EPILOGUE MAY 2008

Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENTS

www.epilogue.in Letters to the editor Prologue

2 3

Peace Process Composite Dialogue

5

Security Number Game

7

Politics PDP-Congress

9

Society Relations

11

Report US Elections

33

Nation Fundamentalism North East

34 35

Neighbours Pakistan Tibet Bhutan

37 39 41

Columns Tareekh

43

Reviews Books Movies

45 47

Printed at Dee Dee Reprographix, Jammu

Report Sports

49

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.

Epilogue From the Consulting Editor

50

Editor in Chief Zafar Choudhary Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Associate Editor Irm Amin Baig Photo Division JP Bandral

Searching Identities

Designs & Layout Keshav Sharma

Volume 2, Issue 5, May 2008

Mailing Address PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, Jammu Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration:+91 94196 31610 +91 94190 00123 editor@epilogue.in editor.epilogue@gmail.com subscription@epilogue.in Edited, Printed and Published by Zafar Choudhary for CMRD Publications and Communications Published from ‘Ibadat’, Madrasa Lane, Bhatindi Top, Jammu, J&K

Price : Rs 40

IN FOCUS Searching Identities

15 21

Identity Formation : The J&K Story

Gujjar Identity In Multicultural Mosaic Of J&K

23

60 Years Of Unattended Gripes

25

Gurjardesh Charitable Trust

31

Dards Of Ladakh : A Neglected Fok

For more News, Views & Analysis Log on to www.epilogue.in Epilogue Ø 1× May 2008

M A I L

B O X

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Letters Mail your letters to editor@epilogue.in

M.S Swamitnathan has definitely put in

The Vice President of India, made a

right perspective (Towards A Food Secure

statement during his visits to

J&K, Ladakh : Epilogue April 208) the

SKUAST-Kashmir that second Green

agriculture and horticulture potential of

Revolution will start from J&K.

J&K State. But the concern still remain

Although it seems a distant dream,

that with two apparently vibrant

given the pace of developments in

agricultural universities in the state,

the field of agriculture, but the

with tall claims of great strides made in

analysis done by M.S.Swaminanthan

research, the effective transfer of

and commitment expressed by the

technology to the field is still lacking.

Vice-Chancellor of Agricultural

The extension education needs to be

Universities (Epilogue : April 2006)

strengthened at Panchayat level apart

raises a ray of hope if efforts are

from mobilizing Krishi Vigyan Kendra’s

made in field to achieve this targets

and Research & Development activities.

in a multi-layered approach including the centrally sponsored scheme as well.

VIKAS KHAJURIA Progressive Farmer, Kalakote, Rajouri, J&K

MOHIT SHARMA Agriculture Student Solan, HP

IMTIYAZ AHMED Brain, Nishat, Srinagar

Epilogue (April 2008) has given a unique analysis of Agriculture in field. It would have been more comprehensive with a detailed presentation of livestock scenario, potential and challenges.

J&K has a great potential of livestock development but still majority of the demands from livestock sector are met from the imports from other states.

With elections round the corner, 2008 seems to be a year of biographies (Book Review : Epilogue April 2008) like last year. Alongwith blaming former friends it would have been great if our leaders admit their mistakes two. This will also serve the purpose to raise their structure!!

Livestock still remain a neglected lot in Agriculture.

Epilogue Ø 2× May 2008

ARUL SINGH Jammu University, Jammu

P R O L O G U E FROM THE EDITOR

Identities Beyond Obvious

Zafar Choudhary Identities are essential to any State and are uncompromising ingredients of its formation. It is often the issue of identities –national, regional, cultural –which underlie major tensions in the States. The encouragement of a singular identity at the cost of others can eventually prove as a disintegrating factor for the States. This can be seen happening in Jammu and Kashmir. This troubled State, never at rest with itself and the Center, is a mosaic of multicultural identities. Unfortunately, beyond the boundaries of Jammu and Kashmir, in India and rest of world, the identity or identities of this state are misunderstood and misconstrued. The best description of Jammu and Kashmir in rest of the world is Kashmiri identity and Kashmiri nationalism. This is something which India has always sought eclipse under the national sovereignty.

Therefore, in a tussle of Kashmiri identity and Indian national sovereignty, at least for last 60 years, the multiethnic character of Jammu and Kashmir has been loosing its place in the dominant political discourse. And this precisely is a larger trouble in making if this is invisible to the policy makers at present. As we understand that identity is sacrosanct to any individual, it becomes a more sensitive issue when extended to a group of individuals. As the State conveniently ignores all but one identity, there is an internal competition leading to the clash of interests. Some of the well defined identities in Jammu and Kashmir are Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits, Gujjars, Paharis, Dogras and Ladakhi Buddhists. There are hardly two identities which have their aspirations

and problems common. With a view to bring the identities and their issues under a larger debate for policy formulations, I am happy; our editorial board has decided to discuss them one by one. In the remaining seven months of this year and till middle of next year we have planned to bring out at least four issues on identities. Our present issue discusses the identities and problems of Gujjars and Dards. It was a careful decision to pick up the marginal communities first as a lot has already been written on the dominant identities. The choice of discussing Gujjar identity in the present issue also makes sense as it coincides with the annual migration of this nomadic tribe from plains to the upper reaches.

We are thankful to Mohammad Tajuddin and Baljit S Mann of the Department of Political Science at the University of Jammu for allowing us to use excerpts from their well researched and recently published book “Politics of Identities in Jammu and Kashmir”. An article by veteran journalist Balraj Puri, based on his personal experiences gives an insight into the long drawn urge of Gujjars towards identity formation. Similarly, a young Ladakhi researcher Tundup Palgias brings to the fore identity and issues of a little known tribe –Dards. Present issue is an attempt towards generating an understanding of identities and not a complete study into the subject. Our subsequent special issues on other identities will also attempt to bring more facets of the tribes being discussed in this issue.

Feedback : zafar.choudhary@epilogue.in

Epilogue Ø 3× May 2008

Epilogue because there is more to know

EPILOGUE aims at providing a platform where a meaningful exchange of ideas, opinion and thoughts can take place among the people and about the people of Jammu & Kashmir. The attempt is to research, investigate, communicate and disseminate information, ideas and alternatives for the resolution of common problems facing the state and society of Jammu & Kashmir and in the context of their significance to South Asia as a whole.

We welcome contributions from academics, journalists, researches, economists and strategic thinkers. We would also like to encourage first-time writers with the only requirements being a concern for and the desire to understand the prevailing issues and themes of life in Jammu & Kashmir Contributions may be investigate, descriptive, analytical or theorectical.

They may be in the form of original articles or in the form of a comment on current events. All contributions have to be neatly types in double space and may be sent to the address given alongside or e-mailed to the editor.

While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of the material published, individual authors are responsible for the facts, figures and viess ithe tier articles.

H E A R

A N D

H E A R

WHO SAID WHAT

Mujhe Garv Hai J&K Ki Mahilaayun Par….

They have all along fought very courageously during long turbulent period against violence, militancy.

Sonia Gandhi at her Public Rally in Jammu

Kashmir issue and holding elections not interlinked.

Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, APHC (M)

Convert J&K Legislative Council into a Regional Council with members from both the sides of Kashmir.

Mehbooba Mufti, PDP

I will suggest Yasin Malik Sahib to launch election boycott campaign throughout the state on the line of his Safar-e-Azadi

We lost opportunity when Pakistan was in full control of one man – General Parvez Musharaf. He did not need to explain anything to anybody.

Today we are, if not starting from zero, we are almost rewriting it.

Omar Abdullah, on resolution of Kashmir Issue

When things were turbulent there, we were a little warried… and therefore very vigilant on the borders.

Army Chief Gen Deepak Kapoor on security situation in Pakistan viz-a-viz infiltration in J&K

S. Ali Shah Geelani, APHC(G)

My Visit to this place is not to assess Human Rights violations but to observe and recommend on religious belief, communal harmony, conversion laws and minorities in this part of the world.

Asma Jehangir, Chairperson Pakistan Human Rights Commission

Centre, Pakistan responsible for turmoil in Jammu and Kashmir. Centre's discriminatory policies contributed to destabilize the communal harmony in the state.

Farooq Abdullah, NC

Epilogue Ø 4× May 2008

P E A C E

P R O C E S S

COMPOSITE DIALOGUE

Four Rounds Of Composite Dialogue And One Problem Sameer Suryakant Patil India-Pakistan will hold an important foreign ministerial meeting in Islamabad shortly. The meeting scheduled for May 21 will review the progress made by both the countries in the fourth round of the composite dialogue and set the agenda for the fifth round. Before the ministerial meeting, Pakistani foreign secretary Riaz Muhammad Khan will hold a review meeting on May 20 with his Indian counterpart Shiv Shankar Menon. The two sides had concluded talks under the fourth round in October last year itself.

However for a long time the domestic situation in Pakistan had stalled completion of this round. More importantly, this will be the first-to-face interaction between the two governments after the new democratically-elected government came to power in Islamabad. The meeting between Pakistani foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi and his Indian counterpart Pranab Mukherjee is expected to be a major landmark in the bilateral peace process.

The India-Pakistan composite dialogue began in 2004 and constitutes one of the significant attempts by the both sides to institutionalise the dialogue process after breakdown in the dialogue numerous times in the 1990s. Eight subjects are covered under the dialogue which were identified in the 1998 format for composite dialogue - including Kashmir, Siachen, Sir Creek, security, the Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project, trade and Confidence Building Measures (CBMs). The fourth round of this dialogue was launched in March 2007 in

Islamabad. At that time, New Delhi was pressing Islamabad to take effective steps to curb cross-border terrorism and Islamabad was pressing New Delhi for the demilitarisation in Jammu and Kashmir.

As expected, the fourth round so far has not made any substantial progress on the issue of Kashmir despite a number of CBMs that have been implemented.

Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has expressed his commitment to implement more CBMs in the Kashmir valley including faster travel permits, new bus routes and trade relations across the Line of Control. Recently, Pakistan People's Party leader Asif Ali Zardari had spoken of putting the issue of Kashmir on backburner so that other aspects of the relationship can be focused upon. The idea was considered path breaking in as much as that it constituted break from the official Pakistani position for years maintaining that without the forward movement on the issue of Kashmir, no amount of CBMs will help to improve the relations between two countries.

Resolution of the core issue of Kashmir will be in Islamabad's view the biggest CBM for the peace process. Coming as it was from one of the mainstream political parties, however the idea was quickly shot down by majority of the ruling elite.

However, people on both the sides of Kashmir are keen to see more CBMs being implemented. The People's Democratic Party chief Mehbooba Mufti has already spoken of putting in place a “tangible mechanism” for implementation of various recommendations given by the working groups set up by the Prime

Epilogue Ø 5× May 2008

Minister and the idea is going to pick up pace in recent days.

On terrorism front, both the sides launched a Joint Anti-Terrorism Mechanism (JATM) in 2006. The first meeting of the JATM was held around the same time that the fourth round was launched in 2007. During that meeting, India had handed over the substantial evidence regarding the involvement of various Pakistan-based terrorist fronts in terrorist attacks in the country. The second meeting was held later in the year in October. Much has happened domestically in Pakistan since then. The religious fundamentalists put up an open defiance of the federal authority in the heart of Islamabad in Red Mosque. The assassination of Benazir Bhutto further added to the anti-terrorism momentum in Islamabad. India is using the recent spate of terrorist attacks in Pakistan in harping the point that the terrorist infrastructure remains intact in Pakistan.

Recently, both the sides exchanged notes to strengthen cooperation against terrorism as a part of the 7th SAARC conference on cooperation in police matters. Both the countries have also discussed the idea of establishing a regional police agency on the lines of Interpol as a part of wider SAARC efforts.

This will also help in analysing and monitoring narcotics trafficking and drug offences.

