject to a host of safeguards. Regarding pay and allowances they are governed by the IAS/IPS/IFS Pay rules as amended from time to time the latest being Indian Administrative/Police/ Forest Service Pay rules 2007 and the Indian Administrative/Police/Forest Service (Pay) Second Amendment Rules 2008 to give effect to the implementation of the Sixth Central Pay Commission respect of the AIS officers. The Department of Personnel, Ministry of Personnel, Pensions and Grievance Redressal, Government of India, vide its number F.No 14021/5/2008-AIS-II wrote to all the chief secretaries regarding the AIS officers to opt for the new pay scales with effect from September 1, 2008 but the state government was entrusted to chalk out the modalities of the arrears, to be paid in two installments, due as per the new pay commission. The officers were given a new form, to be filled in triplicate, to opt for the revised scales and send a copy of it to the accounting office as well. That's what was simply done by the officers in question and the accounts men sought clarification from the government and the latter putting a break to the

application of the pay rules. Further, it is interesting to note that Government of India wrote to all the chief secretaries vide its letter number .D.O14021/1/2008-AIS-II dated September 2, 2008 impressing upon them to give effect to the implementation of revised pay scales in case of AIS officers and also creation of one scale of fixed Rs 80,000/- basic pay in case of IPS and IFS respectively for the DGP and PCCF bringing them at par with the Chief Secretary grade. The concluding paragraph calls upon the chief secretaries to furnish the comments of the state governments in this regard latest by September 9, 2008 failing which it will be presumed that the state government concurs with the said proposals relating to the revision of the pay scales of AIS officers. It is worthwhile to note that the state government did not give any contrary remark or comment of this and accepted the implementation of Central Pay Commission for AIS officers thereupon. Then it is astonishing as to how on a letter of one AG Office accountant the salary of senior AIS officers is stopped and warning is issued for disciplinary action for this “financial irregularity”!! Epilogue reached out to the officers across the three All India Services on this issue and few dared to vent their anger on this blind move of “some offices” unaware of the pay rules. We also came across some dare devil bureaucrats not relenting to the pressure and writing back to the government about the legal position. Its irony that for salary, which is the basic right of any official, they have to fight a bitter contest with some lackluster cabins not aware of the service rules even. Interestingly we found some

Epilogue Ø 22 × February 2009

It is interesting to note that Government of India wrote to all the chief secretaries vide its letter No. D.O14021/1/2008-AIS-II dated September 2, 2008 impressing upon them to give effect to the implementation of revised pay scales in case of AIS officers and also creation of one scale of fixed Rs 80,000/- basic pay in case of IPS and IFS respectively for the DGP and PCCF bringing them at par with the Chief Secretary grade. The concluding paragraph calls upon the chief secretaries to furnish the comments of the state governments in this regard latest by September 9, 2008 failing which it will be presumed that the state government concurs with the said proposals relating to the revision of the pay scales of AIS officers. It is worthwhile to note that the state government did not give any contrary remark or comment of this and accepted the implementation of Central Pay Commission for AIS officers thereupon. Then it is astonishing as to how on a letter of one AG Office accountant the salary of senior AIS officers is stopped and warning is issued for disciplinary action for this “financial irregularity”

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T Sixth Pay Panel Dillema

officers ready to do the unlawful, which is drawing salary as per the pre-revised scales which are not existent now in just an attempt to be loyal to the letter issued from the secretariat, aware of the fact that doing so itself will be a financial irregularity. Some others called them an example of “more loyal than the king”. Whatsoever be the individual response the bottom-line remains that it is an irony of affairs that for ignorance of one official regarding the pay rules more than three hundred AIS officers are being made to suffer unnecessarily. Commenting on this issue a senior IAS officer said, “there is no denying the fact that salary for the AIS officers has to be drawn as per the latest revised scales and no separate orders from the state government are required in this regard as per the pay rules but for arrears the state government was asked by the centre to decide the modalities of payment in two installments beginning this financial year, which was to be done by or before December 2008 but till date there is no sign as yet”. But his is not merely delay in payment of arrears but also financial losses and soaring income tax on this amount. Firstly, many officers have to be paid worth several lakhs of rupees and even after lapse of five months arrears have not been paid and it obviously leads to financial losses in terms of loss of interest of this money if deposited in the bank or GPF accounts, which also runs roughly from Rs 30,000 to Rs 1.5lakhs lakh loss. Secondly, if both installments are paid in after March 2009, the income tax burden could be anybody's guess owing to the government apathy. So the senior bureaucrats in the state are being given a financial punishment which obviously has a bearing on their working and performance as well. The new

government has to take care of such basic issues to ensure atleast a smooth functioning of the administration. And as the fight went on, double standards of those at the helm affairs came to the forefront which attracted severe criticism from across the services. On January 16, 2009 the General Administration Department issued an “advise” addressed to two financial commissioners “requesting” them to draw their salaries as per the revised scales in accordance with Sixth Central Pay Commission! The GAD letter spread across the state among AIS officers as a wild fire and resulted a war of words verbally as well as on papers, between about half a dozen offices. Samuel Verghese and S L Bhat, senior IAS officers upon repatriation from deputation to government of India joined as financial commissioners here but ironically started drawing salary as per the pre-revised non-existent scale of Rs 26,000/- (fixed) from December 2008, even when being in Delhi they were drawing salary in the revised apex scale of Rs 80,000/-. Hence General Administration Department came to recue ensuring these officers draw new salaries. Many officers have termed it as a mere power play. From the direction asking IFS officers not to draw revised salaries to the government letter requesting two senior IAS officers draw salaries as per revised scales the “pay controversy” has completed a full circle traversing many ups and downs and showing that many senior officers either are not even aware of the pay rules or are ready to sacrifice the basic rights for showing an undue loyalty which is undesirable and has been termed by the young officers as highly unbecoming of leaders of the services. From

Epilogue Ø 23 × February 2009

From Accountant General's office to General Administration Department as well as Administrative Departments of Forest and Police in the civil secretariat the lack of clarity about the basic service rule stands badly exposed and shows how the basic rights of about 350 AIS officers were held hostage because of lack of clarity and lackluster approach adopted by the concerned offices Samuel Verghese and S L Bhat, senior IAS officers upon repatriation from deputation to government of India joined as financial commissioners here but ironically started drawing salary as per the pre-revised non-existent scale of Rs 26,000/- (fixed) from December 2008, even when being in Delhi they were drawing salary in the revised apex scale of Rs 80,000/-. Hence General Administration Department came to recue ensuring these officers draw new salaries. Many officers have termed it as a mere power play

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T Sixth Pay Panel Dillema

Accountant General's office to General Administration Department as well as Administrative Departments of Forest and Police in the civil secretariat the lack of clarity about the basic service rule stands badly exposed and shows how the basic rights of about 350 AIS officers were held hostage because of lack of clarity and lackluster approach adopted by the concerned offices. It is astonishing as to the Accountant Generals office, which is the nodal office to ensure the government of India's rules is upheld in respect of AIS officers, itself created the controversy. Many officers wrote to the AG but to no avail as the highest accounting office itself was ironically unclear about the issue. This will always remain a black spot in the history of All India Services in the state. But the picture, of course, is not that grim in this case as there were many dare-devils who wrote back to the Government impressing their helplessness to follow the unlawful diktat of drawing salaries in the pre-revised scales. This shows that hope is still not lost as far as upright and no-nonsense officers are concerned. Figures show that 13 IFS officers, 7 IAS and 2 from IPS went ahead to draw the revised scale salaries refusing to bend before the illegal instructions issued by the government in this regard. Four of them even drew their arrears saying that they ought to have been paid by the December last as the Sixth Central Pay Commission. Digging the pay story Epilogue found a sad tale of administration as regard the promotion avenues and forced disparities between the ranks and services. The pay scales due to be released on completion of thirteenth year service in IFS have not been released even after completion of 22 years and for the scale to be released on completion of 17 years are yet to released after putting in 27 years or so, for unknown reasons. Comparatively the scales in case of IAS are moving faster than the due dates even. The 1994 batch officers of IAS were promoted to super time scale which other counterparts are not drawing even after putting 25 years of service. The stepmotherly treatment between services at one place and between insider and outsiders at the other presents a grim picture of the things happening in the state. But the officers themselves also are to be blamed. It remains unthinkable as to how an officer would not contest for release of due scale which has to be released about a decade and half before, may be after putting about three decades here they have completely surrendered to the will of “sarkar”.

KNOWLEDGE Ø The J&K State is the northern most state of India situated between 32.15 degree and 37.05 degree north latitude and 72.35 degree and 83.20 degree east longitude. Ø The J&K is the 11th largest state of India having a geographical

spread of 101387 SqKms accounting for 3.20% of the total area of the country. Ø J&K ranks 19th most populous state of India having a

population of 101.44 lac souls (census 2001). The projected population of the J&K state in the year 2007 was 118.72 lacs. Ø The literacy rate of J&K is 55.52% with male literacy of 67%

and female literacy of 43% (census 2001) and as per BPL survey 2008 the literacy rate of J&K is 64.18 with male literacy of 72.32% and female literacy of 55.35% Ø J&K has a forest area of 20230 SqKms which account of

19.95% of the total geographical area of the state, leaving aside Ladakh which has little vegetation. Ø The State of J&K has 22 districts, 82 tehsils, 142 CD blocks,

2690 Panchayats, 6652 villaes.

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Epilogue Ø 24 × February 2009

P O L I T I C S

National Conference

The Return of Farooq Hamaad Salif With National Conference coming to power after six years, the Abdullah family has wasted no time in consolidation of power. When father was Chief Minister, the son was party president. Now son has got the opportunity to run the government and father has taken over reigns of the party. Though a typical family affair, the change of guard in National Conference had always been biggest political festival in Kashmir but when Dr Farooq Abdullah reclaimed the party crown from son Omar on January 13, it was a completely lackluster closed-doors affair at the Nawa-e-Subh complex –the NC headquarters in Srinagar. No convention, no delegate session, no meeting, no voting and no celebrations –it was announced that Farooq is the NC president.

ontemporaries, who saw crowning of Farooq in 1981 (during lifetime of his father Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah) and then transfer of crown from Farooq to Omar in 2002, were not quite impressed with the latest change of leadership in National Conference. When in 1981 Dr Farooq Abdullah was installed as President of the National Conference the entire Srinagar city had come out of its slumber to greet the young Abdullah. Men, women and children had come out on the roads right from Mujahid Manzil, the party headquarters upto the Iqbal Park to cheer Dr Abdullah. Several thousand party supporters had been seen walking right from Mujahid Manzil to the Iqbal Park, a distance of over five Kilometers shouting pro-Sheikh Abdullah, proFarooq Abdullah and pro-National Conference slogans. That time National Conference was considered a movement and not a mere political party. Some of the members of the Sheikh family had seated themselves in the balcony of Budshah hotel to greet Young Abdullah. As the coronation procession reached the Lal Chowk members of the Sheikh family dropped flower petals on

Farooq. There were loud cheers from the crowd. In fact late G.M.Shah, son in law of Sheikh Abdullah, had expected the mantle of party Presidentship to fall on his shoulders. He had expected that Sheikh Abdullah, who loved his daughter Khalida more than any of his children, would install Shah, husband of Khalida, as the party Chief. It was this coronation of Farooq that widened the chasm between Sheikh Abdullah and Shah. This chasm further widened when Farooq Abdullah was sworn in as Chief Minister soon after the demise of Sheikh Abdullah. G.M.Shah, an able administrator and party leader, avenged his insult and defeat when he, with the help of the Congress engineered defection of 12 National Conference MLAs that led to the fall of the duly elected Government headed by Dr Farooq in 1984. There was a much bigger celebration in 2002 when Farooq had handed over the party reigns to Omar Abdullah. Party leaders and activists from across the state thronged Srinagar to catch a glimpse of young Omar as many then saw him as another Sheikh Abdullah in making. And when Farooq Abdullah again took over as President of the National

Epilogue Ø 25 × February 2009

Coference in Srinagar on January 13, it was a mere party function. The interim "coronation" of Farooq as head of the National Conference was a lackluster affair. It was during the meeting of the party's working committee that Sharif Din Shariq proposed the name of Farooq Abdullah for the post of the party President which was second by Dr Mehboob Beg. The irony of the event was that the name of Dr Farooq for the post of party President was proposed and second by two party leader who had lost the recent election. While Sharif Din Shariq had lost the Langate seat, Mehboob Beg had been defeat by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed in the Anantnag constituency. When a couple of NC leaders were asked about the reason for coronation of Farooq as party President in a very simple way they said that it was a temporary arrangement till May. They said that party planned to make Farooq's coronation as party chief as a great event in May. Even if the party leaders plan to celebrate Farooq's coronation as party president it can never be a repeat of 1981. Why? In 1981 the National Conference was a political force to reckon with and now it is party struggling to reclaim its place in political landscape of Kashmir.

P O L I T I C S National Conference

The Party, that was 1931, June 21 Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, along with Mir Waiz Yousuf Shah, Chowdhury Ghulam Abbas and others, forms the Jammu & Kashmir Muslim Conference. 1939, June 10 Muslim Conference is renamed as Jammu and Kashmir National Conference with a secular, democratic and socialist programme. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah is the president.

Three Generations : Sheikh, Farooq (above) and Omar

1945, Aug 3 The National Conference adopts 'Naya Kashmir' programme in its annual session at Sopore, Baramulla for the all round economic development of Jammu and Kashmir. 1946, May 9 'Quit Kashmir' movement is launched by the NC against the rule of Maharaja and for establishing a popular Government in Jammu and Kashmir. 1947, Oct 30 Maharaja Hari Singh appoints Sheikh Abdullah as the Emergency Administrator for the State.

1952, July 24 NC leaders discuss Centre-State relations with the Central Government and arrive at an arrangement known as the 'Delhi Agreement'. 1952, Nov (sic.)

1948, March 5 The Maharaja issues a proclamation replacing the Emergency Administration by a popular interim Government headed by Sheikh Abdullah. 1950, Oct 27 National Conference passes a resolution for convening a Constituent Assembly based on adult suffrage for the purpose, inter alia, of determining the future shape and & affiliation of the state of J&K including the issue of accession to India and & to frame a Constitution for the State.

Election for the Constituent Assembly held for framing the Constitution of J&K. All 75 seats won by the NC. The Praja Parishad, a Jammu based political party demands complete accession to India boycotted the election. 1953, Aug 8 Sheikh Abdullah, the Prime Minister of J&K is dismissed by the Sadr-e-Riyasat and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad appointed in his place. Sheikh is arrested and jailed under the Public Safety Act the next day.

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 26 Ă&#x2014; February 2009

1955, Aug 9 Representing Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah (who is in jail), his deputy and close friend Mirza Mohammad Afzal Baig floats the Plebiscite Front, taking direct affront with India. 1957, March 5-7 First general election to the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly held; NC bagged 68 out of 75 seats. 1962, Feb 17-18 Second general elections in Jammu and Kashmir held; NC gets 70 seats. 65% voters cast their ballot. 1964, April (sic.) The "Kashmir Conspiracy Case" against Sheikh Abdullah and others withdrawn by the Sadiq government unconditionally. Sheikh Abdullah

P O L I T I C S National Conference

released. 1965, May 8 Sheikh Abdullah externed from the State. 1965, June 6 In absence of Abdullah, the National Conference hijacked by Bakshi, Sadiq and others since early 1950s formally merges in the Congress. 1967, March 5-6 Third Assembly elections held. Congress secures 61 seats followed by the NC (Bakshi) with 8 seats. 59% voters cast their ballot. 1972, Feb 5 Landmark statement of Mirza Afzal Beg, President of Plebiscite Front calling for the solution of Kashmir problem within the framework of the Indian constitution. 1972, Feb 8 Fourth Legislative Assembly elections held. Congress secures 58 seats. J&K Jamaat-e-Islami, contesting elections for the first time, won 5 seats. 62% voters cast their ballot. 1974, Nov 13 Kashmir accord signed between Sheikh Abdullah and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (Beg-Parthasarthy Accord). 1975, Feb 25 Sheikh Abdullah took over as the Chief Minister with the support of Congress.

cast their ballot. Sheikh Abdullah sworn as the Chief Minister on July 9. 1981, Sept 2 Farooq Abdullah takes over as president of National Conference at a history making convention in Srinagar 1982, Sept 8 Sheikh Abdullah dies and Dr. Farooq Abdullah sworn in as the new CM. 1983, June 6 Sixth J&K Assembly elections held. NC secured 46 seats followed by the Congress with 26 seats. 73.4% voters cast their ballots. Farooq Abdullah forms the new government on July 12. 1984, July 2 Defection in National Conference. Farooq's brother-in-law GM Shah topples his government with support of Congress MLAs. Named after Farooq's sister, National Conference (Khalida) formed. 1986, Nov 6 After dismissal of Shah Government, a National Conference-Congress coalition government is formed following Rajiv Gandhi-Farooq Abdullah accord. 1987, March 23 Seventh State Assembly elections held. NC secures 40 seats followed by Congress with 26 seats. Muslim United Front secured 4 seats. 75% voters cast their ballots. NC-Congress coalition government is formed on March 25.

1977, March 16 Congress withdraws support from the Sheikh Abdullah government.

1990, Jan 19 Jagmohan takes over as the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir; the Farooq Abdullah government resigns. Governor's rule is imposed on Jan 20.

