PORTFOLIO
URBAN LABORATORY I ARK-E5002 22.12.2014 -Eve Żórawska
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1 Summary of contents Summary of learning process CHAPTER 2 Essays & Tasks
CHAPTER 3 Research Design
CHAPTER 4 Summary of group dynamics & Course feedback
1.1 SUMMARY CONTENTS
LEARNING PROCESS
Public spaces play a significant role in our everyday urban lives, however, not always in the most apparent of ways.
I began the course with a very basic but good understanding of public space, both in terms of design, spatial analysis tools and theoretical background.
In this portfolio I investigate some of the many layers that compromise these places, their uses and their various meanings in the city and for the people who use them. Some of which include their current significance or relevance, our relationships to and perceptions of them, as well as case studies of a Helsinki example and finally a more detailed research project. Our use of public spaces is greatly influenced by their location, connections, proximity to other places we frequent, and most importantly the way we feel or experience them. Although on the surface we tend to inhabit these spaces for uninhibited moments, passing by, meeting a friend, or sitting to enjoy a quick lunch - there in actuality many complex layers as to how and why we use these spaces the way they do. --
The evolution of my learning was really made apparent to me during the final stage of the course when we were assigned the task of a research design. Here I felt I was able to really understand the purpose as well as an increased understanding of the content of the tasks we had been performing up until then. The course was very much driven by essay writing which allowed me to analyze theoretical investigations of public space by others, as well as my own. Nevertheless, I did find that in practice, with more hands on tasks, my learning increased the most. After having completed the course, I feel I am much more well versed in the subject. --
CHAPTER 2 Essays & Tasks: H1: Essay - Urban Theories and concepts on public and private space of the city H2: Spatial Analysis of Helsinki Centre H3: Essay - Physical perception of public and private space H4: GIS MAP H5: Essay - Public and Private Spaces under change. --
2.1 SUPER MODERN PUBLIC SPACES The H1 is an essay aimed to investigate and analyze how and what our public spaces reflect about our present day society. Western cities are in general seeing more homogenization ever since the rise of globalization and capitalist driven cultures. How do we reflect our cultures and our personalities in our present day urban spaces? If at all? --
2.1 SUPER MODERN PUBLIC SPACES How are present urban spaces qualified as relevant? The evolution of urban centers from places of history and communal relevance to non-places is reflective of the social conditions and increased anonymity and anodyne experiences of today’s urban dwellers. However, within these urban spaces of Super-Modernity lay new anthropological subjects, albeit still unclear and foreign to the untrained eye. Humans’ undeniable need for community and tendency for commonality is still prevalent, despite the rise and clamouring of particularisms, seemingly keeping us from any tangible unification. There undoubtedly exists a form of unity, despite the illusion of there being none. With a little poke or prod, much like an anthill or beehive, we can bring to light the humanity in the Super-Modern city. Defining Factors of Space: Existential Places vs. Non-Places There are a multitude of factors that define and qualify relevance, or the lack thereof, of urban spaces. The two categorizing elements of these factors as defined by Augé are anthropological or more simply existential places, and non-places, where one can never be the other. “If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which
cannot be defined as relational, or historical or concerned with identity will be a non-place.”1 Both existential and non-places are quantified by human experience and our interpretation of these spaces. Increasingly however, throughout what Augé calls “Super-Modernity”, urban design and urban culture has been abandoning, and even at times eradicating, the traditional and anthropological quality of urban spaces, and moving towards emphasizing anonymity and non-places in urban settings. For example, many remaining anthropological places from centuries prior are increasingly stripped from the quotidian urban experience. The effect is an anthropological place packaged and marketed back to a community as an attraction – a historical site or monument, an old town, and so on. These places are then consumed as tourist “product” rather than experienced as relational places. Thus, they become non-places in that they too become transient and non-relational.
alization in Western societies, Augé argues that anonymity itself becomes the sole remaining form of unifying people in urban spaces: “the space of non-place creates neither singular identity nor relations; only solitude, and similitude.” 2 The intrinsic quality of non-places, as morose as it seems, is also eerily comforting in that it offers this shared experience, albeit a lonely one. Arguably, it is the last remaining form of solace for an authentically communal experience. Both surges in hyper individualism and the anonymity of non-places seem to enable each other simultaneously. This very condition in Super-Modernity creates complications for reinstating community or the development of contemporary existential places. Augé, rather poetically, elaborates in this quotation:
Super-Modernity and the Influx of Urban Anonymity
“For the time we live in is paradoxical in this aspect […]: at the very same moment when it becomes impossible to think in terms of the unity of terrestrial space, and big multinational networks grow strong, the clamour of particularisms rises; clamour from those who want to stay at home in peace, clamour from those who want to find a mother country.” 3
With the growing cacophony of personal interests and urban references due to hyper individu-
Non-places are innately transient, such as the supermarket or the airport, which Augé uses as
-1 Augé, Marc, Non-places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity, p. 77-78. 2. Ibid., p. 103. 3. Ibid., p. 34.