In March 2006 Dr. Singh had offered a treaty on “peace, friendship and security” to Pakistan in March 2006,

P E A C E

P R O C E S S

COMPOSITE DIALOGUE

where resolution of issues like Siachen and Sir Creek was emphasised upon. Of these two, on Siachen, both the sides are stuck on their respective positions for a long while Sir Creek issue appears closer to resolution. On Siachen, Pakistan has rejected India's condition of authentication of troop positions in Siachen which has stalled any forward movement on the issue. On Sir Creek, since commencing the composite dialogue in 2004, both the sides launched the joint survey of this disputed coastal strip of Gujarat coast in 2005. After the completion of the joint survey, officials on both sides have noted that there has been a convergence to a great degree among both the countries on the delineation of the boundary. In fact, a more pragmatic assessment tells that Sir Creek is the only issue in the composite dialogue that can be considered as 'doable'.

Driving the resolution of the issue is also the obligation of both the countries under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The UNCLOS states that if the maritime boundary disputes are not resolved by 2009 by all the signatory countries, they may be declared as international waters. On trade front too the state of affairs is not good. Recently, Indian commerce minister Kamal Nath warned Pakistan to reciprocate the concessions that India had extended to Pakistan under the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) failing which India would be forced to withdraw the concessions given. Similar is the case with the Wullar Barrage/ Tulbul navigation project. Both the sides had held a meeting in June 2006 in Islamabad to discuss the issue but nothing substantial occurred. More importantly for both the sides is the Baglihar dam project in which they have locked their horns.

On the security CBM front, no major CBM has been signed by both the countries since signing an accord in 2005 on the pre-notification of the missile tests and announcing a moratorium on nuclear testing. In October 2007, both the sides held fifth round of the expert level-talks on nuclear and missile relate CBMs. They

In October 2007, both the sides held fifth round of the expert level-talks on nuclear and missile relate CBMs. They have also agreed to continue forward with the four year-old ceasefire agreement. A major CBM on nuclear front will indeed create a more conducive atmosphere for the bilateral relationship and will also help both the countries to prove to the international community that ten years after the nuclearisation of South Asia, the region has not necessarily turned into a nuclear flashpoint as expected by many western analysts. have also agreed to continue forward with the four year-old ceasefire agreement. A major CBM on nuclear front will indeed create a more conducive atmosphere for the bilateral relationship and will also help both the countries to prove to the international community that ten years after the nuclearisation of South Asia, the region

Epilogue Ă˜ 6Ă— May 2008

has not necessarily turned into a nuclear flashpoint as expected by many western analysts.

Much has been achieved by both the sides in the fourth round of composite dialogue. The fifth round will be held in New Delhi and their schedule will be decided following consultations.

However, much more can be done by way of CBMs. Release of prisoners particularly the Prisoners of War (POWs) and fishermen by both the sides can create an enormous goodwill among the people of both the countries. Also early repatriation of the inadvertent border crossers can be considered. A joint judicial committee on prisoners has already been set up by both the countries to recommend steps for humane treatment and expeditious release of prisoners of the respective countries in each other's jails. Similarly the bilateral visa regime can be made further flexible.

Current processes to obtain visa for the nationals of both the countries are cumbersome and complex. In fact the current visa regime is one of the major reasons why people-to-people contact between both the countries has not reached the level that it has the potential.

Hence liberalisation of that regime is expected to be a major landmark in the bilateral ties. Establishment of more intense rail, air and bus links will also bring people on both sides closer. The new Pakistani government's view that a delayed resolution of Kashmir will not be allowed to hold hostage the rest of the peace process offers glimpses of hope that after sixty years of often acrimonious and violent past, the two neighbours may be prepared to walk that extra mile to accommodate each others concerns and lead an active coexistence.

S E C U R I T Y NUMBER GAME

Cross Border Terrorism : What Do The Numbers Reveal ?

Dr Kanchan Lakshman Viewed purely in terms of fatalities, the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) has now crossed the threshold from a highintensity to a low-intensity level. For the first time since 1990 (when they were 1,177) fatalities in this terrorismwracked State in 2007 – at 777 – fell below the 'high intensity conflict' mark of a thousand deaths. At their peak in 2001, fatalities had risen to 4,507. Evidently, 2007 is a watershed year for J&K, bringing tremendous respite to its people.

Figures for 2007 reconfirm the continuously declining trend of terrorist violence in the State since the peak of 2001. According to data compiled by the Institute for Conflict Management, the fatality index in 2007 decreased by 30.38 percent in comparison to 2006. While there was a substantial decrease in

civilian fatalities (164 in 2007 as against 349 in 2006) and those of the militants (492 in 2007 as against 599 in 2006), there was only a marginal decrease in Security Force (SF) personnel killed (121 in 2007 as against 168 in 2006).

According to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs, in 2007 (till November), the number of militancy-related incidents was down by 33 per cent and that of civilians killed by 59 per cent and SF personnel by 28 per cent over the corresponding period of the previous y e a r. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e J & K Government/J&K Police, there were 1,054 incidents (till November 30) as against 1,667 in 2006. Over 4,000 illegal weapons, including AK-47 rifles, pistols/revolvers, UMGs/LMGs, rocket launchers/boosters and huge quantities of ammunition and explosives/IEDs were

Comparative Fatalities in J&K, 2001-2008

* Data till April 23, 2008 Source: South Asia Terrorism Portal database

Epilogue Ø 7× May 2008

recovered in the State through 2007.

Diminished violence, however, does not indicate a necessary decline in the capacity for terrorism, and there are clear indications that the infrastructure that supports and sustains the Kashmir jihad remains intact in Pakistan. More than 400 militants are reportedly stationed in launching pads in PoK, ready to infiltrate through the Line of Control (LoC) to step up violence in the State, defence sources said on April 13, 2008. Official sources disclose that at least 52 terrorist training camps are still operating, including 30 in Pakistan and Gilgit-Baltistan, and the rest in PoK. At least one-third of these camps are known to be "fully active" at any given point of time. In an attempt to counter infiltration along the India-Pakistan border in the summer, the Army has moved units from the counterinsurgency grid to areas along the LoC. "We have deployed additional troops along the border- line with Pakistan in order to stop cross-border infiltration into Jammu and Kashmir," General Officer Commander (16 Corps), Lt Gen R K Karwal, told reporters in Jammu on April 9, 2008. As the snow melts away during summer, the attempts of infiltration go up along the LoC, he said, adding in order to achieve zeroinfiltration results, additional army units have been deployed along the border for the purpose. "Summers are always hot for infiltration and as of now the infiltration is near to zero level," he informed. Furthermore, security agencies believe that current militant activity is also considerably linked to the mainstream political scenario, with

S E C U R I T Y NUMBER GAME

the forthcoming Legislative Assembly elections.

The decrease in levels of violence in J&K is not due to any change in Pakistani intent, but is rather the consequence of "changes in capacities and compulsions in Pakistan." The multiplicity of crises in Pakistan has diluted Islamabad's capacities to sustain past levels of terrorism in J&K – "particularly since a large proportion of troops had to be pulled back from the Line of Control (LoC) and the international border for deployment in increasingly violent theatres in Balochistan, NWFP [North West Frontier Province] and the FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas]…

Pakistan's creeping implosion has undermined the establishment's capabilities to sustain the 'proxy war' against India at earlier levels." On a more general level, the secular decline in violence witnessed since September 2001 can be attributed to Pakistan's compulsions arising out of its domestic difficulties, the ongoing peace process, the American and international pressure on Islamabad and the successes of the counter-insurgency grid in J&K. Official sources indicate that the ratio of SFs to terrorists killed has seen an upward trend from 1:3.6 in 2006 to 1:4.3 in 2007. This is a clear indication that the counter-insurgency grid is working well in J&K, and that any review of troop deployment at this juncture – a populist issue in the State – would fritter away the gains made by the SFs. The unstable domestic scenario in Pakistan has had an impact on the Kashmir jihad, though it has not led to any change in the intent or the infrastructure that orchestrates violence. There is, nonetheless, a definite pause. The momentary waning in intensity has led to some confusion within the jihadi rank and file. For

instance, radio messages and phone calls across the LoC indicated that militants, preparing for a winter stay in the Kashmir Valley, were a worried lot with the declaration of the Emergency in Pakistan. Communication intercepts by Indian intelligence agencies brought out the "uncertainty and confusion" among militants who rely heavily on logistical support from their handlers in Pakistan.

Their immediate anxiety, during that

Diminished violence, however, does not indicate a necessary decline in the capacity for terrorism, and there are clear indications that the infrastructure that supports and sustains the Kashmir jihad remains intact in Pakistan. More than 400 militants are reportedly stationed in launching pads in PoK particular period, was whether the supply lines would continue. Intelligence officials disclosed, "The militants are currently in a state of confusion about the developments across the border.

Even their handlers are not clear how things will shape in the future."

Within J&K, Islamabad is also attempting to raise a united political voice in its favour. To this end, it is attempting to engineer unity among various proPakistan groups, including the two factions of the main secessionist formation, the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC). The objective appears to be to gradually transform the predominantly militant movement into a more wide-based movement of political extremism, backed by calibrated

Epilogue Ø 8× May 2008

militant operations, to secure a stronger position at the negotiating table and achieve what has not been possible on the ground through terrorism alone.

Even as the troops continue to engage the terrorists, Indian Army sources claim that, with the increasing turmoil in Pakistan, 'sleeper' terrorist cells in J&K have been progressively activated and there is a possibility of a gradual upsurge in violence over the coming months.

Intelligence sources suggest that militant groups could raise the stakes in an election year in J&K. The proximity of elections has also brought enormous political pressure to bear on the populist issue of a troop cut in the State, but the Army insists that the situation is far from conducive to such a measure. Indeed, the ratio of troops in J&K is far below the troops-civilian ratio in violence-afflicted Waziristan in Pakistan or even in Chinese occupied Tibet. The J&K Governor, Lt. Gen. (Retd) S K Sinha, noted, on January 25, 2008, the eve of Republic Day, that "The ratio of deployment of troops, Army and paramilitary, to population in the region, excluding militancy-free Ladakh, is 1:40.

This is less than 1:37 in Waziristan and 1:28 in Tibet."

The gains of 2007 must not lead to complacency. Pakistan's intentions remain unchanged; its terrorist reserves are intact; Islamist terrorist groups have established some autonomous capacities for operation, independent of Pakistani state agencies; and the South Asia and wider Asian region teeters on the brink of spiralling instability. Despite a significant and continuous decline in terrorist violence over the years, the centrestage, however, is yet to be vacated by the shadow of militancy in J&K. DR KANCHAN LAKSHMAN Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management

P O L I T I C S PDP - CONGRESS

Intelligent Coalition

PDP-Congress Wrestle Strengthening Their Muscles Zafar Choudhary This is election year in Jammu and Kashmir and parties are coining innovations to secure their footholds. As the coalition culture promises to stay here for a longer while, no party appears headed for a clear majority in the forthcoming elections.

Therefore, the choices of an arrangement for forming next government have to be between two of three major political parties –the Congress, the Peoples Democratic Party and the National Conference. For their history, genesis and competition for survival on the same turf, the possibility of having an alliance between the Peoples Democratic Party and the National Conference is like having the one between Bhartiya Janta Party and the Congress at Center. Hence, no possibility at all even though nothing can be ruled in or out in politics. With no scope of a power partnership, none of these parties –PDP and NC –are in a position to form the government at their own. The third major player, the Congress, therefore, could have been seen with a flexibility of choosing partners with wider scope of negotiations but its past limits its actions for the future.

Possible alliances

the natural allies.

Congress, though, has no problems in making alliances with either National Conference or the Peoples Democratic Party as far as its contested turfs and ideological linkages are concerned but having a power partnership with the former may revive Congress' old bad identity in Kashmir –the killer of democracy. In such a scenario both parties run the risk of getting trounced for their shady partnership of the past.

