The Inclusion and Exclusion of Social Classes in Britain by Estelle Jarvis

THE INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION OF SOCIAL CLASSES IN BRITAIN

Fig.1.

POVERTY, INEQUALITY & SOCIAL STATUS ARC 322 Estelle Jarvis 110175315 Sheffield School of Architecture 28.04.14

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Satwinder Samra of the University of Sheffield who gave me help, encouragement and plenty of food for thought in producing this special study. Brett Nutshall and Rosie, from Green Estate on Manor Lane, were most valuable in allowing me to gain an insight into the community of Manor Estate. E. J.

PREFACE

Rugby: born and bred 12:36 pm 26.07.1993 St. Cross Hospital, Barby Road, Rugby, Warwickshire, England When someone asks me where I am from, after my response: Rugby, most of the time I am then immediately asked: Rugby School? That big posh school? Did you go there? More often than not I react with a quick and quiet nod of confirmation that yes I did. But only for sixth form! I then find myself explaining that, my hometown, Rugby town, does not in fact have such elitist connotations and it is just another ordinary working class British town on the outskirts of Coventry. Having started out at a deprived state primary school, followed by a local girls’ state grammer school, I was only able to attend Rugby School as I won an art scholarship bursary. Since attending the boarding school as a local resident of Rugby, I have constantly been fascinated by my desire to belong or to not belong in such upper-class circles, such are the consequences of social mobility! Whilst some of the local population refer to it as ‘the posh school’ and occasionally glare at pupils because of their exclusive uniform: I sometimes felt that I wanted to walk around with a big placard saying: But, I’m from Rugby!

CONTENTS Introduction 7 The Current Distribution of Wealth

-- A â&#x20AC;&#x153;Thatcherisedâ&#x20AC;? Britain -- Class Ranking and Demonisation

13 15

Britain: The Mediated Version

-- Benefits Street and the After Effect -- Neighbourhood Identity and Belonging

23 27

Avoiding Class War 35 -- Being Class Conscious 35 -- Narrowing the Gap 35 -- Social Mobility 39 -- Child Poverty in the UK 41 -- How to Achieve Better Equality 43

Case Study: Exclusionary Zoning in Sheffield The Manor Castle Estate

-- Steel City 51 -- Sheffield in Poverty 55 -- A Tale of Two Cities 55 -- 123 Bus Analysis 56 -- A Manor in Decline 61 -- Bottom-Up Regeneration 63

Conclusion 67 Bibliography 71

Fig.2.

INTRODUCTION The fall of communism and the increase of capitalist regimes in Europe, have contributed to identity being a critical part of today’s political agenda, it is my intention to examine the varying life chances of different social classes, how they are perceived and in what ways better equality could be attained in Britain. The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘social class’ as “of, referring, or relating to a person’s status in society”.1 This definition explains why I have chosen to focus my chapters around status, the perception of one’s individual identity or the judgment of someone else’s. A method of analysis done by human beings, continuously defining how each and every one of us fit into society. Moreover, ‘social exclusion’ is a term that addresses the boundaries of class and division within the public realm, it is an expression that I feel on occasions can be a burden on inclusive design and the integration of citizens. “Exclusion” alone is an action done by one person and inflicted on another, in doing so hindering one’s personal experience of the city. It is the process of being shut out, either partially or sometimes entirely, due to any of the social, political, economic or cultural beliefs of that individual. In this study I will particularly focus on the division of social classes in Britain and how this has affected democracy. Democracy: “It is the equal participation of citizens (society) in the exercise of power”.2 I will explore why we have become more segregated, the effect the media and the built environment has had on human perceptions and finally ways in which we can promote social inclusion and reduce inequality in this country. Before concluding, I will explore these notions through an exemplar city and a deprived inner neighbourhood within it: Sheffield and the Manor Castle estate. My motives in researching this topic are as follows: human 1 Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford English Dictionary, Online Resource <http:// www.oed.com/view/Entry/183739?redirectedFrom=social+class#eid132634683> [accessed 14.04.14] 2 Nawratek, Krysztof, Holes in the Whole (Winchester: Zero Books, 2012) p.47.

interaction can relate to architecture in a variety of ways, but it is the people inhabiting the city whom determine its success, and so the most crucial element of design has to have human happiness and well being at its core. A place designed to benefit the welfare of its population will only be successful if its population is happy in the first place. The city is a place for ideas to be exchanged and human interaction to thrive; its public domain is merely the stage for this to takeÂ place. An analysis of architectural quality is essential but also a better understanding of the development and characteristics of human geography, politics, psychology and economics is obligatory to understand mankind, it will forever be mankind who is our client.

IDEAL

Distribution of wealth in the UK

15%

25%

What the British

THINK

the distribution is

40%

What the

ACTUAL

60%

the distribution is

Bottom 20%

Second 20%

Middle 20%

Fourth 20%

Fig.3. Results from an ICM poll on equality awareness.

has the

The richest

SAME

wealth as the bottom

Fig.4. The proportion of wealth distribution in the U.K.

60%

Top 20%

THE CURRENT DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH To begin my discussion on social class in Britain you must first understand the sharp rise in wealth between the most affluent and the most deprived, a change that has developed over the past three decades. To demonstrate the distribution of wealth, the Gini Co-efficient is used; it measures inequality across the entire spectrum of society rather than only comparing the polar ends of the scale. The result is a measure from 0 to 1, and the lower the result, the more equal a country is. The Gini Co-efficient in the United Kingdom has risen from 0.25 in 1979 to 0.40 in 20133. What once was one of the most equal western societies in the world has experienced a huge change in equality. Whereby its capital city, London, is branded as â&#x20AC;&#x153;one of the most unequal cities on earth: the richest 10 per cent are worth 273 times more than the poorest 10 per cent.â&#x20AC;?4 Figure 3 shows the results of an ICM poll based on the opinions of 2000 British citizens.5 It is predictable that British citizens are aware of the inequality we have in society but the shocking results are exposed by how far off the participants were in predicting the truth. Thus, it is appropriate to assume that a large proportion of the general public are not conscious of the uneven distribution of capital we are faced with in Britain. Inequality has risen so much that the richest 1% of the country have the same amount of wealth as the bottom 60%, an imbalanced proportion that makes one wonder: Is that fair?

