Innovative Contributions to the documentation of Missing persons and Clandestine Cementeries

I n n o vat i v e C o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e D o c u m e n tat i o n of Missing Persons and Clandestine Cemeteries i n C o l o m b i a’ s C o n f l i c t

EQUITAS is a non-profit, scientific organization, whose mission is to help Colombian families search for individuals disappeared as a result of internal armed conflict. EQUITAS supports families in their right to know the fate of loved ones and recover their remains so that they may mourn their dead according to tradition and carry out appropriate judicial procedures.

Contents

5. Introduction

7. I. Situation of Enforced Disappearances in Casanare, Colombia 1997—2005 7. Description of the situation in Casanare, Colombia Paramilitary groups in Casanare

8. Problems with records of enforced disappearances in Casanare

8. Quantitative analysis of disappearances in Casanare

9. Data Sources

9. De-duplication

10. Descriptive Data Analysis 10. Records by source

11. Alleged Perpetrator Responsibility

11. Disappearances by Municipality in Casanare

12. Disappearances by Year 13. Municipality by Year 13. Municipality and Alleged Perpetrator 14. Alleged Perpetrator by Year 14. Appendix: Estimates of the Total Number of Disappearances 15. II. The use of geospatial technologies for identification

of clandestine cemeteries: A pilot study for the Pueblo Bello

case in the department of CĂłrdoba, Colombia 15. The Pueblo Bello Case 16. The Colombian context 17. Applying geospatial technologies in Colombia 17. Methodology used in the Pueblo Bello case 22. Results 22. Conclusion

Republic of Colombia

C贸rdoba

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Casanare

tific colleagues, produced some of the most innovative scientific work around the search of missing persons in Colombia. The purpose of these scientific studies was to provide innovative contributions to the documentation of missing persons in Colombia. In an effort to help promote successful exhumation, EQUITAS proposes a documentation strategy that answers the basic question “who is buried where?”

EQUITAS’ documentation strategy involved two levels of analyses: compiling the population of missing persons and locating potential clandestine cemeteries where these may be buried.

In order to answer the question of who is missing, EQUITAS has gathered centralized testimonial, governmental and civil society reports from several regions of Colombia that provide a baseline of available information to understand who is missing. Because all three of these data sources are incomplete, they need to be cross-referenced to reach the closest approximation of missing persons. Statistical analysis performed on this information can de-duplicate and quantify approximate numbers of missing individuals. One such example is was carried out in the department of Casanare by EQUITAS, in conjunction with the Human Rights Data Analysis Group of The Benetech Initiative in Palo Alto, USA. Under the leadership of Dr. Patrick Ball and his team, HRDAG contributed to EQUITAS’ work in Casanare by analyzinginformation systems and performing data analysis. This article was presented by EQUITAS and Benetech to the UN Working Group of Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID) for their July 2006 sessions in Geneva.

Answering the question of where missing persons are buried consists of mapping where these individuals may be buried. Mapping potential grave sites using satellite imagery and aerial photographs allows for the location of clandestine cemeteries in a given area, as well as the history of site formation. The use of geospatial technologies, particularly remote sensing, has proven a useful tool in the location of clandestine cemeteries in other conflict areas of the world, such as in the former Yugoslavia. With the help of Mr. Alejandro Dever, doctoral candidate for the PhD. program in anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh, USA, EQUITAS has carried out remote sensing information analysis from sites in the department of Córdoba. This article was presented in 2006 to Dr. Lars Bromley, Senior Program Associate in the Office of International Initiatives of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) in Washington, DC. Colombia’s active conflict situation makes it difficult for judicial investigators to access violent regions and spend long periods of time on the ground. As such, comprehensive documentation needs to be carried out as much as possible outside the country’s conflict regions. Statistical analysis and satellite imagery can help provide a data foundation, that does not only helps prepare field visits and optimizes available information prior to carrying out investigations in these difficult areas, but are also essential for guaranteeing success, as EQUITAS has demonstrated for cases in Casanare and Córdoba.

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Introduction During 2006, EQUITAS, along with reputable international and national scien-

I. Situation of Enforced Disappearances in Casanare, Colombia 1997—2005

This report provides quantitative information on enforced disappearances in the department of Casanare, Colombia between 1997 and 20051 . During this period, individual disappearances were systematic and widespread, particularly in the municipalities located in the western Casanare. This report analyzes a data set of 512 unique disappearance cases. Two paramilitary groups committed the majority of these cases: the local Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Casanare (Autodefensas Campesinas del Casanare, or ACC) and the national United SelfDefense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, or AUC). In addition, there were also reports of individuals missing due to guerrilla action and common crime, as well as enforced disappearances by security forces.