History is witness to the fact that was the infamous Congress-National Conference alliance of 1986-87 popularly known as Rajiv-Farooq accord which denied people the genuine democratic space in 1987 assembly elections and set into the motion a process of deeper dissent which later took shape of armed rebellion.

“The National Conference and Congress may even visit Ka'aba with remorse or wash their sins at Ganga but Kashmir Valley will continue to doubt their intentions if they join hands again”, says a political observer. In a scenario, when think tanks of the parties are convinced that none of them is in a position to form the next government at their own, the present ruling partners –the PDP and the Congress –are considering themselves as

“PDP and Congress as natural ally” may sound ludicrous to all those who have seen both parties competing against other in government and washing their dirty linen in the public over past three to four years. At least at half a dozen occasions these years the state government appeared falling anytime owing to the deepening differences between the Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party. Their internal troubles reached a point of no return in March last year when Ministers from the Peoples Democratic Party refused to attend meetings of the state cabinet demanding that the demilitarization issue should be listed first for discussion. This was not acceptable to the Congress. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh intervened to resolve the crisis by announcing an expert panel to examine the issue. PDP celebrated its victory in Kashmir saying that the demand of demilitarization –close to the heart of Kashmiris –has been acceded to. At the same time, the Congress convinced its constituency in Jammu –not interested in demilitarization politics –that it resisted the demanded and therefore it was not

Epilogue Ø 9× May 2008

P O L I T I C S PDP - CONGRESS

accepted out-rightly. It was a win-win situation for both. This is how the political intelligence in the Congress and the PDP is working to strengthen their respective constituencies.

Jammu v/s Kashmir The political discourse in Jammu province and Kashmir province of the state has always behaved differently.

Pick up an issue and treat it contrarily, it will help in both region. Same treatment to one issue in both regions may help in one and backfire in other. Over the years these political differences have only sharpened. To placate his Jammu constituency, Farooq Abdullah of National Conference would often call for bombing militant bases in Pakistan administered Kashmir and putting separatists behind jails. He had to pay a heavy price in the Valley as even his son and party president Omar Abdullah had to loose his seat at the family's pocketborough Ganderbal in 2002 assembly elections.

When differences are so sharp, it will be fool enough to believe that the Peoples Democratic Party and Congress contest the forthcoming assembly elections together. In Kashmir Valley, the Congress is seen as the unwelcome arm of New Delhi and Jammu, the PDP is perceived as yet another separatist party or more precisely as Pakistan Peoples Party's Kashmir unit. Therefore, if they are serious about forming the next government together, they will have to contest the next elections separately and strongly against each other. This precisely is what the intelligent allies are preparing to do.

The Congress president Sonia Gandhi was in Jammu on April 12 to address a Mahila

(women) convention of the party. The occasion marked the formal launch of the election campaign. She asked her audience, including those not present at the venue, to vote for the Congress based on its performance on two fronts –development and security. The word 'coalition' was conspicuously missing from Sonia's 14 minute long speech. This was the first time ever since November 2002 when PDP and Congress formed the ruling alliance that the Congress high command spoke of only 'Congress'. Even though the partners in J&K continued to fight with each other but the central leadership would always talk about the coalition and not the parties. Sonia's message obvious: her party has nothing to do with the PDP in next elections.

Sonia is back to Delhi but the Congress leaders here instead of selling development to the people are engaged in a single point campaign –against Peoples Democratic Party and the Muftis –father daughter duo.

Note this!

The Peoples Democratic Party is a step farther. Mufti Mohammad Sayeed stirred a hornet's nest earlier this month proposing the use of Pakistani currency in Kashmir and the Indian currency on other side. His proposal comes shortly after daughter and party president Mehbooba,

Epilogue Ø 10 × May 2008

during her visit to Pakistan, suggested a joint senate and thus a more or less joint control of India and Pakistan on Jammu and Kashmir. Such emotional slogans have always worked well in Kashmir and there is no surprise that the Mufti's catchphrase is picking up well in the Valley. On the contrary, except for few districts, in majority of Jammu region almost every day is marked with protests and demonstration against the PDP leaders and burning of effigies of its leaders for proposing dual currency. This perhaps what the PDP campaign strategists had wanted. Such protests in Jammu are paying the party well in Valley. And when Congress takes exception to these proposals, it appropriates its role in the 'nationalist' bastion of Jammu which has always been sought to be conquered by the BJP. No one knows that happens to the currency after November this year, when the assembly elections are over and new government is in place, but the wrestle between PDP and the Congress is giving

both parties much desired foothold in the target constituencies.

After elections, it would not be surprising when both parties declare themselves as natural allies, pool their seats and stake claim for governmental formation.

S O C I E T Y RELATIONS

Unhappy Ending!

Divorce Cases On Rise In Jammu Anmol Sharma One of the most astounding things that shock any young lawyer who joins the bar is the burgeoning number of the matrimonial disputes that are being fought in the local courts of Jammu and its surrounding periphery. The situation is so rotten that it takes a while to come to terms with it, in the sense that these cases fought bitterly are happening to the persons you know from your own neighborhood or otherwise and never knew what they are going through.

The condition has deteriorated to such an extent that a special court has been set up that deals only with cases involving spousal disputes. The Matrimonial Court in Jammu hears almost 50 to 60 cases every day and the total number of cases per year is anybody's guess. However, the story also does not end here and almost same numbers of cases of the spousal nature get transferred to other judges, as the load is too much for a single court to handle.

Any body that sees so many young girls and guys coming out the matrimonial court is stunned because it is hard to believe that this is happening in Jammu and that too to Dogras who have a pristine glory of a compelling superior traditional background. The indiscriminate disease of divorce has spread across the hierarchy of socioeconomic status. You will see a woman Professor of Jammu and a wife of fourthclass peon sitting next to each other and leveling the same accusations against their estranged husbands.

The anatomy of these cases without prejudice to anybody is the same and

even a fresh pass out from any law school can make out what the clichĂŠd cavil complaints will be. The divorce petitions or those for maintenance, restitution of conjugal rights, and the most dreaded section of IPC the 498A are some of the most common litigations haunting the adverse parties. The irony in these cases is the fact that these complaints are not only mechanically written but the even the sordid contents of the different parties resemble each other.

It takes only a while to stand in the court and listening to the allegations and counter allegations between the parties to realize how blood thirsty the people become in these litigations. Many of the times, the parties physically fight, swear abuses, and call names in the open court and that too before the Judge. The emotional theatrics and temper is sometimes higher than even the cases involving murder. Washing dirty laundry

Epilogue Ă˜ 11 Ă— May 2008

in the public and making fun of each other is not only futile but also uncivilized and disparaging decency.

The course that a man or a woman takes in the court is both expected as well as dull. Whenever a women separates, she at the first instance files for maintenance and the husband when he is sure that she will not come back files for restitution of conjugal rights, which is only to avoid giving her the claimed maintenance. If the husband later files for divorce his wife then files a complaint under the section 498A. The general tendency then is to involve all the relatives of the husband whom she can think of, in the case of dowry harassment. It is a very common scene in the courts when almost 15 to 20 relatives of the husband are arrayed as accuseds and brought before the Judge. The poor relatives then have to seek bail and

S O C I E T Y RELATIONS

appear before the judge at every date.

made such an agreement with a famous King.

Until the recent past, Indians and more particularly Jammuites used to censure westerners for their fickle marriages and breakups but it is undisputable fact that we have now degraded ourselves more as far as public etiquettes and decency is concerned. By dragging into the court some 80-year-old distant Uncle of her husband who might not have even attended the marriage ceremony of his nephew or claiming in the open court in front of 20 people that his wife is leading an adulterous life is diabolical and disappointing.

Another important thing white people do when they sense their marriage is on the rocks is to undergo long counseling sessions. In India, the Matrimonial Judge tries to reconcile the litigating parties and sits as a counselor, but the fact is that he is one of the most overburdened persons around and cannot possibly take time out for each party coming to the court and moreover he is also not a professionally trained one.

The husband's lawyer is also sometimes seen to ask the wife so tough and reckless questions that the woman weeps bitterly in front of the Judge. The situation is ugly and must be addressed soon. There are a few young girls also in their late 20's who have filed so many cases against their in-laws that they almost come daily to the court and are all day over there. For them it has become a sort of sole purpose in life to see punishment delivered to their husbands.

The biggest disadvantage, however, in these cases according to some of the senior lawyers is the long recourse that it takes to redress the problem. When asked about the prospect of these cases they remark that it is only in the beginning that the parties are peevishly impatient and spill venom and after realizing the futility because of the unnecessary delays in the judicial decision ultimately come to the table and settle their disputes. This fact is corroborated by facts as the number of cases, which see the day of conclusion by the court is negligible.

The attitude of the police in these tribulations has also compounded the problems than solved them. Khaki clad Police with colonial hangover creates havoc in this delicate and personal problem. Women cell, which is one of the dirtiest police stations in the town with broken chairs and tattered walls, is also alleged to be a den of corruption. Police is ill trained to handle Matrimonial disputes with no special training or expertise. The death by torture of one person by the Police walas a few days back has also exposed the style of “investigation” that they do.

The light at the end of the tunnel is therefore is the way westerners have adopted. It is routine for them to sign a prenuptial agreement, which is clothed with legal sanctity. Our law however does not recognize a pre-nup agreement, which is a big handicap. However, it is necessary to mention that prenuptial agreement comes in the most scared scripture of Hindus, Srimad Bhagavatam, where Heavenly damsel Urvashi

Therefore, the only hope is that one day few bright people will try to mend the system and start a discourse to analyze the situation from the real perspective. The real responsibility ultimately rests with the man and the woman. It must be realized by them that mere mud slinging will achieve nothing for them as Helen Rowland the famous American writer said, “When two people decide to get a divorce, it isn't a sign that they “don't understand” one another, but a sign that they have, at last begun to.”

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Epilogue Ø 12 × May 2008

ULBRIGH United States Educational Foundation in India (USEFI) ANNOUNCES 2009-2010 Fulbright Fellowships in the U.S. for Indian Citizens MASTER'S FELLOWSHIPS FOR LEADERSHIP DEVELOPMENT: For outstanding individuals who demonstrate leadership qualities, have completed the equivalent of a U.S. bachelor's degree, and have at least three years of professional or work experience, to pursue a master's degree program at select U.S. colleges and universities in the areas of Business Administration, Communication Studies, Economics, Environment, and Public Administration. Age: Between 25 and 30 preferred.

DOCTORAL AND PROFESSIONAL RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS: For scholars pursuing Ph.D. at Indian institutions in the areas of the United States, Strategic Studies, or New India Fields* OR for professionals with postgraduate degrees working in organizations where the study of Strategic Studies or New India Fields would be useful. Age: 45 years or under preferred.

SENIOR RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS: For faculty and researchers in colleges, universities or academic/research institutions, policy planners, and professionals at not-for-profit organizations in India who have a Ph.D. or equivalent published work in the areas of the United States, Education, Global Business Studies, and Society and Development. Age: 50 years or under preferred.

VISITING LECTURER FELLOWSHIPS: For faculty and researchers in the New India Fields* and other areas in Humanities and Social Sciences. Age: 50 years or under preferred.

HUBERT H. HUMPHREY FELLOWSHIPS: For mid-level policy planners and administrators (including educational administrators and planners) in the government, public and private sectors, and NGOs for professional development.

Fellowships in Drug Abuse Prevention may be offered to medical practitioners. Age: 45 years or under preferred.

FULBRIGHT-VANDERBILT FELLOWSHIP IN CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION: For an Indian law graduate with a demonstrated interest in legal aid to the poor and with an express ambition of becoming a clinical law teacher to pursue an LL.M. in Clinical Legal Education.

FULBRIGHT TEACHER EXCHANGE PROGRAM: For Indian secondary school teachers (9th to 12th grades) of English, Mathematics, or Science to participate in direct exchange of positions with U.S. teachers for a semester.