3 Jones, Owen, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (London: Verso, 2012) pp.xxviii-xxix. 4 Ibid. pp.xxviii-xxix. 5 The Guardian, Inequality how wealth is distributed in the UK animated video <http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/video/2013/oct/08/inequality-how-wealth-distributed-uk-animated-video> [accessed 07.04.14]

Fig.5. The widening gap between the incomes of the richest and poorest 10 per cent in Britain from 1975 to 2005-2006

A “Thatcherised” Britain This drastic change is due to the combination of inequity and consumerism that has been encouraged to escalate by the political parties who have been in power since the mid-1970s. Figure 5 confirms the vast influence that the three Prime Ministers: Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Tony Blair had on the economic distribution of wealth in Britain. The steep rise on the graph indicates that Thatcher had the most impact on the inequality epidemic. In 1980 our nation was one of the most equal societies in the world but the current gap in income distribution makes the United Kingdom the fifth most unequal country,6 due the leadership policies of Margaret Thatcher. Her 11-year premiership ending in 1990 moved our country in a new direction: “There is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women, and there are families. And no government can do anything except through people.” Margaret Thatcher, 23.10.87.7 The changes she implemented pushed for a different way of living: the survival of the fittest. She encouraged citizens to work for their worth and climb as high as society will enable them to do so, thus allowing the structure of social class to become more dispersed and defined. At the beginning of her rule in 1979, over 7 million citizens made a living out of the manufacturing industry8, nonetheless, this was certain to change, as Thatcher had privatisation and finance at the heart of her policies. Production was relocated to parts of the world that had cheaper labour costs and a widespread closure of factories began across Britain. As a result, only 2.83 million (a 60% decline) were still employed in the industry in 20099. Along with high unemployment levels during the Thatcher years came a depressed culture that all of a sudden had to create a new means of income in order to support the welfare of their family. 6 Dorling, Danny, Ideas in Place of Fear: reducing inequality and fermenting justice, <http://www.dannydorling.org/wp-content/files/dannydorling_publication_id0585. pdf> [accessed: 07.04.14] 7 The Sunday Times, Epitaph for the eighties? “there is no such thing as society” <http://briandeer.com/social/thatcher-society.htm> [accessed 10.04.14] 8 Jones, Owen, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (London: Verso, 2012) p.35. 9 Ibid.

15 Consequently, there was a widespread decline in civic engagement, leading to the alienation and isolation of individuals. Thatcher promoted the ideal that being a working class citizen was no longer something to be proud of and, accordingly, with the decline in employment, a benefit dependent generation emerged, a prominent part of today’s society. Those that saw her embodying everything elitist by suppressing citizens who had very little wealth, did not remember her legacy in a positive fashion. Her death in April 2013 led to people rejoicing and celebrating in the streets of Britain chanting the slogan “Maggie Maggie Maggie, dead dead dead”.10 Thatcher had a strong influence on the social disparity of British society and the importance of where you stood in class ranking, in turn impacting immensely on economic rivalry amongst British citizens. Class ranking & Demonisation In the book ‘Chavs’, Owen Jones describes Margaret Thatcher’s effect on society: “The working-class label was no longer something people felt that they could wear with pride. Far from it: it had effectively become synonymous with ‘chav’.”11 The stereotype ‘chav’ began shortly after the millennium and arose as an abbreviation for those who were deemed to be ‘council housed and violent’, an image that had become metaphorically branded onto the working class and could no longer be shaken. Its pejorative use and acceptance in society has been taken to the extreme. It has become popular amongst the younger generation to use the ‘chav’ dress code as a uniform for fancy dress, a theme that has becomes a means of entertainment. The costume worn by those who think they are more socially superior, entails all the brands and accessories associated with their new look and exemplifies untactful mockery and bullying of a lower social class; often seen amongst sports teams or societies at university. The extent to which citizens will go to in this day and age to ridicule an inferior class is shocking. “The term ‘chav’ now encompasses any negative traits associated with working-class people --- [sic] violence, laziness, 10 Neild, Barry, Margaret Thatcher’s death greeted with street parties in Brixton and Glasgow <http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2013/apr/08/margaret-thatcher-death-party-brixton-glasgow> [accessed 10.04.14] 11 Jones, Owen, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (London: Verso, 2012) p.ix.

Fig.6. Margaret Thatcher outside 10 Downing Street

teenage pregnancies, racism, drunkenness, and the rest.”12 Consequently, the working class of Britain has now been labelled into a new category of lower class, now known as the underclass or the ‘undeserving poor’,13 a rebranding that, no one wants to be connected with, since Thatcher. The encouragement to move out of social housing with the ‘Right to Buy’ legislation, introduced by Margaret Thatcher, meant that the 40% of those living in council houses in the 1980s began to buy their way into the housing market. Remaining in government provided accommodation were those at the very bottom of the deprivation scale, unlike the more affluent who had the option to buy their way out, the remainder had no alternative but to stay. The backing from the Prime Minister created more of a divide in the nation, as it was only the poorest 10% whom were considered eligible to live in council estates. The common misconception and generalisations formed around the lower classes of Britain today tend to originate from the “Thatcherite” view of individual welfare and its importance over society as a whole. “Unfortunately there was a persistent tendency in polite circles to consider all the “roofless” as victims of middle class society rather than middle class society as a victim of the “roofless”.”14 Margaret Thatcher Her reasoning behind “failures”, the unemployed and homeless, was never down to society hindering the individual but because the individual was a hindrance to society. She firmly believed that poverty and unemployment were no longer problems of civilization and that they were the result of individual failings. “Anyone could make it if they tried hard enough, or so the myth went. If people were poor, it was because they were lazy, spendthrift or lacked inspiration”15. Demonization is an expression of strong disapproval of some 12 Jones, Owen, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (London: Verso, 2012) p.9. 13 Ibid. p.xxiii. 14 Campbell, John, The Iron Lady: Margaret Thatcher: From Grocer’s Daughter to Iron Lady (London: Vintage, 2009) p.395. 15 Jones, Owen, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (London: Verso, 2012) p.xiii.

19 other human beings and it is too often that people are victims of exclusion, whether it be racial, religious, class or gender discrimination. Whilst exploring the notion of exclusion between different social classes, a better form of analysis not only recognizes the excluded individuals and the restricting characteristics that inhibit their integration into society, but it also must acknowledge and emphasise the role of those enforcing the exclusion, and how it may be reduced.16 Solutions will be discussed on page 47 of this study. Class ranking has allowed individuals to position themselves where they think they belong in the social system; this sense of ‘belonging’ is often based on financial means, family heritage and/or the area in which one lives. Individuals begin to stereotype themselves to fit the criteria of the social group they feel categorizes them best. “We are all prisoners of our own class, but that does not mean we have to be prisoners of our class prejudices”17 There are countless damaging social attributes that are correlated to the social pecking order we are infatuated by in society. Primarily, the vulnerability we feel as humans amongst strangers. Judgments we pass off on our first encounter with a stranger happen almost instinctively and are based on our previous understanding, fed directly from consumerism and taste. The social positioning we provide for ourselves and other people has become an important trait in someone’s identity. “Identity is about belonging, about what you have in common with some people and what differentiates you from others. At the most basis level, it gives you a sense of personal location, the stable core of your individuality.”18 Prejudices may be based around one’s accent, taste in clothing, language, food, television, sporting or musical interests. “Taste is the basis of all that one has – people and things – and all that one is for others, whereby one classifies oneself and is [in turn] classified by 16 Bryne, David, Social Exclusion (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1999) pp.45. 17 Jones, Owen, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (London: Verso, 2012) p.12. 18 Weedon, Chris, Identity and Culture, (Berkshire, Open University Press, 2004) p.10.