1977, July 3 Fifth Assembly elections held. National Conference secures 44 seats, followed by the Janta Party with 13 seats and Congress with 11 seats. 67% voters

1996, Sept 7-30 Eighth Assembly elections held. The National Conference wins 59 seats followed by BJP-8, Congress)-7, JD-5, BSP-4, Congress(Tiwari)-1, Awami

Epilogue Ø 27 × February 2009

League-1, CPM-1 and Panthers Party-1. Farooq Abdullah government formed on October 9. 1996, Nov 13 Regional and Sub-regional Committee on autonomy within the state with Balraj Puri as the working Chairman constituted. The Chief Minister chaired the Committee. 1996, Nov 26 An 8-member Committee with Dr. Karan Singh as Chairman constituted to recommend measures for the restoration of internal autonomy to the State. 1997, Aug 6 Dr. Karan Singh resigns as the Chairman of the committee on Autonomy stating personal grounds. 2002, June 23 Omar Abdullah is anointed as president of the National Conference. He takes over party reigns from father Farooq. 2002, Oct 8 Results of assembly elections are announced. National Conference is routed as its tally drops from 58 to 28 seats. Party's Chief Ministerial candidates Omar Abdullah looses elections at constituency held by his father and grandfather since 1977. PDP bags 16 seats from Valley and later forms government with Congress. 2008, Dec 28 Results of assembly elections are announced. NC repeats its performance of 2002 by maintaining 28 seats tally. 2009, Jan 6 NC returns to power in alliance with Congress and third generation Abdullah –Omar –takes over as Chief Minister at age of 38. 2009, Jan 13

C O V E R

S T O R Y

Agenda for Omar Abdullah Government

Agenda for Omar

009 seems to be the year of young Os â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Omar and Obama at regional and international levels. There are striking similarities. Both are young. Both are seen as sincere. Both assume office for the first time in their political career. Both are riding a popular wave, with huge expectations from the people. Responsibilities for both are also similar. The entire American nation is looking towards Obama, as if he is a miracle man, who would deliver. So are the expectations in Jammu and Kashmir on Omar. Economic situation has never been this bad, since the days of great economic depression of the 20th century. Expectations in J&K on Omar to improve the economic situation in this State are no less than the American expectation on Obama to improve the economic situation there. The Americans want the US to end its engagement in Iraq and perhaps even in Afghanistan. Obama has to do a high balancing act in terms of keeping the international prestige of the US and at the same time have to take actions to take the War on Terrorism to its logical conclusion in terms of decimating al Qaeda and the Taliban. Omar also has to do a balancing act of engaging New Delhi and at the same time addressing those concerns both in Jammu region and Kashmir Valley.

Zafar Choudhary D. Suba Chandran Raghav Sharma

There are numerous dissimilarities as well. The list will be unending, but the focus here is how two leaders have an opportunity to make an impact, for they are young, energetic and sincere. What are Omar's challenges in J&K? What are his strengths? What are his limitations? And what is expected from him?

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 28 Ă&#x2014; February 2009

C O V E R

S T O R Y

Agenda for Omar Abdullah Government

AGENDA 1:

Provide better Governance

LT GEN VK PATANKAR

n d o u b t e d l y, t h e m o s t important agenda should be to improve governance within the state and ensure that the institutions deliver. Of the many reasons for the Congress's better performance in Doda-KishtwarBhaderwah belt clearly is the developmental activities that Ghulam Nabi Azad undertook when he was the Chief Minister. The same could be one of the many reasons, why the PDP performed well in South Kashmir.

Clearly, performance does matter. If one has any doubt, ask those non-performance former ministers, who lost in the 2008 and those MLAs who won. Omar should understand this basic expectation from the people. Dynastic politics, separatist support, regional divide, New Delhi's influence – there may be numerous other factors that are important in the political calculations, but at the end, the rule is simple: Performance gets votes.

à Performance does

matter à Reduce Corruption à Ensure the Institutions deliver à Devolve Power “Omar should talk less about militancy and more about development as it would unnecessarily put the issue under limelight, particularly so at a time when the levels militancy have declined considerably” – LT GEN VK PATANKAR “If personal integrity is brought into the governance of the Abdullah government, it will truly set an example for the rest of India. Both state and society need some ideals to spur them and our youngest CM should ponder over this” – C. UDAY BHASKAR, Security Analyst, New Delhi “Omar might discover after 100 days plan he has set if not earlier that it would be physically impossible for him to attend to grievances of every body even if he suspends all other functions of the government. Why not consider setting up grievance redressal machinery?” – BALRAJ PURI, Leading Columnist

As C. Uday Bhaskar says, “the robust electoral turnout which proved most Kashmir experts wrong is an unambiguous indication of what the 'aam aadmi' wants. Good and empathetic governance that is equitable and harmonious across all cross-sections of a society that has been weighed down by decades of violence and bloodshed.” How to improve the governance process in J&K? Udhay Bhaskar also would like to remind Omar a the apocryphal story of Chanakya and the oil-lamp. Legend has it that a Chinese visitor who came to meet the Minister to the Mauryan Emperor was kept waiting, and when he was finally ushered in – he witnessed the odd sight of Chanakya blowing out one lamp – and lighting another. When he asked as to why the Minister was doing this elaborate lamp ritual, the reply astounded him. Chanakya replied that whereas earlier he was working on

Epilogue Ø 29 × February 2009

matters of state – and hence using the oil provided by the state exchequer –now that he was attending to a personal engagement, he was lighting the lamp that used his personal oil. Needless to add, the visitor was in awe of the personal rectitude and integrity with which the Minister could keep the official and the personal apart and the manner in which Chanakya husbanded the resources of the exchequer. Balraj Puri, a leading columnist says, “Omar Abdullah's ambitions and popular expectations are very high. His surprise checks over hospitals and police stations, taking action against erring officers on the spot and being receptive to grievances of the people not only in person but also on email, have raised popular expectations further.” Rekha Choudhary, Professor of Political Science at University of Jammu, says, “in the context of democratization, the early signs coming from Omar Abdullah are very encouraging. He has already identified the need for institutionalizing accountability by strengthening the Accountability Commission as well as the Vigilance department. Most significantly he has promised to bring the Right to Information Act at par with the RTI in the rest of the country. However in the same direction there are three more important things that need his attention.”

C O V E R

S T O R Y

Agenda for Omar Abdullah Government

AGENDA 2:

AGENDA 3:

Improve the Economy

Generate adequate energy supply

mproving the economic situation of J&K will be a huge challenge for Omar. This will not be an easy task. As Prof Dipankar Gupta of the Jammu University says, there are not many options for Omar on this issue. Attracting external investment will be extremely difficult for Omar, given the political, security and infrastructure situation in Jammu and Kashmir.

PROF DIPANKAR SENGUPTA

Most of the State's revenue goes in paying salary. With Sixth pay commission, there will

à Improve the infrastructure Address Red Tapism à Extra emphasis on tourism à Better connectivity à Better energy situation “Addressing the budget deficit will be the single most challenge for Omar. Besides external investment, he should also look for internal investment” – PROF DIPANKAR SENGUPTA “Improving the energy situation must be the top agenda for Omar. Abysmal power supply in J&K should be addressed and corrective management steps have already been taken” ASHOK JAITLY, Former Chief Secretary (J&K)

be even more pressure on Omar. He may have to prioritize on how to go about revamping the economic situation. For e x a m p l e , s a y s Pr o f Sengupta, “he may have to emphasise more on tourism and horticulture. Roads and energy are two important obstacles in improving the economic situation, for the lack of both hinders investment. Says Ashok Jaitly, former Chief Secretary of J&K, “improving the energy situation must be the top agenda for Omar. Abysmal power supply in J&K should be addressed and corrective management steps have already been taken”. Salman Haider: It is important though to remember that elections have dealt with issues of governance and not the political future of Kashmir per se. Thus while the success of Omar is not the final solution to the Kashmir problem, however at the same time the need for good governance in important and Omar has said so. He has already begun approaching industrialists, he is trying to get investment, to create jobs for the educatedunemployed. This must be done rapidly and effectively else his party's credibility will be dented.

Epilogue Ø 30 × February 2009

nergy is the most important commodity if Omar wants to improve the economic situation in J&K. Consider the following: To develop industrial sector and sustain it, a minimum guarantee in electricity supply is essential. Without any improvement in the energy scenario, it will be extremely difficult for Omar to attract investment in J&K. For the tourism sector, the state's most important revenue earner, electricity is equally important. How can one expect the tourists will come back, if there is inadequate supply of electricity and continuous power cuts? With industrial and tourism sector suffering because of lack of adequate supply of electricity, Omar will not be able to generate employment outside the government. As a result, there will be even more pressure on government jobs. Says Ashok Jaitly, former Chief Secretary of J&K and now a Distinguished Fellow & Director Water Resources Division at the Energy and Resources Institute (TERI), “very soon the focus will undoubtedly shift to longer term solutions for the overall energy problem and how best to utilize the substantial hydro-electric potential to the state's advantage – a persistent conundrum. Mufti Mohammed Sayeed has already signaled that his party will exploit this issue notwithstanding that they did nothing to seriously address its complexities other than use the gimmick of rhetoric to score dubious political brownie points. Not a single new project was taken up in the last six years. Be that as it may. Surely, his much vaunted administration will have much more to account for in the days to come.” How to improve the power situation? According to Ashok Jaitly, even while the new government negotiates strongly with New Delhi to expedite and protect its fair

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share out of Kishenganga, Sawalakot and Pakhar Dul (as it must), no time should be lost in launching a major programme for decentralized generation following the renewable energy pathway. Photovoltaic, aero and micro-hydel are technologies eminently suitable for meeting the needs of people living in the remotest parts of the state who have absolutely no hope of benefiting from grid power in the foreseeable future. Vikram Gaur, an Engineer and an expert on electrical energy lists the following towards revamping the PDD: Ensure that the PDD is made to work on strictly on commercial lines without any interferences for which a top level consultancy firm should requested to advise; Improve and modrnize its existing T&D system which is in shamble, especially the HT/LT network and distribution transformer stations; Make the engineers and officials accountable for every failure to improve the system; segment the entire PDD into Planning and design, Purchase and à Improve hydro-electric potential à Invest on Micro-hydel projects à Integrate technology, investment

and management à Revamp the PDD

“Ensure that the PDD is made to work on strictly on commercial lines without any interferences” – VIKRAM GAUR “Invest on micro-hydel energy which has scope for widespread development. Let it not be a cosmetic one” ASHOK JAITLY

Procurement, Generation, System Operation, Maintenance and sale of power etc; and finally create an independent Public Relation to listen to public complaints and redressal to lighten the job of the technical staff. Omar should look beyond the traditional areas. According to Jaitly, the desirability of harnessing the vast solar potential of the Ladakh region is only too obvious. Locations like the Baramulla and Banihal gorges offer possibilities for wind turbines. These options must be pursued vigorously. He says, “I am pleading for a major initiative on micro-hydel energy which has scope for widespread development. Let it not be the cosmetic kind highlighted by the army and the former Governor.” To achieve this, Jaitly says, a well designed Micro Hydel Mission under the aegis of J A K E D A a n d t h e Po w e r Development Corporation would need to integrate t e c h n o l o g y, i n v e s t m e n t , management, livelihoods and community participation within clear timelines. The private sector would be only too willing to come in provided it is given a positive signal and a supportive ambience as the response in s t a t e s l i k e Utt a r a k h a n d , Himachal and Arunachal shows. The facilitation of the central Ministry of Renewable Energy, w h i c h i s a l r e a d y institutionalized, can be drawn upon. It is for the state government to stir the waters.

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AGENDA 4:

Provide Humane Conditions

eace is not absence of militant attacks. Peace cannot and should be measured in terms of decline in casualty figures or in terms of number of militants killed or surrendered. Peace is a positive concept. It should prevail more in the minds of people than in the streets in terms of reduction of movement of troops or militants. There is a need for reconciliation. For Rita Manchanda, the leading human rights activist, “reconciliation is a crucial issue. Although we cannot have a political process without reconciliation, but we must also remember that reconciliation alone, without a political process will not lead us anywhere. The two therefore must go hand in hand.” How to go about on this issue of reconciliation? Lt. Gen. Patankar, former GOC, 15 Corps says, “formal commission for reconciliation won't work as people have no faith in these mechanisms. Instead Omar should talk to constituencies directly. The reconciliation of the pundits is important and it will send out a strong message to the separatists that they cannot browbeat the government and there are other serious issues that need to be addressed. Omar should ask the Pundit leaders for measures on rehabilitation of the community, thus the approach to be followed should be bottom up one.” Finally, issues relating to human rights need to be addressed by

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Omar. Murtaza Shibli says that to create a “real momentum towards a positive and decisive change, Omar should arrest of endless human rights violations, especially the daily humiliations and torture killings of the Kashmiri youth at the hands of various security agencies often for very flimsy and insubstantial reasons.” Provide them, says Shibli, basic dignity, which the successive state governments have failed to restore.

RITA MANCHANDA

As Rita Manchanda says, “the issue of Human rights needs to be addressed across the board, especially with regard to the Pundit community. However while dealing with the issue of Pundits, many of whom languish in camps and are made political capital off, there is a need to engage with voices other than just Panun Kashmir, for there are vested interests in these à Initiate a process of groupings. Thus Omar reconciliation should engage with the à Ensure dignity of community and seek individuals out alternative à Activate the SHRC leadership.”

“Reconciliation is a crucial issue. Although we cannot have a political process without reconciliation, but we must also remember that reconciliation alone, without a political process will not lead us anywhere” – RITA MANCHANDA “Make the State Human Rights Commission a more effective a body and give it appropriate powers” – RITA MANCHANDA “Formal commission for reconciliation won't work as people have no faith in these mechanisms. Instead Omar should talk to constituencies directly” – LT GEN VK PATANKAR “Create a real momentum towards a positive and decisive change, Omar should arrest of endless human rights violations, especially the daily humiliations and torture killings of the Kashmiri youth” - MURTAZA SHIBLI

Profesor Rekha Choudhary, at the Department of Political Science at University of Jammu says, there should emphasis improving the conditions of women. Omar should work towards their emancipation and she expects that the new government will revive and strengthen the State Commission of Women and give it enough teeth to intervene in the interest of women of the state in a more effective manner. She also says, “make the State Human Rights Commission a more effective a body and give it appropriate powers.”

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AGENDA 5:

Bring the regions and communities together

n the post Amaranath Shrine board crisis and after the election results – what is clear is the divide between the regions within J&K and also between the communities. Omar has to handle this situation carefully, for this has the potential to destabilize the situation within the State. As Rita Manchanda says, the Amaranth agitation has in fact produced a severe fault line, which will not go away easily. “There has been a steady communalization on both sides, which has been reinforced by the Amaranth agitation. Moreover, the impact of the economic siege has created a trust deficit on both sides. Omar must display greater responsiveness to other regions of the state. He must respond politically to Jammu's grievances but without compromising on some of the legitimate grievances of the valley. He should also seek to encourage those forces and actors who stand for a more integrated state of Jammu and Kashmir.” This is undoubtedly the most important challenge that Omar has. As Balraj Puri says “If Omar can make a contribution to restore harmony between regions and various ethnic and religious communities of the state that in itself would be a monumental achievement.” How can Omar bring this reconciliation within the region? Balraj Puri feels, a federal and decentralized set up within J&K will help Omar to achieve this objective. should be his first priority. Rekha Choudhary, goes further and says Omar should properly institutionalize the Panchayati Raj in this state. Omar should hold the Panchayat elections after

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The Team

mar Abdullah has made a beginning with a campact team. Four Ministers are from National Conference and five from the coalition partner Congress, including the Deputy Chief Minister Tara Chand. An expansion in cabinet is pending and some new faces will make their way. All four Ministers from National Conference camp are quite experienced hands; they were also part of Farooq Abdullah Ministry between 1996 and 2002. TARA CHAND has emerged as congress' new and perhaps sustainable power symbol in Jammu region. His becoming deputy chief minister is an honour well deserved after his third successive victory in the face of saffron onslaught. a grassroots worker of congress, he won first in 1996 and became leader of opposition. In tenth assembly, he was speaker. His departments are Housing and Urban Development.