INTERNATIONAL FULBRIGHT SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY AWARD: For outstanding individuals who have completed an equivalent of a U.S. bachelor's degree from a recognized Indian university to pursue Ph.D. in Aeronautics and Astronomics/Aeronautical Engineering, Astronomy/Planetary Sciences, Biology, Chemistry, Computer Sciences/Engineering, Engineering (electrical, chemical, civil, mechanical, ocean, and petroleum), Environmental Science/Engineering, Geology/Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, Information Sciences/Engineering, Materials Science/Engineering, Mathematics, Neuroscience/Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Oceanography and Physics at a top U.S. institution in science, technology, or engineering. * “New India Fields” include agriculture, civic engagement (voluntary sector and allied studies), environment, global business studies, media technology (cinema studies including digital cinema studies), public health, science and technology policy and management, urban studies, and special education.

Application materials are available on USEFI's website www.fulbright-indla.org. Requests for hard copies of application materials may be sent to the USEFI office in your region along with a self-addressed stamped (Rs. 25.00) 1 0”x7” envelope.

Due dates for submission of 2009.2010 FuIbright applications begin May 1, 2008. For any queries, e-mail to: ip@fulbrightindia.org Northern Region: USEFI, 12 Halley Road, New Delhi 110001; Western Region: USEFI Regional Office, American Center, 4 New Marine Lines, Mumbai 400020; Eastern Region: USEFI Regional Office, American Center, 38A, Jawaharlal Nehru Road, Kolkata 700071; and Southern Region: USEFI Regional Office, American Consulate Building, Anna Salai, Chennai 600006.

www.fuIbright-ndia.org

Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, Rajouri 185131 (J&K) Admission For Academic Session 2008-09 MAT Forms available w.e.f. March 10, 2008 Department

Management Studies & Financial Management

Computer Sciences & Information Technology B.Tech (AICTE - LOI) a. Computer Sciences and Engineering b. Electronics & Communications

Test Dates

Guidelines

May 4, 2008

Admission for Financial Management shall also be made through MAT exam from this academic session onwards.

Venue : BGSB University Rajouri or any other centre as notified in the MAT Bulletin. MAT score of February 2008 shall be considered.

July 13, 2008

Admission for Information Technology shall also be made through Combined Entrance Test (CET) from this academic session onwards Venue : Rajouri / Jammu / Srinagar

July/August 2008 Dates will be notified separately

c. Information Technology

For Detail Information visit to university website : www.bgsbuniversity.org or Camp Office, Jammu / Srinagar

Application Forms along with Information Bulletin and MAT Bulletin are available for sale through Demand Draft, drawn in favour of Registrar, BGSB University payable at Rajouri, from the office of Assistant Registrar (Admissions), 01962-262616, Camp Office : Jammu 0191-2466892, 2464402 / Srinagar 09419011449. University Application Form can also be downloaded from website : www.bgsbuniversity.org.

For More Details Contact : Dean Academic Affairs, 09419103563 and Assistant Registrar (Admissions), 09419171665 No. BGSBU/Acad/08/17870 Dated : 5 March, 2008

Sd/Assistant Registrar (Academic Affairs)

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Identity Formation : The J&K Story Baljit S. Mann Jammu and Kashmir a state with clear-cut Muslim majority refused to join Pakistan when the Indian sub-continent was portioned on the communal lines. Not only the maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of princely state took this decision but also the leader of the popular movement against the imperial rule of the Maharaja led by the National Conference under the leadership of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah refused to subscribe to the ideology of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and endorsed the decision of the king. Initially its decision neither to join Hindu majority secular India nor Muslim majority Pakistan, implied its quest for independent National identity. Of course later on circumstances forced it to joint Indian Union through instrument of accession on October 22, 1947. Even thereafter, its desire for separate national identity did not exhaust. The contemporary scenario indicates that the secular and plural identity of Jammu and Kashmir has transformed from within. Today the construction of identities on the communal, ethnic and regional basis has become the dominant political discourse in the state.

Despite the fact that identity of state started taking shape during colonial period in Jammu & Kashmir a Muslim majority state, ruled by the Hindu Dogra Hari Singh, the religion could not become the password of its identity.

Rather the oppressive rule of the king created a conducive environment for blurring the boundaries among the different religious, linguistic and ethnic communities in the state and thereby constructed the secular and plural identity of the state. Neither religion nor ethnicity was given much space in the politics of Jammu & Kashmir, despite this fact that there was potential for communal and ethnic conflict. The identity of state at that time was neither communal nor ethnic, rather it was secular, shared and inclusive. It was multiple, multilayered, plural, open and flexible.

?

There were three factors responsible for the construction of secular and plural identity of the state. First, the oppressive rule of the king, the hereditary ruler of the state promoted the landlord aristocratic class and marginalized the peasant class. Second, the multi-cultural universe of the state had also contributed for the construction of secular identity.

Epilogue Ă˜ 15 Ă— May 2008

Although the state was having Muslim majority followed by a substantive Hindu minority and other minor minorities like Buddhists and Sikhs. It had proved more conducive for the construction of secular. plural and shared identity of the state, however today the position is reverse. Third, the farsighted political leadership of the state also contributed in this regard.

However, the protest against the oppressive rule of the Hindu Dogra ruler of the state, was articulated by the Muslim Conference under the leadership of Sheikh Abdullah, but thereafter he realized that the movement in its present form will convey the wrong message and it will also shrink its base, if be pursued in its present form. Since the agenda of the Muslim Conference was neither communal nor sectarian, therefore, it changed its name from Muslim Conference to All Jammu & Kashmir National Conference. That was a significant transformation in the Muslim Conference from within, which played very crucial role to construct the s e c u l a r, p l u r a l , i n c l u s i v e a n d multilayered identity of the state. On October 5, 1947, addressing a mammoth gathering of one lath people in Iqbal Park in Srinagar, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah

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declared that: “In Kashmir, we want a peoples' government, which will give equal rights and equal opportunities to all, irrespective of caste and creed. It will be joint government of the Hindus, the Sikhs and the Muslims. That is what I am fighting for”.

Quest for identity In the post colonial period, though Jammu and Kashmir it joined Indian Union under unavoidable circumstances but its desire for separate identity remained intact. In order to fulfill its thrust for identity, it had also been able to strike a deal with the Indian state. It did not join India like other princely states but as a special category state.

The special status granted to the state under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution became the password of its spec political identity. The separate political identity of the state was instituted through separate constitution and flag besides many other icons of identity. At that time, its desire for identity was neither re1igiou ethnic but of course, it was more pragmatic, political and secular. While addressing the United Nations Security Council on February 6, 1948, Sheikh Abdullah stated that: “I and my organization never believed in the formula that Muslims and Hindus form separate nations. We did not believe in the two-nation theory, not in communalism or communalism itself... we believed that religion had no place in politics”.

The pressure of popular movement led by the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference had not only forced the king to hand over power to the leadership of this movement but also shifted the center of political power from Jammu to Kashmir Valley. The Maharaja belonged to Jammu province, whereas, the leader of the popular movement to whom he handed over power hailed from the

Kashmir Valley. This development brought a qualitative shift in the power structure of the state on three counts: shifted the locale of power from Jammu region to Kashmir Valley; changed the power equation between the two major religious and ethnic communities; shifted the balance of power in favour of Kashmiri ethnic community, whereas, earlier it was in favour of Dogra ethnic community. Above all it shifted the power from the hands of minority to that of majority.

Sheikh Abdullah wanted the entire state to have a separate identity and to be ruled by the Valley, wherein the majority population resided. Jammu was opposed to both and Abdullah could not live without Jammu. Initially in continuation to past tradition, the nationalism and secularism were the defining criterion of identity- although the state was having clear cut Muslim majority and ruled by the Kashmiri Muslim leader Sheikh Abdullah. The ruling elite could not have afforded to construct the identity of state either on the basis of religion or ethnicity. Reason being it was not possible for it to keep three ethnically distinct parts of the state alongwith.

Jammu and Kashmir has three ethnically separable but geographically contiguous regions- a Dogra Hindu majority Jammu; a Kashmiri Muslim majority Valley and a Tibetan Buddhist majority Ladakh. If the state nationalism is to be based on Kashmiri ethnicity then it was not possible to keep Hindu Dogras from Jammu and Buddhists from Ladakh within the state. Therefore an attempt was made to construct the identity of state on the basis of secularism and the Urdu language. Although this attempt of the state could not yield desired fruit.

The change of locale as well as power equation in the state provided an opportunity to the regional, communal and ethnic forces to construct the identities on the basis of ascriptive affiliations.

Epilogue Ø 16 × May 2008

The transfer of power from a Hindu Dogra King from Jammu to a Kashmiri Muslim leader, Sheikh Abdullah from Valley conveyed a wrong message to the Dogra Hindus of Jammu. From this development, it was inferred that they are the part of Hindu majority secular India but within their own state being a minority, are ruled by the Muslims who happened to be in majority in Jammu & Kashmir but minority in India. The main factor, they identified for this situation was the special status of the state.

However, this diagnose was neither correct nor appropriate. The more convincing factor could be the electoral politics because in the electoral politics the majority tends to rule. Consequently, there was a demand for full integration of Jammu & Kashmir with the Indian Union, which was raised by the Hindu nationalists from the Jammu region and joined by the Hindu nationalists from the other parts of India.

Their logic was being full- fledged part of Hindu majority but secular India, they will not be ruled by the Muslims, and rather, they will be the part of ruling majority. It can be argued that the Dogra Hindu of Jammu could not reconcile with the end of the Dogra rule in the state.

Consequently, a popular movement against Sheikh Abdullah, the ruler of state was led by a Hindu Regional Party, the Praja Parishad from Jammu, which was also joined by the Jan Sangh, the leading Hindu Nationalists Party in Delhi in 1 952. This is how the process of construction of regional, communal and ethnic identities was set in motion.

How should the state of Jammu and Kashmir define its identity after the articulation of Hindu nationalism from Jammu alongwith the support of Hindu outfits operating at national level, was a huge question to deal with. However, the state under the leadership of Sheikh Abdullah tried to construct the national

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identity of the state on the basis of secularism and the Urdu language but within the framework of pluralism, which believes in peaceful co-existence but is also hierarchical in nature. This scenario has resulted into the sharpening of communal, ethnic and regional identities in the state when the Dogra Hindu identity was constructed not only on the basis of Hindu nationalism but it also became very angular to the Kashmiri Muslim identity. The articulation of the former against the latter created a context of mutual acrimony, distrust and suspicion within the state.

At that time, Indian state was also very fascinated with its project of nation building and national integration in order to construct the national identity There was convergence of agenda of the Indian state and the Dogra Hindu identity from Jammu, which resulted into the politics of identities within the state on the one hand and created the distrust between the Indian state and the Kashmiri Muslim identity on the other and thereby also sharpened the Kashmiri Muslim identity.

The process of socio-economic change initiated by Sheikh Abdullah in the form of Land Reforms further aggravated the situation and sharpened the identity politics in the state because the majority of the big landlords in Kashmir were Hindus and the majority of peasants were Muslims. The economic power of the Dogra (Hindu) landlards had been seriously undermined in 1951 by the Big Landed Estates Abolition Act, which had provided for the confiscation of large landholdings without compensation and for the transfer of land to the tillers. The Hindu nationalists interpreted it as an attempt to marginalize the Hindu identity not only in the politics but also in the economy of the state. The changing dynamism of political and socioeconomic power in the state further aggravated/accelerated the process of

sharpening the ascriptive identities. The process of shaping the Hindu identity in Jammu as well as the articulation of Hindu nationalism at the national level had not only worried the Sheikh Abdullah but also the Indian secularists about the future of Indian secularism.

The politics set in motion created a critical mass that had led to the collapse of secular, shared, and the plural identity of the state, which Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah constructed during the colonial period and tried to retain and consolidate it in the post-colonial period as well under the special status granted to the state through Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. Sheikh Abdullah the icon of national identity of state argued that the special status is pre-requisite for the identity of state, whereas, the Hindu nationalists from Jammu thought that it was detrimental to their identity. To be more precise the Kashmiri Muslims were convinced that special status is required for the security of their identity.