1. The 2005 UN Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia states that there were allegations of enforced disappearances committed by paramilitary groups “with complaints of State responsibility through action or omission. The departments of Casanare and Guaviare were also reported to be particularly affected by this practice.” See E/CN.4/2006/9, January 20, 2006, II, paragraph 32.

2. Clandestine cemeteries are not unique to Casanare. The UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances’ 2006 report on its mission to Colombia stated that: “Reportedly, thousands of graveyards containing bodies of missing and disappeared persons still exist all over the country.

Apparently, information gleaned from the general public about such graves reveals a more widespread pattern than previously known.” E/CN.4/2006/56/ Add.1, January 17, 2006, IV D, Paragraph 51.

of paramilitary commander Hector Buitrago (alias “Martin Llanos”), had control of Casanare and Boyacá, as well as the southern Llanos, or the savannah departments of Guaviare and Meta. In 2003, the Centauros Bloc of the AUC began to attack the ACC strongholds in an effort to gain territorial control. The AUC was successful decimating the ACC paramilitary group. From 2003 to 2005, the ACC and the Centauros Bloc AUC engaged in violent disputes to obtain territorial control of Casanare. Attacks on civilians, such as disappearances, were frequently used as a means to “purge” areas of control or prevent expansion of the opposing faction. For this reason, hundreds of individuals who were suspected or accused of belonging to the rival paramilitary group were forcibly disappeared. It is suspected that many of these individuals are buried in clandestine cemeteries located in traditional areas of paramilitary control, such as haciendas (large estates, often for livestock or agriculture) or encampments2.

Casanare is a wealthy department with a strong economy based on oil extraction and cattle-ranching. It is also a strategic location for illicit activities such as coca cultivation and drug trafficking. Both the ACC and the Centauros Bloc of AUC had influence in local political and economic power structures in Casanare. The ACC, followed by the Centauros Bloc of the AUC, regularly acted with the support of local officials and security forces, through action (sharing information or providing equipment and training) or omission (failing to initiate or carry out investigations of crimes). However, it is worth noting that this support fluctuated with the encroaching control of the Centauros Bloc. In 2003, the military sided with the Centauros Bloc of the AUC to combat

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Description of the situation in Casanare provides an atypical case of paramilitary violence in ColomCasanare, Colombia Paramilitary bia, given that two active and independent paramilitary groups were in groups in Casanare combat with each other. Prior to 2003, the ACC, under the leadership

the ACC3 . This support allowed the Centauros Bloc to assert control of the region, prior to its demobilization in mid-20054.

Problems with records of enforced There are no available figures of missing individuals in Casanare. Yet the disappearances in Casanare lack of figures of Casanare reflects a larger problem in Colombia: there 3 Human Rights Watch. 2005.

Smoke and Mirrors: Colombia’s demobilization of paramilitary groups. Vol. 17, No. 3. p. 22 4 El Tiempo [Colombian national newspaper]. “Arranca la desmovilización del ‘bloque Centauros’ de las autodefensas que opera en el Llano.”

June 3, 2005.

5. Gómez López, AM and A Patiño Umaña. 2006. “Who is missing? Problems in the application of forensic archaeology and anthropology in Colombia’s conflict.” In Forensic Archaeology and Human Rights, Roxana Ferllini (Ed.), Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas Publisher (upcoming publication).

6. Ibid.

7. See Vicepresidencia de la República. 2006. Panorama actual de Casanare, January 2006. Available at www.derechoshumanos.gov.co 8. The 2005 UN Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia states “that not all complaints of enforced disappearances are registered; in many cases they are registered as kidnappings.” See E/CN.4/2006/9, January 20, 2006, II, paragraph 32.

is not a complete and comprehensive register of enforced disappearances in the country5 . While there are some national governmental registers of forcibly disappeared individuals, such as the (Registro Único de Personas Desaparecidas) housed by the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences (Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses), these are incomplete. There is also limited information sharing between different governmental institutions, and even between regional and central offices of the same institution6 . Under-registration of disappearances in Casanare is the norm; a recent 36-page publication released by the Vice-President’s Office for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law (Programa Presidencial de Derechos Humanos y Derecho Internacional Humanitario) on the human rights situation on Casanare in January 2006 failed to even mention the problem of disappeared individuals in this department7 , despite existing records of other Colombian governmental agencies.