Fig.7. Vicky Pollard and Kate Moss dressed up as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;chavsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in the sitcom Little Britain 2006

others.”19 The fear of being labelled by someone is known as the “stereotype threat”20. We fear unwanted judgment and “if people do not positively acknowledge the social class to which social theories assign them, they certainly know the classes with which they do not identify.”21 In an affluent society, such as Great Britain, those in the lower quartile of the income distribution sometimes struggle to provide food or to maintain a comfortable living standard, yet due to the pressure established by our culture it is often substituted for commodities such as a car, smartphone or dishwasher. The reason for this is related to the large income gap as you find that those nearer the bottom of the social order often battle to keep up with the prevailing standards set by those in a higher class. Moreover, it is in our nature to avoid shame, embarrassment and disappointment at all costs. It is thus imperative for citizens to feel that the facade they display is worthy of being a British citizen and not one that has been disenfranchised by an unfair system.

19 Bordeieu, Pierre, Distinction: A social critique of the Judgement of taste, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,1984) p.56. 20 Wilkinson, G. Richard, Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone (London: Penguin Group, 2010) p.113. 21 Weedon, Chris, Identity and Culture, (Berkshire, Open University Press, 2004) p.10.

Fig.8. Deidre Kelly, resident of James Turner Street and contributor to Benefits Street

BRITAIN: THE MEDIATED VERSION Benefits Street and the After Effect Channel 4 began 2014 by airing what was to be one of the most controversial television series of the year: ‘Benefits Street’. A program that quickly seemed to divide a nation according to their political and/ or social agenda. It told the story of multiple residents living on James Turner Street in Birmingham, where 90% of the houses were claiming benefits. Love Productions spent 18 months filming and told the contributors of the show that their main intentions were to capture the community spirit exerted by the residents. Yet what offended many Channel 4 viewers was that after the show had been condensed and edited into five fifty minute episodes, the remainder was considered ‘poverty porn’22, a form of televised schadenfreude. The producers and the Television Company were accused of misrepresenting the residents by exposing them as ‘low-life scroungers’ and cheating the political system by living off benefit claims. The negative view of the residents was enhanced by an array of scenes depicting drug use, theft offences, alcohol consumption and regular smoking. In this chapter I will discuss how such misrepresentation of a poorer class can incline society to misinterpret what a television series mediates and thus intrinsically create assumptions about the poorer people in society. The program was unveiled to the public with a theme tune, multiple advert breaks and a roll of credits at the end, all of which only enhanced the cynical representation as a showcase of how the less fortunate are struggling by living in poverty. The producers claimed that they were trying to demonstrate how a residential area, such as James Turner Street, exerts high levels of community spirit. However, the bold branding of a title such as ‘Benefits Street’ seems to have ulterior motives as the provocative name already begins to create assumptions and suggest that ‘community spirit’ is not the main focus. The selective editing allowed the creators to produce their own interpretation of how they think people on benefits live, a distorted 22 Brooker, Charlie, Benefits Street - poverty porn, or just the latest target for pentup British fury?, <http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jan/12/benefits-street-poverty-porn-british-fury> [accessed 15.04.14]

Fig.9. Mark & Becky, residents of James Turner Street and contributors to Benefits Street

25 reality that will now be engrained in viewers’ minds as a truthful representation of these people’s lives. Nevertheless, the finale ‘Benefits Britain: The Live Debate’ was successful in depicting decent people marginalised by an inequitable political system. The broadcast was an hour long on Channel 4 with an array of journalists from across the political spectrum, the producers of the show, members of parliament, people from the general public and some of the residents from James Turner Street whose lives had been exposed on national television. The most predictable move by the producers was that within the first five minutes of the program they began by portraying the residents as fraudsters, an ill-considered move that would only encourage viewers to think that a life of crime was an accurate representation of people on benefits. This tactic exemplifies why some of the public associate theft and/or anti-social behaviour with those of a lower class and feel the need to segregate themselves due to the face frequently stamped across media platforms. During the debate Chris Bryant, the Labour shadow minister for Welfare reform, pointed out that his “experience of people on benefits and the vast majority in this country, is that they are not shoplifters, they are people who want a job and like Mark and Becky, they need support to be able to get that job”23. Mark and Becky, characters in the show, are a young couple with two children, both looking for employment and struggling to raise their children with what the government provides. Bryant also pointed out, that the vast array of problems commonly associated with the poor could also be linked to the residents living on the wealthiest street in the country: Ergeston Crescent in the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea in London. Allison Pearson, a well-known journalist from the Telegraph did not take the program lightly and was sceptical that one of the main characters, Deirdre Kelly (nicknamed ‘White Dee’), was not suffering from depression: “Now when I look at the woman on the screen, a citizens advice bureau full of energy and laughter and so on, I don’t see the classical symptoms of depression to be honest”24. Her claim towards Deirdre is a prime example of how the series can be widely interpreted and it needs to be recognised that what the production 23 Chris Bryant during Benefits Britain: The Live Debate. Channel 4. 17.02.14. 2100 hrs. 24 Allison Pearson during Benefits Britain: The Live Debate. Channel 4. 17.02.14. 2100 hrs.

Fig.10. Scene from Benefits Britain: The Live Debate

27 showcased was not a true representation of the 42-year-old woman, but merely “her best bits”. From the start of the debate there was a clear division in the audience as John Bird, the CEO of The Big Issue, accused Allison Pearson of being part of the “condescending side of the audience”25 after her accusation against‘White Dee’. The positive outcomes of the live show were the recognition that the producers had in fact badly represented the residents of James Turner Street, but predominantly, it was successful in starting a heated discussion exploring how the political system could be improved for those battling with poverty. Benefits Street was certainly successful in starting a national debate about class, inequality and highlighting the fact that the villain of the show was not the people but the system we are part of. “A lot of people in this country have been genuinely shocked to discover that what used to be a working class has in some parts of the country disappeared and we now have a form of underclass.”26 Douglas Murray, during the debate of Benefits Britain. Neighbourhood Identity & Belonging “Reputation is about class, I would argue, or at least about what we perceive to ‘have class’ or not, and class is built into our landscape in the form of buildings” 27 Inequality creates the means for geography of difference to prosper and this in turn helps the transformation of what were once public spaces into forbidden and feared areas of the city, an outcome materialized by government as opposed to shared ownership. A large contributing factor, enhancing Britain as a divided nation, is the physical make-up of the city, whereby the architectural quality of housing starts to define the occupant’s class ranking and social status. Socio-spatial evaluations are often derived from ones postal code to 25 John Bird during Benefits Britain: The Live Debate. Channel 4. 17.02.14. 2100 hrs. 26 Douglas Murray during Benefits Britain: The Live Debate. Channel 4. 17.02.14. 2100 hrs. 27 Hanley, Lynsey, Estates (London: Granta Books, 2012) p.ix.