2.1 examples. However there remains a certain categorical ambiguity concerning the very much Super-Modern space, the urban plaza. Although it too is innately transient, it serves no other purpose than the communal experience of this transience, unlike non-places, which are usually contractual in nature and serve dual or multiple (usually consumer) purposes. What are the Anthropological Places of Today’s Urban Spaces? Since the urban plaza lacks several of the defining characteristics of non-places but simultaneously that of existential places, it appears trapped in a sort of categorical purgatory. And although the urban plaza is not a space of any historical, relational or possessing of any particular identity, it does still play (perhaps even unintentionally) a pivotal role in today’s urban experience. As described by Whyte, the urban plaza, or in this particular case Paley Park, Green Acre or Seagram Plaza in New York City, boast a sociability of space, a sociability not seen in non-places. “We come to these places (plazas), not to escape but to part take in it (urban experience.)”4 The activities are usually quite simple, such as sitting, eating, reading, talking, people
watching people and so on, performed in groups or individually. However, not all urban plazas are successful (in that they attract activity), and there are several crucial design elements that contribute to a plaza’s success, such as the amount of sittable space, placement of trees, etc. These elements combined and well executed however, as seen in Paley Park, create an innate desire to inhabit the space, or in the least, capture the lingering attention of passersby with an attractive urban sight. If the urban plaza is not a non-place or an existential place, in the traditional senses, it poses the question of how these spaces can and should be categorized. There is something innately human that occurs in these spaces, all the while maintaining our Super-Modern comfort in anonymity and anodyne experiences. The nondescript and transient nature of these spaces in and of themselves become the physical manifestation of our culture’s anonymity and ephemeral qualities. More particularly, the urban plaza could in fact be our society’s equivalent of an anthropological place. Commonality and Urban Activism Although on the surface or to the naked eye, so to speak, it might seem that people have
-4. Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. 5. Blok, Anders and Marie L. Meilvang, Picturing Urban Green Attachments, p. 15. 6. Ibid.,16.
lost their relation to and belonging within urban spaces. It could also and arguably be part of the general effect of apathy throughout all realms of our current culture. However, people are innately emotional beings, incapable of absolute indifference or lack of relation. Space for example, distinctively confirms our existence within it, and therefore our relation to it. Citizens are in fact still deeply connected and concerned with their public places and will take necessary measures to protect them as seen in the example discussed in Blok and Meilvang’s article of the Nordhaven development in Northern Copenhagen. “ […] ecological activism in the city, we suggest, is best understood as rooted in the lived realities of familiar and placebased attachments, concerns for which spur new urban publics into being.” 5 These shared concerns and attachments to public spaces, in this case green spaces, are brought to light by said disruptions. Blok and Meilvang also add, “ […] the opening up of public debating spaces, particularly in disputes about the environment, calls for a renewed receptiveness to testimonies given in familiar formats of cultural expression.” 6 This communal nature however is not limited to green spaces, and one might argue that public debates of spaces could extent to all places in which we spend significant amounts of quality
2.1 time, in other words, our Super-Modern anthropological places as well. Augé’s dystopian portrayal of Super-Modern cities and the non-places within them of being devoid of personality and communal human relations is only accurate in the most general sense. And although people have largely evolved and adapted in these emotionally barren and strenuous urban conditions, they also managed to preserve the quality of significance in urban spaces, and at that, simultaneously reflective of our anonymous and individualist times. Augé stresses the urgency of individual reference and production to maintain our sense of humanity in these vastly anonymous societies, “[…] never before have the reference points for collective identification been so unstable. The individual production of meaning is thus more necessary than ever.”7 However, within that individual production often lays a common denominator and thus commonality as seen in the examples of the urban plaza and urban ecological activism.
but take them away or disrupt them, and you will have an eruption of communal voices. In the most individualistic of times, we have been proven to be very much alike.