Between 1997 and 2005, many cases were recorded as kidnappings rather than forced disappearances. This confusion is common in other parts of the country as well8. There are two kinds of kidnappings in Colombia: extortive kidnappings, or those in which a person is apprehended in order to claim ransom, and simple kidnappings, or those in which a person is apprehended for motives that are not economic in nature. Given that a person is a victim of a “simple” kidnapping and is rarely heard from again, the line between simple kidnappings and enforced disappearances is often indistinct. Non-governmental organizations tend to record the missing as enforced disappearances, while governmental organizations record them as kidnappings.

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Quantitative analysis Between June 2005 and June 2006, EQUITAS obtained data from 512 of disappearances in Casanare individual cases of disappeared individuals from six separate sources.

Families provided several cases directly, represented by two civil society organizations, Fundación País Libre and Familiares Colombia. Other non-governmental sources include the Colombian Commission of Jurists. Governmental sources that provided data were the National Institute for Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Eastern Section; General Attorney’s Office (Fiscalía General de la Nación), Santa Rosa de Viterbo Section; and the National Technical Investigation Unit (Cuerpo Técnico de Investigación Nacional) of the General Attorney’s Office (Bogotá).

The objectives of this quantitative analysis were to determine:

• Frecuency of armed faction responsibility, determining which armed faction committed most of the disappearances

• Temporal and spatial concentrations of disappearances, determining which municipalities and years had the highest level of disappearances Based on a quantitative analysis provided by Benetech of the information available from four sources on disappearances in Casanare, we conclude that the paramilitary groups were responsible for more than half of the reported disappearances with known perpetrators. Furthermore, that the most affected municipality was Villanueva, with a concentration of disappearances in 2001.

Data Sources The data for this project comes from the records of the following sources: • General Attorney’s Office – 278 unique records from February 1997 to March 2005 • Colombian Commission of Jurists – 96 unique records from September 1998 to July 2003 • Fundación País Libre – 15 unique records from November 1998 to January 2005 • Fondelibertad – 10 unique records from November 1998 to April 2004.

Each data set contained its own set of variables based on the needs of each organization. The datasets were each reduced to a uniform structure, keeping only the following variables of interest: • Victim’s name • Date of disappearance • Municipality within Casanare • Source • Alleged perpetrator • Victim’s sex

De-duplication When information is collected about human rights situations, several different records may describe the same events. That is, there may be the same violation reported by many different sources. When trying to

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Datasets are partial: they each contain only the data available to that institution. It is important to understand that there are certainly more disappearances than are represented by these four datasets. However, even in this limited form, these datasets offer important insights into the likely statistical patterns of disappearances in Casanare between 1997 and 2004.

Some of the datasets did not contain some variables in the uniform structure. The General Attorney’s Office dataset did not have the municipality of the disappearance. The CCJ and the Fundación País Libre did not collect information about the sex of the victim. País Libre did not have information about the alleged perpetrator. Where the information was unavailable, it was treated as missing in the analysis below.

count the total number of abuses, it is critical to distinguish where reports overlap so that violations or victims are not over-counted. Detecting duplicate reporting can be very difficult because the information available to each project may be slightly different, even for the same cases. Duplicate reporting is controlled by matching records from each dataset to the others to identify the duplicated victims. Because human rights data is usually generated by the aggregation of press reports and narrative interviews, duplication is a normal feature of the resulting data. Removing the duplication is a standard step in the generation of all human rights statistics.

In this study, duplicates were identified between all the sources and names were standardized. This resulted in one “clean” data set with unique records of the disappearances reported by one or more of these sources.

The difference in the structure of the raw sources made the de-duplication difficult. Names in some sources contained accents, while other did not. Many of the same names were spelled differently in various places. Some datasets separated first and last names into different variables. Others embedded multiple first and last names in one field.

The following tables provides counts of overlapped reporting of disappearances in the four datasets.