Fig.11. James Turner Street, Birmingham

form their identity and class entitlement, whether it be: poor, privileged or somewhere in the middle. In ‘Benefits Street’ a vast array of the scenes depicted have been filmed to focus on the deprivation of the street. Qualities of poor maintenance and poverty are closely tied to stigmatisations that may be formed around housing typologies and the network of surrounding streets. James Turner Street is portrayed through a lens of uncleanliness and hopelessness by dirty houses, sprawled waste, broken fences and in the desolate circumstance of a certain resident, no hot water or electricity. The physical fabric that makes up the community of James Turner Street means that one immediately associates it with a deprived social status for the area along with its the residents. “Neighbourhood change is considered to be an important influence on class relations because the neighbourhood is seen as the site of critical social interaction, identity formation and local politics.”28 The level of deprivation showcased is honest and truthful and some viewers were shocked that in such an affluent country, like Britain, there are citizens living and raising a family in such deprived conditions. “Most people in the country would think how tragic it is, that there are people in this country who live such frankly hopeless lives. And they seemed to be in many cases lives genuinely without hope. […] We should start by recognizing that it has to change.”29 Moreover, the representation of the street strengthened the notion of a ‘Sink Estate’,30 a phrase used to describe the downward spiral that a poor council estate faces in modern Britain. “The phrase ‘council estate’, […] is a sort of psycho-social bruise: everyone winces when they hear it. It makes us think of dead ends (in terms of lives as well as roads), stereotypes, the absence of escape routes. It makes us think of bad design, identical front doors, windswept grass verges, and the kind of misplaced optimism which, in Britain especially, gives the individualistically inclined an easy way to 28 Bridge, Gary, Gentrification, class and residence: a reappraisal (Bristol: SAUS Publications, 1993) p.2. 29 Douglas Murray during Benefits Britain: The Live Debate. Channel 4. 17.02.14. 2100 hrs. 30 Taylor, Yvette, Fitting into Place? Class and Gender Geographies and Temporalities (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2012) p.107.

kick social-democratic values.”31 Lynsey Hanley. From an outsider’s perspective, the image of street decay is undesirable and uninviting, yet it is “ringed by an invisible forcefield that asks outsiders why they might want to enter, and insiders why they might want to leave.”32 Despite the constant efforts over the years from the government to invest in the regeneration of some of the most desolate areas of the country they still seem disconnected from society. The physical appearance of such areas is not the principle problem behind the unhappiness of the residents but it is the mere inequality they experience within society. If one were to compare a street such as James Turner Street and the most affluent road in Britain, Ergeston Crescent in the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, they would be incompatible as there was something very special happening on James Turner Street, the community spirit that filled their front gardens, pavements and street. A scene that couldn’t be imagined in an affluent suburb, such as Chelsea, where residents tend to conceal themselves behind their ornate front doors, fearful of the other. As the poorer ‘under-class’ spills into the streets to greet one another, the wealthier guard themselves behind bars. These gated communities are an output of segregation in society as people feel more inclined to have protection against others and consequently developers take advantage of this as a means of attracting buyers.33 The defensible spaces we have created for ourselves show clear loss of trust and “when trust diminishes in a society, this results in greater disintegration, with isolated and apprehensive individuals.”34 Estates such as Park Hill in Sheffield, designed by Jack Lynn and Ivor Smith, had pure intentions of enhancing community spirit through ‘Streets in the Sky’ where residents could congregate. But the downward spiral after the de-industrialization of Thatcher’s era left a 31 Hanley, Lynsey, Estates (London: Granta Books, 2012) p.ix. 32 Hanley, Lynsey, Invisible forcefields surround our estates <http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/aug/11/invisible-forcefield-regeneration-estates> [accessed 14.04.14] 33 Bagaeen S, Uduku O, Gated Communities - Social Sustainibility in contemporary and historical gated developments (London: Earthscan, 2010) p.2. 34 Svendsen, Lars, A philosophy of fear (London: Reaktion, 1970) p.94.

Fig.12. Park Hill, Sheffield

“I hope you’re photographing this in black and white, its grim up here.”1 Park Hill Resident 1 Levitt, David, Till, Jeremy, Park Hill, Sheffield (Herne Bay: Categorical Books, 2012) p100

thousand deserted flats. The shift in inequality and increasing fear in humanity is noticeable by the current redesign of the Grade 2 listed concrete building through the changes made by architects Hawkins/ Brown and developers Urban Splash in renovating the scheme. One of their key moves in order to avoid negative connotations associated with the building was to add defenceÂ barriers to what once were public streets in the sky. This bold moveÂ exemplifies the new gated communities we have seen become increasingly popular, as residents instantaneously feel safer when they have greater control over who can enter their territory. Violence within the urban realm is a prominent reason why some individuals may alienate themselves and fear the other human being; and it is a worry that has been enhanced by the media. In recent British crime surveys, 35 per cent of people expressed worry over being a victim of a mugging, 24 per cent were concerned about being raped, 33 per cent over physical attack and a shocking quarter of the people whom participated in the investigation had anxieties [over] being insulted or pestered in public.35 The increase in fear of crime is larger than crime itself and can be correlated to the prevalent distrust of strangers. In Britain we have seen a decline in levels of crime36, yet citizens simply do not believe that crime has decreased as they are continuously influenced by what they are told in the press. News stories are often designed so that the viewer can relate to the individual and the context of the story is minimalized, to achieve this.

35 Wilkinson, G. Richard, Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone (London: Penguin Group, 2010) p.131. 36 Minton, Anna, Ground Control (London: Penguin Group, 2012) p.136.

Fig.13.