ABDUL RAHIM RATHER is a politician cut out for the Finance Department. This 52 years old humble politicians first made his entry in the assembly in 1977 and has since been maintaining his Charar-e-Sharief seat in Badgam district in central Kashmir. A law graduate who practiced at Bar for many years, Rather has to his credit presentation of state's annual budget nine times. Now he holds the departments of Finance, Law and Parliamentary Affairs. ALI MOHAMMAD SAGAR is a disciplinarian and strictly means business. When bureacuracy called all shots during Farooq regime, Sagar stood up to make white collars understand that political establishment is supreme. As a Minister of State for Home he once made the Director General of Police to wait for 30 minutes –that is called Sagar. Now he is Minister for Rural Development and Panchayats. NAWANG RIGZIN JORA is not a

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conventional politician for being completely straightforward, upright and workaholic. He had a promising performance as Minister of key departments like Power in the previous government and this time he has got departments of his taste and temperament –Tourism and Culture. TAJ MOHIUDDIN is a maverick politician coming from a class of his own. A native of Kathua –southern most part of state, he contests elections from Uri –the northern most part. He is a Gujjar but does not like being called so. Was Minister with prevision coalition also and this time he is incharge of Public Health Engineering and Irrigation departments. PEERZADA MOHAMMAD SAYEED was written off by Congress when Ghulam Nabi Azad sacked him as Minister after an MLA accused his office of corruption. He won election to prove his strength and is now Minister for School Education –the

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So Far OATH CEREMONY :

JAMMU, JANS, 2009 (L-R) Sham Lal Sharma, Surjeet Singh Slathia, Nawang Rigzin Jora, Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed, Tara Chand (Dy. CM), Omar Abdullah (CM), Abdul Rahim Rather, Ali Mohammad Sagar, Mian Altaf Ahmed and Taj Mohiuddin.

same department where controversy had erupted. MIAN ALTAF AHMED comes from a family which has a unique history of being in Legislative Assembly since 1952. Altaf's grandfather was a Member of J&K Constituent Assembly, his father was legislator several times and Minister with Sheikh Abdullah. He has won election fourth time and is Minister for Forests and Environment. SURJEET SINGH SLATHIA is a lone consolation for National Conference in Hindu belt of Jammu where BJP is holding forte. Slathia was a Minister with Farooq Abdullah and in Omar's Cabinet he has been given charge of Industries and Commerce. SHAM LAL SHARMA is a first timer in Ministry and relatively new to politics. The Health Minister in Omar government was a government employee till 1998 when he joined his brother Madan Lal Sharma in active politics. He won a bypoll in 2004 on the seat vacated by Madan on election to Lok Sabha. But Sham's victory in 2008 elections was spectacular.

t will go down in history that first ever decision of Omar Abdullah, on his first day in office was the appointment of Devinder Singh Rana as his Political Advisor. The protocol department had already been sounded and a room in CM's secretariat had been decked up for Devinder when Omar stepped in the power complex first day. CM escorted Rana to his room, made him to sit in his chair and got himself photographed for the records. All this underlines Omar's trust in Devinder Rana, a friend who became party colleague. State's leading business tycoon, Rana is now key man in the government, he hold the status and protocol of a Minister of State and a Government circular has advised all administrative secretaries and heads of the departments to respond to him promptly.

n first bureaucratic appointment, Omar has been careful in avoiding mistakes which father Farooq did during his tenure as Chief Minister. Farooq had around him a coterie of non local bureaucrats who took him as far from public as they themselves were. J&K CM's office needs to be sensitive and receptive to the peoples. Mufti brought about change in CM's Office by bringing local officers of high credibility and strong connections with grounds. Omar has picked up Khursheed Ahmed Ganai as his Principal Secretary. No words are too high to describe Ganai among the best officers LBSNA ever produced

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bringing the local Panchayat Act at par with the 73rd and 74th Amendments of Indian Constitution and implement the three-tier system in its totality. Not only at the village level but even at the block and district level the Panchayat should be constituted on the basis of the principle of elections. According to Daya Sagar, the socio communal disintegration in J&K could be checked with reins of National Conference in the hands of Farooq Abdullah and both BJP & NC going cordially. Congress can not go with BJP in J&K in view of coalition needs in other Indian states but National Conference has no such political compulsions and hence can give more weight to interests of J&K people in particular. Need is to work for social reconstruction at ground level .National Conference in the past has worked for keeping Hindu and Muslim of J&K monolithic and will still have to stand against divisive forces carrying on with old policies.

à Address the growing regional divide à Bring the communities together à Decentaralize power à Empower the panchayats “If Omar can make a contribution to restore harmony between regions and various ethnic and religious communities of the state that in itself would be a monumental achievement.” – BALRAJ PURI “Omar should work as per the secular ethos providing justice and fair treatment to all the communities, regions and subregions. Jammu region and Kashmir Valley should have Regional Councils as these exist for Ladakh and Kargil and each district should have District Council so that democracy is enjoyed at the grass root level and participation of the people in the development activities is ensured.” - VERINDER GUPTA, President Jammu State Morcha “There has been a steady communalization on both sides, which has been reinforced by the Amaranth agitation. Moreover, the impact of the economic siege has created a trust deficit on both sides” – RITA MANCHANDA

Says Verinder Gupta, President Jammu State Morcha, “Omar should work as per the secular ethos providing justice and fair treatment to all the communities, regions and subregions. Jammu region and Kashmir Valley should have Regional Councils as these exist for Ladakh and Kargil and each district should have District Council so that democracy is enjoyed at the grass root level and participation of the people in the development activities is ensured.” For him the most important issue is the removal of glaring disparities prevailing in the different regions and Jammu region must get its due. According to him, “Jammu should get its due as per the criteria laid down in the Representation of the People Act; its representation in the civil secretariat and in other Govt. Services including corporations and State Banks. It should be made at par with the Valley; allocation of development funds and development of Tourism”

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AGENDA 6:

Work and Bargain with New Delhi

entre-State relations have always been crucial as far as J&K is concerned. This has always been a delicate issue, needs to be handled with care. For Omar, the biggest advantage is, his coalition partner in J&K is ruling at New Delhi. However, there is another section, which consider this as a l i a b i l i t y. E s p e c i a l l y i n Kashmir, he will be seen as New Delhi's agent. U n d o u b t e d l y, a s R i t a Manchanda comments, “there has been a history of interference by the centre, particularly so in the case of Kashmir.” She considers, that there certain structural issues that need to be addressed by Omar, such the Armed Forces Special powers Act that severely curtails the governments authority. For New Delhi, how Omar deals will with the separatists, separatism and azadi will be equally important. Daya Sagar, leading social activist consider that Omar Abdullah can make different from his predecessors by working at issues that have national significance as well as socio

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political requirements of people of Jammu and Kashmir. He says, “Omar needs to act at both levels –the government and the party. National Conference has first and prime task of isolating separatist elements and pro separatist so called mainstream political leaders. NC will have to fight alone since Congress has many other political interests. NC should retain its old policy and not kneel before separatist ideology.”

PR CHARI

Besides how Omar deals with separatism and separatists, what is more important is à Bullets for Agenda à Rework the autonomy proposals

à Bargain, but work with New Delhi à Don't give into separatists “Omar needs to act at both levels –the government and the party. National Conference has first and prime task of isolating separatist elements and pro separatist so called mainstream political leaders” – PR CHARI “There has been a history of interference by the centre, particularly so in the case of Kashmir.” - RITA MANCHANDA “Now with the NC in power again both sides should both New Delhi and Srinagar should use the autonomy proposal as a negotiating point between them” – PR CHARI

how he and his party sees the federation. PR Chari, leading a u t h o r i t y o n I n d o - Pa k relations consider that “J&K cannot negotiate by holding a pistol to New Delhi's head. They are a part of India and independence of Kashmir is not an option that is either in favor of New Delhi or Pakistan as the latter too has problems like India, of other states demanding greater autonomy or independence.” New Delhi also needs to make amendments in its relations with J&K. As PR Chari comments, “basically the problem reverts to what can be done to assuage Srinagar's animosity against New Delhi. At present taking into account the political change in Srinagar that is the return of the National Conference to power, which has had a relatively more cozy relation with the Congress (problems not withstanding) which too has been more comfortable dealing with the NC than the PDP. Thus politically the atmosphere is conducive for New Delhi to engage with Srinagar.” Whatever may be the perceptions in Kashmir Valley and Jammu region and in New Delhi, Omar has to deal with New Delhi. How can Omar work with New Delhi? And how

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can New Delhi work with J&K? PR Chari concludes that when Farooq Abdullah had been in power he had sent a proposal on autonomy, which also had the seal of the Jammu and Kashmir state legislature, to New Delhi. However this report was treated with utter contempt by then Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister L.K Advani who filed the report and disposed it off at a bureaucratic level and didn't care to place it either before the Union cabinet or parliament. This was a politically disastrous step as autonomy had been a poll plank of the NC and it thus lost face in the next elections in 2002. He says, “now with the NC in power again both sides should both New Delhi and Srinagar should use the autonomy proposal as a negotiating point between them. With five years having passed the NC too may want to rework some aspects of the autonomy report. We need to engage Srinagar particularly at a time when Pakistan is looking to divert attention from terrorism by linking it up with Kashmir, which Obama seems to approve off and this is also a proposal that Obama's special envoy Afghanistan-Pakistan, Richard Holbrooke would like to put on the table.”

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he single most important achievement of the previous government led by the PDP and Congress have been the amazing opening and movement on crossLoC relations. Obviously, much needs to be done. However, steps have been taken on the right directions. Roads have been

opened for the movement of divided families and trade. However, the expectations are high and there should be a positive movement on these issues. Movement of people should go beyond the divided families. And on the movement of goods, it should be real than symbolic.

à Continue the

What can Omar do on this? He cant do much on his own, without support from New Delhi. This is where New Delhi should look beyond and go faster. The Union government should not allow cross-LoC relations becoming hostile to Indo-Pak relations.

AGENDA 7:

Continue Cross-LoC Interactions SALMAN HAIDER

movement of people across LoC à Go beyond the divided families à Open new routes à Make trade real and not cosmetic “We should work on opening other routes between Jammu and Kashmir and POK, such as linking Jammu to PoK via Akhnoor. These measures are more than CBM's as they create joint interests by creating wealth. Pakistan on the other hand is not keen on links between Ladakh and Baltistan as it wants to keep the Northern Areas out of the picture” – SALMAN HAIDER “Omar “needs to delicately balance its position on Pakistan, as it seems that under the growing pressure from Hindu extremists the Congress government is willing to destroy all the trust and goodwill that was built during the last five or six years between India and Pakistan. Omar should reach out to its partner in the AJK to forge a mutual position of rejecting terrorism as well as war as any solution to the Kashmir issue” - MURTAZA SHIBLI ““Omar should work towards strengthening civil society linkages through greater interaction between groups like students, lawyers and journalists on both sides and setting up a joint university with a campus each in Srinagar and Muzaffrabad” – PR CHARI

As Salman Haider says, “We should work on opening other routes between Jammu and Kashmir and POK, such as linking Jammu to PoK via Akhnoor. These measures are more than CBM's as they create joint interests by creating wealth. Pakistan on the other hand is not keen on links between Ladakh and Baltistan as it wants to keep the Northern Areas out of the picture. Also, facilities for trade should be improved, especially so on POK side. Provisions should also be made to extend financial and credit facilities to traders and the existing trade lists should be liberalized in consultation with the traders.” PR Chari, who has authored a seminal report along with Prof Rizvi, a scholar from Pakistan on making borders irrelevant in Kashmir, consider the following as important: There should be more cross LoC interactions by opening up more roads and bus services with POK and work towards liberalizing the visa regime. Seven roads could be opened up: KargilSkardu, Jammu-Sialkot, TurtukKhapulu, Chamb-Jurian-Mirpur,

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Gurez-Astore-Gilgit, TithwalChilhan and Jhangar (Nowshera)Mirpur-Kotli. Link Ladakh with Northern Areas to counter feelings of separatism in this sub-region. Also consider establishment of rail links between Srinagar and Muzaffrabad and Jammu and Sialkot. He says, “Omar should work towards strengthening civil society linkages through greater interaction between groups like students, lawyers and journalists on both sides and setting up a joint university with a campus each in Srinagar and Muzaffrabad. There is need to restore telephonic links across the LOC that were cut off in 1965 and also expand mobile telephonic coverage and Internet service on both sides. The possibilities for riverine transport through the Jehlum River that flows into Pakistan should be looked into afresh.” According to Murtaza Shibli, Omar “needs to delicately balance its position on Pakistan, as it seems that under the growing pressure from Hindu extremists the Congress government is willing to destroy all the trust and goodwill that was built during the last five or six years between India and Pakistan. Omar should reach out to its partner in the AJK to forge a mutual position of rejecting terrorism as well as war as any solution to the Kashmir issue” Cross-LoC trade should be made real than just being cosmetic. For that, PR Chari says “the traders associations should be on board while developing the lists of items to be trades, credit and telecom rules should be relaxed and banks should be allowed to open branches on both sides so that credit lines can be opened.”

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

Follow the Obama Example

MADHU KISHWAR Editor, Manushi

hief minister Omar Abdullah has made a welcome announcement that he will extend the central legislation on the Right to Information to J&K. However, the central legislation has thrown up many new problems springing out of the fact that the law was enacted without equipping the system to deliver diverse range of information required by citizens to hold their rulers to account. One has witnessed how harassed officers feel in providing information, which is not easily available even to them. In such a situation the flood of RTI applications that inevitably follow the enactment of RTI makes the officialdom feel very resentful and forces them to find excuses for not providing what is requested, and inventing new ways of providing evasive replies. J & K could lead the way by building stronger provisions for forcing the government to become transparent of its own volition. It would be worthwhile to consider naming the Kashmir legislation as the "Duty to Provide Accurate Information Act." This will emphasize the intention of ensuring that citizens do not have to beg for little bits of information but instead the bureaucracy has to equip itself for providing to the public in an easily accessible format all relevant information on a routine basis within a reasonable time frame. But if officers are expected to put all needed relevant information on their website in a

routine fashion by way of monthly reports, it forestalls the possibility that citizens end up being perpetually locked in adversarial relationships with the government.

politicians from rival parties but follow the Obama example by synergizing all shades of political opinion to work out a consensus on basic issues and key challenges confronting the State.

The enactment of RTI should be integrally linked to institutionalizing transparency and a high measure of accountability of the government machinery. The former Deputy Commissioner of Nawanshahar District, Mr Krishan Kumar (who is now Director of Education in Punjab), showed through concrete example how swiftly India can move towards providing world-class administration and delivery systems to citizens if our administrators have the political will and imagination to do so. If the Chief Minister were to bring someone like him on deputation and give him the requisite authority, he can deliver a real miracle for the State. J& K would then be decades ahead of the rest of India in one stroke.

The J& K police needs to be given greater responsibility in curbing terrorism and the visibility of the Army needs to be drastically reduced, especially from urban centres. It would be helpful to train the J& K police to become more efficient in handling the threat of terrorism, while at the same time giving more teeth to the judiciary and the Human Rights Commission to deliver speedy justice and curb abuse of power by the police. It is important to use technology and better intelligence to curb terrorists rather than crude search operations and body frisking.

I state the obvious when I reiterate that the Kashmir issue can only be resolved by first building a consensus among all major regions and diverse ethnic communities in the State. Once that is achieved, a solution can more easily be negotiated out with the Centre by a united front of all political shades of opinion with a firm resolve to hold fast, whatever the temporary political fallouts that might result from such an agreement. This requires that NC does not waste its time in putting down

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 38 Ă&#x2014; February 2009

The increasing estrangement between Hindus and Muslims in the State needs to be addressed on an emergency footing-not through token gestures but through concrete measures. The last few decades have witnessed a very severe erosion of the composite Kashmiri culture, which acted as the glue between Hindus and Muslims. One key symptom of this erosion is the fate of the Kashmiri language. While most Kashmiris can speak the language, knowledgeable people tell me that no more than half a dozen persons in the State can read and write in the original Sharda script. Kashmiri Pandits have adopted Hindi and Kashmiri Muslims

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

identify more with Urdu – thus both communities end up disowning their mother tongue. J&K needs to invest more in promoting its languages and culture because no community or society can retain a healthy sense of self without being deeply rooted in its cultural, literary and civilizational heritage. Bollywood or Hollywood culture cannot combat the gun culture. It is very distressing that the educated elite of J&K have been fed with the most partisan and intellectually suffocating version of its own history. Just as Pakistan's history books do not dare acknowledge its own civilizational heritage, so also history of Kashmir for most Kashmiri Muslims begins with Yusuf Shah Chak and ends with the a sense of being permanently aggrieved and wronged. Kashmiri Pandits have likewise developed their own partisan narrative. This simplistic and unidimensional political narrative and

unrealistic sense of total persecution prevents healthy engagement with not just the past but also the present and future of Kashmir.

party. Let there be genuinely free political debates and lively cultural programmes. Free media is a vital tonic for a healthy democracy.

Young people in J&K have very few cultural outlets and spaces. Jammu, Srinagar, Kargil and Leh need cultural hubs—a regular place for gup shup, for discussions, seminars, cultural events, film festivals, for celebrating in public spaces festivals that strengthen cultural bonds. In summers, there should be open-air street festivals and bazaars so that the city remains active till late in the evening. No cities in India get deserted so early in the evening as does Srinagar.

Kashmir deserves a larger dose of democracy than the rest of India because its democratic institutions were stifled for long. Apart from initiating reconciliation measures, J& K needs genuine far reaching devolution of appropriate powers to all regions to the maximum viable extent, and a serious endeavour to institutionalize a more radical version of panchayati raj in the State than is being practiced in the rest of India. Kashmir should provide more substantial powers to panchayats and zilla parishads, including setting of empowered nyaya panchayats, than have been made available in the rest of India. It would help calm tempers in those regions of the State that feel neglected and marginalized by Srinagar.