País Libre–YES

CCJ–YES CCJ–NO

País Libre–NO

Fiscalía

Fiscalía

Fiscalía

Fiscalía

YES

NO

YES

NO

Fondelibertad–YES

0

0

2

0

Fondelibertad–NO

0

0

13

83

Fondelibertad–YES

0

0

0

8

Fondelibertad–NO

0

15

263

X

After linking the common records between the datasets, there is information about 384 unique cases of disappearances in Casanare between February 1997 to January 2005. Note that the lower-right cell contains an “X” indicating that it is logically possible (and indeed, likely) that there were some disappearances that were not reported to any of the four sources.

The Appendix explains how this might be addressed in future analysis.

Descriptive Data Analysis Although an estimate of the total universe of disappearances in Casa-

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nare is not possible, the results of this study provide important insights about the known cases of disappearances.

10

Records by source As seen in the table with overlap counts in the section above, the General Attorney’s Office (Fiscalía General de la Nación), an official governmental source, has the most information about the known disappearances – 72% (278/384).

Alleged Perpetrator Responsibility In Casanare, more than half of reported disappearances are attributed to the paramilitary groups. However, given that the data sources aggregated all the data on various paramilitary groups under the umbrella “paramilitary,� it is not possible to distinguish which paramilitary group in particular may have committed the disappearance.

Perpetrator

Freq Percent

Cum

Paramilitaries

195

52.85

52.85

Not established

97

26.29

79.13

Guerrillas

63

17.07

96.21

Common crime

8

2.17

98.37

1.63

100.00

Total

Disappearances by Municipality in Casanare

6 369

100.00

Municipality

Freq

Villanueva

47

Tauramena

28

**********************

Yopal

12

*********

Nunchia

6

*****

Sacama

6

*****

Monterrey

5

****

Recetor

4

***

Aguazul

3

**

Hato Corozal

2

**

Paz De Ariporo

2

**

Pore

2

**

Chameza

1

*

Salina

1

*

*************************************

Mani

1

*

Undeterminedv

1

*

Total

121

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State agents

11

This table shows more clearly the great difference between disappearances reported in Tauramena and Villanueva with respect to the other municipalities.

Municipality

Freq

Villanueva

Percent

Cum

263

68.49

68.49

47

12.24

80.73

Tauramena

28

7.29

88.02

Yopal

12

3.12

91.15

Nunchia

6

1.56

92.71

Sacama

6

1.56

94.27

Monterrey

5

1.30

95.57

Recetor

4

1.04

96.61

Aguazul

3

0.78

97.40

Hato Corozal

2

0.52

97.92

Paz De Ariporo

2

0.52

98.44

Pore

2

0.52

98.96

Chameza

1

0.26

99.22

Salina

1

0.26

99.48

Mani

1

0.26

99.74

Undetermined

1

0.26

100.00

Total

384

100.00

Of the 15 municipalities where disappearances were reported, a total of 62% (75/121) were reported in Tauramena and Villanueva. As mentioned above, there is 68% (263/384) missing data about municipality given that the largest data source, the FiscalĂ­a, did not provide this information.

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Disappearances by Year

12

Year

Freq

1997

20

********

1998

42

****************

1999

31

************

2000

41

****************

2001

137

*****************************************************

2002

30

************

2003

48

*******************

2004

29

***********

2005

6

Total

384

**

In 2001, there is a substantial difference in the quantity of disappearances reported relative to the other years in our reference frame. 36 % (137/384) of the total in the database reported occurred in 2001.

Of the reported cases of disappearances that contain municipality information, 61% (37/60) of the cases in 2001 occurred in ������ Villa­ nueva������������������������� , and 30% (18/60) in Tauramena. Together, these two municipalities experienced 91% of the known disappearances in 2001.