AVOIDING CLASS WAR Being Class Conscious Over the past century we have seen a change in attitude for the better with regard to race and gender discrimination, that it almost seems unimaginable that class origin and status differences are still a defining tool used to enhance segregation. “Although racial prejudice is widely condemned, class prejudice is, despite the similarities, rarely mentioned.”37 Class is not an outdated concept, and it is my argument that it should be a central topic of conversation and interest in society. In Britain we have an obsession with defining our own worth and status, consequently attaching ourselves to a social identity that best fits. The dialogue concerning class is existent in our culture however it must be communicated as a wider issue that contributes to other factors in society rather than an isolated problem. It is time that the social pecking order we are obsessed with no longer dictates individual aspirations. Narrowing the Gap Many citizens believe that the social problems in this country are due to the people initiating them, however it has been proven in The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett that there is a direct correlation between the troubles facing society and the income distribution gap. It is almost certain that the population of our country do not want to be part of, what the current Prime Minister, David Cameron, refers to as: a “broken Britain”38. People want a life more centred on values, family and community rather than on individuals and the egotistical greed that Margaret Thatcher brought to our country. “Almost everyone, regardless of their politics would prefer to live in a 37 Wilkinson, G. Richard, Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone (London: Penguin Group, 2010) p.164. 38 Travis, Alan, David Cameron’s solution for broken Britain: tough love and tougher policing <http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/aug/15/david-cameron-broken-britain-policing> [accessed: 15.05.14]

37 safer and more friendly society. Everyone will agree that a good society would have fewer of all the health and social problems”39 we currently face in Britain. Despite it being an affluent and economically successful country, it is for certain, a social failure. One of the contributing factors that has allowed us to widen the income gap has been the influence of other English speaking countries, such as the USA, New Zealand and Australia who, as shown from statistical data,40 also have some of the biggest equality differences in the world. All of these nations, including our own, have been engrossed by a free-market ideology and have implemented strategies for a more ‘flexible’ labour force, policies that have been communicated easier through the absence of language barriers.41 Considering how countries rate amongst one another in income inequality is critical to see the severity of British distribution. By comparing the UK to other societies with similar wealth, for example, Japan, which is one of the most equitable places to live in the world with an inequality gap that is far narrower than the UK’s,42 we can see that it is possible to maintain affluence whilst improving equality between citizens. However, the significant factor contributing to the British class war is how citizens compare themselves to others within their own society rather than the differences between foreign societies. It has been recognised that better equality through a lower income gap will enhance the social welfare of a nation and help diminish associated problems such as: poor health, anxiety, depression, teenage pregnancies and poor child well being43. In addition to this, inequality has weakened social cohesion, trust and a sense of community, in turn creating more crime and violence. Also it must also be acknowledged that it is now more common for people to move homes a lot more often than they once did, disenfranchising communication between neighbours and the inclination towards communities being non-existent. 39 Wilkinson, G. Richard, Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone (London: Penguin Group, 2010) p.248. 40 ibid. Fig 2.1, p.17. 41 ibid. p.244. 42 ibid. Fig 2.1, p.17. 43 ibid. p.6.

Fig.14. Front Cover for The Sunday Times Rich List in 2013

39 Social Mobility Social mobility is the movement of individuals or groups in social standing orders. It measures the distribution of opportunity in society and due to the shift of distribution over the years it has become harder for people to move up in the social order. “There is now strong evidence that relative social mobility in the UK fell in the late twentieth century: children born into manual worker families in 1958 had a better chance of entering higher occupations than children born into similar families in 1970. In other words, the relative chances of children from different backgrounds have become more unequal over time, with those born into affluent families retaining a stronger hold on their advantages.”44 The concept of division that is driving my discussion is indiscreetly splashed across the headlines once a year with The Sunday Times Rich List, where the extortionate wealth of individuals in Britain is publicised for the rest of the nation to read in awe. It was “reported that in a single year, 2010, the wealth of Britain’s 1,000 richest people increased by almost one third to a combined total of £395 billion45”, a statistic that encapsulates how the phenomenon is growing at such a fast rate. The Labour party leader, Ed Milliband, expressed in a speech to Sutton Trust in 2012: “inequality and social mobility are the product of an education system and an economy which works for too few. So, if we are serious about creating new opportunities for all the working people of this country, then we must be serious about inequality itself.”46 During the year that this claim was made, the country witnessed a rise in university fees, affecting not only one’s decision to apply to university but also the question of whether or not the years it would take to pay off the student debt was worth it. The policy change pushed us further down the road of an unequal nation, as there was a decline of 9% in

44 Fabian Society, Why Life Chances Matter (London: Fabian ideas, 2005) p.45. 45 My Fair London in association with The Equality Trust, Why Inequality Matters, <http://classonline.org.uk/docs/Why_Inequality_Matters.pdf> [accessed: 13.04.14] 46 Ibid.

Young people living in the 20 per cent most advantaged areas are almost seven times as likely to Attend leading universities as those living in the 40 per cent most disadvantaged areas.1

Only one in eight (13 per cent) of children from low-income backgrounds go on to achieve high incomes as adults, compared to nearly half (45 per cent) of those from high-income families.2

“young people from the most advantaged backgrounds are around eight times more likely to go to one of these institutions than young people from the least advantaged backgrounds.”3

1 ‘Social Mobility & Child poverty commission’ State of the Nation: 2013 : Social Mobility & child poverty in Great Britain Oct 2013 pp.28-43. 2 Ibid. 3 ‘High Hopes’ in, Britain in 2014, The Economic and Social Research Council, p.59. Fig.15.

applicants the year fees were introduced.47 “Social trust is also correlated with education and because educational levels have risen sharply, the overall decrease in social trust is even more apparent.”48 Robert Putnam The increase in fees impacted my own decision as I was pressured into applying for university the year I finished my A-Levels in 2011 rather than taking a gap year. I wanted to avoid paying back a student loan three times larger than the one I took for the year I chose to apply, especially when applying for a long degree such as Architecture, which had a downturn of 16% in applicants in 2012.49 Child Poverty in the UK Another factor affecting social mobility is child poverty in the UK and it is clear that the general public doesn’t understand the severity of the situation. When the noun ‘poverty’ is used to describe children in our affluent western society, people tend to disagree and react with something along the lines of: “I tend to think of extreme child poverty as third world skeletal children.”50 Nonetheless when people are presented with the facts that 1 in 50 children in Britain are without a warm coat in winter and that 1 in 25 are without birthday celebrations51, they are shocked. Until people are presented with these statistics there is often misconception around child deficiency in the UK. From the MORI ‘qualitative research project on public attitudes towards child poverty

47 Chessum, Michael, The privatisation of higher education is forcing out poorer students <http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/jul/10/privatisation-higher-education-working-class-students> [accessed 06.04.14] 48 Putnam, Robert D, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000) 49 Vasagar, Jeevan, Number of UK university applicants drops 8.7%, Ucas figures show <http://www.theguardian.com/education/2012/jan/30/uk-university-applications-drop-ucas> [accessed 14.04.14] 50 Fabian Society, Why Life Chances Matter (London: Fabian ideas, 2005) p.30. 51 Ibid.

42 2.3 million children in the United Kingdom – one child in six – are in relative income poverty1 4 million people are not properly fed2 2.5 million children live in damp homes 31 per cent of adults cannot save £20 each month 30 per cent of adults of working age cannot afford to regularly pay into their pension 12 per cent of households cannot afford household insurance the number of households unable to heat the living areas of their homes is now nine per cent compared to three per cent in the 1990s and five per cent in 1983. Overcrowding is as high as it was in 1983: today nine per cent of households cannot afford enough bedrooms for every child”

1 ‘Social Mobility & Child poverty commission’, State of the Nation: 2013 : Social Mobility & child poverty in Great Britain Oct 2013 p28 - 43 2 All other statistics from: Mack, Joanna and Lansley, Stewart, in Britain in 2014, The Economic and Social Research Council, p.97. Fig.16.