Kashmiri TV needs to be livened up and its outreach and appeal need to be enhanced. Let Srinagar Doordarshan be run without any fear of partisan political control, censorship or the need to be sycophantic towards the ruling

Keep the official and personal apart C UDAY BHASKAR Independent security analyst is, former director of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis

he Omar Abdullah led government has a very rare opportunity and challenge before it. The robust electoral turnout which proved most Kashmir experts wrong is an unambiguous indication of what the 'aam aadmi' wants. Good and empathetic governance that is equitable and harmonious across all cross-sections of a society that has been weighed down by decades of violence and bloodshed. I was very gratified when I heard Mr. Abdullah saying , soon after his nomination as CM was announced, that he sees himself as a 'servant' of the people. This humility and integrity of office is a far cry from what most CM's have become in their respective states. I would like to remind the new CM of the apocryphal story of Chanakya and the oil-lamp. Legend has it that a Chinese visitor who came to meet the Minister to the Mauryan Emperor was kept waiting, and when he was finally ushered in – he witnessed the odd sight of Chanakya blowing out one lamp – and lighting another. When he asked as to why

the Minister was doing this elaborate lamp ritual, the reply astounded him. Chanakya replied that whereas earlier he was working on matters of state – and hence using the oil provided by the state exchequer –now that he was attending to a personal engagement, he was lighting the lamp that used his personal oil. Needless to add, the visitor was in awe of the personal rectitude and integrity with which the Minister could keep the official and the personal apart and the manner in which Chanakya husbanded the resources of the exchequer. If such personal integrity is brought into the governance of the Abdullah government, it will truly set an example for the rest of India. Is this idealistic against the backdrop of the Satyam scam that is the most recent example of corruption and misuse of high office in India ? Yes– it is. But both state and society need some ideals to spur them and this is one suggestion for our youngest CM to ponder over.

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C O V E R

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

End the Chain of HR Violations

Beyond 100 day Honeymoon

BALRAJ PURI

MURTAZA SHIBLI

Celebrated author and columnist

Editor, Kashmir Affairs, London

mar Abdullah's ambitions and popular expectations are very high. He received good wishes from separatist leaders Ali Shah Geelani and Umar Farooq and has been hailed by the national media. His surprise checks over hospitals and police stations, taking action against erring officers on the spot and being receptive to grievances of the people not only in person but also on email, have raised popular expectations further. He might discover after 100 days plan he has set if not earlier that it would be physically impossible for him to attend to grievances of every body even if he suspends all other functions of the government. Why not consider setting up a grievance redressal machinery. Similar institutions need to be set up like Planning Commission, revive like Women Commission defunct at present, tone up like State Human Rights Commission and headless Accountancy Commission. The tasks that Omar has set before him include Indo-Pak reconciliation for which he offered to use his contacts in Pakistan which be established in his two visits there, proper response to offer of militants to give a chance to non-violent means for solution of Kashmir problem, talks with separatists leaders, not to speak of National Conference's own objective of restoration of full autonomy of the state. Can he achieve any of these objectives, some of which may be beyond his power without adequate intellectual expertise and with a week and unwilling coalition partner? Shouldn't he scale down his ambitions and popular expectations to more realistic and manageable level to avoid massive disillusionment later and spare some time to think over policy matters and interact with knowledgeable persons. If he is content with making a contribution to restore harmony between regions and various ethnic and religious communities of the state that in itself would be a monumental achievement. For that a federal and decentralized set up should be his first priority.

eing the youngest Chief Minister might afford a record book entry, but it is also indicative of lack of experience in a milieu that is fraught with umpteen dangerous challenges. However, on a positive note, Omar Abdullah's ascent to the office has generated goodwill across the divides which puts him in a unique position to act not only as a politician to honour his election promises but also as a diplomat to reinvigorate the now stalled 'peace process' between India and Pakistan. To create a real momentum towards a positive and decisive change, the most important thing that needs to be addressed is the arrest of endless human rights violations â&#x20AC;&#x201C; daily humiliations and torture killings of the Kashmiri youth at the hands of various security agencies often for very flimsy and insubstantial reasons. Successive state governments have failed in restoring the basic dignity of the Kashmiri population and this has stalled any reconciliation at the ground level despite media engineered goodwill or cross border cultural exchanges. The government also needs to delicately balance its position on Pakistan, as it seems that under the growing pressure from Hindu extremists the Congress government is willing to destroy all the trust and goodwill that was built during the last five or six years between India and Pakistan. Omar Abdullah government, being a coalition in partnership with the Congress would perhaps be forced to take a tough line that the people of Jammu and Kashmir cannot afford. I believe that Omar Abdullah government should reach out to its partner in the AJK to forge a mutual position of rejecting terrorism as well as war as any solution to the Kashmir issue. During my previous interactions with the politicians from the AJK, including the former Prime Minister, Sardar Attique Khan and the President Raja Zulqarnain Khan, they have all talked impressively about 'young Abdullah'. The new government should make judicious use of this goodwill to further the relationship between the two regions and not allow the current India-Pakistan tension to stifle the process of reaching out to each other. Another massive challenge facing Omar Abdullah would be well entrenched corruption. He seems to have already succumbed to the political pressure from his coalition partner, Congress, by inducting some tainted politicians into his ministry. However, managing corruption rather than eradicating it might be the practical route to follow as the first step.

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

A Non-Conventional Agenda ASHOK JAITLY Distinguished Fellow & Director Water Resources Division, The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) Former Chief Secretary (J&K)

decentralized generation following the renewable energy pathway. Photovoltaic, aero and micro-hydel are technologies eminently suitable for meeting the needs of people living in the remotest parts of the state who have absolutely no hope of benefiting from grid power in the foreseeable future.

learly, Omar Abdullah's new government has a full agenda on its hands and there will be many opinions about priorities. I will not venture into that general debate. But there can be no two opinions that energy must be on top of any agenda. In fact, the abysmal power supply in the Valley was amongst the first problems to engage the Chief Minister and corrective management steps have already been taken. By all accounts, the situation in Jammu is not much better except for the fact that the government's presence in winter provides a deterrent to bureaucratic somnambulance. However, very soon the focus will undoubtedly shift to longer term solutions for the overall energy problem and how best to utilize the substantial hydro-electric potential to the state's advantage â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a persistent conundrum. Mufti Mohammed Sayeed has already signaled that his party will exploit this issue notwithstanding that they did nothing to seriously address its complexities other than use the gimmick of rhetoric to score dubious political brownie points. Not a single new project was taken up in the last six years. Be that as it may. Surely, his much vaunted administration will have much more to account for in the days to come. Even while the new government negotiates strongly with the centre to expedite and protect its fair share out of Kishenganga, Sawalakot and Pakhar Dul (as it must), no time should be lost in launching a major programme for

The desirability of harnessing the vast solar potential of the Ladakh region is only too obvious. Locations like the Baramulla and Banihal gorges offer possibilities for wind turbines. These options must be pursued vigorously. However, here I am pleading for a major initiative on micro-hydel energy which has scope for widespread development. (But not the cosmetic kind tomtomed by the army and the former Governor Sinha which actually turned out to be a huge scam and has yet to be fully investigated.) A well designed Micro Hydel Mission under the aegis of JAKEDA and the Power Development Corporation (the latter's involvement is important) would need to integrate technology, investment, management, livelihoods and community participation within clear timelines. The private sector would be only too willing to come in provided it is given a positive signal and a supportive ambience as the response in states like Uttarakhand, Himachal and Arunachal shows. The facilitation of the central Ministry of Renewable Energy, which is already institutionalized, can be drawn upon. It is for the state government to stir the waters.

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

Revive Panchayats, Empower SWC, SHRC REKHA CHOUDHARY Professor of Political Science at University of Jammu

n the context of democratization, the early signs coming from Omar Abdullah are very encouraging. He has already identified the need for institutionalizing accountability by strengthening the Accountability Commission as well as the Vigilance department. Most significantly he has promised to bring the Right to Information Act at par with the RTI in the rest of the country. However in the same direction there are three more important things that need his attention. Firstly, it is required to properly institutionalize the

Panchayati Raj in this state. It is expected that the new government will hold the Panchayat elections after bringing the local Panchayat Act at par with the 73rd and 74th Amendments of Indian Constitution and implement the threetier system in its totality. Not only at the village level but even at the block and district level the Panchayat should be constituted on the basis of the principle of elections. It is also expected that the reservation principle for all the categories including women will be implemented and soon we will be able to

see thousands of women holding the position of Panches and Sarpanches. Secondly, it is expected that the new government will revive and strengthen the State Commission of Women and give it enough teeth to intervene in the interest of women of the state in a more effective manner. The minimum that is required is the appointment of Chairperson of the Commission. Thirdly, it is expected that the new government will make the State Human Rights Commission a more effective a body and give it appropriate powers..

Initiate from Top to End Corruption M ASHRAF Political commentator, travel writer, Former DG Tourism, J&K

very revolution throws up a new leadership. The recent ones in Kashmir have thrown up Omar Abdullah. However, he endeared himself more to the common people by his fearless speech delivered in the Indian Parliament which was telecast live. The speech had many repercussions, some negative, and some positive. Kashmir's greatest misfortune has been its vacillating leadership. They all start with a promise to the common masses for achieving a place of “Dignity and Honour” for them but ultimately end in the illusion of having achieved it only for their own person. People have voted for development but at the same time have declared their long cherished desire for

“Azadi”. Omar has to balance both. A difficult job indeed but not unachievable. On the development side, corruption has eaten away the vitals of our society. Nothing can really succeed unless this disease is treated first. It needs political will and decisive action. Honesty and water flow from top downwards. If the top is honest, the lower rungs will have to abide or leave! If one has sincere intentions and the honesty of purpose, success comes automatically. No doubt it is impossible to cure a diseased society overnight but an honest beginning has to be made. The other pressing problem with explosive potential is the unemployment. This has to be dealt with on priority but in a creative and constructive way. There is

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no use creating armies of paid slaves in uniform or without uniform. There are many more areas needing some revolutionary measures. These include our living environment, the crumbling infrastructure, messed up civic services, healthcare, education, and above all else the basic human rights which have been and are still being violated with total impunity. It may seem a tall order but given the will and the good intentions, the same can be achieved. Some things may be difficult and some even impossible. There is a road sign put up by the Border Roads Organisation on the Srinagar-Leh road. It reads, “Difficult can be done immediately, Impossible may take a till time!”

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

Make difference at Govt, Party Level DAYA SAGAR Social Activist, Columnist

mar Abdullah can make different from his predecessors by working at issues that have national significance as well as socio political requirements of people of Jammu and Kashmir. He needs to act at both levels –the government and the party. National Conference has first and prime task of isolating separatist elements and pro separatist so called mainstream political leaders. NC will have to fight alone since Congress has many other political interests. NC should retain its old policy and not kneel before separatist ideology. Over 50% of the complaints received by the State Vigilance Organisation are related to Revenue, Education, Police, PHE, Rural Development and Health. The poor and backwardly placed people are totally dependent on government for their survival through these services. The quality of education to the poor through government schools can be improved worth the expenditure being made only if the commissioner education and the director education are asked to taste the education being extended by Government Schools. . Political reputations have gone so filthy that people at their inner hearts did not take Omar claiming his self as 'Mr. Clean' that seriously. But Omar is young; he could dare and afford take unpleasant actions and even risk his government. Socio communal disintegration in J&K

could be checked with reins of National Conference in the hands of Farooq Abdullah and both BJP & NC going cordially. Congress can not go with BJP in J&K in view of coalition needs in other Indian states but National Conference has no such political compulsions and hence can give more weight to interests of J&K people in particular. Need is to work for social reconstruction at ground level .National Conference in the past has worked for keeping Hindu and Muslim of J&K monolithic and will still have to stand against divisive forces carrying on with old policies. Ideas seeing solution to miseries of J&K in using contacts to get investments are not going to pay in peace, rather separatists have used growing corruption on funds in government machinery to cultivate hatred and disbelief about the goodness of India. . NC had raised the level of District Development Boards with a Minister as a Chairman after 1996 election. Now the posts of District Development Commissioner and District Collector be separated. An officer of Secretary level should be additionally posted as Distt Development Commissioner. De-freezing the 29th Constitutional amendment for ordering fresh delimitation of Assembly segments would be another task. A fair delimitation would benefit the far-flung

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areas of Doda, Rajouri, Kathua, Udhampur and hence would raise goodwill for NC. The legacies of surrender and compromise for a guarantee to power should not tempt Omar Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah had immediately taken care of displaced persons of Pakistan administered Kashmir in 1950 and Omar will have to take care of local people displaced from interiors of Doda, Rajouri and Reasi in Jammu Region .Omar Government should immediately take up the job for registration properties left behind by all the POK DPs in 1947 ( unfortunately so far only registration done is of some families who came with in the ambit of conditional ex gratia relief proposed in 1960s ). In Jammu region the infrastructure development to promote commercial tourism be taken at triple the normal pace. This will surely help Omar to even rebuild his party. State Public Service Commission and SSSB should be reconstituted ( if needed ) with the condition that any recruitment process should be completed with in 6 months .This would build the faith of youth in NC government. No Public Sector Enterprise or Corporation should be carried in dismantled position. Companies that can not run must be closed.

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

Give Jammu its due Share VERINDER GUPTA President Jammu State Morcha

t should work as per the secular ethos providing justice and fair treatment to all the communities, regions and sub-regions. Jammu region and Kashmir Valley should have Regional Councils as these exist for Ladakh and Kargil and each district should have District Council so that democracy is enjoyed at the grass root level and participation of the people in the development activities is ensured. It should remove the glaring disparities prevailing in the different regions and Jammu region must get its due in the matter of: its representation in the state assembly as such Delimitation of

the Assembly Constituency be conduced and Jammu region should get its due as per the criteria laid down in the Representation of the People Act; its representation in the civil secretariat and in other Govt. Services including corporations and State Banks. It should be made at par with the Valley; allocation of development funds and development of Tourism; selection to the Professional Institutions. Single Committee report be implemented. The Medical College of be upgraded to the level of Autonomous P.G.Institute and Govt. Jammu Engineering College be made equivalent to NITs or IITs; Special emphasis is made to remove the

unemployment; Special incentives for opening of new industries and refunctioning of sick units. To make the Government more responsive to the people the secretariat needs to remain opened throughout the year, both at Jammu and Srinagar as such there is need to bifurcate the secretariat, other government offices including directorates and corporations. The secessionist forces and elements indulging in terrorism should be isolated and dealt firmly. Responsive, clean and corruption free administration is being expected from the young Chief Minister of the State.

Bring Reforms to Power Sector VIKRAM GAUR Engineer, expert on electrical energy

ur new CM recently talked of ensuring adequate and regular power supply to the consumers all over the state especially to the people of valley in this cold climate. For that he advised the PDD to have sufficient stock of transformers to replace the damaged transformers in the shortest possible time. This however is not the solution. The biggest challenge for the CM is to overhaul the entire PDD I have the following suggestions:Ensure that the PDD is made to work on strictly on commercial lines without any interference for which a top level

consultancy firm should requested to advise. PDD should first improve and modrnize its existing T&D system which is in sambles especially the HT/LT network and distribution transformer stations. Engineers and officials should be made accountable for every failure to improve the system. The entire PDD should be caderised into Planning and design, Purchase and Procurement, Generation, System Operation, Maintenance and sale of power etc. An independent HR wing should look after the placement of more than 25,000 PDD staff available with the PDD without any political interference

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to get the optimum efficiency. An independent Public Relation should also be created to listen to public complaints and redressal to lighten the job of the technical staff. PR wing should also help in creating public awareness about conservation of energy by holding meetings, seminars and through print and electronic media. I am sure if the CM takes these steps and takes help from Centre to exploit the available power potential he will able to take the state to absolutely new heights because the power today is basis for allround development of any state. Nothing, literally nothing works without power.

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

Debate Wisdom on J&Kâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Accession KN PANDITA Political analyst, former Director Central Asian Studies, Kashmir University

he coalition government led by Omar Abdullah would do well to govern the strife-torn state with a new thinking and approach. It should engage the people of the state, particularly of the valley, in a serious and meaningful debate on the wisdom of state's accession to the Indian Union in 1947. The government, in collaboration with willing political parties, should institutionalise this effort by engaging the masses of people in sustained free intellectual interaction at numerous study centres spread all over the state. The government may need to create a new

Department of Public Awareness. Economy being the mainstay of good governance, Omar Abdullah's should make a departure from the policy of previous regimes of tenaciously holding on to an exclusivist policy under the farfetched assumption that non-state investments would adversely affect s t a t e ' s i d e n t i t y. In view of globalisation, Omar Abdullah's government should open doors for multinationals and investors to propose, plan and invest in big developmental projects in the state that brings it on industrial map of the

country. Besides providing employment to large number of people, the quality of life has to be raised. Lastly, keeping in mind that unity in diversity is fundamental to nation's social-political structure emphasis has to be not only on unity but also on diversity. Recognizing diversity as a positive element in the construct of identity, the idea of three regional councils with adequate constitutional, administrative and financial space would immensely strengthen the fabric of the heterogeneous society of Jammu and Kashmir.