Municipality and Alleged Perpetrator

Municipality

1997 1998

1999 2000

2001

2002

2003 2004

2005 Total

-

20

33

29

36

77

19

24

21

4

263

Aguazul

0

1

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

1

Chameza

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

1

Hato Corozal

0

0

0

2

0

0

0

0

0

2

La Salina

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

1

Mani

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

1

Monterrey

0

0

0

0

0

2

2

1

0

5

Nunchia

0

0

0

0

3

3

0

0

0

6

Paz De Ariporo

0

0

0

2

0

0

0

0

0

2

Pore

0

2

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

2

Recetor

0

0

0

0

0

0

4

0

0

4

Sacama

0

0

0

0

0

0

6

0

0

6

Undetermined

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

1

Tauramena

0

5

0

0

18

4

1

0

0

28

Villanueva

0

0

0

0

37

0

6

4

0

47

Yopal

0

1

2

0

2

0

5

1

1

12

Total

20

42

31

41

137

30

48

29

6

384

Municipality

-

State Common

Guerillas

Para-

Not

total

agents

crime

militaries

established

-

0

0

8

39

130

86

263

Aguazul

1

0

0

1

1

0

3

Chameza

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

Hato corozal

0

0

0

2

0

0

2

La salina

1

0

0

0

0

0

1

Mani

0

0

0

0

1

0

1

Monterrey

2

0

0

0

1

2

5

Nunchia

0

0

0

4

2

0

6

Paz de ariporo

0

0

0

1

1

0

2

Pore

0

0

0

0

2

0

2

Recetor

0

0

0

0

4

0

4

Sacama

0

6

0

0

0

0

6

Undetermined

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

Tauramena

1

0

0

13

12

2

28

Villanueva

5

0

0

0

41

1

47

Yopal

5

0

0

3

0

4

12

Total

15

6

8

63

195

97

384

Of the cases reported in Villanueva, 87% (41/47) of the disappearances are attributed to the paramilitaries. Of the cases attributed to the paramilitaries with municipality information, 63% (41/65) took place in Villanueva.

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Municipality by Year

13

Alleged Perpetrator by Year

Year

- State agents Common crime Guerillas Paramilitaries Not established Total

1997

0

0

2

4

2

12

20

1998

1

0

2

10

17

12

42

1999

0

0

2

7

15

7

31

2000

0

0

0

3

12

26

41

2001

0

0

0

19

100

18

137

2002

0

0

0

6

15

9

30

2003

11

6

2

8

17

4

48

2004

1

0

0

6

16

6

48

2005

2

0

0

0

1

3

6

Total 15

6

8

63

195

97

384

In 2001, the majority of disappearances were reported, and 72% (100/137) of the cases that year attributed the crime to the paramilitaries. In this year, paramilitary activity makes up slightly over 50% of all the reported disappearances in the time periods spanning 1997-2005 in Casanare.

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Appendix: Estimates of the Total Multiple Systems Estimation (MSE) is a statistical technique that uses the patNumber of Disappearances tern of overlap among multiple, independent data-gathering projects, or

14

systems, in order to make inferences about how many violations are unknown. That is, how many disappearances were never reported to any project? This statistics is represented in the table on page 2 by an “X.” Unfortunately, the existing data is inadequate for MSE, as explained below.

In order to make statistical inferences using MSE, it is necessary to: • Identify overlapping reports • Control for bias and variation in coverage rates • Estimate the total magnitude In this study, overlap rates between the various sources were too low to do any type of estimation. Furthermore, these four datasets could be considered as only two independent systems. The difference in the reporting density in two sources (and CCJ) varied tremendously from two other sources (Fondelibertad and País Libre). Note that the first two sources are much larger than the second two, and that the cases País Libre reports are unreported in any of the other three sources.

Considering the four sources as separate and independent for the purposes of MSE would create statistical bias producing over or under-estimation. When one or more of the datasets contributes such a small number of records, the overlap rate can be too great or too limited. As noted above, Fundación País Libre has no overlap with other sources. Conversely, when the overlap is too great because one source contains another source (or nearly so), the sources cannot be considered as separate.

Substantial additional information will be required to understand the statistical pattern of disappearances in Casanare.

II. The use of geospatial technologies for identification of clandestine cemeteries: A pilot study for the Pueblo Bello case in the department of Córdoba, Colombia

Introduction

The use of geospatial technologies, particularly remote sensing, has proven a useful tool in the location of sites of archaeological interest (Banning 2002), as well as in the detection of gravesites containing human remains (Davenport 2001; Killam 2004). More recently, an application of these technologies has permitted the location of mass graves sites in conflict areas of the world. These mass gravesites contain the remains of dozens, and sometimes hundreds, of individuals disappeared in conflicts, such as in the former Yugoslavia (Hunter et al. 2005)1 . Electronic mapping techniques using GIS systems have also taken place in countries such as Cambodia, where experts have mapped mass graves sites created under the Pol Pot regime (Etcheson 1999).

EQUITAS proposes the combined use of remote sensing information, as well as GIS and geophysical technologies (such as magnetometers and gradiometers) on the ground, as a potential methodology for the location of mass graves sites in Colombia. The unique modus operandi of disappearances in Colombia, matched with its geographic conditions and conflict situation, make the use of geospatial technologies a valuable alternative in identifying clandestine cemeteries in this country’s context. Together with electronic mapping systems, these also allow for a mapping of these cemeteries, and by de facto, the Colombian conflict.