43 and life chances’,52 participants from the economic class BC1C2,53 with neither a strong right or left political agenda, were challenged on their reasoning for child poverty. The results were as follows: • The participants had low awareness of the poverty problem. • There was denial of poverty towards in-work families. • They considered child poverty to be a result of bad parenting rather than a lack of economic resources • There was clear lack of empathy towards those in deprivation, as they were associated with crimes such as benefit fraud.54 The stereotypical and negative opinions held by this group of moderately well-off citizens regarding those of a lower class status reveals how social and economic inequality can divide a nation, whether it be through residential division or physiological separation. “We can perhaps begin not only to see why more unequal societies are so socially dysfunctional but, through that, perhaps also to feel more confident that a more humane society may be a great deal more practical than the highly unequal ones in which so many of us live now.”55 Richard G. Wilkinson and Kate Pickett

How to achieve better equality

The huge gulf between the rich and the poor not only causes division in society but discourages social well being for everyone involved: rich or poor. It is essential that every child born in Britain has equal opportunity to achieve success whatever it’s background, yet it must be understood that equality does not mean that every citizen should be identical but merely be provided with the same chance 52 Fabian Society, Why Life Chances Matter (London: Fabian ideas, 2005) pp.1723. 53 BC1C2: a group typically earning the UK average income, residing in semi and detached properties. Ibid. 54 Fabian Society, Why Life Chances Matter (London: Fabian ideas, 2005) pp.17-23. 55 Wilkinson, G. Richard, Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone (London: Penguin Group, 2010) p.216.

to prosper. A ‘fair race’ between economic backgrounds should be encouraged to increase the chances of social movement within society. Attempts to improve the problem need to address the issue as a whole rather than focus on individuals. However, in the rare instances where a ‘Bottom-Up’ approach of social intervention has been successful, we should still aim towards a greater change in the social well being of the United Kingdom as a whole. “A society where all children can flourish and where success in life reflects talent and effort rather than the circumstances of birth is an ideal [...]. The United Kingdom is a long way from achieving this ambition. Over decades British Society has become wealthier but it has not become fairer.”56 Tackling these issues is a national imperative and we must address the ways in which we can enhance equality, social mobility and thus improve welfare. “Britain is a tale of social progress but contradictions remain: today, equality of opportunity is recognised in law yet the labour market remains unequal for many. Education is available to all, yet still some gain advantage.”57 The effects due to the university fee rises in 2012, as already discussed,58 have not only discouraged young adults from applying to higher education, but as a recent report suggests, they were led to think from what they had read in the press that it would be ‘too expensive’, a perception predominately voiced in comprehensive schools with higher rates of free school meals.59 Moreover, the success of a student after attending university is dependent on the institution attended and the degree chosen to study,60 as some subjects will have a higher return in salary. Consequently it is vital that young people from all backgrounds are given quality information and good advice surrounding their prospects in higher education. The communication of these issues should be articulated well before young adults begin to decide the path they wish to pursue 56 ‘Social Mobility & Child poverty commission’ State of the Nation: 2013 : Social Mobility & child poverty in Great Britain Oct 2013 p.28. 57 Stevens, Nick, ‘A Century of Change’ in, Britain in 2014, The Economic and Social Research Council, p.3. 58 See p.43. 59 The Economic and Social Research Council, Britain in 2014, p.37. 60 ‘High Hopes’ in, The Economic and Social Research Council, Britain in 2014, p.59.

Fig.17. The Front page of The Daily Mail, 16.04.14

and before eliminating options as a result of being misinformed. We must address the importance of discussing unfairness between social classes and not reject them by assuming it ‘does not happen in the 21st century’. I have no intention in this study to idolize the working-class but merely draw attention to the lack of justice and the severe issues revolving around child poverty that seem to have become a norm. British citizens need to realise that it is not only a third world problem but much closer to home than they realize. Research done by the ESRC Poverty and Social Exclusion (PSE) explained, “the numbers who can’t afford a number of the most basic items such as adequate heating, food and housing are back to the 1983 levels.”61 It is catastrophic that our nation has failed to maintain the most basic standards of living for some people, resulting in relative poverty. How is this possible when the British economy has doubled in size yet the number of people using food banks has gone up from 346,000 to 1 million in the past year?62 The British Government’s Alan Milburn, the social mobility tsar, warns us that “the problem with child poverty is for the working families rather than the workless or the work-shy, two thirds of children who are deemed in poverty have at least one parent working, and 3 in 4 of those parents at least one is working full time.”63 On occasions it is the parents that aren’t working hard enough but the principle problem is that they aren’t earning enough to make a living for themselves and their family. Employers should ensure that they are paying a living wage rather than the minimum wage to avoid in-work poverty. Five million people in Britain earn less than the minimum wage, predominantly women.64 “Work is an effective way out of poverty but it isn’t a cure for it.”65 61 Mack, Joanna and Lansley, Stewart, ‘Poverty on the rise’ in Britain in 2014, The Economic and Social Research Council, p.96. 62 BBC, The papers: Wednesday’s front pages <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk27045114> [accessed: 20.04.14] 63 BBC, Alan Milburn says child poverty ‘no longer problem of the workless and work-shy’ <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-24553611> [accessed: 12.04.14] 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid.

Tony Blair pledged to end child poverty within the time frame of a single generation and although the Labour Party did implement many policy changes that could have strong impacts on poverty in Britain, for example the National Minimum Wage Act in 1998, any noticeable change in society will be in the long term, as opposed to immediate. “So the verdict on the effects of Labour’s period in power on poverty and inequality is necessarily incomplete: its durability will depend crucially on whether its policies on things like education and childcare do have long-run impacts.”66 It is hard to detect whether or not changes in policy have had an effect during the period of a standard electoral cycle, and so patience is essential. More changes implemented by the government should be subject to thorough evaluation as there are large gains to be had from a reformation of the tax and benefit system.67 However, the recent change in the housing benefit legislation in April 2013 proved otherwise. The bedroom tax attempted to encourage tenants to move into smaller homes by reducing the amount the government spent on benefit claims, in hope of freeing up spaces for overcrowded families in a housing shortage. This short term change needed better analysis as it has only removed more wealth from those in poverty, and in some cases made living conditions worse for those with children or disabled relatives who may suffer from a change of address as it would be disruptive to their lifestyle.68

66 ‘Inequality Lessons’ in, Britain in 2014, The Economic and Social Research Council, p.100. 67 Ibid. 68 BBC, How do the housing benefit changes work? <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ business-21321113> [accessed 21.04.14]

Case Study: Exclusionary Zoning in Sheffield Manor CASTLE ESTATE David Blunkett, a British Labour Party politician, describes the city of Sheffield as “a microcosm and emblematic of the divide that exists in England between wealth and health on the one hand and poverty and inequality on the other.”69 In this chapter I will explore how the fourth largest city in the country, with a population of over half a million, exemplifies the notion of inclusion and exclusion between social class not only in the urban realm of Sheffield but how this case study echoes characteristics from across the nation.