-Works Cited: Augé, Marc. Non-places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. London: Verso.1995. Blok, Anders and Marie L. Meilvang. Picturing Urban Green Attachments: Civic Activists Moving between Familiar and Public Engagements in the City. Article, Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen, 2014. Whyte, William Hollingsworth. The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. Film. Directed by William H. Hollingsworth. Santa Monica, CA: Direct Cinema Ltd., 1988. VHS to Digital https:/ archive.org/details/ SmallUrbanSpaces
On the surface our urban places might be perceived as lacking of our relations to them, -7. Augé, Marc, Non-places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity, p. 37.
2.2 HELSINKI CENTER : SPATIAL ANALYSIS For the H2 Task, we were assigned as a group to investigate the area of Central Helsinki. With various spatial analysis tools we were able to better understand the area. In our group, each member was assigned to investigate one particular area in greater detail. For this task, I investigated the Rautatieasema - investigating the types of users, flows, use of spaces, among others. The conclusions of my research lead me to understand that the space is a central transportation hub for the city and country alike, drawing many different types of users at any given time of the day. Despite the significance of the space however is predominantly used only temporarily. --
2.2 MOBILITY Rautatieasema plays a vital role in connecting the city, surrounding municipalities, as well as all major Finnish cities along side some Russian municipalities. A major junction for a multitude of arteries, it acts very much as the Heart of Helsinki and Finland. --
2.2 CHANGES Central Helsinki, more specifically the area of and around Rautatieasema has acted as the main centre of the city and the country for over a century. The area has experienced progressive urbanization over the last years. --
1932
1988
2010
2.2 USER TYPES & FLOWS Rautatieasema is densely occupied with transportation users throughout the day, with increased moments of users during peak rush hour times. Aside from transport users, the building and area also acts as a meeting place or hangout with many stationary hot-spots around the building, in restaurants, in shops, or some seating areas. --
2.2 BUILDING PROGRAM & SERVICE TYPES The building program is structured quite typically for its purpose, with “quick-fix” cafés, kiosks and souvenir shops located near the entrances/ exits to both the building, railway platforms and metro station. Longer duration areas, such as the Burger King restaurant, hairdressers, or dry cleaners are located are slightly off the beaten track. The right wing of the building houses railway administration. --
2.2 SPATIAL QUALITIES The indoor and platform areas fare well in their spatial qualities, offering places to sit, rest, eat or drink and the like. They also feel protected and safe. As expected, the more transient areas of the building fare worse for invitations for staying as they are primarily meant for larger and faster traffic flows.
KIOSKS
Railway Platform
KIOSKS
ELIELINAUKIO BUS STATION
--
RAUTATIENTORI BUS STATION
KIOSKS RAILWAY STATION
Elielinaukio Entrance
KIOSKS
KIOSKS
Criteria Legend
1 Protection against 2 Protection against Vehicular Traffic Crime & Violence
3 Protection against Unpleasant Sensory Exp.
4 Invitations for Walking
5 Invitations for Standing & Staying
6 Invitations for Sitting
7 Invitations for Seeing
8 Invitations for Hearing & Talking
9 Invitations for Play & Recreation
11 Positive Aspects of Climate
12 Aesthetic Qualities
10 Dimensioned at Human Scale KAMPPI KESKUS
VR TICKET SALES
RAUTATIENTORI METRO STATION
KAISANIEMI KESKUS
BURGER KING
Very Good Main Entrance
TRAMS 2936
1
2
3
Good
4
5
6
Neutral
7
8
9
10 11 12 Indoor Corridor
Rautatientori Entrance
Poor Very Poor
2.2 USERS 1 - F / 25-34 yrs Finnish Speaker / University Education/ Working in Business Best feature of space: Location Does not live in Helsinki. Uses the space only for a few minutes every time she visits. Usually waiting for a colleague, train, taxi, etc. In the morning/afternoon.
KIOSKS
2 - F / 45-54 yrs
KIOSKS
ELIELINAUKIO BUS STATION
Finnish Speaker / University Education/ Working in Art & Culture Best feature of space: Cafe & Shops Does not live in Helsinki. Uses the place for cafés, shops and baggage drops. Arrives by train, usually for shopping RAUTATIENTORI and visiting daughter in Helsinki. Uses space in morning and BUS STATION afternoon.
KIOSKS RAILWAY STATION
3 - M / 15-24 yrs KIOSKS
KAMPPI KESKUS
VR TICKET SALES
KIOSKS
RAUTATIENTORI METRO STATION
BURGER KING
TRAMS 2936
English Speaker / Some Secondary school Best feature of space: Architecture Good for grabbing and waiting for someone. Usually use the space after school before going home. Staying about 30 minutes.