1. For more information, please refer to “Experts investigate new methods of using satellite images to locate mass grave sites,” The Associated Press, May 31, 2005 and “New way to find mass graves in Bosnia,” The Associated Press, August 17, 2005. See also International Commission on Missing Persons, “ICMP finds improved methods for locating mass graves,” Press release, August 16, 2005. Available at <www.ic-mp.org> 2. Fidel Castaño Gil, along with Carlos and José Vicente Castaño Gil, are the founders of the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Cordoba and Uraba (ACCU), a rightwing paramilitary organization that began in the early 1990s and later became the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).

(peasants) from the town of Pueblo Bello, department of Antioquia. The campesinos were taken to an hacienda known as Las Tangas, located in the outskirts of the city of Montería, in the neighboring department of Córdoba. Witness testimonies state that these campesinos were allegedly tortured and assassinated, before being buried in mass graves at Las Tangas, near the banks of the Sinú river, in an area known as “Playa Caudillo”.

In April 1990, Colombian police carried out an exhumation in Las Tangas, using heavy machinery, where the remains of 24 men were allegedly recovered. All of the remains were badly destroyed due to the effects of the heavy machinery. Six were identified by visual recognition, while the remaining eighteen were subsequently buried as NNs (No Names) in a cemetery in Montería.

Since 1990, there have been two government-led investigations (in 2005 and 2006 respectively) in Las Tangas, all of which have been unsuccessful in finding the remains linked to this case. The

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The Pueblo Bello Case In January 1990, paramilitaries2 abducted and disappeared 43 campesinos

15

Inter-American Court for Human Rights has recently ruled against the Colombian government in the Pueblo Bello case, and identified judicial authorities as negligent, not only in the obviously poor recovery of remains in situ in Las Tangas, but also in the ensuing handling of the bodies taken to Montería3.

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The Colombian context The Pueblo Bello case is representative of many disappearances carried

16

3. Inter-American Court for Human Rights. Sentencia Caso de la Masacre Pueblo Bello vs. Colombia, January 31, 2006, paragraphs 173-178.

4. The 2005 UN Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia states that allegations of forced disappearances became “more evident a certain time after the events, through the discovery of clandestine graves, individual or collective, such as those of Salazar, Sardinata, and in the rural area of Cucutá (Norte de Santander) and in San Onofre (Sucre).” See E/CN.4/2006/9, January 20, 2006, Annex III, paragraph 31.

See also the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances’ 2006 Mission to Colombia: “Reportedly, thousands of graveyards containing bodies of missing and disappeared persons still exist all over the country. Apparently, information gleaned from the general public about such graves reveals a more widespread pattern than previously known.” See E/ CN.4/2006/56/Add.1, IV D, Paragraph 51.

5. For more information, please refer to the article by Juan Forero “Colombia unearthing plight of its disappeared,” The New York Times, August 10, 2005. Also see “La hacienda El Palmar, en San Onofre (Sucre), está sembrada de historias del terror paramilitar,” El Tiempo [Colombian national newspaper], April 17, 2005.

6. For more information, please refer to “Mass graves unearthed in Colombia,” BBC News, February 15, 2006 and “Los restos oseos de 20 personas fueron encontrados en diferentes fosas comunes en Tucurinca,” El Tiempo [Colombian national newspaper], February 12, 2006.

out by armed actors in Colombia. For decades, all Colombian armed factions—paramilitaries, guerrillas, and the Colombian armed forces—have regularly deposited the remains of their victims in mass graves throughout the country (Gómez López and Patiño Umaña 2006). While all mass graves make for demanding recovery and tasks, there is an additional characteristic of mass graves in Colombia that makes these particularly difficult: Colombian gravesites are often formed by the gradual and systematic burials in one location over an extended period of time, and not the collective burial of many individuals at one time. People from different places in one general region are individually and systematically killed by armed factions, and are buried in areas selected by these groups. These areas tend to be located in specific rural strongholds, such as haciendas (large estates, often for livestock or agricultural plantations) or encampments. As time goes by and cases accumulate, these locations become clandestine cemeteries, holding the remains of dozens, perhaps hundreds, of disappeared individuals.