Both the identities Kashmiri Muslim and Dogra Hindu having ethnic and regional connotation have been indulging into binary politics on the issue of special status. The bonds of the Hindu identity from Jammu are very strong with the larger Hindu majority identity of India.

That is why, the Hindu nationalists from Jammu are asking for the full integration of Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Union. This move was indirectly supported by the Indian state, when it started the process of eroding the special status of the state. The process was set in motion with the dissolution of popular government, formation of puppet government in the state and the arrest of the Sheikh Abdullah, the most popular leader amongst the Kashmiri Muslims and also the champion of nationalism and the shared identity apart from advocating the special status for the state. This development conveyed the message to

Epilogue Ă˜ 17 Ă— May 2008

the Kashmiri Muslims that India does not want to protect the separate political identity of the state, which was very dear to the survival and progress of the Kashmiri Muslim identity in the secular but Hindu majority India. It was a breach of trust between the Kashmiri Muslims and the Indian state. The articulation of Hindu nationalism from Jammu and the response of Hindu nationalists thereof at the national level put a big question mark on the longevity of Indian secularism and the future of Indian secular identity as well. It was an issue of major concern for them because the secular credential of Indian national identity was compatible with the secular identity of the state, which Sheikh Abdullah tried to construct.

This development had opened the pandora's box regarding the politics of identities in the state besides transforming the dialogical relations between India's national identity and the Kashmiri Muslim identity.

Indian Maneuver and Seikh Abdullah’s response Since Indian state started intriguing with the special status of the state by responding to the demand of Hindu nationalists from Jammu, Sheikh Abdullah started hobnobbing with the international community for the purpose of establishing the independent national identity of the state. Although Indian state had been able to constant a constituency within the National Conference, which was advocating the full integration of the state with Indian Union- but thereby the bad politics was set in motion to fulfill the vested interest, which has proved counter productive in the long run. For the majority of Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri identity and the special status of the state were inseparable, whereas for the Hindu nationalists from Jammu, the special status was detrimental to their identity. The kind of politics pursued in

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the post Sheikh Abdullah period further accelerated the politics of identities not only between the Indian state and Jammu & Kashmir but also within the state and further within every region of the state.

Within the Jammu region, the process to construct the Gujjar Muslim identity was set in motion, which resulted into the construction of the third largest identity of the state after the Kashmiri Muslims and the Dogra Hindu identity. It was primarily constructed to counter Kashmiri Muslim identity by articulating that the Kashmiri Muslims are not the sole representatives of the entire Muslim community from the state. The Gujjar Muslims do not approve the secessionist demand, which has been raised by some Kashmiri Muslims from the Kashmir valley since 1990s. They argued that they are happy with the Indian State. The Gujjars are predominantly nomadic Muslim Tribe who form the third largest community in the state. However, the construction of Gujjar identity has resulted into shaping the Pahari identity from the Poonch and Rajouri districts of the Jammu region.

The forced displacement of the Kashmiri Pandit community presents a classic case of ethnic-religious cleansing, which not only sharpened the existing communal and ethnic identities within the state and region but also constructed some new.

For instance, the construction of Kashmiri Pandit identity and its angularity with the Kashmiri Muslim identity had become sharper. This has not only marginalized the shared, secular part of the Kashmiriat but it has also jeopardized the plural, multiple and multi-layered part of Kashmiri culture.

The shared culture used to be the password of Kashmiri identity has become the major casualty; Now the password of Kashmiri identities both Muslim and Hindu is neither the Kashmiriat nor shared culture or

secularism. Communalism has become the main mode of defining, constructing and sharpening the identities within the valley. The angularity between the Kashmir Muslim and Kashmir Pandit identities became so sharp that it resulted into the exodus of the latter from the valley. The exodus of Kashmiri Pandits from the valley has further transformed the Kashmiri identity from within- from a shared, multi-layered, secular and plural identity to a sharp, angular and communal. The moderate center of the Kashmiri identity collapsed- and the extremist center of the same became pro-active. Thereby the shared Kashmiri identity became binary from within and inter-communal dialogue was replaced by the intercommunal deadlock. However, the Kashmiri Muslim identity is small in size but still there are diverse layers within it like moderate and extremist.

Assertion of Ladakh Although, insignificant in the politics of Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh constitutes the two-third of its total landmass and three per cent of its population. It has always been known for peace and composite cultural identity. However, the consciousness of adhering to different religious systems remained strong, but the Buddhists and Muslims in Ladakh shared a common cultural identity. Both speak the Ladakhi language and wore the same dress with minor variations. The composite culture used to blur the religious boundaries and thereby created more space for shared and plural identity of the region. At the peoples' level, it is common to find numerous families in Leh, which is a Buddhist majority district with Buddhist and Muslims members. Of course, there used to be love hate relationship between the Ladakhi Buddhist Kings and Shia Muslim rulers of various principalities in Baltisan. They used to

Epilogue Ă˜ 18 Ă— May 2008

fight with each other on the one hand and also used to have matrimonial alliances between the Shia and Ladakhi ruling houses.

Since the last one and half decade, the peace is at stake and its shared cultural identity is on the collision course. A brief survey of the contemporary scenario of Ladakh has presented the reverse story of the past. Like the other regions of the state, Ladakh has been suffering from the polarization on ethnic and communal lines. The recent communal violence has further accelerated this process. The communal harmony and shared culture has become the main casualty of the same. The whole Ladakhi identity has transformed from within- from a multilayered to a binary identity. This scenario leads to a basic question that why the shared culture of Ladakh has become more angular and sharp?

In order to find the answer of this and related questions, there is need to examine the political process, which was pursued in the post- colonial period. The political process unfolded in the state as well as in the region has led to a situation in which the religions and cultural identities have become sharp. The politicization of religious and cultural differences marginalized the shared and multi-layered nature of Ladakhi identity Due to their numerical strength, the Muslims established their hold on the politics, administration and the economy of the state. In Ladakh, the Buddhists have been in majority and the Muslims are a substantive minority Although, the former is a micro-scophic majority, whereas, the latter is micro-scophic minority but macro-scophic majority in the overall politics of the state. Being micro-scophic minority in Ladakh and macro-scophic majority in the state, Muslims have always enjoyed the privileged position in the politics, administration and economy of the

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Ladakh. Despite this fact that the Buddhists are majority in the region, but still the balance of power is tilted in favour of the Muslims. The formers were discriminated against and the region was neglected while allocating funds and projects by the state government.

plural identity to a binary identity. The ruling elite exploited the religious differences to deal with political problems, which marginalized the interreligion dialogue and also made the composite culture of Ladakh angular from within.

The Buddhists did not only protest against the discrimination meted out to them by the rulers from the Kashmir valley but they also started articulating their cause vis-à-vis the Kashmiri Muslim rulers. The politics set in motion in the state as well as in Ladakh has generated a critical mass, which is responsible for the politics of identities. Being a Buddhist majority area, Ladakh did not reconcile with the Kashmiri dominance in its power structure and raised the demand of Union Territory status for Ladakh in order to protect its identity. Although, the Kashmiri Muslims have always been asking for more autonomy from the Union of India but they were not ready to give autonomy to the Ladakh region, which is geographically and physically the part of the state but culturally a poll apart.

The binary identity politics emerged as a dominant discourse in the politics of

Instead of responding to the demand of the Ladakhi Buddhists honestly, the rulers from the valley started playing the politics of identity Sheikh Abdullah applied the principle of divide and rule to the Ladakhi situation. The demographic structure of Ladakh provided the conducive environment for the same.

The numerical difference between the Buddhist majority and Muslim minority is not very vast. Two subregions of Ladakh Leh and Kargil are having the concentration of the Buddhists and the Muslims respectively. Exploiting that demographic profile of the region, the Kargil Muslim identity was constructed to counter the Buddhists demand for the Union Territory for the Ladakh. By constructing the immediate other of the Ladakhi Buddhist identity, the state has transformed the Ladakhi shared identity from within - from a multi-layered and

In every region of the state, there is the politics of one dominant identity vis-à-vis the other dominated identities. Therefore, every region of the state is characterized by the politics of dominant and dominated identities. The dominant identity has always tried to maintain and strengthen its hold on the politics, economics and administration, whereas, the dominated identities have always been in search of an opportunity to challenge and contest the domination of the former. The dominant-dominated identity politics is based on the unequal rather than the equal relations.

Ladakh in which the others' of Ladakhi Buddhist identity used to enjoy the state patronage: This situation of Ladakh has furthered increased the insecurity of the Buddhist Ladakhi identity, which has always been remained under the constant threat to its survival and progress on three counts: Kashmir's demand for independence and merger with Pakistan; population growth in the Kargil is considerably higher than in the

Epilogue Ø 19 × May 2008

Leh, which means that in few decades the Buddhists would come in minority in Ladakh the militancy in the valley and its impact on the overall political scenario of the state. The above-mentioned account created the environment of suspicion, distrust and acrimony between the two religious communities of Ladakh. The marginalization of communal harmony resulted into the deadlock between the two communities when the complete economic and social boycott of Muslims by the Buddhists was imposed in 1989. However, initially the boycott was directed at the Kashmiri Muslims, who controlled the local administration as well as Ladakhi Sunni Muslims, who dominated the economy of Leh town and who were seen as Kashmiri agents opposing to the Buddhist demand for autonomy. The Balti Shias were later also included after they made common cause with the Sunnis. This deadlock was resolved in 1992 when the government of India convinced the Ladakh Buddhist Association that it would not consider its demand if it carried on with the boycott With the intervention of Indian state, the Leh Autonomous Hill Council was set-up providing the Leh district with considerable internal autonomy. It was short of Ladakhi Buddhists demand of UT status Ladakh- because the Ladakhi Muslims opposed the demand for fear of being dominated by the more advanced Buddhists. Ladakhi Muslims do not wish to separate Ladakh from the Muslim majority state of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Ladakhi Muslim identity is unique in itself. It is primarily concentrated in the Kargil district of Ladakh and having different shades and layers. Although small in its size but it is plural in composition and complexion. It is having two sects: Shias and Sunnis within its fold, however, the majority is Shias. The Shia Muslims have strong cultural boundswith the Ladakhi Buddhists than the Kashmiri Muslims. They do not support the secessionist demand of the

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latter and are pro-India and anti-Pakistan but they wish to be the part of Jammu & Kashmir. It can be argued that the identity politics between India and the state of Jammu and Kashmir has resulted into intra-state identity politics, which has further sharpened the intra-region identity politics. Since under the pulls of the forces of national integration and nation-building, the Indian state tried to assimilate Jammu & Kashmir like other states into the mainstream of the country by eroding its special status granted under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which has already proved counter productive. Consequently, the dialogical relations between the Kashmiri Muslim identity and the Indian national identity have become competitive and conflictual. Within the state neither Hindu nationalists from Jammu region nor Buddhists from Ladakh has trust in the Kashmiri identity and its supremacy in the politics of the state.

They have failed to reconcile with the supremacy of Kashmiri identity in the politics, administration and the economy of the state, which was set in motion in the post- accession phase. Both have been feeling insecure in the power equation emerged in the state after the transfer of power from Dogra Hindu King to Sheikh Abdullah a leader of popular movement from Kashmir valley.

Why are they feeling insecure, is a huge question to deal with. The kind of political discourses emerged in the politics of state substantiated their thesis that Kashmiri Muslims will ask for independence from the Indian state. This fear was further accentuated when political violence was set in motion in the Valley in the late 1980s. Both the Hindu Dogras and Ladakhi Buddhists believe that their respective identities will be in danger in such kind of scenario. They have more proximity with the Indian identity than with the Kashmiri identity.