Discrimination against Jammu is well known, end it by delimitation LEELA KARAN SHARMA Convener, Shri Amarnath Yatra Sangharsh Samiti

ith change of some faces, again it is a Kashmir centric government and I don't have much hope for justice to Jammu. Instead of harping on bringing the separatists on dialogue table the Omar Abdullah government should clearly underline that the main problem is about reclaiming the part of our state under illegal occupation of Pakistan. We do have reserve seats for that part and even the resolution passed by the parliament of India clearly demands the same. Talking and having Cross-Loc trade is surrendering your claim on PoK. The domain of the government is to focus on the developmental issues and not to facilitate the dialogue process of India and Pakistan or with the

Separatists. It is the prerogative of the union government to look into the matters related to the foreign affairs of the country. If the newly elected government is truly honest to act upon the aspirations of all the regions of the state then instead of setting up of any commission for discrimination, they should go for delimitation of assembly seats. There had been many Commissions in the past to fix the issue of discrimination and there is no need of going for another one when problem is already well known. Contrary to its rhetoric, the present government is continuing with blatant discrimination against Jammu region. They released 15 Kashmiri separatists from different jails but are not talking about PSA against

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Swami Dinesh Bharti despite a clear promise of withdrawal. He is not a terrorist but a saint and no explosive or other material have been recovered from him. It is to fool people on the name of Autonomy, because it cannot solve the problem of the illiteracy, health, unemployment and other basic amenities of life. The separatism in the Kashmir is the borne of because of article 370, and it needs to be abrogated. The central government should allocate funds accordingly, region wise and make it sure that they are not being diverted by the state. Personally speaking I feel Farooq would have been more mature politically and otherwise if he had taken over as Chief Minister. (As told to RAMAN SHARMA)

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Letters to Omar Abdullah

Address the Displacement of the Kps MAHESH KAUL Research Scholar, displaced Kashmiri Pandit

he participation of displaced Kashmiri Pandits in recently concluded assembly elections should lead the political class into some introspection. While only less than 10% of KPs voted, not even single candidate from community could make it to assembly. Kashmiri Pandits have started realising the fact that electorally their community has no significance as they do not constitute a vote bank that can make or break the politically equations in the state. Another reality that has affected the psyche of this displaced community is that the constituency in exile is a figment of imagination as the exiled candidate has to contest against the local candidate in the valley having the larger voter share at his disposal. The present leadership of the state has to walk on a sharp edge as far its own agenda in the state is concerned .During the election campaign NC leadership proclaimed that this election is for the administrative and infrastructural development .And not for the resolution of the Kashmir issue.It wants to be a catalyst or the facilitator for bringing the separatists on the negotiation table. Here lies the responsibility of the Omar Abdullah government to accommodate the political aspirations of the internally displaced Kashmiri Pandits .The present government needs to highlight as to where the Kashmiri Pandits figure in its scheme of things as one of the main stakeholders in the resolution of the Kashmir issue? K a s h m i r i Pa n d i t s h a v e s e r i o u s reservations on combining their return and rehabilitation with the employment package as demographic change has taken place in Kashmir due to their ethnic cleansing. A whole new

generation of the Kashmiri Pandits born during the 20 years of exile and also those who were in their teens at the time of the displacement strongly feel about their right to survival as they were the first hand victims of the ethnic cleansing.The pain and torture of exile has shaped their mindset as far as the violation of the human rights is concerned.There is a dormant desire in the youth to regain their lost constitutional rights.The trend in the displaced community is that the reversal of their displacement is possible only with the establishment of a homeland with the union territory status in the North East of the Kashmir valley. Omar Abdullah government should focus on the following areas as far as the issue of the Kashmiri Pandits is concerned while devising the agenda for the next six years. ? To look into the demand of the Homeland for the reversal of the displacement of the Kashmiri Pandits. ? To set up an enquiry commission to find out what factors led to the en mass exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits from Kashmir in 1990. ? To find out why successive elected state governments failed to reverse the displacement of the Kashmiri Pandits. ? To incorporate the political viewpoint of the Kashmiri Pandits for the resolution of the Kashmir issue. If the above mentioned points are analyzed and incorporated into the agenda by the Chief Minister then it will provide a level ground for resolution the Kashmir issue and the displacement of the Kashmiri Pandits.

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Governance is Important but don’t Abandon Politics TAHIR MOHIUDDIN Editor Chattan, Srinagar

here are very high hopes and expectations and Omar Abdullah should take this opportunity to prove his commitments. While good governance is a key issue in Jammu and Kashmir but his government should not completely abandon the political issues. The new Chief Minister should think of working out a fine balance between governance and the political process to make best use of the opportunity peoples have bestowed upon him. Therefore, on governance, Omar's main priorities should involve three key issues –eradicating corruption, providing employment and creating an atmosphere where there are no violations of human rights. On all these three issues there has always been a lot of rhetoric but no major initiatives to make the different palpable. Chief Minister should move fast to make people feel the difference of a process. On politics, Omar Abdullah should not only make his mind clear on Autonomy but should also define a roadmap. Autonomy was at the sole of the identity of National Conference but this issue has been phenomenally abandoned for reasons which need to be explained. Omar must understand that National Conference once was a strong movement of the peoples and suffered losses only for drifting away from its key political programmes including the Autonomy.

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NC-Congress : Common & Uncommon

NC-CONGRESS

Will they ever have a common agenda? It has been almost a month that the newly elected National Conference-Congress ruling coalition is in the office but the government is yet to show its political outlook. Before formation of the coalition government Jammu and Kashmir was under Governor's rule for six months since July 10, 2008. That the Chief Minister has chaired a dozen odd meetings of the officers and his Ministers raided unsuspecting offices to check the work culture but the government machinery is working, more or less, in the same manner as it was under the Governor's apolitical administration till January 5.

IRM AMIN BAIG Associate Editor

ational Conference and Congress are a post poll alliance and they contested elections on their own planks. Long before the elections it was almost certain for peoples and as well as the parties that no single party is expected to get full mandate to form the government at its own. It was an interesting triangle suggesting two of the three parties –National Conference, Peoples Democratic Party and the Congress –will have to join hands to form the government. Since the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party are the bitter regional rivals and an alliance between them would have been nothing less than

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George Bush and Osama bin Laden launching a joint war against terrorism, the Congress obviously held the key to the government. Till the last phase of seven phased polling on December 24, there was not even an iota of idea as which way the Congress would like to go. The Congress decided on December 30 to join hands with National Conference and a sleek and compact Omar Abdullah government was sworn in on January 5 in a star studded glittering oath ceremony. The swearing in of the Chief Minister and the nine Ministers –five from Congress and four from National Conference –was indeed a ceremonial beginning giving representation to all regions and communities till full

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NC-Congress : Common & Uncommon

formation of ministry took place. It was only four days later that the Chief Minister and his ministerial colleagues moved in their Civil Secretariat offices. The Chief Minister had indicated in first week of January that his ministry will soon be expanded. Not only that expansion of ministry has been delayed but also there is no meeting between leadership of Congress and National Conference yet to ink a fine print of their partnership. The beauty of the coalition is that it took them just 48 hours after results were declared to decide on joining hands with each other. No conditions were put from any side, not even rotation of the Chief Minister's chair between partners. The potential drawback, however, is that the government does not have any declared political program while the individual parties have their own. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been trying to project the image of his government as a regime which is sensitive to the peoples' problems and is committed to resolving them. Yes, people need such a dispensation but Jammu and Kashmir is not a state which can afford a government for long which is apolitical in nature. There has to be a well declared political program to take the peoples along. Besides issues of governance, which are common to all societies, Jammu and Kashmir has a major political issue which needs constant attention and engagement for making a forward movement as every day counts. The ruling coalition is yet to arrive at a Common Minimum Program outlining the mutually shared priorities of the National Conference and the Congress on a wide array of issues including political process and governance. There has not been any meeting between

OMAR ABDULLAH : To hold chair for six years

The beauty of the coalition is that it took them just 48 hours after results were declared to decide on joining hands with each other. No conditions were put from any side, not even rotation of the Chief Minister's chair between partners. The potential drawback, however, is that the government does not have any declared political program while the individual parties have their own leaders of the coalition partners on the issue. “The only thing decided between Congress and the National Conference is that there will be a government of National Conference and the Congress in Jammu and Kashmir headed by me…there is nothing more than that and nothing less than that”, said Omar Abdullah after meeting Congress President Sonia Gandhi. The second formal meeting is yet to take place. Why Congress and National Conference have not been able to come out with a Common Minimum Program is bit understandable given the present

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political atmosphere. It appears primarily due to compulsions of the Congress which preferred NC over PDP (erstwhile partner) in view of the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in the country. When India goes to polls in next few months terrorism, and separatist movement in Kashmir will be the two major issues where Congress will have to balance out an aggressive campaign of its ace rival at national level –the Bhartiya Janta Party and its ragtag allies. Facing elections in India with PDP as partner in Kashmir could have been disastrous for the Congress, particularly in aftermath of Amarnath land row and after the unveiling of the self-rule proposal. National Conference too has a well declared political agenda for Kashmir but its compromising nature gives Congress enough room for its own sweet talk on Kashmir. Common Minimum Programmes of the partners in the ruling coalitions are inked well before the governments are sworn in but in this case, observers believe, it may take far longer than expected. Congress and the National Conference have their own manifestos and programmes for Jammu and Kashmir. A look at both documents shows many points of agreement but there are still many points of disagreement. When a Common Minimum Programme is shaped up both partners will have to give in some points to each other's political constituency. For example, Greater Autonomy is the soul of National Conference and the party would press for its inclusion in the CMP. Autonomy being part of CMP means nationwide disaster for the Congress and its exclusion means end of the journey of National Conference as a representative political party in Jammu and Kashmir. While this issue has far reaching repercussions but immediate

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NC-Congress : Common & Uncommon

effects can be seen in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections, at least on six seats of Jammu and Kashmir.

POINTS OF DISAGREEMENT The manifestos of both National Conference and the Congress are mainly dedicated to the issues of governance and on political front there are two issues: peace process and regional empowerment. While on governance there is enough scope for the both parties to achieve a common ground but on the two main political issues Congress and National Conference have an entirely different approach.

Peace Process Restoration of Greater Autonomy makes the essence of NC's approach to peace process. Though Congress too agrees to devolution of more powers to Jammu and Kashmir but naming such a process as Autonomy is not a part of its approach. Interestingly, it is for first time that the Congress made devolution of powers as main part of its elections manifesto and to some extent it suits the National Conference policy. However, no discussion on the issue is likely till the Lok Sabha elections are over. In its manifesto, the Congress says: “The Congress remains fully committed to the comprehensive devolution of powers to Jammu and Kashmir so that the people of the State would be free to realize their full potential. To this end, the Congress will strive hard to work with all democratic forces…the party has an abiding faith that all issues and disputes can be resolved through discussions and dialogue. There is no

other way to achieve reconciliation except through dialogue”. This is a vague statement on peace process in comparison to a well defined approach of the National Conference. The National Conference wants the Central Government to consider the Autonomy resolution duly passed by the state legislature during NC's last stint in power as it argues that Autonomy remains the only viable solution to Kashmir issue. The NC manifesto says:

Greater Autonomy becoming part of the coalition CMP means nationwide disaster for the Congress and its exclusion means end of the journey of National Conference as a representative political party in Jammu and Kashmir “The National Conference government will strive to make people understand that restoration of Autonomy in its pristine form is the only viable solution. This realization alone shall bring peace back…this proposal is gaining more and more acceptability in the country and other parts of world notwithstanding the fact that certain quarters inimical to the National Conference have been harping on the fact that NDA Government had rejected the resolution passed by the State Assembly”. To make it explicit that Autonomy will be a password to its political survival, the National Conference manifesto further says: the Government shall pursue with the Central Government the matter of providing urgent consideration to the Resolution of Autonomy passed by the State Assembly”.

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Regional Balance Regional balance or imbalance is an issue that has remained alive in Jammu and Kashmir for 60 years and the voices of dissent in Jammu and Ladakh against Kashmir have only got shriller year after year. The Congress constituency is mainly confined to Jammu region and therefore it has always played the regional empowerment card to its best. The main grievance in Jammu is that its strength in the Legislative Assembly is not proportionate to its area and population and therefore Kashmir with more nine members always enjoys an upper hand in all decision making processes. The formula to end this alleged discrimination is suggested as delimitation of assembly constituencies –something National Conference is strictly opposed to. In 2007, the Ghulam Nabi Azad government has tried to push the delimitation bill in assembly but National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party –despite being bitter rivals –thwarted such even at discussion stage. While National Conference is strictly opposed to the delimitation, for Congress it is the only issue which keeps it alive in Jammu region and gives strength to stand up against parties like BJP and Panthers Party. On its approach to regional empowerment, the Congress is very explicit. The party says in its manifesto: “Congress will introduce a Bill in the Legislative Assembly to constitute Delimitation Commission…when elected to power, the party will restructure the Constitution of the state into a federal set up by setting up separate regional councils for Jammu and Kashmir and further decentralization and devolution of powers to district and block level councils to ensure effective participation of people in the

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NC-Congress : Common & Uncommon

democratic system. This constitutional mechanism will guarantee the unity and integrity of the regions and the state”. While Congress, in its own way, 'champions' the cause of political empowerment of Jammu region, the National Conference bears all allegations of skewing political strengths in favour of Kashmir. To ward these allegations off, NC's stand on regional balance is too well known but it was never favourable to the Congress. NC seeks to divide the state into six units drawn exactly on religious lines. Its proposal on Regional Autonomy has always remained at the center of criticism. ? Panchayati Raj Grassroots level democracy has never been allowed to thrive in Jammu and Kashmir by any party and that constitute a major source of discontentment. In late 1970s the Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah Government had dissolved the Panchayats to reconstitute them in sync with the central law but that never happened till 2001 when Farooq Abdullah government conducted the Panchayat elections after a staggering gap of more than 20 years. It was a bitter humiliation of the elected Panchayat members ever after. Panchayats were neither constituted nor were powers devolved to them by Farooq Abdullah or his successors Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and Ghulam Nabi Azad. The partners in the present coalition, in their respective manifestos, agree to empower Panchayats but their approaches are different and little confrontationist to each others. While National Conference promises to go for Panchayat elections 'immediately', the Congress want first amendment to the Panchayati Raj Act in accordance with

SAIFUDDIN SOZ above and GHULAM NABI AZAD: Congress is yet to make clear who is headmaster in its J&ik class

Of its 17 seats, Congress has 14 from Jammu. Therefore issues like delimitation assume importance. Abandoning this issue may further damage its base and pushing for it will be like direct confrontation with NC Of its 28 seats, the NC has 21 from Kashmir, 5 from Jammu & 2 from Ladakh. Protecting its Kashmir constituency is important for NC as it is there where it faces stiff competition with the PDP the 73rd amendment to the Constitution of India before going to elections. On Panchayati Raj, the Congress manifesto says: “Jammu and Kashmir Panchayati Raj Act will be amended in conformity with provisions as contained in 73rd amendment to the Constitution of India”. The National Conference says: Immediately after coming to power, the government shall hold elections to the all Panchayats and fully support them to discharge their functions as envisaged in the Panchayati Raj Act. POINTS OF AGREEMENT Keep the political issues apart, the

Epilogue Ø 50 × February 2009

ruling coalition partners Congress and the National Conference have almost similar approach to the issues of governance and other important issues including employment, measures against human rights violations and rehabilitation of the victims and even the contentious issue of the release of detenues. The points of full or near consensus are: ? Dialogue

Dialogue with different sections of society including separatists. Both parties agree that there should be a broad dialogue and the government shall act as a facilitator. ? Release Of Prisoners

To review the cases of all detenues lodged in various jails different charges and set free those who don't have grave criminal charges pending against them. ? Pay Hike Of Employees

Implementation of the recommendations of Sixth Pay Commission. This promise is a part of the Congress manifesto. Though there is no written mention of it in the National Conference manifesto, which is a politically loaded document, the party leaders promised pay hike almost every day during election campaign. ? Employment

On unemployment, both parties agree to launch a comprehensive plan but approaches are different. The Congress wants thousands of jobs created in the government and those who fail to get a job are paid stipend. National Conference says that the Government jobs for all is not a right approach. Therefore, NC wants to create jobs in the private sector.

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T

The Leh Verdict

The Change we Need

he Assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir were no less than historic especially given the high voting turnout amidst the deceitful boycott call by the separatists. Out of the 87 members in the state Assembly, Ladakh region has got a share of only four seats. Given this meagre number, Ladakh does not matter too much in electoral/coalition calculations. However, from the point of view of democratic testimonial, election process and the verdict in Leh this time needs to be rewarded special attention for numerous hale and hearty reasons. Very recently, in one of the most keenly awaited and keenly contested elections of America's presidency, the Democrat candidate Mr. Obama made use of a very attractive catchphrase, “Change We Need.” His supporters liked his idea of change so much that they gave him a landslide victory. In the recent Assembly elections, the voters of Leh seemed to have supported a similar idea of change personified by Mr. Nawang Rigzin Jora of Indian National Congress (INC). In parallel to the voting pattern in the USA, a huge chunk of supporters of change in Leh was the young voters. For this reason, INC leadres of Leh attributed Mr. Jora's victory to the younger generation of Ladakh.