Steel City

To understand why the city of Sheffield has experienced declines of equality, described in this chapter, firstly requires an understanding of its history. In the 20th century it became a major city in the manufacturing industry of cutlery and steel partly due to its prime location for coal, iron and waterpower, supplied by its local rivers. The steel industry was thus the primary employer for the majority of the city’s population. “The central streets were remodelled as a commercial centre, giant new steelworks were erected in the east end, rows upon rows of red-brick, terraced houses were built in the working-class suburbs, and the middle classes retreated to the west, away from the smoke and the grime.”70 However, it was the neo-liberal economic policies made by Thatcher’s conservative government,71 which led to the closure of factories and escalating unemployment.

69 Thomas B, Pritchard J, Ballas D, Dorling D, A tale of two cities: Sheffield <http:// www.sasi.group.shef.ac.uk/research/sheffield/a_tale_of_2_cities_sheffield_project_final_report.pdf> [accessed: 07.04.13] p.9. 70 Ibid. p.16. 71 See chapter: The Current Distribution of Wealth, A “Thatcherised” Britain

Bus Station Sheffield University

Sheffield City Centre Park Hill Train Station

Hyde Park

Green Estate The Manor Castle Ward

Fig.18. Sheffield, UK

Broomhill

City Centre The Manor Castle ward

Top 20% most affluent citizens Bottom 20% most deprived citizens

Fig.19. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Split Sheffieldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Sheffield in Poverty

Today, almost a quarter of the children born in Sheffield are brought up in relative poverty and over 30% of the population are among the 20% of the most deprived people in the country,72 particularly located in the north and east of the city. Despite Sheffield being one of the least deprived cities in the country, due to its more affluent citizens, it remains one of the most unequal places to live in England.

A Tale of Two Cities

It must be recognized that the physical geography of Sheffield has enhanced the social segregation we see today. The topographical nature of the Lower Don Valley was principally fitting for the industrial development of the city, which in turn was accompanied by housing to accommodate the workers nearby. Whereas, towards the west of the city, higher ground was deemed more appropriate to house the factory owners â&#x20AC;&#x201C; upwind and further away from the pollution produced by the factories. This polarization was enhanced by the vast amounts of council housing built to the east in the twentieth century.73 The separation of affluent and poorer neighbourhoods, strongly influenced by the historic development of the steel industry is still very prominent today, clarified in figure 19. The very clear geographical division of deprived and affluent citizens causes residents to lead individual and very different lives, with the capability of almost being two entirely different cities. A few decades ago, this was not the case.

72 Sheffield City Council, Sheffield Fairness Commission Report - Fairness: Making Sheffield Fairer <https://www.sheffield.gov.uk/dms/scc/management/corporate-communications/documents/government-politics-admin/policy-making/ fairness-commission/Fairness-Commission-Report/Fairness%20Commission%20 Report.pdf> [accessed 14.04.14] 73 Thomas B, Pritchard J, Ballas D, Dorling D, A tale of two cities: Sheffield <http:// www.sasi.group.shef.ac.uk/research/sheffield/a_tale_of_2_cities_sheffield_project_final_report.pdf> [accessed: 07.04.13] pp.13-17.

123 Bus Analysis

The change of the urban realm along a typical bus route in Sheffield expresses this separation of social class through its housing typologies. Within the route is the most affluent ward of Ecclesall, and the most deprived, Manor Castle. Figures 22 - 25 express the change of domestic dwellings via the 123 bus from the affluent west of Sheffield to the more deprived east. In addition to the obvious aesthetic appearance of the neighbourhoods, data from the Sheffield Wards Health & Wellbeings Profiles from 2013 show an outstanding decline of male life expectancy of 8 years from Hunters Bar (Ecclesall) to Manor Top (Manor Castle).

Arts Tower

Sheffield City Centre

Fig.21. Hunters Bar

Broomhill

Male Life Expectancy

The average life expectancy for a UK male citizen is 80 years old1 and it is shocking to see in Figure 20 that all bus stops but the most affluent along the 123 bus route fall under this national average. 90 80 70

UK Average

Wards in ShefďŹ eld along the 123 bus route

Fig.20.

1 World Bank, Light expectancy at birth, male (years) < http://data.worldbank.org/ indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.MA.IN/countries> [accessed 14.04.14]

Bus / Train Station

The Manor Estate

Manor Top

Woodhouse

Fig.22.

Fig.23.

Hunters Bar

Broomhill

Postcode: S10

Male Life Expectancy: 84.4

Male Life Expectancy: 77.6

Average House Price: £302,732

Average House Price: £254,227

Fig.24.

Fig.25.

Manor top

Woodhouse

Postcode: S2

Postcode: S13

Male Life Expectancy: 72.2

Male Life Expectancy: 75.6

Average House Price: ÂŁ96,896

Average House Price: ÂŁ125,017

All information from the Sheffield City Council, Sheffield Wards Health & Wellbeing Profiles 2013 <https://www. sheffield.gov.uk/caresupport/health/director-of-public-health-report-2013/health-and-wellbeing-across-sheffield/electoral-wards-health-and-wellbeing-profiles.html> [accessed: 14.04.14]

Fig.26. The Manor Castle Estate with views over the city of Sheffield

61 A Manor in Decline Manor Castle is classified as the neighbourhood with the highest level of deprivation in Sheffield whereby 74% of the population in the ward are living in areas deemed the most deprived 10% in the country.74 It is located on the outskirts of Sheffield, a short ten-minute bus ride from the city centre via the 123 and despite being so close it still feels isolated and disconnected from the other occupants in the city. The estate is home to many of the council houses built to accompany the steel industry, thus the influence of Thatcher had an enormous impact on the lives of the workers living in the area when the closure of the industry began. The Manor is a prime example of the social turnover a typical living district in the country experienced. Its position on the periphery allows it to feel comparable to a ‘social dumping ground’ whereby it is located out of the way of the rest of society. In 2007 it was common amongst the population of Sheffield to fear the estate, to the extent that taxi drivers refused to travel up to the Manor as car theft and vandalism was prevalent. The council estate has had its fair share of press coverage, from articles entitled ‘This is our Manor’75 an exclusive article on ‘What life is really like on one of Britain’s worst no-go estates’76 to being the set for a high speed car chase in the BBC series Traffic Cops in 2003.77 It’s reputation has driven the council into selling as many of the properties on the estate to housing associations, leaving the rest of the area to disintegrate. This change led one resident in an article in The Guardian to comment: “You can’t regenerate a community by ripping out its heart. Communities take generations to build up and the council has destroyed ours by knocking bits down, selling bits off and

74 Manor Castle Ward: Sheffield City Council, Sheffield Wards Health & Wellbeing Profiles 2013 <https://www.sheffield.gov.uk/caresupport/health/director-of-public-health-report-2013/health-and-wellbeing-across-sheffield/electoral-wards-health-and-wellbeing-profiles.html> [accessed: 14.04.14] 75 McCaffrey, Julie, This is our Manor <http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/thisis-our-manor-470156> [accessed 14.04.14] 76 Ibid. 77 Traffic Cops. Series 1: Episode 12: After Dark. BBC. 04.12.03.