KAISANIEMI KESKUS
2.2 USERS 4 - M / 25-34 yrs Native Arabic - Some French & English / Some secondary School / Unemployed Best feature of space: Location Good meeting spot and place to chill out. Uses shops and meets many of his friends here. Good connection to Kamppi.
KIOSKS
5 -F / over 65 yrs
KIOSKS
ELIELINAUKIO BUS STATION
Finnish Speaker / Secondary School / Retired Best feature of space: Architecture & Location Does not live in Helsinki. Uses space only when visiting her son, a few times per year. Good connection to Kamppi, restaurants and shopping. Uses the place in the morning and RAUTATIENTORI afternoon. BUS STATION
KIOSKS RAILWAY STATION
KIOSKS
KAMPPI KESKUS
VR TICKET SALES
KIOSKS
RAUTATIENTORI METRO STATION
BURGER KING
The space is predominantly used only temporarily, except spaces which proved to have more comfortable spatial qualities (seen in previous slide). Almost every user interviewed stated that the location is one of the best features of the place and the main driver as to why they use it on a regular basis. KAISANIEMI KESKUS
--
TRAMS 2936
2.3 PERCEPTION OF PUBLIC & PRIVATE SPACES The H3 is a more philosophical pursuit, an essay aimed to investigate and better understand how we perceive public and private spaces in Western society. There are the many apparent elements that define to us where we are allowed to go freely and which spaces are less accessible. Nevertheless, some rules, ideas, perceptions or privacy or publicity can be left up to reinterpretation. --
2.3 PERCEPTION OF PUBLIC & PRIVATE SPACES Public and private spaces and their respective differences have a multitude of qualities and identities. Our personal and social relationships to and behaviours within these spaces for example, as well as our physical perception, experience and delineation of them, are entirely dependent on site-specific but also fluctuating personal or external (collective or state-run) governance. The complexity and subjectivity of this topic can easily become a nebulous scope of analysis and debates. In this essay however, the most basic and more traditional perceptions public and private realms are each dissected into three parts, and in turn contrasted by less expected or formulaic uses of both private and public spaces. Three Scopes of Urban Public Spaces Public spaces in the urban setting can be categorized by three varying degrees of accessibility and freedom of use. Primary public spaces being the most accessible, secondary as more intermediary and tertiary being private spaces lending only a public atmosphere. Primary public spaces, such as sidewalks, streets, parks, beaches, squares, plazas, are the least restricted and non-contractual in
nature. Therefore, people are free to use these spaces at any time and in any (state approved) capacity. Secondary public spaces, such as libraries and other accessible government buildings are state owned and run spaces that are also available for public use. These spaces however have more restrictions than primary spaces, such as restricted time frames and slightly more firm behavioural expectations from users. Tertiary public spaces however, such as airports, shopping malls and other commercial thoroughfares, are privately owned spaces only offering an illusion of publicity and usually impose more specific behavioural expectations than the other public scopes. For example, though the transition from street to grocery store isle might appear seamless in that they are both equally public experiences, the grocery store is in fact a private space and entirely contractual in that you are expected to perform specific activities. Our behaviour and governance shifts here too, since the user is no longer subject to just public conduct but now and in addition, the expected grocery store conduct as well. Three Scopes of Private Spaces Private spaces can be identified simply as spaces that are not public in nature, therefore restricted to only a specific user or particular
users with granted access. This includes but is not limited to, private dwellings and properties, private businesses or institutions and other restricted access buildings (or spaces). The range of private space can too be categorized into three scopes, from primary being the epicenter of privacy, to tertiary, which borders on the public sphere. Primary private spaces can range as far, or rather as close as our most intimate or personal spaces as defined by Edward T. Hall’s personal reaction bubbles [see Appendix for diagram], or more broadly and physically, as our bedrooms, washrooms, and so on. Primary private spaces
2.3 are usually exempt from external governance (with exception of laws) and public behavioural expectations. They are subject instead to our own personal governance (i.e. how we behave within or maintain these spaces). Secondary private spaces can be defined as shared private spaces where contact between (usually well acquainted) others is present. These places are less intimate in nature and can range from a living or dining room in a family’s home to any shared spaces with a very small number of acquainted users with granted access. A secondary private space can also include spaces we’re personally contracted to use, such as being invited to a friend’s home for dinner. Our behaviour and activities shift here from intimate into a communal yet still relatively personal governance of behaviour. Tertiary private spaces, much like tertiary public spaces, maintain the illusion of publicity, whilst being private spaces with specific services or contracts. Tertiary private spaces however have more restricted public access and specific codes of conduct. For example, at a university one must specifically gain admittance or be employed, as opposed to a restaurant or airport where one must simply be a paying customer. Our behaviours and activities here migrate from the communal type of secondary private spaces