T. Norfail

In a way the verdict for “change” by the people of Leh was no less than historic for more than one reason. Firstly and most importantly, the victory of Mr. Jora is at complete variance from the past electoral trends in Ladakh. Until this election, the leadership from royal and spiritual background used to have the upper hand in every major election in Ladakh. Hence to challenge the traditional royal-spiritual bunch of leaders needed guts, vision and sincere effort. It is also to be remembered that Mr. Jora was elected MLA Leh in the 2002 election too. But then he was elected

uncontested under the banner of Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF). Secondly, what makes this victory very attentiongrabbing for Mr. Jora is that he had broken away from LUTF (with some other leaders) soon after his election in 2002 to revive INC. It is pertinent to mention here that LUTF was then being considered a very important political podium to keep the UT movement alive. Hence, it had the support of almost every section of Leh. But LUTF soon proved to be a hoax as it failed to live up to the people's expectation. The INC leaders broke away from LUTF with the allegation that there was no room for performers in the LUTF because of the domination of the leaders from royal and spiritual background. But the INC revivalists were then called opportunist and selfish for they had broken the voters' confidence by breaking away from the single and unanimous political conglomerate (LUTF) which was formed after disbanding all political parties in Ladakh. Consequently, INC leaders had to bear the brunt in the 2005 Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council elections as it could win only two seats out of the total 26 elected councillors. However, to everybody's surprise, Mr. Jora has been able to win peoples' confidence back with his performance as a minister in the earlier coalition regime and was able to curve an electoral space in Leh within no time. The third important raison d'être that makes this victory out-of- the-ordinary is the fact that Mr. Jora's main opponent in this election was Mr. Thupstan Chhewang (MP Ladakh), who used to be considered the Godfather/kingmaker of Ladakh politics. Five years back nobody could have thought of making an MLA election a close contest with Mr. Thupstan Chhewang as the opponent— not to speak of winning

Epilogue Ø 51 × February 2009

S P E C I A L

R E P O R T The Leh Verdict

it dramatically. But now, the above proposition is put upside down. More importantly, this victory did not come in support of poignant and bare slogans but for some substantial performances of the past few years, and also for some far-sighted promises of the future. Fourthly, the voters of Leh have shown a lot of political maturity by giving their mandate to a candidate who had performed earlier. In other words, the voters have rejected those leaders who believe in emotionally blackmailing the electorates by raising emotional issues than the ones directly linked to the well being of the masses. By voting a candidate who raised developmental and progressive issues, and also one who had performed earlier, the voters of Leh have indeed shown a lot of political maturity. In other words, the voters of Leh have put faith in deeds of the leaders than in their words/slogans. It is very relevant to mention here that Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA), Ladakh Gompa [monastery] Association and Ladakh Muslim Association had decided not to intervene in the electoral/political affairs of the region during the recent MLA elections. Given the earlier record of these organisations in mixing-up religion and politics (or in politicising religion) in Ladakh, this move proved to be very decisive in the final outcomes of the elections. Fifthly, the voters have articulated that the old formula of “Union-Territory-forLadakh” is no longer going to work— at least when it is used in lieu of the issues directly connected to the basic necessities of the public. Ever since the inception of the UT movement in Ladakh, every leader and political party has used it as a political trump-card for purchasing votes. It's however an entirely different thing that apart from unfilled and emotional slogans on

election eves, the Ladakhi leaders has done nothing in deed. In fact, they have still not done the fundamental home work necessary for UT-Ladakh: uniting the Buddhists and the Muslims of Ladakh to bring them on a common political platform. Consequently, the UT euphoria often used very vociferously by the LUTF did not work this time. This too augurs well in terms of the maturity of the Ladakhi voters because they are now able to differentiate between political rhetoric and reality. In other words, the voters now know that their immediate developmental needs are more important than a sophisticated and idealistic future-politicalaspiration (UT-Ladakh). Given the above scenario, it would not be inappropriate to believe in what Mr. Rigzin Palbar (RP), President, District Congress Committee, Leh had to say (in a thanksgiving speech to the voters at Polo Ground, Leh): “…this verdict can change the nature and character of Ladakh's politics positively for ever…”. Terming the verdict of Leh voters as historic, Mr. RP also cautioned the INC members that rather than getting carried away with the election results, they should concentrate more seriously on the ways and means to fulfil the voters' aspirations in all circumstances. This point is very important and, therefore, is required to be pondered over by all the leaders because, generally, after their respective election victories, the leaders very quickly forget the promises they made during the election campaigns and thereby relegate the popular mandate to a mere election victory for occupying a political chair/post. Therefore, it's very important to owe the popular mandate as a public trust to be repaid with performances to bring to the fore their basic requirements and to adopt a holistic and farsighted approach of development and prosperity.

Epilogue Ø 52 × February 2009

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I N T E R V I E W Nawang Rigzin Jora, on the Leh Verdict

Interview

UT demand was prompt reaction to Greater Autonomy resolution

awang Rigzin Jora, Minister for Tourism, was one of the founder members of the Ladakh Union Territory Front. He was elected unopposed in 2002 elections as LUTF candidate in 2002 and won the 2008 elections as Congress nominee. In an exclusive interview to EPILOGUE, Rigzin says, the LUTF has gone redundant for its short vision and people in Ladakh have adopted Congress overwhelmingly. Here are excerpts: People of Leh have again reposed their faith in your leadership, where do you place the Ladakh politics today. In 2002, the Leh district had disbanded all political parties and you were returned to assembly unopposed. In 2008, you have defeated the sitting Member of Parliament who claims to be the unchallenged champion of Ladakh politics.

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I N T E R V I E W Nawang Rigzin Jora, on the Leh Verdict

After years of confusion, politics in Ladakh have now crystallized with a definite roadmap. It is true that in 2002, local units of all political parties were disbanded to give shape to the Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF) and when I revived Congress few years later it was seen with some suspicion. Actually in the hindsight people have realized that Congress is the party best suited to their interests and by that way they have overwhelmingly endorsed my decision by re-electing me to the assembly. The unprecedented development of Ladakh was possible only because I was associated with the Congress and the party had honoured me with a berth in Cabinet giving me enough space to do best for my region. There is a realization that LUTF is a small district level formation and therefore can't go long in shaping up destiny of Ladakh which has unique problems and unique aspirations. Congress is a national political party which can go extra mile in addressing the local problems. But BJP is also a national political party like Congress. Then why do you say that Congress alone can respect sentiments and address issues of Ladakh. As a representative of the people of Ladakh, I can say with authority that our people can never think of going along BJP. Congress is a party with secular outlook which is synonymous with the Ladakhi thinking. Budhists can never trust BJP as the party and its allied organizations have always hurt our sentiments. There are many examples where BJP and its frontal bodies forced religious conversion of Budhists.

You say that Ladakh has completely accepted Congress but out two constituencies in district you have won only one (yours) and lost Nubra to an independent. There is an across the board acceptance of Congress in Leh district which can not be undermined by losing Nubra seat. Nubra was a vast constituency (geographically) with a small voter chunk (little over 10,000). In such cases money and other factors also play a part. Our candidate (Tsewang Rigzin) is an upcoming young politician with quite meager resources (he is primarily a journalist) while the independent candidate who has won has remained a Minister earlier. So where does LUTF stand and what is the status of Union Territory demand for which Leh was once completely unanimous. First thing first. LUTF has been completely declared redundant by the people. Perhaps it has outlived its utility in Leh politics. When people refused to pose their confidence in the leader of LUTF –Thupstan Chhewang, who is also the Member of Parliament –you can well understand that the organization is now over. As far as the question of Union Territory is concerned, we must understand the origin of its demand in historical context. Ladakh is a part of Jammu and Kashmir which is engaged in a political conflict for six decades now. There is problem which is yet to be addressed and that is the reason that there are

Epilogue Ø 54 × February 2009

always concerns and discussions at the highest level in the country. From time to time there have come many creative proposals for resolution of Kashmir issue and Greater Autonomy, as demanded by National Conference is one of them. We must understand that you can't decide future of Jammu and Kashmir by keeping Ladakh off the table. When National Conference passed Autonomy Resolution in the State Assembly, Ladakh felt not only offended but also threatened about its future. There was a prompt reaction. People refused to imagine themselves as a part of a political system which does not include their aspirations. And thus the demand of Union Territory was an immediate reaction. We rallied around the point strongly and that was the only way of telling the political leadership in state and the country that our identity and aspirations are unique and we do not want to be taken for granted and condemned unheard. You talked about genesis. It the demand of Union Territory still alive As I explained the genesis, there were two important factors in the following years. After my election to assembly in 2002, besides my development programmes I took care of the Ladakhi aspirations and ensured that there was no compromise with our unique identity. Once people got doubly sure that in presence of a responsible and responsive leadership it was no more possible for anyone in Srinagar or New Delhi to decide their future, they started concentrating on strengthening the local governance. Union Territory is a definite demand in Ladakh but there is also a realization that such restructuring is directly linked with the

I N T E R V I E W Nawang Rigzin Jora, on the Leh Verdict

resolution of Kashmir issue. I am happy that people of Ladakh are courageous enough to reject rhetoric and live on reality.

Shop in the heritage ambience of a lavishly resorted, 65 year old building on Canal Road

Please name one major task you would like to accomplish in next six years for Ladakh I have a commitment with myself. You come and interview me six years later and I will show you the performance. Besides other issues, I have a deep desire and commitment to ensure 100% literacy in Ladakh. That is the only way my people can progress and prosper. On education I have an inspiration from Parsis and Kashmiri Pandits. Like them, I want to put Ladakh community at the top of literacy map. As a Minister in the Cabinet, you have taken charge of two important departments –Tourism and Culture. What are your priorities? Tourist is the backbone of our economy and I want to make this sector a main engine of economic growth in Jammu and Kashmir. I want to adopt a fourpronged strategy for tourism promotion –to promote Jammu and Kashmir as a tourism destination across the country and other parts of world and pursue a region-special agenda for Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. In Kashmir, we have three or four popular destinations which tourists know. I want to take tourists to smaller and unexplored areas. This will make entire Valley a tourist destination.

Tourists will prolong their stay and its spinoffs will also go to the smaller places. In Jammu, we have a large number of pilgrim tourists (nearly 80 lakh) coming every year to Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine. Our strategy will involve taking maximum number of them to other places in the region thus making entire Jammu a tourist destination. In Ladakh, we have a large number of foreign tourists coming in every year. Our effort will be enlarging the number of foreigners and simultaneously attracting more domestic tourists. Ladakh is a very vast area and we will see that the urban concentration is scattered to far off areas also.

FOR THE FINEST IN Elegant and Designer Home Dec or, Tableware, Accessories, Linen, Cushion Covers, Table Mats and Runners Trays, Classical Indo-Western Jewellery, Decorative Candles, Lamps a cluster of Frames depicting art, gold leaf and glazed clay the products are a riot of colours ; a reflection of the happy go lucky, never say die attitude.... brought a from all over India and around the world. Also exotic flowers and foliage at the Flower Shop.

And on Culture Ministry of Culture is new in Jammu and Kashmir. It is only one year old. Besides engaging in cultural exchanges, my priority also involves reviving and strengthening cultural linkages between Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. I have vision to achieve the regional harmony through cultural exchange.

Epilogue Ø 55 × February 2009

Adjoining Indira Theatre, Canal Road, Now awaits you.

C O L U M N

History

Oral Traditions and History of Jammu Hill States

Prof. Jigar Mohammed

t is customary among the common people to narrate historical events and keep alive the collective memory in the form of folktales and folk songs. In the different parts of the Indian subcontinent, the wandering singers present folktales and folk songs in the form of public performances in the rural areas. These singers are known by such names as mirasis, jogis and faqirs. They entertain the people with songs/stories describing the heroic deeds of past heroes or narrate the resistance against foreign invaders. Moreover, these singers also sing songs in the memory of local deities, rituals, customs and other cultural developments. It is important to mention that these singers' songs did not restrict themselves to the events of a particular chronological span. Instead, they incorporated the events of different periods in their stock of themes. Similarly, it is a common practice for the people in India to quote legends, myths and superstitions in support of their actions, thoughts and beliefs. Besides, a large number of jokes and satires have been manufactured at the popular level against the deeds of people belonging to the diverse (other/alien) social groups. However, the oral traditions in various forms tends to remove, to a large extent, the difficulties and hindrances caused by the non-availability of written records, hitherto considered essential for reconstructing the history of a region, race, people and period. It has already been pointed

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 56 Ă&#x2014; February 2009

out that many societies or communities or social groups (and regions) of India do not possess adequate and suitable historical records, either in the form of archaeological remains or written documents. In such a scenario, the availability of oral evidence inspires the people to trace their own history. The modern Jammu region is quite poor in terms of the availability of written records. It is quite well known that the region was divided into twenty two Rajput principalities during medieval period, particularly from the fifteenth century onwards. These principalities were ruled by lineages that were both Hindu and Muslim. For example, the rulers of Jammu, Jasrota, Bilawar, Bhadrawah and Mankot belonged to the Hindu Rajput dynasties,, whereas the rulers of Rajouri and Punch belonged to the Muslim Rajput dynasties. Though some Mughal chronicles provide scattered information regarding the socio-political and economic life of these principalities, there are hardly any indigenous source in local or non-local languages, providing information regarding the past. J. Hutchison and J. Ph. Vogel, the authors of the History of the Punjab Hill States, the pioneer work on the history of Jammu hill states, depend mainly on the traditional genealogical tables (Vanshawalis) for tracing the dynastic history of these petty chiefdoms. But as far as the

C O L U M N History

oral traditions are concerned, they yield rich data regarding the historical development in the region. Highlighting the importance of the oral traditions in historical perspective, Hutchison and Vogel write, “…common tradition is often useful in throwing light on the events of past, and much information of a fairly reliable character has come down to us through this channel. In the hills social conditions have been prevalent from remote times, which give to traditionary lore an importance and credibility which it would not elsewhere possess. Till comparatively recent years the hills were almost entirely isolated from the plains. The rugged character of the country made invasion difficult and conquest practically impossible. This is the chief reason why we read of so few dynastic changes…Nor is this claim to ancient lineage confined to the families of the ruling chiefs. Many Brahmans also can prove, by the title deeds to their possession, that their ancestors have held their lands in unbroken tenure for many centuries, and in some cases of nearly thousand years. Even the common farmers, in numerous instances, reside in same villages and till the same lands as their ancestors have done from time immemorial. And families older than even these are to be found in the hills the descendents of petty chiefs called Ranas and Thakurs, who according to common tradition, held independent rule in the dim and misty past, long before the Rajas appeared on the scene. If to all this be added the glamour and romance of the hills: the conservative character of the people and their devoted attachment to their hereditary chiefs, and their native land in all its interests: we have those conditions, in full measure, which tend

foster a love of traditionary lore, and to create an atmosphere most favourable for its transmission, with remarkable accuracy of detail, to posterity.” The statement of Hutchison and Vogel seems to be correct in the light of the specific socio-political conditions of the Jammu hill states. It may be mentioned that almost all castes and tribes, inhabiting the hills, practiced agriculture and animal rearing as basis of their livelihood. All the social groups maintained their indigenous traditions. Instead of depending on the imperial records, the people of Jammu hills generally quoted the oral traditions while tracing their past. The oral traditions of Jammu hills are available in form of heroic ballads, folk stories, (lokgatha) folk songs etc. These traditions contain a great variety of historical themes. Moreover, the oral traditions are available in different languages and dialects of the region. Though the Dogri is the major language in terms of the making of oral traditions, some other dialects such as Bhadrawahi and Kishtwari have also been employed for making stories, songs and proverbs. The oral traditions are preserved by the people in accordance with the themes. For instance, the ballads known as karaks are sung to narrate the life and works of a saint of the area concerned. These are sung by hereditary and professional singers known as garadi. Similarly, the ballads sung to describe the valorous deeds of the warriors are called bars. However, all types of oral traditions contain some basic ingredient that can be used for reconstructing at least some aspect of an otherwise hazy past. Generally, the origin of all the states of Jammu region is traced on the basis of oral traditions. For instance, one of such traditions shows that Jammu was

Epilogue Ø 57 × February 2009

an ancient state. Its firs king was Angibaran, who was a brother or kinsman of the ruler of Ayodhya. Another oral tradition shows that the state of Jammu was founded by a king called Jammu-Lochan. According to this tradition, “Jammu-Lochan on becoming Raja wished to found another town as his capital and name it after himself. With this in view he went out hunting one day accompanied by his officials, and crossing the Tawi (river) he saw in the jungle a deer and tiger drinking at the same tank. Being surprised at the sight he returned to his tent, and calling his ministers enquired the meaning of such strange occurance. They replied that the explanation lay in the fact that the soil of the place excelled in virtue, and for that reason no living creature bore enmity against another. The Raja, therefore, came to the conclusion that this was just the kind of site he was in search of, and founded a new town calling Jambupura.” Similar types of oral evidences are available pertaining to the political developments from ancient to medieval times. Another oral tradition of Bhadrawah state (situated in the modern Doda district of the Jammu region) mentions that Nagpal, a king of the sixteenth century, accepted the Mughal sovereignty. Another oral tradition shows that a poet of the eighteenth century Bhadrawah composed a poem to please the reigning king. The following Dogri couplet substantiates the point:

Kad chhutta munh jalda karne gilra Sumpat Pale ki kian rijhana This couplet may be translated as “Being dumb and dwarf with a goitre on neck, I do not know how to please the Raja Sampat Pal.