This modus operandi by armed actors, and the subsequent phenomenon of clandestine cemeteries, has become increasingly public in Colombia, garnering the attention of international institutions such as the United Nations4. In April 2006, governmental authorities discovered one of Colombia’s largest mass gravesites to date—La Gabarra, a town in the department of Norte de Santander. From the late 1990s to date, hundreds of individuals were disappeared by paramilitaries and buried in this site. To date, 179 people have been recovered, and investigations are ongoing. Yet La Gabarra is not an isolated incident. In March 2005, governmental authorities discovered one of Colombia’s largest mass gravesites to date—San Onofre. From the late 1990s to date, hundreds of individuals were disappeared by paramilitaries and buried in an hacienda located in the town of San Onofre, in the department of Sucre5. There have also been other mass graves recently discovered in banana and African palm plantations in the town of Ciénaga, department of Magdalena6.

Rural clandestine cemeteries are one of the hallmarks of the Colombian conflict. While in other conflicts there are intense periods of collective disappearances that lead to the formation of large mass graves, such as in Cambodia or the former Yugoslavia, Colombia’s protracted and low-intensity conflict favors individual yet systematic disappear-

ances that gradually form clandestine cemeteries in the countryside. Although the final result in both situations is a mass grave site, Colombia’s clandestine cemeteries hold unconnected episodes of individual disappearances that take place throughout a number of years, only related by the acts of perpetrators who bury them in the same specific site.

Applying geospatial The applications of geospatial technologies hold a number of advantagtechnologies in Colombia es for the Colombian context. These are as follows: • Remote-sensing technologies (particularly through the use of high resolution satellite images) allows to determine areas of disturbance in vegetation and surface composition that could be consistent to mass grave sites, providing information difficult to obtain with solely a pedestrian survey.

• Geophysical technologies (such as magnetometer and gradiometer) allows for the confirmation of soil alterations in potential disturbance sites.

• Remote-sensing and geophysical technologies are non-invasive techniques that can help detect, that do not alter or destroy clandestine cemetery sites.

• Remote-sensing images (in conjunction with aerial photography) allow a close, chronological monitoring of gradual clandestine cemetery site formation.

The application of geospatial technologies to these areas is ideal in many conflict areas of Colombia, where large extensions of uncultivated plains and/or livestock pasture areas are controlled by armed factions, such as in the Pueblo Bello case.

consisted of interpreting low-resolution data from 2002 (LANDSAT images enhanced 14m/pixel 4,5,3 composition, see Figure 1) of Playa Caudillo and obtaining a general understanding of topography and land use (see Figure 2). Patterns of erosion were interpreted as disturbances and plots of dense vegetation were also identified.

This data was subsequently interpreted along with additional information from complementary historical data from 1989 aerial photography and 1991 satellite images of Playa Caudillo (see Figure 3 and Figure 4). A thematic map was produced and compared to testimonial data and hand-drawn maps from a deceased witness. The result of this analysis was the selection of a high-potential area within the thematic map of five square kilometers, where soil disturbances matched testimonial and witness information. Information from a field visit in August 2005 carried out by Colombian authorities and EQUITAS’ staff helped make this information more robust. This map confirmed that,

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Methodology used in the The Pueblo Bello case was a first attempt to use remote-sensing data Pueblo Bello case and pedestrian survey. This initial approach, carried out in June 2005,

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Figure 1. 2002 low (24 m.) resolution LANDSAT image, 4,5,3 bands.

within the general high-potential area, there were two sectors of interest: the Playa Caudillo Sector and the Southern Sector (Figure 5).

In January 2006, high-resolution Quickbird images (Figure 6) allowed to further confirm these two sites, where Colombian authorities and EQUITAS’ staff carried out archaeological prospection and 6,000 test pits were made in the Playa Caudillo Sector (see Figure 5, Site 2 and 5–Photo A). The high-resolution Quickbird images also confirm that part of the site was eroded by the river between 1989 and 2005 (see Figure 5, Eroded Beach). The Southern Sector (see Figure 5) was not as intensely surveyed, and only 60 test pits were made (Photo B). However, this area yielded a single grave with three individuals (see Figure 5, Site 6–Photo C) a finding that strongly suggests that Las Tangas contains more gravesites outside Playa Caudillo. The pedestrian survey also identified multiple surface disturbances, like those at the site where the three skeletons were found. Thus, the Southern Sector is a location with a very high probability for the recovery of human remains. It is worth noting that this location presents a distinct land coverage pattern: an intense vegetation growth that has taken place in the last 18 years.