63 leaving the rest to rot.” The article proceeds to mention the decline of the area and tells the tales of a milkman being murdered and the vicar of the local church being mugged by a group of boys as young as 11 years of age. 78

“Twenty years ago, the Manor was considered the crème de la crème of housing estates. Now you can walk round and take your pick of the empty houses, if you can crowbar off the boards from the windows. The council has let this area die.”79 Karen Law, a local resident of the Manor

Bottom-Up Regeneration

Despite the social problems associated with the Manor, over the past few years it has seen improvement and crime levels have reduced. A non-profit social enterprise in the area, Green Estate, has had a substantial influence on its reputation. At the moment they currently employ 120 volunteers from the local area. These people often have family problems, complicated backgrounds and in some cases have just been released from prison. The volunteers have a wide range of jobs available for them such as: farm work, food production, waiting on tables in the café, allotment up-keep and operating heavy machinery. These jobs keep them safe, off the streets and allow them to develop their CV. After having spoken to the Environmental Regeneration Manager at Green Estate, Brett Nutshall, I realised that the enterprise had won over the trust of the surrounding community. They did this through a bottom-up approach and took on the role of ‘active citizenship’, where they exerted individual responsibility for the area by not relying on the welfare state. Brett explained that roughly ten years ago when Green Estate first started being active in the public realm, they maintained up-keep of the local playgrounds that were covered in graffiti. Despite the constant efforts of vandals to make their mark, Green Estate continually removed the coats of paint and eventually those committing the crime gave up. Malcolm Gladwell explores this 78 Hill, Amelia, Council estate decline spawns new underclass <http://www. theguardian.com/society/2003/nov/30/housing.uknews> [accessed: 14.04.14] 79 Ibid.

65 build-up of resilience against anti-social behaviour in ‘The Tipping Point’; he refers to it as The Broken Windows Theory. A method used in New York against the vandalism of train carriages for the subway. The theory originates from James Q. Wilson and George Kelling who argue that if a window is broken and left unrepaired, passers-by will assume that the area isn’t cared for and thus more windows will be broken. It sends the message that crime is contagious,80 and from one action it then has the capability to spread through an entire community. “The impetus to engage in a certain kind of behaviour is not coming from a certain kind of person but from a feature of the environment.”81 Malcolm Gladwell In addition to the renovation of the playgrounds and their aesthetic, Brett Nutshall explained how a few years ago the Manor estate was known for being one of the most unsafe places to be on Guy Fawkes night. Phone boxes would be set alight and violence in the streets would rocket. Yet, for the past 4 years Brett and his colleagues at Green Estate have begun to organise a public bonfire for the entire community. An event that has seen a huge turn around in the neighbourhood, as it is now one of the safest areas in Sheffield on that evening. The event has become so popular with members of the public that in 2013, there was a turnout of 4000 people. The efforts of Green Estate have been considerable and the trust that they have established with the Manor Castle community is astonishing. Ten years ago, they had an objective to reinvigorate the estate from being plagued with burnt out cars and fearful levels of crime, today, that target has been achieved.

80 Slutkin, Gary, Let’s treat violence like a contagious disease <http://www.ted. com/talks/gary_slutkin_let_s_treat_violence_like_a_contagious_disease> [accessed 10.02.14] 81 Gladwell, Michael, The Tipping Point (London: Abacus, 2001) p.142.

Fig.27.

CONCLUSION The aim of this thesis was to understand the varying life chances and inequalities surrounding social class and how it can alienate citizens from one another in British society. It was undertaken through an analysis of historical research, political debate and an investigation of human behaviour. The research argues that we would be a healthier society with better well being if there were less disparity between the affluent and deprived members of humanity. I have presented information for an urgent debate, similar to the notion explored by Anna Minton in Ground Control: “in Britain unhappiness and depression are double the rates in continental Europe […] the decisions we’re making about how to design our cities are making us less happy and more fearful as a result.”82 It is our role as architects to ensure our designs have a positive effect on the urban realm and its occupants, and to do this we have to understand the social issues regarding welfare within the environment we are designing for. As discussed, equality between citizens is closely correlated with the social problems in society and it needs to be widely acknowledged that this problem of imbalance is a primary concern. Equality must be bettered for the associated factors of social troubles to decline. We should be witnessing a government spending for example, more on education as opposed to public expenses on prisons, and making less benefit cuts whilst providing better public services to those in relative poverty. Throughout history, writers, politicians, actors and the general public have related to class separation and used it as a tool of self analysis, analysis of others and society as whole. Despite certain individual interpretations on the matter, claiming that it is no longer a 21st century issue, the evidence I have presented suggests otherwise. The writer George Orwell championed the cause of the working class, and expressed concern about the poverty and hierarchy we have in society. In the introduction to the newest edition of his book, 82 Minton, Anna, Ground Control (London: Penguin Group, 2012) p.131.

69 The Road to Wigan Pier, originally published in 1937, Richard Hoggart writes that “class distinctions do not die; they merely learn new ways of expressing themselves. Orwell’s stance in this matter is completely up to date. Each decade we shiftily declare we have buried class; each decade the coffin stays empty”.83 However, the phenomena of class will never be abolished but the inequalities, poverty and stigma that accompany class must be weakened. In a capitalist society it is inevitable that some people higher up in the social order will continue to maintain their high income, yet what society should aim to achieve is equal opportunity for all, despite one’s postal code or origin. Ideally, noone should be disadvantaged through social inequality and noone should fall behind without the proper tools from the onset. If at any point throughout this study, you have questioned why we have such large disparities of opportunity, you are a fragment of hope. If you see other human beings as being similar to yourself, you are a fragment of hope. Do not seek to be part of the problem;84 social class should not govern your decisions! Fight for better political and economic control to enhance the equality and fair treatment of all British citizens.

83 Orwell, George, The Road to Wigan Pier (London: Penguin Books in association with Martin Secker & Warburg, 2001) p.vii. 84 Dorling, Danny, The No-nonsense guide to Equality (Oxford: New Internationalist Publications, 2012) p.172.

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