C O L U M N History

In the Jammu hills the local heroes, struggling for the protection of the interests of the common people, have always been treated as the local deities from the early medieval period onwards. The main reason behind the their immense popularity was their selfless struggle that inspired the local people to fight for their their socio-economic rights. The local heroes inspired the common people to raise their voice against an oppressive state and the tax-collectors' exploitative methods. These struggle of the local heroes is preserved in the oral traditions. Some local heroes such as Baba Jitto and Mian Dido have acquired an iconic status in the oral traditions of the Jammu region. These oral traditions are available in form of Karak and sung by the singers till date. Professor Ram Nath Shastri has collected a large number of such oral traditions pertaining to the lives of Baba Jitto and Mian Dido and other local heroes and has utilised them in highlighting their contribution to the socio-economic developments in the Jammu region. His book entitled Duggar de Lok Nayak, written in the Dogri language, is largely based on the oral traditions of the region. These oral traditions narrate both the life and works of these local heroes. For instance the following oral tradition describes the birth of Baba Jittoo:

Ghar Rupa de thaugar truthe Aund narain lai Bhale nashtar janam Babe da Naren mangal gai The above couplet may be translated as : “God was pleased with Rupa and brought all hope to fruition. The Baba was born under an auspicious constellation and the women folk sang their blessings.” The above karak is not only source of the birth of the Baba. But it does indicate the name of his mother i.e. Rupa. In the Indian society, generally the father's name was

recorded during medieval and early modern times. In this case, however, it was the name of the mother that has been recorded. It appears that among the peasant families of the Jammu hills, the women acted as the prime movers of their respective families. The following karak focuses on the marriage of Baba Jitto:

Magh mahine naveen the lagen Ditta baya rachai Sheel vanti nek kule di Lale Babe bayai Magh mahine naveen the lagen Ditta baya rachai Sheel vanti nek kule di Lale Babe bayai The above couplet may be translated as: “Marriage preparations were set afoot on the ninth of the month of Magh. Baba was wedded to a gentle and well born girl.” Oral traditions of Jammu hills cover multiple cultural developments which took place during the medieval and modern periods. Besides the local heroes, the historical events pertaining to the ruling classes, caste system, local festivals and customs are narrated by the the oral traditions of the Jammu hills. The collection, compilation and translation of these oral traditions may be very helpful in the construction of the history of the Jammu hills. Though there is a need of the authentication of these oral traditions for these uses in historical terms, one may contribute to the making of history of Jammu hills through the establishment of the historiocity as reflected in these oral traditions.

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP AND OTHER PARTICULARS OF EPILOGUE, JAMMU AS REQUIRED UNDER RULE 8 OF THE REGISTRATION OF NEWSPAPERS (CENTRAL) RULES, 1956 FORM – IV (See Rule 8) 1. 2. 3.

Place of Publication Madrasa Lane, Bathindi Top, Jammu Periodicity of its publication Monthly Printer’s Name Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Whether Citizen of India Yes Address Madrasa Lane, Bathindi Top, Jammu 4. Publisher’s Name Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Whether Citizen of India Yes Address Madrasa Lane, Bathindi Top, Jammu 5. a) Editor’s Name Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Whether Citizen of India Yes Address Madrasa Lane, Bathindi Top, Jammu 6. Name and Addresses of individual who own the Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Newspapers Madrasa Lane, Bathindi Top, Jammu I, Zafar Iqbal Choudhary, hereby declare that the particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and belief. Date : February, 2009

Sd/Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Publisher

C O L U M N

Politics

On Defining Freedom

his write-up was prompted by an article that had appeared in a Srinagar based news paper in which the author spoke of what freedom means? But in the whole discourse the author had exhibited an attitude that is antithetical to the very notion of freedom. Freedom stands for plurality of views, respect for difference of opinion, plausibility of another person's views being correct even while differing with those. Instead the author in a way had tried to demonize every one with whose notion of freedom or preference he would not agree. Variation of views is the essence of an intellectual discourse. It allows wisdom to prosper and gives benefit of various perspectives on issues. It is necessary because no one person can claim complete and comprehensive grasp of issues that concern human societies in their existence and evolution. That is why allowing disagreement is essence of freedom and necessary for the overall development of human society. But the author, instead of discussing issues on their merit at the intellectual plane, whimsically and impulsively referred to opinions of other people, condemning them by either categorizing them as so-called intelligentsia or pseudo-scholars. In this self-posturing he ostensibly seemed to assume for himself the status of a true intellectual and scholar little realizing that it is substance and not pretensions that characterizes one as an intellectual or a scholar.

Prof. Noor Ahmed Baba The write-up in my opinion was characterized

Epilogue Ø 59 × February 2009

by naiveté of style and understanding both politics and language. First of all intellectual modesty requires to write more in objective neutral language rather than in subjective terms of I and others (this and that person). Coming to the content, one was further disappointed to see his approach in illustrating the meaning of concepts. He had referred to a dictionary to authenticate his understanding of the word freedom as “the condition or right of being able or allowed to do, say, think, etc. whatever you want to, without being controlled or limited”. Or as he would further illustrate freedom means “a condition where one is allowed to act freely without any limitations and without any control from outside.” In other words the freedom to him meant right to think, express and act without any limitation and control. Logically it followed that he would allow freedom in similar terms to those having different views on issues. But the irony is that the author while propounding this view did not allow freedom to others. First of all our quest and concern for freedom should enable us to respect the similar quest for freedom from other people. Exercise of freedom requires a culture of tolerance for plurality of views and differences in perspectives. One should also have realized that operational meaning of most concepts, especially when used in a technical connotation, change in relation to the context. For enriching understanding instead of looking at dictionary one should consult a good text on the subject of freedom. In my opinion J S Mill's essay On

C O L U M N Politics

liberty is a very good reading for people interested in the subject. It would make us realize that assuming oneself uncritically to be correct is the greatest self deception that one can be in. Mill quotes a number of examples in history where even whole society had joined to condemn some one as propounding falsehood. But subsequently the ones who were condemned were vindicated in their assertions and beliefs. Be it Socrates from philosophy, Galileo in science, Christ (or for that matter most of the prophets) who were accused of 'falsehood' by the fanatics of the times. But today we know that history vindicated the ones who were accused of falsehood and condemns those as fantastic who had assumed to be infallible and sole upholders of the truth. Therefore, understanding comes with humility. Knowledge is to gain consciousness of what one doesn't know? There is nothing wrong in disagreeing. But dubbing and condemning some one because he or she looks things differently is reflective of an authoritarian, intolerant and self righteous attitude stemming out of blissful ignorance of which there are numerous examples around us and in history. Essence of freedom is one's willingness to concede same to others while seeking it to oneself. However, we need to realize that in the actual usage and practice dictionary's meanings may be misleading. For example he has discovered that freedom means “the condition or right of being able or allowed to do, say, think, etc. whatever you want to, without being controlled or limited”. A little common sense should sufficiently illustrate that in real life there is nothing like unrestricted freedom either in social or political sense. There is no dimension of freedom whether social, political, or even

conscience that at some level is not regulated by societal and legal-political imperatives even within liberal framework. At no level is it so. No “free” individual, community and nation enjoy unfettered freedom. In real life there is nothing like unlimited and uncontrolled freedom. It is not possible, nor desirable and never practical. There are sufficiently strong grounds for propounding complete freedom of thought and expression. But beyond this, propounding unrestricted freedom of action has very dangerous implications and no civilized society can ever allow it in the interest of larger good of humanity in general. Even freedom of expression requires reasonable limitation for ensuring that freedom of one does not undermine similar freedom of another in the society. Communication or expressions are not restricted to the formal language only. One should appreciate that the explicitly expressed words alone do not communicate. Some times gestures, metaphors and symbols make a better sense and express deeper emotions and heartfelt commitments that language of express/explicit words fail to do. Our commitment to freedom must give us capacity to allow free expression to all forms of communication whether it comes in the form of speech, writing or art and action. The whole notion of modern liberal theory of state is based on the premise that man surrendered himself and his freedom, at least part there of, to society and state for his own greater good and self security. Without this, man would have lived in a situation of anarchy and chaos and would have at least not been able to pursue his happiness and realize the sense of peace and security. Even states, after pursuing their sovereign nationhood

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realize the need to graduate to a new paradigm of relationship of a cooperative order. From nationalism Europeans are transcending into a new experiment with collective living as they realize that perusing individual national goals by asserting sovereign independence has only brought misery and destruction to their continent. (Refer first and second world wars). Therefore, for a good life both as an individual, society and state striking a proper balance between limited and absolute freedom is what is desirable. We need to gain the grasp in terms of objective realities on ground rather than thinking and addressing problems only at the level of abstraction. We also need to keep our eyes open to the changing realities around us both locally and globally. Freedom in abstraction has no meaning. Its value is in relation to society of people and nations. Civilized living requires adjustment in relationships that might narrow freedom for making life peaceful and happier. Freedom in the contemporary context should mean to live in peace and cooperation within human society with a place of security, honour and expanded choices. Freedom in abstract terms means nothing especially when defined as unfettered freedom because that is possible only in isolation suited, as Aristotle would say, to the Almighty or beasts in the wild. It is because God has no parallel and would require no one; beasts lack ability for social living. Man is a social animal. In the contemporary context whole globe has become his society. Good living requires expanding choices, opening options and not closing them. Let us in the name of freedom introspect within and allow freer discourse of ideas and issues that confront us as a people. Scuttling freedom in the name of freedom is the greatest disservice we can do to our society and to its quest for freedom.

B O O K S

Reviews

New Challenges and Unending Puzzles Udayon Misra

hese three books deal with diverse aspects of the ethnic life-worlds, insurgency and autonomy movements in India's North East. While the volume edited by Jaideep Saikia primarily focuses on the security aspect vis-à-vis the different militant struggles in the region, Biswas and Suklabaidya try to analyse how cultural politics becomes a key determinant of the ethnic struggles for identity and autonomy. Sujit Chaudhury's work deals with the different phases in the history of the Bodos, their assertion as a major ethnic group and the innder dynamics and contradictions within the movement for the Bodo autonomy.

FRONTIER IN FLAMES, NORTH EAST INDIA IN TURMOIL Edited by Jaideep Saikia Penguin-Viking, New Delhi, 2007 pp. xxxiv+205, Rs. 450.00

ETHNIC LIFE-WORLD'S IN NORTH-EAST INDIA : AN ANALYSIS By Presenjit Biswas and Chandan Suklabaidya Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2007, pp. 312, Rs. 595.00

THE BOOKS EMERGENCE AND ASSERTION OF AN ETHNIC MINORITY By Sujit Chaudhary Indian Institute of Advances Study, Shimla, 2007 pp. vi+166, Rs. 300.00

Frontier in Flames is a collection of eleven articles dealing with the militant movements in six of the seven (eight with Sikkim) states which make up the construct, 'Northeast'. In his introductory remarks, Saikia rightly refers to New Delhi's tactlessness and insensitivity in dealing with a region that is central to the nation's security. He accuses New Delhi of not having any policy regarding the region and refers to New Delhi's 'lack of trust' as the principal explanation for the region's non-integration with the rest of India. Surely, apart from a continuing colonial mindset operating in North Block, there are also other potent historical and economic reasons that have added to the growing hiatus between the North East and New Delhi. The volume opens

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with an essay by Patricia Mukhim which deals with the rise of militancy in the once peaceful Meghalaya. Mukhim, in her usual engaging style, traces the roots of militant politics to the feeling of separateness from the rest of India, although it is difficult to accept her argument that it was only after 1947 that 'what is called the North East today became a part of “India” only about sixty years ago'. If one were to accept this argument, then the centuries-old socio-cultural, relationship of Assam with the rest of the Indian sub-continent would have to be forgotten as also its active participation in the freedom struggle. Mukhim discusses the changes that have taken place in Khasi-Jaintia society and the failure of the political leadership to fulfill the people's expectations. She sees a way out of the present crisis through the strengthening of traditional institutions and says that these must be helped to become 'more inclusive instruments of governance' as they are 'the only link between the people in villages and the formal structures of governance and power'. She maintains that 'at present the constitutionally mandated institutions of governance are being seen as exploitative and antipoor'. This is a rather thought-provoking argument and one wishes that Mukhim would have enlarged her argument when she calls for these institutions to be made more inclusive, especially in the light of growing criticism in certain quarters that such institutions could

B O O K S Reviews

very well run counter to the basic ideas of modern representative democracy and the rights of the citizens. E.V. Rammohan deals at length with the issue of illegal influx from East Bengal/East Pakistan and now Bangladesh. He accuses New Delhi of 'openly encouraging illegal migration of Bengali Muslims into Assam by engineering straightforward legislation' and which that the IndiraMujib agreement of 1971 which granted Indian citizen ship to several lakhs of illegal migrants from East Pakistan 1971 was a clear violation of the Citizenship Act of India which places the cut-off year for determining of citizenship as 1951. He relates the present situation in Assam to the ;Government's desire to keep the Bengali Muslim vote bank' and says that evidence of 'New Delhi's patronage to illegal migrants can be gleaned from the fact that the legislation to protect them was enacted in a parliament that did not have legitimate representation from Assam'. Rammohan is referring to the controversial 1983 elections which he sees as 'a fraud perpetrated on the Indian Constitution and its people'. Strong words indeed, coming as they do from a senior police official who was also the Director-General of the Border Security Force, Rammohan's essay reveals at length how short-term electoral gains have led certain political parties commanding strength at the centre to compromise the security interests of the entire nation and to jeopardize the very existence of a small community. Binalakshmi Nepram-Mentschel's article, 'Red Chebons and Crimson War's is easily one of the more striking ones in the collection. Binalakshim traces the

origins of the Manipur insurgency to the controversial' Merger Agreement' of October 1949 and the subsequent beginnings of a militant peasant movement led by the legendary communist leader Irabot Singh. According to the author although Manipur became a full-fledged state of the Indian Union in 1972 after a sustained people's agitation, the Centre's inept handling of the situation paved the way for the second phase of militancy which to continues till today. Thus the 'unfinished task' of Iraboot Singh was subsequent taken up almost two decades after his death (1951) by different underground groups like the People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), the Kangelipak Communist Party (KCP) and the United National Liberation Front (UNLF). The twenty-seven armed groups that man the Manipuri insurrection today seem quite far removed from the ideology of Irabot Singh and are engaged in internecine conflicts which Binalakshimi calls 'war within war'. Mamang Dai, in her piece on Arunachal, deals with the NSCN (I-M)'s growing presence in the Tirap and Changlang districts of her state and how a powerless civil administration has been totally unable to check the trend of events which could pose a serious security threat to the entire province. Mamang Dia expresses the fear that these two districts of Arunachal Pradesh could as well be bargained away in order to work out a peace agreement with the Muivah faction of the NSCN. Subir Bhowmick's article is a perceptive attempt to trace the ethnic conflict and militancy in Tripura. Bhowmick discusses the major waves of influx into Tripura and traces the roots of insurgency to the alienation of tribal land, particularly

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after the Bangladesh liberation war of 1971 when there was a massive influx of Bengali migrants into that state. Instead of simply talking about the ethnic divide between the tribals and the immigrant population, Bhowmick cuts new ground placing primary emphasis on land alienation and says that at least part of the problem could be resolved by returning their land to the tribals. He even suggests that the government seriously consider the decommissioning the Gumti hydel project that could free some 50,000 hectares of land for settlement. He maintains that only the revival of a self-sustaining triabla peasantry could bring an end to the guerilla nights in Tripura. The other essays in the volume are by Dilip Gogoi, Namrata Goswami, Moloy Krishan a Dhar, Harendra Nath Das ands Jabin Thomas Jacob. Gogoi discusses ULFA and the role of the state, Namrata deals with the Naga peace process, Das discusses the economics of North East militancy while Jacob focuses on infrastructure development. Although such edited works containing essays covering a diverse and complex canvas encompassing so many states of the North East could often leave an impression of incompleteness, yet the editor must be congratulated for trying to give a focus to the volume. The book is certainly an important addition to the growing literature of ethnic politics of the North Eastern region. Biswas and Suklabaidya in their book Ethnic Life Worlds in North East India, discuss the struggles of the different ethnic nationalities of the North East aimed at carving out a cultural and political space that quite often runs counter to the territorial and constitutional authority of the Indian

B O O K S Reviews

state. They try to show how there have been attempts to be dominate and hegemonize ethnic life norms by the Indian state leading to the consequent growth of counter discourses which question both the colonial and postcolonial discourses of domination. This is quite a refreshing approach and is a departure from the common run of books on ethnic movements of the North Eastern region. The authors themselves succinctly sum up the aim of their volume thus: 'The book, in its seven chapters attempts to knot together this kaleidoscopic land, the culture and human scapes of North East India' while keeping in view the 'importance of imagining an inside of thinking and imagination, as against an outside of struggle against the state and hegemony'. That this is no easy task is borne out by the contents of the volume which are more often than not outweighed by the subtle and complicated nuances of the 'outside' struggles. Some of the chapters of the book stand out because of their originality of approach, although many may disagree with their conclusions. In the chapter entitled 'The Native and the Nation' the authors try to show how the Nehruvian vision of the tribal world got enmeshed with the statist model of development which tended to destroy the traditional power structures of tribal society. Discussing this, the authors say: '… the Nehruvian policy of protection of tribal cultural ethos could not ensure what it intended, as greater investment of power through the state machinery had upset Nehru's ideas. The tribal life-world suffered heavily owing to the state sponsored agencies to govern development. The authors insist that 'an alternative to this could have been

a different federal re-constitution of the North East which could have ensured maximum autonomy to tribes of the region'. This is much easier said than done, give the inherent complexities in the ethnic fabric of the region. Moreover, the opposition taken by the authors regarding the role of customary institutions as a democratic reflection of the tribal mode of life is also open to debate. The authors maintain that the granting of constitutional and legal protection was part of the strategy of the Nehruvian state to gain control over the customary institutions and thee by subvert the tribal way of life. In this context, though the authors quite often bring in the analogy of the fate of the first nations in America who were virtually wipes out by the white occupiers, yet it must be said that the experiment carried out by the Indian state in ensuring a large degree of autonomous space to the tribal nationalities is quite a unique one and has met with considerable success in protecting tribal identity in North East India. It also needs to be kept in mind that customary or traditional institutions suffer from several drawbacks and quite often their principles and manner of functioning could democracy. There is a growing demand these days from among the enlightened section of the tribal communities that these institutions and, for instance, the gender bias be done dichotomy between Nehru's vision and that the state is attempted to be resolved by Verrier Elwin who 'develops a discourse of the ethnocentric nation-from-below that emanates through the mores of tribal life' and who believes in the role of the tribal 'democratic' institutions in furthering the democratic process. One world, however, have liked the