There has always been a feeling of distrust and suspicion between the Kashmiri identity and the Dogra Hindu &

Ladakhi Buddhist identities. Of course, they have always been enjoying the patronage of Indian state, though they blame the latter for its appeasement policy towards Kashmiris. There is deep and intense trust between the Indian state and the Dogra and Ladakhi identities, whereas, there is trust deficit between the Indian national identity and the Kashmir Muslim identity.

The dominant and the dominated In every region of the state, there is the politics of one dominant identity vis-à-vis the other dominated identities.

Therefore, every region of the state is characterized by the politics of dominant and dominated identities. The dominant identity has always tried to maintain and strengthen its hold on the politics, economics and administration, whereas, the dominated identities have always been in search of an opportunity to challenge and contest the domination of the former. The dominant-dominated identity politics is based on the unequal rather than the equal relations.

Although, the dominated identities are demanding equal space in the public domain but the dominant identities are not prepared for that. The electoral politics has further sharpened this syndrome in the politics of three different regions apart from the interregional politics of the state. The unhealthy identity politics has played its role to erode the common space and shared culture between the dominant and dominated identities. It has made their relations more acrimonious, bitter and conflict ridden. Instead of blurring the angularities of diverse identities within the region and state, the politics has further sharpened the differences and eroded the common, shared and overlapping space The sub-identities from the three religiously and culturally diverse regions of the state have become more angular, sharp and hostile, towards each other.

Epilogue Ø 20 × May 2008

Now Telling The J&K Stories

Epilogue because there is more to know

Contact ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY Lal Chowk, Srinagar 9419074859

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Gujjar Identity In Multicultural Mosaic Of J&K Balraj Puri It has by now been universally recognized that diversity promotes creativity and growth while uniformity leads to stagnation and decline. As Jammu and Kashmir state is the richest state of the country in terms of diversities, it should have set highest standard of creativity and growth. But failure to reconcile and harmonize the aspirations and interests of its diversities had created host of problems from which its people continued to suffer.

I have contributed my mite in getting recognition for all diversities and reconcile their aspirations and interests.

In this endeavour, I discovered almost in the beginning of my public life in early forties the unique role of Gujjar community in the multicultural mosaic of the state. For it have a very ancient antiquity which has retained its distinct character and can be adjusted with different cultures. As it is spread to almost all regions of the state-some of its caravans go upto Kargil-it could make best contribution to the unity of the state.

I was fortunate to come in close contact with enjoyed the affection of personalities like Hazarat Nizamuddin and brigadier Khuda Baksh. Several of my good colleagues like Sarvari Kasana, Haji Buland Khan, Gulzar Ahmad, Ram Prasad Khatana and Nooruddin Kataria are no more. By now many good institutions and scholars have done fresh research or highlighted historical accounts of this ancient community. Notable among them are Gurjardesh Charitable Trust and

Tribal Research and Cultural Foundation respectively.

Discussing the importance of the community in the contemporary context I once expressed my disagreement with Indira Gandhi over the Kashmir as a symbol of Indian secularism. It often traced the history of secularism in the country from Emperor Akbar to Fakharuddin Ahmad, the then president of India. Firstly Kashmiris consider Akbar as the first aggressor on Kashmir who enslaved it. It the government of India claimed to inherit the tradition of Akbar, it would mean Kashmir's slavery continued.

Secondly this approach did not take into account diversities among Muslims and Hindus of the state.

In this context I argued that the state of Jammu and Kashmir was a miniature India where people of so many races, cultures and ethnic groups co-existed.

For instance, I added, that Gujjars and Dogras outnumber Kashmiris. When asked what should be done, I said that, a process of Gujarisation should be started. What do you mean by that, Indira Gandhi asked. I explained, that at a cultural level, efforts should be made to revive their rich cultural heritage and at a political level, the community in the state should be brought in touch with their co-brethren in the rest of the country.

She called Inder Gujral, the then minister of information and broadcasting, on

Epilogue Ă˜ 21 Ă— May 2008

phone and asked him to discuss with me details of a cultural policy for the Gujjars of the state. As our discussion was taking place in parliament House, she called Ram Chander Vikal, MP and a prominent Gujjar leader of the UP, to implement my suggestion regarding closer interaction between Gujjars of the state and those in the rest of the country. According, I called the first All India Gujjar Conference in Jammu where national Gujjar leaders, Like Ram Chander Vikal and Shafqat Jung, and from neighbouring states shared the stage with Gujjar Leaders of the state. This conference reestablished the secular character of the community. Many demands were made at the conference, some of which were addressed to the state government while others to the central government. Some of them were conceded in due course of time. Similar conference were held in places like Rajouri.

At a later stage indira Gandhi accepted my proposal to grant schedule tribe status to the community. But before she could implement her commitment, she felt victim to the bullets of two of her Sikh body guards, who were outraged by the attack on the golden Temple, in 1984.

After some changes in the government, Chander Shekhar became the prime minister for a short time. Once I was staying at J&K House in New Delhi, Lal Mohammad Sabar came to my room and used my telephone to call Ram Chander Vikal. When Sabar told him at he was speaking form my room, Vikal asked him to hand over the phone to me and wanted

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to know if he could come to see me immediately. I told him he was welcome.

Vikal said, “you have already indebted Gujjar community so much that it can never repay. Please do another favour.

Somehow Indira Gandhi could not honour her commitment to grant scheduled tribe status to the community. Since the present prime Minister Chander Shekhar is your friend. Kindly take up the matter with him.” I told him, “let us take a chance to see him right now and see what he can do” Vikal agree and three of us, including Sabar visited Chander Shekhar's residence and sent our chit. He immediately came out. After saying hello to me he greeted Vikal-whom he knew as a very senior leader of the UP-with “Parnam” and asked him what could he do for him. Vikal said, “please speak to our leader Balraj Puri”. Chander Shekhar

asked me, “since when you became a Gujjar leader.” I replied “since they accepted me as such.”

Then I explained the purpose of our visit.

Inspite of commitment of indira Gandhi, bureacrats put hurdles in implementing it, I said Chander Shekhar commented “if I am convinced bureaucratic hurdles do not matter.” After a brief discussion, he said, “it will be done.”

take such decision. I told him that due to turmoil(in nineteens) the election in the state had been postponed and the code did not apply to it. He was convinced and soon after the decision to grant ST Status to Gujjars of the state was announced.

Earlier, Sheikh Abdullah, after returning to power in 1975, announced formation of a Gujjar Welfare Board headed by me.

I declined the post and suggested that it legitimately belonged to a Gujjar.

Later Subodh Kant Sahay, who was Home Minister at that time, visited Jammu. He called me form Raj Bhawan to see hin. I asked hi why the decision on ST Status to Gujjars was being delayed. He explained it was due to announcement of election and code of conduct which was enforced by that time, the government could not

Ever since I have been associated with various conference and activities of the Gujjars of the state. Though I have served the interest of other communities also, the affection and respect I have received from Gujjars are unmatched and more then compensate whatever I could do for them.

JAMMU & KASHMIR KHADI AND VILLAGE INDUSTRIES BOARD [kkn h

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Khadi India Ø Generate employment in rural areas. Ø Develop entrepreneurial skills and attitude among rural unemployed youth. Ø Facilitate participation of financial institutions for higher credit flow to rural industries. Ø Realising the goal of Rural Industralizations. Ø Focusing on skill upgradation and marketing linkage. Ø 36000 units working in the state.

Achievements for year 2007-08 Ø Created employment opportunities for more than 40,000 persons under village industries by setting up over

2800 units. Ø Created employment for more than 30,000 through 37 Khadi institutions under Khadi Sector in the State. Ø Six institutions/KVIB Unit holders awarded National Awards. Ø Production of KVI Sector is over 300 crores annually. Ø Carpet, Crewel, Chain stitch, Kani and Pashmina Shawls, Papier machie, Wooden and Leather items being

exported.

To implement Prime Minister Employment Generation Programme (PMEGP) from June 2008 in place of Rural Employment Generation Programme (Regp) and PMRY.

No. : KVIB/FP/1335-38

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60 Years Of Unattended Gripes Ranjit Kalra Ahead of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Jammu on April 25, the Gujjars issued an appeal inviting his attention to their plight. An operative line in the appeal asks the Prime Minister, “what were the reasons that third largest identity in Jammu and Kashmir could not find any reference in the five working groups constituted by you two years back”. It goes on the ask, “the Rs 24,000 Crore package you announced for Jammu and Kashmir during your visit to the state in November 2004 is changing the profile of people but the package does not have anything specific aimed at alleviating our plight”. When Gujjars get an opportunity to speak, the list of complaints does not end here. There are grievances piling up for last 60 years. “It is disappointing that there is no mention of Gujjars in the recommendations of the four Working Groups and there is no incentive for Scheduled Tribes in two packages the Prime Minister announced for State. We constitute third largest identity in the State but still have all along been unilaterally offering sacrifices for the cause of national unity. What we get in return is the sheer neglect”, says Javed Rana, a Gujjar legislator.

Gujjars have a unique identity and therefore unique problems and unique aspirations. This lowly tribe refused to be a part of separatist movement and could not be wooed to join the armed resistance which has been going on in Jammu and Kashmir.

With a sizeable population in almost all districts of the state, Gujjars mostly make a single largest identity in the pockets of Rajouri, Poonch, Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore and Anantnag districts. They temporarily inhabit or pass through the tracts used by the militants to infiltrate or move to the interiors.

Therefore, sometimes being a host to the militants is a gunpoint compulsion and the next day landing in the Police lockup or nearest Army picket is but natural. “This is how we have been paying price for refusing to join the militancy”, says Darbar Hussain, a prominent Gujjar activist in Rajouri.

This is a serious problem. They are suspect on both sides. As falling victim to the double edged sword had become an order of the day, the wise among the Gujjars came up with a solution in late 1990s. They sought the Central Government help to raise a Gujjar militia. “Like Rajput Rifles or Gurkha Regiment, we wanted to have a force of Gujjars to defend the nation's

CLASS IN PROGRESS : Gujjar students in a school which does not have a building. This is not a case in isolation. (Jp’s Gallery)

frontiers and our own lives as well”, says Haji Mushtaq Hussain of Mendhar –an area close to the Line of Control. The demand gained currency and in 2002-03 and the then Union Home Minister LK Advani and Defence Minister George Fernandes promised raising Gujjars Scouts.

Therefore, on December 18, 2003 the proposal was cleared to be put before the Cabinet Committee on Security for raising a new force comprising Gujjars of Jammu and Kashmir for deployment on the difficult terrains of the state to check infiltration from Pakistan and take on mercenaries and local militants in these areas. The force decided to be named as the Gujjar Scouts was to be formed on the pattern of Ladakh Scouts and attached to an

Epilogue Ø 23 × May 2008

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Army unit. The Gujjar scouts were to be drawn from 1000 youngsters of the Gujjar and Bakerwal community who are the worst-affected people in the state.

The proposal said that the the Scouts will be trained in anti-insurgency operations and armed with the state-of-the-art equipment.

The motivating factor for raising the Gujjar Scouts was the fact that the Gujjar and Bakerwal youth are well conversant with the topography and would be put on the grid with the nearest Army or BSF unit and the move would have ensured that those recruited have a stake in fighting terrorism in the state.

The need for such a force was felt during the May 2003 "Operation Sarpvinash" in the Hilkaka forests in Surankote area of Jammu division. Militants had set up bases in the area for the preceding four years and there were at least 10 such places on the Pir Panjal ranges where the ultras had built well-fortified bunkers.

The security forces conducting counterinsurgency operations in the state had very little idea about such deep penetration by militants, mainly mercenaries, and it was for the first time that the Army Chief had brought it to the notice of the CCS. Another objective for setting up the Gujjar Scouts was to keep the infiltration routes in Doda, Rajouri and Poonch free from any Army intervention by terrorising the Muslim Gujjar population. That time, the locals of remote mountain village of Marrah in Poonch district had put up a strong defence against the Lashkar-eToiba jehadis operating in the area. The villagers of Marrah revolted against the atrocities committed by militants and formed a 'vigilante army' which called itself the Pir Panjal Scouts. The Pir Panjal Scouts, along with the Army, drove the ultras out of the Hilkaka bowl, their base above Marrah. The village still continues to have over 50 armed volunteers to defend it, and no militants have visited it

Many Gujjars get buried alive in snowfall due to unsafe shelters (as seen above).