to one bordering on the public realm. Relativity of Private and Public Spaces Despite these defining scopes however, publicity or privacy of a space is entirely relative and subject to fluctuating interpretations and definitions. For example, space itself as well as our delineation of what is public and private is also subject to our individual perception, including personal opinions, cultural beliefs or any other formative understanding of the world around us. There can also exist a discrepancy of understanding between users of a space, which can cause confusion, and at times even conflicts or wars. For instance, throughout European colonialism of North American territories, as Walbert notes, “ […] where Europeans saw land as private property, Indians saw it as the sum of its uses and a shared resource.” 1 Notably, this particular spatial misunderstanding was a major contributing factor to the many conflicts that ensued during this historical event. And beyond misunderstandings, there also remain spaces that are unquantifiable by the traditional delineations of public and private spaces and their scopes as discussed previously. These are a result of non-traditional
or unpredictable urban behaviours, for example homelessness or squatting. (see Appendix images B through E)
The Centro Financiero Confinanzas or more widely known as The Tower of David in Caracas, Venezuela, for example, became an alternative home for hundreds of squatters (see Appendix IMG D), as a result of a major affordable housing shortage in October 2007 2. The partly constructed finance tower (see Appendix IMG E), traditionally a tertiary private space, when left abandoned for over a decade, was unpredictably transformed by city dwellers into personal and communal spaces for living.
-1. Walbert, Who Owns the Land? http://www.learnnc.org/lp/editions/nchist-colonial/2027 2. Mead, Inside Caracas’ Tower of David, the World’s Tallest Slum. http://motherboard.vice.com/blog/inside-caracas-tower-of-david-the-worlds-tallest-slum
2.3 Homelessness and homeless shelters on the other hand are the non-traditional and unpredictable re-appropriation of public spaces into private refuges, predominantly only temporarily (see Appendix IMG B and C). These spontaneous private spaces, usually located within primary public spaces, take advantage of the accessibility and freedom of use, manipulating the existing governance (or lack thereof) to benefit the user’s alternative needs. The subject of perception easily becomes an ethical and deeply philosophical question in that it is extremely relative to vast amount theoretical and human conditions. The perceptions of private and public space discussed in this essay however only offer only a small glimpse into the complexities of publicity and privacy. There lay many intricate facets beyond the traditional and most basic scopes and descriptions.
-Works Cited: Hall, Edward T. The Hidden Dimension. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. 1966. Print
Mead, Derek. Inside Caracas’ Tower of David, the World’s Tallest Slum. Vice, August 10 2013. Web log post. Accessed 10 October 2014. http://motherboard. vice.com/blog/inside-caracas-tower-of-david-the worlds-tallest-slum Walbert, David. 3.3 Who Owns the Land? Learn NC, 2008. Web. Accessed 10 October 2014. http://www. learnnc.org/lp/editions/nchist-colonial/2027
2.3 IMAGE APPENDIX
Homelessness: unpredictable and spontaneous personalization of public space.
B
C
SOURCE: http://www.vice.com/en_ca/read/pensacola-florida-has-passed-an-ordinance-making-it-illegal-for-homeless-people-to-cover-themselves-with-blankets
SOURCE: https://www.flickr.com/photos/78428166@N00/4358138190
2.3 IMAGE APPENDIX
Squatters: re-appropriation of abandoned private space.
D
C
SOURCE: https://www.flickr.com/photos/americasquarterly/9185426453
SOURCE: http://caracaschronicles.files.wordpress.com/2012/01/torre-confianzas-vista-desde-el-piso-15-edif-ctv-04.jpg
2.4 GIS MAP: CENTRAL HELSINKI LANDUSE
2.5 PUBLIC & PRIVATE SPACES UNDER CHANGE The H4 essay investigates the elements of influence which change Western cities as well as the way we use and experience them. Public and private spaces under change can reflect many underlining factors of a society, for economic standings, cultural practices and priorities. --
2.5 PUBLIC & PRIVATE SPACES UNDER CHANGE There are a multitude of drivers in cities and their urban spheres. Politics and economies however, have often been the major and pivotal actors of change in cities. They have continuously dictated directions of development, influenced the weight of either the public or private sectors and prioritized varying types of services over others. And so, with the very nature of change in and of these drivers, cities continuously shift alongside them as well. Increasingly however, with the rise of globalization and privatization within local economies, there has been a distinct transformation in the weight of local policy and consequently the face of their urbanized societies. This shift is most apparent and affected in the public sector of cities, where global corporations are gradually having more presence, power and range to freely manipulate these formerly free spaces. Nevertheless, as with all change, there also comes resistance or more specifically, opposing alternatives. The globalization of the Canadian city of Toronto for example, has been met with growing resistance and increasing stance to retain a local urban fabric. The Effect of Political Climates on Cities -1. Taipale, The Political Leadership of Urban Development. Lecture.