Figure 2. Preliminary supervised classification of 2002 Landsat image showing land cover Unclassified Cloud and deep water Tall forest Tall humid forest, manioc and banana Dry grass 1 Dry grass 2

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Sinú River

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Middle size forest Tall humid grass Short humid grass Sandy beach

Figure 3. 1989 aerial photograph of Playa Caudillo from Instituto Geográfico Agustín Codazzi

Figure 4. LANDSAT Image (1054). SIMCI Project, UN Office on Drugs and Crime Prevention

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Figure 5. Geographic changes Sinú River using satellite and aerial photography, 1989-2006

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Figure 6. 2006 high resolution (64 cm.)

Quickbird image, Green, blue and IR bands.

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Photo A. Crop area in Playa Caudillo that was intensely surveyed.

Photo B. Wooded area, located 600 meters southeast from the crop area featured in Photo A, where soil disturbances were found.

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Photo C. Site with three adult skeletons found in an area of soil disturbance. All three skeletons had signs of gunshot wounds to the head and torture.

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Results The two main questions for the Pueblo Bello case were: 1) the identification and sampling of soil disturbance sites that could indicate potential gravesites in Playa Caudillo, and 2) tracking changes in the course of the Sinú river to determine if gravesites were altered (and remains potentially lost) from fluvial changes. This was a strong hypothesis, given that the proximity of the burials to the Sinú riverbanks may have caused them to be destroyed by erosion.

However, findings from satellite images show that this hypothesis is not the case. The 2006 Quickbird image (Figure 6) shows soil disturbances and/or man-made alterations in Playa Caudillo and other related sites, which yielded a negative result upon survey. Historical image data helped track the course of the Sinú River, creating a map that accounts for areas severely modified by the river in the last 18 years (see Figure 5).

Thus, the main result is that the Southern Sector, where gravesites were found (Figure 5, Site 6) has not been altered, and also presents a distinct pattern of vegetation growth.

Conclusion Although gravesites were not found in the Playa Caudillo Sector, a mass

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grave with three individuals was found in the Southern Sector. Further investigations need to be carried out in the Southern Sector, taking the aforementioned findings into account.

A comparison of the 1989 and 2005 images suggests that the Southern Sector was intentionally abandoned and vegetation was let to overgrow, helping facilitate the concealment of gravesites. A pattern of abandonment of land plots could be part of the modus operandi of paramilitary groups, a hypothesis that could be further explored with a combination of remote sensor data and field data recovery procedures.

Several plots of abandoned land have been already identified.

The application of geospatial technologies in the Pueblo Be­ llo case and its analysis have been useful in understanding the potential distribution of gravesites in relation to land cover data in this area.

The efficiency and effectiveness of forensic archaeological investigation of areas suspected to contain clandestine cemeteries in Colombia can be greatly enhanced through interpretation of remote sensor data, as well as the implementation of geophysical surface and subsurface search procedures. Geo-referenced databases that document this evidence can further guide search parties into areas that may be ignored otherwise, and reduce the dependency on inaccurate (and often misleading) testimonial data.

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References cited

Banning, EB. 2002. Archaeological Survey: Manuals in Archaeological Method, Theory and Technique. New York: Kluwer Academic/ Plenum Publishers.

Davenport, GC. 2001. Remote sensing applications in forensic investigations. Historical Archaeology, 35(1), pp. 87-100.

Etcheson, C. 1999. Mapping Project—The Number: Quantifying Crimes Against Humanity in Cambodia. Phnom Penh: Documentation Center of Cambodia.

Gómez López, AM and A Patiño Umaña. 2006. Who is missing? Problems in the application of forensic archaeology and anthropology in Colombia’s conflict. In R Ferllini (Ed.), Forensic Archaeology and Human Rights, Springfield: Charles C. Thomas Publisher.

[Under review for publication].

Hunter JR, M Karaska, JBT Scott, EA Tetlow, and A Reddick.

2005. The Identification of Mass Graves in the former Yugoslavia using Geophysics and Remote Sensing. Sarajevo: International Commission for Missing Persons.

Killam, EW. 2004. The Detection of Human Remains. Springfield: Charles C. Thomas Publisher.

© 2006. This report was carried out with the support of the British Embassy in Bogotá.

All statements herein are solely the responsability of equitas.

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