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debate to be further extended to cover questions relating to the role of such institutions in relation to representative democratic institutions and whether a real concordance between the two could really be achieved. One would have also liked to know from the authors as to why the Nehruvian vision was neutralized despite the fact that Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the those very Indian leaders who had a distinct vision of the tribal life worlds. It is indeed an irony of history that this man who empathized so much with the tribal worldview was finally responsible for some of the severe repression let loose in the then Naga Hills in the early fifties. Biswas and Suklabaidya refer to Elwin's 're-interpretation' of Nehru and says” 'Nehru's un negotiated different between the nationaliststatist discourses as well as the situation of such discourses in the lifeworld of the tribal communities.' There is a certainly much room for thought in this. My problem with the otherwise satisfying book is the absence of any sustained argument. At times one is burdened by the impression that the authors are trying to say too many things at the same time, with the connecting thread getting lost. Moreover, the numerous subheadings in the different chapters trend to impede the overall flow of the book. The book however tries to open up a new perspective in North East studies and raised certain fundamental questions about the nature and course of the identity movements in that region. Sujit Chaudhary's work, The Bodos, as the sub-title suggests, deals with the emergence and assertion of identity of the Bodo community. Chaudhury discusses the different stages in the emergence of a distinct Bodo identity

B O O K S Reviews

separate from that of the broader Assamese identity and how since the formation of the Plains Tribal Council of Assam (PTCA) in 1967 the Bodos started resisting the twin processes of Hinduization and Assamization. The author tries to go into the possible reasons as to why the Bodos, who have been living side by side with the mainstream Assamese for centuries, did not or could not get assimilated with the latter, something which happened almost naturally in the case of several other communities. Discussing the process of 'detribalisation', Chaudhaury says that the tribes were by and large segregated from the caste-based Hindu society and were excluded from plough-based agriculture both during pre-Ahom and Ahom periods. This is, however, a debatable point, Chaudhury refers to the complex process of Assameses nationality vis-Ă vis the Bodo community and other tribes: his arguments would have been strengthened had he discussed the disruption of the process caused by colonial intervention. However, the origin and growth of the Brahman movement among the Bodos, the revival of their own indigenous forms of worship and the syncretization of tribal and Hindu beliefs, are all dealt with in detail. Discussing the struggle for identity of the Bodos, the authors refers to the hegemonic role of the Assamese middle class and its indifference towards the alienation of the Bodo leadership by the Congress in the years immediately following independence, the merger of the Tribal League in the Congress, the official language issue of 1960 and the emerging rift between mainstream Assamese society and the Bodos, the birth of the Plains Tribal Council of

Assam-all figures prominently in the book. That the centre was a major player in the break-up of undivided Assam becomes clear when Sujit Chaudhury refers to the role of Indira Gandhi whose statement on the federal restructuring of Assam gave an added fillip to the Bodo demand for autonomy. He refers to the role of Indira Gandhi whose statement on the federal restructuring of Assam gave an added fillip to the Bodo demand for autonomy. He refers to the fact that immediately after Mrs Gandhi's statement of 13 January 1967, there was 'a political renaissance among the Bodos' and the Plains Tribal Council as well as the Al Bodo Students' Union was formed. The author then moves on to trace the growth of militant policies among the Bodos, the gradual marginalization of the Plains Tribal Council of Assam and the emergence of the Al Bodo Students Union as a major force. Unfortunately, the book ends in the 1980s when the Bodo movement for identity was yet to take new shape with the entry into the field of different armed organizations like the BLT and the NDFB. As a result, a very important phase in the history of Bodo Politics remains untouched in the book. Chaudhury being a serious scholar of ethnic politics, the reader would certainly have gained much if the book had been updated to include the course of events which ultimately led to the formation of the Bodoland Autonomous Council as well as the present participation in the democratic process of a section of the former rebels even as the fratricidal clashes seem to take a new turn Udayon Misra is in the Deptt. of Political Science, Dibrugarh University, Assam

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Theatres of India Ananda Lal Oxford University Press Theatres of India is an accessible and authoritative guide to Indian theatre across its history of over 2000 years. Bringing together the work of distinguished theatre professionals and scholars, this volume taps into various sources of documentation and knowledge to shed light on both urban and rural modes of performance across India, historically and geographically. Divided into two parts, this book discusses theatres of India's linguistic and cultural regions on the one hand, and deals with specific forms, genres, and traditions as varied as street theatre, Chhau, Nautanki, women's theatre, Kathakali, and Tagore's dramatic oeuvre, on the other. Edited by Ananda Lal, one of India's leading theatre scholars, as a spin-off of the much acclaimed The Oxford Companion to Indian Theatre, this volume includes more than 80 photographs and line drawings that effectively showcase the 'visual-ness' of India's theatrical forms. Essential reading for theatre professionals and students, and researchers and teachers of performance studies, Theatres of India will also interest general readers who enjoy theatre.

B O O K S

New Arrivals Between Democracy and Nation

Working Women

Gender and Militarisation in Kashmir

Stories of Strife, Struggle and Survival KOGI NAIDOO FAY PATEL Sage Publication

Seema Kazi Women Unlimited, New Delhi

Working Women highlights the challenges and barriers that women face across cultures and brings a message of hope to those who continue their struggle in the silent spaces at work—both inside and outside their homes. The editors share accounts of women's struggles—disability, divorce, abuse, family dysfunction and violence, racism, religious commitments, barriers of caste and class to name a few. How women overcome these barriers are experiences and stories only women (and a few men) know, appreciate and understand. The editors raise issues of defining women's work, work spaces and of the need to balance work with other roles as mothers, daughters and wives. The hope and positive energy derived from these stories brings to bear on our own realities—that there are many women less fortunate than we are. The book concludes by pulling together the threads that spin webs around the freedom of women around the globe and keeps them entwined in endless knots, only because the richness and the significance of their cultural knowledge, identities and perspectives remain unrecognized at the workplace.

This book focuses on the militarisation of a secessionist movement involving Kashmiri militants and Indian military forces in Jammu and Kashmir. In contrast to conventional approaches that distinguish between inter-and intra-state military conflict, this analysis of India's external and domestic crises of militarisation is located within a single analytic frame: it argues that both dimensions have common political origins. Highlighting the intersection between the two the author maintains that the heaviest and most grievous price of using the military for domestic repression and for the defence of Kashmir is paid by Kashmir's citizens and society. Drawing on women's subjective experience of militarisation, she examines the relationship between state military processes at the 'national' level and social transformations at the local/societal level. By way of conclusion, she maintains that Kashmir's humanitarian tragedy-exemplified by its gender dimensions-underlines why militarisation has failed either to ensure 'security' for the state, or security and justice for Kashmiris. A decentralised, democratic state with a plural concept of nation and identity, she believes, is the best safeguard against using the military for domestic repression within, and extraordinary military and nuclear consolidation of the Indian state, without.

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M O V I E S

Reviews

Khan Vs. Khan and Formula Vs. Non-Formula

Deep Contractor

December 2008 saw the release of two eagerly anticipated films, with two mega stars, one the King and other the Master, and the results are not quite what we expected. After Mohabattein in 2000, the Aditya Chopra – ShahRukh Khan “jodi” was returning to the silver screen after eight long years with Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi (RNBDJ) and the fans had huge expectations, and rightfully so. On the other hand Aamir Khan, who is the turtle of the bollywood rat race, slow and steady, with one mega blockbuster a year, was ready with his Ghajini. Where one was a sure shot formula film the other was an experiment with a unique mix of various genres.

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M O V I E S Reviews

Adi Ne Kyun Banayi Jodi? That is precisely what you want to ask Aditya Chopra. What exactly was the point of making Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi? The first time Adi – SRK came together they arrived with a bang with DDLJ (for the uninitiated Dilwale Dulhaniya Le Jayenge) and to know what a success that has been, a visit to the Maratha Mandir in Mumbai will suffice, where the movie has been running for thirteen years without a break. DDLJ came as a breath of fresh air and put the lover back into the hero and gave birth to a formula which became trademark Yash Raj Films. One might argue that RNBDJ is very different from its predecessors in Yash Raj ventures. For starters the cast is limited to three - King Khan, debutant Anushka Sharma and the versatile and hugely talented Vinay Pathak, instead of the whole 'baraat'. Second, the film has been shot in very middle class settings – average middle class home instead of a Swiss chalet, the hero and heroine clad in simple (and sometimes ill fitting) non glamorous clothes instead of designer suits and pastel chiffons. But Aditya Chopra's attempt at 'hatke' ends right here. The story follows the same old trick in the book where dying father asks hero to look after his daughter who is invariably the heroine. The plot is totally predictable. From the moment we see the dour faced Taani and the ever willing to please Suri enter their home in Amritsar, which is right in the beginning of the film, we can more than anticipate how their romance will unfold. The simplicity of the story could have become its saving grace but instead it

went a leap too far in taking the audience for granted expecting them to believe that Taani is unable to recognize Surinder in his made over form as Raj. Moreover, people may have expected a story involving double roles and dance competitions from the promos of the film which it absolutely is not (and may not necessarily be a bad thing!). Shahrukh Khan shines as Surinder and irritates as Raj and is flawless with his Punjabi 'leheja' and his muted bashfulness. But, his monologues and self referral overshadow the effort he has put in simultaneously performing two strikingly different characters. Debutant Anushka Sharma is a delight. For her first film, she has done well on most fronts especially dialogue delivery and graceful dancing. And it was refreshing to see a tall curvy female lead instead of the usual size zero stick figures we are used to seeing. Vinay Pathak is most entertaining as Bobby the best friend and make over artist. As always, he executes the role of a small time hair dresser with his usual panache. The music of the movie is nothing to die for. Picturisation carries most of the songs across. Haule Haule with SRK dancing in his average Joe clothes is warm at the most. Dance pe Chance has a very clichéd melody which will be heard in dance clubs for a while and fade away. Phir Milenge Chalte Chalte is a artistically difficult song performed well by Sonu nigam and sounds every bit as the tribute to the yesteryears as it is meant to be. The picturisation of the song is one

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of the few highlights of the film with the five lovely ladies namely Kajol, Bipasha Basu, Preity Zinta, Lara Dutta and Rani Mukherjee setting the screen on fire. Tujhme Rab Dikhta Hai has a Veer Zara type appeal but fails to lift. And the dance melody at the end is forgettable. The movie has a few saving moments, mostly in the first half. The signature yellow Tiffin box, the separate bedrooms, the pani puri contest, Taani's Dhoom – 3 sequence and Bobby's 'macho' advice to Suri are all lifters which are well penned and even better executed. However, the monologues, the sumo wrestling fights, the mediocre choreography and an overall loose storyline going down the same beaten track are the major spoilers and will keep RNBDJ from ever becoming a blockbuster the audience expected it to be.

Ghajini – We can remember:

M O V I E S Reviews

What do you get when u make a remake of a remake? What happens when you flood every mall with life size plastic models of Aamir Khan with the tattoos and the buzz cut? What happens when you club action, romance, thriller and other conceivable genre into a single film? You get Ghajini -the remake of the 2005 Tamil film with the same title featuring Suryakanth and Asin and which turned out to be a monster hit and shot the hit lead pair to stardom. The Tamil Ghajini was 'inspired' from Christopher Nolan's Memento, the same Mr. Nolan who gave us the unforgettable The Dark Knight. Ghajini (2008) was remade with the same story as the Tamil 2005 version and most of the original crew including the female lead Asin, the director A.R.Ramadoss and music director A.R.Rehman. In the film, Aamir Khan plays Sanjay Singhania, a super wealthy and successful business tycoon who, after suffering a head injury (while witnessing the murder of his beloved Kalpana (Asin)) becomes a patient of anterograde amnesia, commonly known as short term memory loss. With all odds against him he decides to avenge his beloved's death and to overcome his handicap he takes Polaroid pictures of important people and places and tattoos information on his body. He is first hindered and then helped by a med student, Dr. Chitra (Jiah Khan) who takes interest in him as patient from the beginning of the film, while he is trying to hunt down Mr. Ghajni who killed Kalpana. The story travels back and forth between the past and the present but does not lose the audience's attention. The makers of the film have tried not to overstate Sanjay's psychological

illness which often happens when films with a theme of medical abnormalities are attempted. Ghajini was released along with SRK starrer Rab Ne.. of Yash Raj Films and Jumbo featuring Akshay Kumar. Despite the competition, Ghajini has succeeded in becoming the top grosser of 2008 with over 200 crore made in a span of two weeks of its release. Talking about the performances, Aamir Khan is a very believable business tycoon pretending to be a struggling model to win Asin's heart who is a model herself. But his transformation to a violent, revenge seeking maniac is not strongly convincing. Hats off to Mr. Khan for his 'eight' pack body which he has flaunted throughout the film and once more pulling off a never-beforeseen look and making it a rage among young and old alike. But, it looks like the audience has become acquainted to the cerebral side of Aamir Khan and does not seem to warm up to actionhero Aamir preferring brawn over brain. Critics jest that Aamir should not have done Rang De Basanti or Taare Zameen Par if he expected us to accept him fighting the bad guys Sarfarosh style. Asin's debut into mainstream Hindi cinema seems to be successful. She is refreshingly loud and vivacious, just what the character demands. The villain (Pradeep Rawat) is a monotonous disappointment which makes one wonder “Yehi Mila Tha?” A.R.Rehman seldom disappoints. Ghajini's music, like other Rehman features, takes time to grow on you. Guzarish is extremely melodious with heart warming lyrics by Prasoon Joshi, Kaise Mujhe is artistically done, Aye Bacchu and Lattoo have all the zest and energy required of a dance number. The former was done justice

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with a lot of energy and right attitude by Suzanne and the latter came as a pleasant surprise from Shreya Ghosal. Beheka sounds a bit too much like Main Aisa Kyun Hun from Lakshya, but Mr. Rehman is allowed his flaws for not disappointing us in more than a decade. Overall, don't go expecting a Memento which received critical acclaim and won accolades from noir fans. Expect a nice break from the brain dead comedies and the saccharine romances and a dose of some good old racy action and thrills with bits of smiles and romantic moments strewn to make it a right cocktail for an entertainer.

The Final Verdict RNBDJ may appeal to the hopeless romantics but they too will not be able to sit through the 2 hour 40 minutes running time. Ghajini may seem like an old school masala with a mix of action and romance but it is still a non – formula experiment because of its unique plot (even if inspired) and a captivating presentation of the film. Both Khans cashed in on endorsrments through the films. While Aamir flaunted his buzz cut with the scar for satellite TV and cell phones for promoting the film, Shah Rukh Khan promoted soft drinks and cars through the film. RNBDJ opened well but after the loyal fans and curious viewers had been disappointed, the following weeks showed lukewarm responses. Ghajini has made it big on the box office and with the audiences but it is uncertain if the audience will easily digest Aamir Khan in a violent avatar again. RNDBJ is a one time watch for Sharukh Khan fans, rest can avoid it. Ghajini is a treat for all audiences alike. Looks like the slow and steady won the race…again!

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PEST CONTROL ADMINISTRATION DIVISION

Dr Naveen B.S.

ECO-FRIENDLY PEST CONTROL ADMN. Integrated Pest Management Professionals Our Services INTEGRATED PEST CONTROL SERVICES TO THE ARCHIVES, LIBRARIES & REVENUE RECORDS ETC. (Structural Pest Control Services) Pre & Post Anti-Termite Chemical Treatment / Anti-Rodent / Anti-Silverfish / De-Cockroach / Other Paper Born Pests Control Measures & Fumigation of Libraries etc. (Agro Integrated Pest Management Services) Plant Protection of Orchards, Cereals, Grains, Vegetables & Plantation etc. Fumigation (Containers, Cereals / Grains / Wood etc.) House Keeping Services Placement, Land-scape & Gardening etc. Organizers Seminars, Symposiums, Conferences, Agro-Tech Exhibitions / Fairs, Development & Training. Distributors Agro Chemicals, Pesticides, Seeds, Equipment, Herbal Plants & Materials, Bio-Pesticides, Literature etc. Super Consultants A. Cultivation, Processing & Marketing of Medicinal & Aromatic Plants. B. (Integrated Weed Management of Agro-Crops, Irrigation Canals, Parks & Lawns (Urban), Railway Tracks, Highways, Old Buildings & Fallow Land etc. C. Organic Farming, Certification of Seeds, Mushroom Cultivation etc.

Helpline: 0191-2450699, 2433679, Mb. : 94191-96130, 9906045899

C.E.O. 4-H CLUB (INDIA) PEST MANAGEMENT PROFESSIONALS 807-A, P.B. No. 13. HPO. Gandhi Nagar, Jammu - 180004 (J&K)

Pest Management Professionals

OMAR ABDULLAH Chief Minister, J&K

TARA CHAND Dy. Chief Minister, J&K

Celebrating six decades Of Sovereign Pride J&K GREETS THE NATION ON ITS

60 REPUBLIC DAY Let us together write a new story of peace, progress a nd prosperity Department of Information & Public Relations, J&K Government