The political climate of a city is easily determined by closer examination of the public realm within it. As Taipale discussed in her lecture titled “The Political Leadership of Urban Development�, there are several urban elements with which one can easily discern where political actors have invested their efforts and priorities 1 . For example, a city that boasts an abundance of high quality public services and transportation infrastructure could be a clear delineation of a city that governs on the premise of prioritizing the mobility, productivity and wellbeing of its citizens. In this sense as well, change, meaning the forms of physical transformation in a city as well as proposed developments, paint a clear picture of what political and economic drivers are invested behind a particular effort. The city of Helsinki, for example, is compromised of a well functioning urban infrastructure that hosts a great number of public spaces and services by comparison to its density. For example, the public transportation system is well connected and managed; the service is also notoriously reliable and rarely crowded. Furthermore, the city currently boasts a series of new developments and proposals presently underway, most in the realm of public interest – from entire urban housing districts, such as Kalasatama to cultural proposals such
2.5 as the new Central Helsinki Library, among others. It is apparent here that the present political party, the NCP, is predominantly oriented with the wellbeing and mobility of its citizens. In other words the physical manifestation of a political value listed on their website, “The National Coalition Party is a center-right people’s party. Its mission is to improve the position and welfare of all individuals and to develop society in a better direction.” 2 The city of Toronto in contrast, albeit being the economic center of Canada, has many issues concerning the public sphere. While the urban infrastructure is quite dense, vast and continuously developing, there is a distinct lack of public services by comparison to density, unlike Helsinki. And although there are cranes habitually operating in the city skyline, they are often solely fulfilling one purpose: for-profit development by private corporations. Furthermore, despite constant and popular demands to improve the expired and failing transit system for example, plans for improvement are often halted. This is due to the lack of public reserve funding and further spurs into social-political debates and inaction. It is thus easily discernable
that the political climate of the Progressive Conservatives, whom often take no effort to hide their ties to the private sector, continuously ignores necessary urban infrastructure demands and in lieu permits corporations’ free range over the city, arguably worsening the public state of the city. [See Image 1A] When comparing the two cities, statistics regarding urban wellbeing and poverty are very polarized. In Helsinki, a city within a nation willing to invest in its residents, as discussed earlier, has one of the lowest poverty rates Europe wide, at a marginal 5.5 percent of people living below the poverty threshold 3. Toronto on the other hand, where most of the city and country’s investments lay in business and economy, there has been a significant increase in public disparity over the years since the party’s win over the Liberals, which are more center leaning. “Of the 2,615,060 people living in Toronto, 604,050 – almost a quarter of them – are living in poverty.” 4 [See Image 1B] The Physical Effects of Globalization and Privatization in Toronto In a conservative political climate where high priority is given to private for-profit interests, the city changes roles of provider of service
to an enabler of service (should independent actors be willing to invest), as discussed by Zetter and Hamza “[…] urban government is increasingly cast in the roles as an ‘enabler’ and decreasingly in the role of the supplier or regulator of public goods, such as land and housing, services and infrastructure. […] The contrast between the city as a business, and the city as a social entity in which its urban institutions respond to the needs of its citizens could not be more striking.”5 Under such conditions, or restrictions rather, public spaces and services are often hardest hit by corporate take over in cities. With the increasing weight of the private sector in politics and therefore the physical transformations and developments in cities reflecting this, there has been an increasing ultimatum given towards any existing public sector actors by the government itself and acting corporations. In a privatized economy, public services such as libraries are often being told to “either sink or swim”, and by swim in this context, pull their own weight and earn what it costs to run their services. If the city is run like a business, much to the desire of a privatized economy and corporate actors, then all elements lacking in monetary profit are considered “dead weight”. Given the public sector is not intended to
-2. 3. 4. 5.
A Party of Values, http://www.kokoomus.fi/en/ Yanke, Lack of Poverty in Finland, http://www.borgenmagazine.com/lack-of-poverty-in-finland/ James, Nearly a quarter of Toronto residents live in poverty, http://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2012/06/11/nearly_a_quarter_of_toronto_residents_live_in_poverty_james.html Zetter and Hamza, Market Economy and Urban Change Impacts in the Developing World, p. 16.