Over 200 of them were killed in Waltengonar of South Kashmir in Feb. 2006. since August 2003 but unfortunately the idea of forming Gujjar Scouts got scuttled somewhere in the files of Central Government. The Gujjars have now made a fresh appeal to the Prime Minister to consider the formation of an Army Regiment of the youth drawn from them.

The government in 1963 had formed the Ladakh Scouts in the wake of 1962 war against China. The Ladakh Scouts or the "Snow Tigers", comprising local Buddhists and Tibetan commandos, is one of the Army's most decorated units with more than 300 gallantry awards to its credit, including one Ashok Chakra, ten Mahavir Chakras and two Kirti Chakras. It was the first unit of the Indian Army to successfully launch the counter strike against Pakistani incursions in the 1999 Kargil operations in the Batalik sector.

This tribe which constitutes the third largest ethnic, linguistic and cultural identity in Jammu and Kashmir has always complained of being kept out of all political discourses and welfare programs. Says, Master Hashim Ali, “we feel the pain of Kashmiri Pandits on their uprooting from the homeland. Therefore, when the government makes efforts at

Epilogue Ø 24 × May 2008

their rehabilitation, we deeply appreciate the initiatives”. Ali, a prominent social worker adds, “projects worth Rs 100s of Crores have been launched for developing flats and colonies for Kashmiri Pandits at different places…whenever a dignitary from the Center comes here, including the Prime Minister and the Congress president they drive straight to these projects to see the progress...it underlines the concern for the homeless people which needs to be appreciated”.

But don't they think that four lakh of us have roaming around for decades without any shelter…if not flats and townships, can't they think of some hutments for us”, asks Hashim Ali. The latest census data is yet to come up with certified figures on different communities in Jammu and Kashmir but estimates suggest that they constitute around 20 per cent of the total population. While almost all Gujjars in this state lead a semi-nomadic way of life, a fourth of their total population is fully nomadic with no land holdings or any other permanent establishments.

They are characterized by rearing

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cattle, sheep and goat and keep moving from one place to another throughout the year in search of pastures and fodders. Of late the implementation of forest laws and eviction of the illegal occupants of the state land have exposed the nomadic Gujjars to a worst crisis.

For this semi-nomadic to nomadic lifestyle and lack of an organized tribal education policy, Gujjars have the lowest rate of literacy. The children of a majority of them either don't go to schools or drop out at an earlier stage. Therefore, they hardly reach a stage where they can have a role in the decision making process. A survey conducted by an NGO, Tribal Research and Cultural Foundation of India says that Gujjars have a negligible representation in state's administration.

Quoting from the survey, its Secretary Javed Rahi says, “in the Civil Secretariat, the seat of the government, there are 101 UnderSecretaries and Private Secretaries and only one Under-Secretary belongs to the Gujjar Tribe”. Though he describes this as an act of social injustice but the fact is that for a majority of Gujjars education is an alien concept. The prospects of improving the social profile of Gujjars started looking up since 1991 when they were included in the Scheduled Tribes, thus made eligible for some concessions and avenues of growth. However, the Gujjars allege that the real benefits of being Scheduled Tribe have never been allowed to percolate down.

In the month of March, there is always a cry from all parts of state that the central funds allocated for the development of tribal areas have lapsed. “Works are not taken up in time and funds eventually lapse. In my district, the funds were not released even till the month of March this year”, says Zulfikar Ali, a Gujjar political leader from Rajouri. He adds, “our community does not have a representation in the administration and others at the helm of affairs are not sensitive to our issues”.

“The Scheduled Tribe status is a cruel joke on Gujjars”, says Master Hashim Ali. He goes on to explain, “under the provisions of Scheduled Tribe we should have got reservation in the state legislature which we have been fighting for nearly two decades”. He says, “even though there is not even a word of assurance on reservation to the Scheduled Tribes in legislature that the government and the political establishment is propping up a wide range of elite and upper class communities for their inclusion in Scheduled Tribes”. Of late the Pahari speaking people have been strongly pitching for the Scheduled Tribe status which is being vehemently opposed by the Gujjars. While many of them describe this campaign as a creation of security agencies to keep a divide among the non-Kashmiri Muslims growing, the Gujjars for almost last eight years have forgotten their own issues to oppose the inclusion of Paharis in the list of Scheduled Tribes. “In its singularly focused policy on Kashmir, New Delhi is making us to pay a price for swearing by India”, says Hashim Ali. Now since elections are round the corner, at least in eight districts of Jammu and Kashmir, as always, it is going to be the Gujjar versus Pahari politics as the parties find it a most convenient way of mustering votes. What gets lost is the attention to the real issues.

Epilogue Ø 25 × May 2008

Icons Of Identity

Gurjardesh Charitable Trust Earlier, this month when Union Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh laid the foundation stone of country's first Tribal University in Amarkantak, Madhya Pradesh, there was a little disappointment among a section of emancipated Gujjars but simultaneously it renewed their enthusiasm.

An icon of the Gujjar identity, the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust in J&K had long been mulling the idea of setting up a Tribal University. “We thought ours could be first in the country”, says Masud Chaudhary, its founder and Chairman. Choudhary, also first Vice Chancellor of the Wakf funded and state run BGSB University says, “GDCT is poised to dedicate to the nation, the second Tribal University after the IGNTU at Amarkantak”.

In 60 years of political uncertainty in Jammu and Kashmir, the process of identity formation has seen its own permutations –it involved many things including rebellion and consolidation to become known and recognized. Almost coinciding with the same time when militancy broke out in the state in late 1980s, there was the birth of a small yet farsighted movement of identity formation. A group of Gujjars under the leadership of Masud Chaudhary, an IPS officer, thought of giving wings to the imagination. They started working at carving out an identity of Gujjars driven with education and cultural renaissance.

In 1992 when the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust took formal shape at a modest function organized a hotel in Jammu, Chaudhary, its patron had asked the members to come in traditional dresses –the Khan suit and flowing turban. Instead of coming to venue in the traditional Gojari turbans they carried them in bags to venue and put them back in the bags after the function was over. Reason: they

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feared people in the town laughing at them for their awkward turbans. Same was the case with Gojari language.

Speaking Gojari in the public would amount to declaring oneself as backward and weirdly outlandish. Contrary to this situation of early 1990s, last year at a function of Gujjars, attended by others also, in Jammu, a majority of over thousand odd participants were was seen in turbans.

Those who come from other linguistic groups, including the state Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, were also speaking Gojari. This is what the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust has done these years. “We are not forcing anyone to speak Gojari but our aim is to create awareness that the Gojari language and Gujjar culture have a rich history dating back to centuries and this needs to be recognized and respected”, says Farooq Alam, a Trustee.

A majestic building of the GDCT, a part of Rs 10 Crore ambitious project, on the Jammu-Pathankote National Highway today stands apostle to the Gujjar identity. There were not may who contributed to the GDCT efforts at the beginning but now each Gujjar refers to the upcoming heritage center as “our building”. The complex which houses a an auditorium, a library, museum, a conference hall, publishing house and research house has now become an icon of the Gujjar identity.

“We always wanted to set up a Tribal University but a beginning had to be made from school for being sure about our capabilities”, says Chowdhary. Bringing Gujjars to mainstream through education has been the foremost activities of the GDCT. It goes to their credit for having realized the gravity of the problem and for having responded to the call of the hour by starting a chain of Schools in which children belonging to all the weaker sections of the society are provided quality education.

While recounting the achievements of GDCT, in its educational advancement programs, KB School (named after Brigadier Khuda Baksh) started in 1995 in a two-room hutment is now brimming with more than 1200 students at its sprawling complex in Jammu. Perhaps there is no such community initiative anywhere in the region.

‘We Are Working For A Tribal University’ INTERVIEW

Masud Chaudhary Chairman GDCT What was the motivation behind setting up this NGO –the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust when you had an honourable position and promising career in government?

In village where I was born and brought up, I never found any problem with my language –Gojari. After obtaining higher education at Aligarh when I joined Police services in late 1960’s, I found my men in the department hesitant of speaking in Gojari. During my visits to the Police lines, the Gujjar boys would run away fearing that I would talk to them in Gojari. To my shock and surprise I found them shy of speaking in the mother tongue as they feared others laughing at them. I went on to investigate only to find that even ten Gujjars would not speak in Gojari in front of one non-Gujjar –it was stigmatic. I thought this stigma would have to be removed to bring the Gojari identity its due place. Lack of education made bottomline of the problem. I made strenuous efforts in 1970s and 80s and later thought that this process needs to be institutionalized. Therefore, the GDCT was formally born in 1992.

So, how was the journey ahead?

The Trust is now gearing up to set up a Tribal University. A memorandum for the purpose has already been sent to the Prime Minister of India and the matter is being actively pursued with the state government. Making an interesting case for identity recognition and assertion, the memorandum sent to the Prime Minister bears signatures of representatives of almost all shades of opinion in Jammu and Kashmir.

There are some problems common to all community initiatives. Often people are seen concerned about their own amelioration and not that of community.

When we took the lead, there were some apprehensions that we are doing this for own interest.

We went on to contribute our bit without giving an ear to criticism. As the bits and pieces of our ideas saw the

Epilogue Ø 26 × May 2008

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translation into leaps and bounds, the fence sitters realized the sincerity of purpose and GDCT went on to appropriate its role. Now among Gujjars as well as non-Gujjars, GDCT is seen as fountainhead of emancipation and a symbol of Gujjar cultural renaissance in the sub-continent.

How do you put its position in context of subcontinent?

Ask any anthropologist or a historian and he will instantly let you know that Gurjar community as sub-continental presence and there are strong cultural bonds and a common heritage that is shared by them irrespective of their geographical location. I may add here that Gurjars are spread over 11 Indian States as well as in some areas in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Well, your organization is devoted to the cause of Gujjar tribe. So, what are the pressing issues before the tribe and your priorities?

Begum Akbar Jahan, Foundation & Research Lib.

Museum Conference Hall Workshop Publishing House Studio Research House

In fact education is the zero-mile from where our journey begins.

We are thoroughly convinced that as long as the menace of illiteracy is not confronted with a firm resolve, the community cannot break free from the fetters of exploitation and socioeconomic discrimination. In just realization of this fundamental need, we are already running a 10+2 Higher Secondary School in Jammu which has more than 1200 children on its rolls. Our thrust on education is a continuing effort and to start a string of new Schools in remote and backward areas of the State is prominently on our agenda. Similarly, in near future we have plans of setting up a Tribal University of Science & Technology which will be a major initiative from us in the field of education.

Culture Preservation of our rich cultural heritage forms the backbone of our most fundamental concerns. Without this a community ceases to have its identity. We found our people shy of pursuing their culture. This was primarily for the lack of patronage. The state run institutions have done very little for promotion of Gujjar culture. Therefore, offer a platform for performance at a wider canvass. There is a lot in the Gujjar culture which can attract national attention but there has always been a lack of encouragement.

We are also bringing out regular publications that throw light on tribal literature and culture. We are arranging periodical musical concerts and staging various forms of dance and drama which generates a wave of consciousness in the younger generation and thus helps us transmit our social values to them making them richer and wiser.

You talked about Tribal University. Where does that stand?

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K.B. Public Hr. Sec. School

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We honestly believe that Gujjars as a community are way behind other demographic units in the State whether this is in terms of literacy, economic well-being or political empowerment. It is so painful that even after 60 years of Independence, they are still living nomadic or semi-nomadic life, their children have yet to be motivated to undergo School education, their womenfolk are still bereft of dignified social existence for want of education and awareness and their menfolk are still content with their utterly deplorable socioeconomic conditions. Illiteracy, as I understand, is at the root of all the miseries the community is facing today. We are working at a two pronged strategy –educational empowerment and cultural awakening.