2.5 PUBLIC & PRIVATE SPACES UNDER CHANGE provide any monetary profit, aside from social and cultural “profit”, it comes as no surprise that there has been an exponential loss of these services in Toronto and other cities in similar states. Notably, this affects all levels of the public realm, including also public transportation and services, but increasingly education as well. Decrease in public funding has also affected the urban fabric, for example the visible takeover of commercial advertising on and corporate ownership of public infrastructure. In Toronto, advertising has grown exponentially more present in the public transit system, the TTC (Toronto Transit Commission). On a streetcar (tram) a decade ago, advertisements were limited to small posters. Increasingly however, a streetcar entirely wrapped in an ad is not a rare sight – otherwise known as “full wrap”. [See image 2A] Privatization has also transformed the city beyond public services, as Taipale mentions, “Street facades of downtown commercial buildings become backdrops for digital advertising” 6. This is particularly true of the city’s downtown and squares, more specifically, Toronto’s Dundas Square, often dubbed the “heart of the city”. [See Image 2B] The square has been met with much criticism from the general population, as it currently offers -6. Taipale, Cities For Sale, p. 24. 7. Ibid., p. 23. 8. Levitt. Shared Cities: Northern Perspectives, Seminar.
not much other than a vantage point for the surrounding billboards, jumbo screens and other marketing paraphernalia. The square does not feature any green space or permanent seating, and apart from the occasionally active (usually a few weeks in the summer) interactive “water splash area”, it acts more as a void in the city than anything else. In a sense, a bit morose given the dubbed name mentioned earlier, “heart of the city”. The only instances the city is activated, is by privately funded public events, which often include corporate theming from sponsors. Further Change “If according to a popular notion, urban public space is ‘the living room’ of the citizens, are people understood as citizens or as shareholders, as consumers or as representatives of civil society? Who else has the keys to the living room, which, incidentally would usually be a rather private space in our home?” 7 Despite the corporate take over of Toronto, so to speak, there do however remain many efforts still heavily invested in the preservation (and ideally also enrichment) of the public
realm. Given the public funding is decreasing and paying for a project can easily become a corporate affair, project coordinators, weary of the current state of affairs, are becoming increasingly more selective and strict with the role of private investors in public projects. At a recent seminar at the Arkkitehtuurimuseo, Toronto based Architect, Janna Levitt, discussed several of her existing and future public sector projects in architectural but also social detail. Libraries, schools and public squares can no longer be approached and thought of in the traditional sense; there is simply no remaining capacity or funding 8. This forces designers, investors and the public sector to become more malleable and create the future of the public sector in these new conditions. Changes in cities are, in a sense, the physical manifestations of our changes as societies – with our ever-shifting policies, economies, cultural practices and social priorities. Much like people themselves, cities have also proven to be malleable and at times innovative when faced with conflicts or questions. They are, alongside our own physicality, living, breathing reflections of ourselves. Nevertheless, the query of where our cities will go, , or who they will belong to with growing globalization still remains unanswered – much like our inability to predict exact futures
2.5 PUBLIC & PRIVATE SPACES UNDER CHANGE and the changes they might bring. -Works Cited: James, Royson. Nearly a quarter of Toronto residents live in poverty. Toronto Star: Toronto Politics, June 11 2012. Accessed November 9 2014. http:// www.thestar.com/news/gta/2012/06/11/nearly_a_ quarter_of_toronto_residents_live_in_poverty_ james.html Levitt, Janna et al. Share Cities – Northern Perspectives. Arkkitehtuurimuseo, Helsinki. 6 Nov. 2014. Seminar Taipale, Kaarin. Cities For Sale. How Economic Globalization Transforms the Local Public Sphere. Espoo: Helsinki University of Technology, 2009. Print. Taipale, Kaarin. The Political Leadership of Urban Development. Aalto University, Espoo. 29 Oct. 2014. Lecture Yanke, Ryan. Lack of Poverty in Finland. Borgen Magazine, July 29 2014. Web Article. Accessed November 9 2014. http://www.borgenmagazine. com/lack-of-poverty-in-finland/ Zetter, Roger and Mohammad Hamza. Market Economy and Urban Change Impacts in the Developing World. London: Earthscan, 2004. Print.