Education

K.B. Public Hr. Sec. School Children’s Paradise School Miran Sahib Public School Ram Bagh Public School Vocational Centre Coaching Centre Computer Centre

Hostel Women & Child Care Centre Residential Complex

With our strenuous efforts we have been able to motivate a sizeable population of Gujjars to send their children to the schools. Our KB Public School, in a way, symbolized the relation between Gujjars and Education. Our next stride is towards setting up a Tribal University. The recommendation of the Knowledge Commission constituted by the Prime Minister further encourages our mission. We are thinking on two lines –one that the Government of India selects Jammu and Kashmir as one of the locations for setting up the Tribal University and two that the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust is funded to do this. We have send a memorandum to the honourable Prime Minister outlining our profile and assuring of our capabilities to handle this task. One or the other way, I can say with confidence that Tribal University will soon be a reality.

Epilogue Ø 27 × May 2008

BRIDGING GAPS J&K WITNESSING UNPRECEDENTED INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT A R E S U M E O F B R I D G E S S E C TO R

Balole Bridge Jammu completed in a record time of 7 months E Rs. 5.42 crore Balole Nallah Bridge, Jammu started in March 2006, completed in a record time of seven months.

E Kunzer, Baramulla bridge completed in record time of seven months.

E Work on seven bridges in Kashmir valley and four in Jammu division launched at a cost of about Rs. 2 crore each in December 2006, to be completed in December 2008.

E Rs. 11.91 crore Bagh Nallah Bridge Akhnoor started in November 2005, to be completed in August 2008.

E Rs. 8.50 crore Ahangmati Pora Bridge Anantnag started in July 2006, to be completed in August 2008.

E Rs. 3.50 crore Juhama Bridge, Baramulla started in September 2007, to be completed in September 2008.

E Rs. 3.81 crore Trehgam Bridge Kupwara started in June 2005, completed in two years.

E Rs. 5.95 crore Mughalpora Bridge Kupwara started in June 2005, completed in two years.

E Rs. 2.50 crore Seer Jagir Bridge Baramulla started in August 2007, to be completed in June 2008.

E Rs. 29.95 crore Ganpat Bridge, Doda started in November 2006, to be completed in December 2008.

E Rs. 9.12 crore Chatti Padshahi Bridge Baramulla started in December 2006, to be completed in December 2008 E Rs. 18 crore Kethar Manova Bridge Akhnoor, Jammu started in November 2005 to be completed 2008.

E 10 bridges at a cost of Rs. 19.35 crore completed last year, two bridges at a cost of Rs. 6 crore to be completed during the current financial year.

E 27 bridge projects approved during last two years at a cost of Rs. 458.21 crore.

Issued by : Department of Information and Public Relations Jammu and Kashmir Government

ROADS TO PROSPERITY A well nit-road is life line of economy in a state like Jammu and Kashmir presenting mosaic of geographical and topographical vagaries.

For this reason Ghulam Nabi Azad led government accords priority to road sector.

Over 71 PMGSY roads projects completed till end of 2007 adding 160 Kms road length to the existing network. ?

Under Phase-IV and Phase-V, 251 PMGSY projects costing Rs. 623 crore to cover 1565 Kms have been sanctioned ? for execution at cost of Rs. 700 crore finalized.

Under Prime Minister’s Reconstruction Plan (PMRP) following five road projects have been launched : ?

Name of the Project 1. Domail-Katra road 2. Srinagar-Uri-LoC 3. Batote-Kishtwar-Anantnag 4. Srinagar-Leh 5. Nemo-Padma-Darcha

Road Length 14.5 Kms 118.5 Kms 270 Kms 430 Kms 294 Kms

Cost Rs. 35 crore Rs. 466.71 crore Rs. 463 crore Rs. 560.81 crore Rs. 171.24 crore

Over 18 roads and bridge projects at a cost of about Rs. 44 crore completed in 2006-07 in Jammu Division. These ? projects include bridge at Rehai, 40 Km Thathri-Kalantra road, 23 Km Doda-Dessa road, 18 Km JaniporaAmbgarota road, 6.5 Km Thannamandi-Shahdara Sharief road, 25 Km Inshan-Margantop road, bridge at Batote Nallah, Box type culvert at Utterbani, 7.5 Km main road to Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, bridge at Kakora, bridge at Mubarakpora Rajouri, 6 Km Sangaldan-Kathua road.

339 schemes costing Rs. 280.46 crore have been approved for execution in 2006-07 in Kashmir Division. Of these ?

16 road schemes completed at a cost of Rs. 64.20 crore and 15 schemes at a cost of Rs. 15.37 crore to be completed this year.

JKPCC completed 17 roads, bridges and social infrastructure projects during 2006-07 and 19 projects being ? completed by the end of this financial year in the state. Other 25 roads, bridges and social infrastructure projects taken up across the state.

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Dards Of Ladakh : A Neglected Fok Tundup Palgias Ladakh is a very popular tourist spot these days. The land is known for its typical landscapes and geo-climatic conditions (different from the rest of the country), and wonderful monastic archival. Its people of the TibetoMongloid race are generally known for their simple and honest nature. But very little known is one of the earliest settlers of the trans-Himalayan region, the Dards of Ladakh, or the Brokpas as they are called in Ladakhi.

History and Mystery The first inhabitants of Ladakh are thought to have been two Aryan groups, the Dards of Gilgit and the Mons of Northern India, who were later on joined by a larger group of Mongolian nomads from Tibet (possibly around 500 B.C). The Dards are thought to have migrated to the low and temperate areas of Ladakh like Dah-Hanu (an area towards the west of Leh district), Darchiks-Garkone (only villages in Kargil District with Buddhist Dard settlement), and Drass etc.

Going through the current literature available on them, one gets an impression that there is still lot to be done in terms of proper and scientific research about their history and life. But the limited numbers of scholars who have conducted research on the area, have developed some sort of consensus on the origin of the Dards in Ladakh. F. M. Hassnain in his book, The Brukpa Dards of Dah, Hanu & Gorkone in Ladakh: Life and Culture, hints them to be the survivor of Alexander the Great's Army, who, after the departure of their commander, scattered over in the vicinity of Indus

River in lower Ladakh. A.H. Francke, one of the well known historians on Ladakhi history, in his book, The Indian Antiquity, traces their origin to Central Asia. He believes that they arrived from Central Asia to the Indus Valley through Gilgit and settled down in the areas like Dha, Hanu, Darchiks, Garkon, and Drass.

The oral history of the local people also tells similar stories. Elder members of the community tell that their forefathers had migrated from Gilgit via Skardo to the lower lands of Ladakh where they have settled down now. In one of the hymns of their famous festival known as Bono Nah, one can also trace some nuances of the history of their migration and pedigree. It indicates that their migration took place from Skardo to Ladakh. The song mentions the names of all the villages in the way from Skardo to Dha-Hanu and even up to Nubra Valley of Ladakh in proper sequence. A.H. Francke says that the hymns end with the migrants settling at one of the hamlets of Dha village. However, Rohit Vohra says that in another hymn, we can find that a dice game was played after which the decision of migration took place. The migration according to that hymn does not end at Dha but even proceeded to Leh and then to Nubra area (Rohit Vohra).

Because of lack of research on their history and deficient of historical documents on the Dards of Ladakh, there still prevails a lot of mystery about their exact ancestors and past, their folklore, culture, tradition, socio-economic life and the time of migration. About the time of migration, there does not seem to be an authentic source. Therefore,

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scholars on the area are confused and sometimes give different interpretations about the time of their migration. Hence, the actual time of their migration still remains obscure. Some say that they came in around 2000 to 3000 years ago.

Present settlement A greater part of Ladakh of the earlier days is believed to have been inhabited by the Brokpas. However, after the immigration of larger group of Mongolian n o m a ds from Tibet, they were outnumbered and were gradually displaced from many places. For example, in the Nubra Valley these days one can hardly find any kind of trace of the Dard people. Their present settlement is confined to few villages each having 3 to 4 hamlets each. The heart of their settlement is the Dha-Hanu area of Ladakh. Hanu, Beema, Dha (falling in Leh district), and Garkon, Darchiks, Batalik

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and Chulichan (falling in Krgil District) are the main villages of the Dard settlement where their distinctive way of life and culture/ folklore, different from those of the mainstream Ladakh, are still to be found in, more or less, pure form. In villages like Shimsha Kharbu, Pandrass and Matayan Drass of Drass area (in Kargil), Muslim Dards are found also.

Current problems The areas of the Dard settlement are still among the most backwards in Ladakh.

Data from the Census vindicates this in more than one aspect of their life. It shows that the Brokpas has the highest Total Birth Rate at 27.17 and also the highest Total Death Rate at 21.74. Their literacy rate and other indicators of human development like health and standard of living are also staggeringly low as compared to the other populations of Ladakh. This is mainly because of the indifferent treatment meted out by the government to them. The fact that there is not even a single high school in the entire area falling under the Kargil district stands testimony to this. The lack of awareness among the Brokpas and their economic backwardness adds to this gloomy state of affairs of the Brokpas. The villages and hamlets under Leh district are relatively better off as there are two high schools.

Their standard of living is very low. Most of them are living below poverty line.

This is despite fact that their area is the most fertile area of Ladakh. They are known to produce the best quality of apricots and other agricultural products from Ladakh. This seems to be mainly because of the lack of connectivity in terms of road, telecommunications and other means of communication. The roads connecting the Dard-inhabited areas with Leh and Kargil are in very bad shape. Hence, it becomes difficult to transport the fruits, vegetables and

other products produced from these areas to other parts of Ladakh and the state. There is only one local telephone exchange (at Batalik) in the entire inhabited area falling under the Kargil district. Very recently, Biama village (falling in Leh district) has been connected with local telephone. Lack of communications contributes to the lack of awareness among the Brokpas about the commercialization of their agricultural produces. The area has got huge potential for producing world class apricots. But the apathy of the state government and the local Hill Council governments adds to the agony of the Brokpas. The political leaders hardly show any concern towards them because the less numerical strength of the Brokpas hardly matters in the voting calculations of the leaders. The Brokpas heavily depend on agriculture for their subsistence. Their presence in the government departments as employees is very negligible. Because of the proximity of their habitations with the LOC, many of them work there as Army porters, and some get absorbed in the Ladakh Scouts (Regiment). But getting higher education and venturing outside the limited confines of their areas almost remains a wild dream for most of them.

challenge of assimilation of their language by the mainstream Ladakhi language, the Brokpa dialect seems to be headed towards a doomsday sooner or later. Because of the low treatment being mated out to the Brokpas and their language by the mainstream Ladakhis, the younger Brokpas generally tend to imitate the way of life and language of mainstream Ladakhis, a phenomenon being popularly known as Sanskritisation in Indian Sociology. The more educated youths of the Brokpa community generally prefer to marry with better educated females from the TibetoMongloid raced mainstream Ladakhis.

This also adds to the agony of the waning identity of the Brokpas of Ladakh.

(The author is doing research on the Ancient Races of Ladakh from Annamalai University, and can be reached at tspalgias@gmail.com)

Epilogue because there is more to know

There are two ways of Spreading light; to be the Candle, or the Mirror that reflects it

Future challenge: Dard identity crisis in Ladakh?

The most serious challenge the Brokpas likely to face in the near future appears to be the preservation of their distinctive identity in terms of language, dress, culture and customs, race etc. The Brokpas speak a completely different language, which phonetically and dialectically, does not have any kind of similarity with mainstream Ladakhi language. But the fact that they lack a script to code their language may prove to be bane in the preservation of their language in the long run. Add to this the

Epilogue Ă˜ 32 Ă— May 2008

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