2.5 IMAGE APPENDIX
1.A
1.B
SOURCE: Flickr.com multiple
Average Individual Income, City of Toronto, Relative to Toronto CMA, 1970-2005 SOURCE: 3cities.neighbourhoodchange.ca
2.5 IMAGE APPENDIX
2.A
2.B
SOURCE: Flickr.com multiple
SOURCE: flickr.com
CHAPTER 3 Research Design: For the final task in the course, we were assigned to propose and execute a Research Design. As a group, we decided to investigate public spaces in Northern climates. Given the harsh weather conditions throughout most of the year in many Northern countries, outdoor culture is often shifted indoors and only thrives in the warmer months. Our query was to better understand how these spaces work currently and identifying means in which they could better accommodate weather for year long use. --
3.0 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.
ABSTRACT
2. INTRODUCTION Nature and context of our research Questions Objectives Expected scientific and societal impacts of the research Applicability and utilization potential of our results 3. 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4
RESEARCH METHODS AND MATERIAL Our Method & Tools Two Northern Perspectives, Two Northern Cities Comparing Two Types of Public Spaces Urban Parks Public Squares Testing Ground: Rautatientori
4.
RESULTS
5.
DISCUSSION
4.
CONCLUSION
3.1
ABSTRACT Presently public spaces and public culture in Northern societies are largely disjointed from summer to winter months. Often the archetype of a successful urban space is the Italian piazza, however, it cannot be applied to conditions that are present in Northern climates and cultures. Our query is to analyze what qualifies lively urban spaces in Northern cities, such as Helsinki in Finland and Toronto in Canada. Weather conditions in these countries often transfer public culture indoors come wintertime, however, this hinders a user’s ability to enter and use a space freely. Our first objective is to identify the needs of outdoor public spaces during the less pleasant months. From there, we would like to identify specific design elements that would accommodate these needs whilst also being transferable to all season use. Our method of study and analysis will consist of a compilation of both quantitative and qualitative research. Firstly, a brief comparison of Helsinki and Toronto and a qualitative analysis of two types of public spaces seen in both cities, the urban park and square. In the latter stage we will use Rautatientori in Helsinki as a testing ground for further more in depth spatial, quantitative and further qualitative analysis.
Ideally, our research results will provide us with a list of design elements that would accommodate and become a means to liven up public spaces during the less active seasons. The results could potentially open up a discussion on how designers, planners and policy makers can rethink public spaces to reflect Northern urban conditions. --
3.2
INTRODUCTION The nature and context of our research is to improve public culture during the less favourable months in Northern climates. Our query is to research whether the lively Summer vibes seen in many Northern public spaces can be recreated for all seasons. With our personal observations, interviews and analysis criteria from both Whyte and Gehl, we believe we could potentially identify how these spaces are working or not working and why, but also further analyze how they can be improved. Our questions How can we transfer the liveliness of public urban spaces during the Summer months to the remaining months of the year? Would these spaces need to be redesigned? If so how? Our objective is to determine the set of design criteria that would better accommodate climate conditions and increase use of public space throughout all seasons in Northern climates. Our expected results We predict that all season friendly public spaces could in fact exist, however their success will be highly dependent on appropriate sheltering from the elements, lighting, and introducing new programing. Furthermore, we hope our research will enable us to pinpoint
what elements could be transferable and beneficial for all seasons. The expected impacts of this research could potentially revolutionize Northern cultures and their social and public experiences during the less favourable months. The results could also help create a new Northern archetype for urban public space. --
3.3
METHODS & TOOLS 1 : 2 COUNTRIES 2 CITIES Helsinki, FINLAND Toronto, CANADA 2 : ANALYZING 2 SPACES CND A. Trinity Bellwoods Park B. Nathan Phillips Square GEHL CRITERIA 1. Protection Traffic Crime & Violence Unpleasant Sensory Experiences 2. Invitations Walking Sitting & Staying Sitting Seeing Hearing & Talking Play and Recreation 3 : TESTING GROUND FIN Rautatientori
FIN A. Sinebrychoff Puisto B. Rautatientori 3. Human Scale 4. Positive Climate Aspects 5. Aesthetics
WHYTE CRITERIA 1. Sittable Space 2. Street Connection 3. Sunlight 4. Food & Beverage 5. Water 6. Trees 7. Shelter * *Added to reflect Northern conditions
3.3.1 TWO NORTHERN PERSPECTIVES
HELSINKI
TORONTO
3.3.2 TORONTO
Established Population Urban density
HELSINKI
1793 5,132,794 4,149/km2
Established Population Urban density
1550 620,982 2,905.18/km2
Toronto is the most populated city in Canada.
Helsinki is the capital city of Finland.
During Winter [Nov-Apr] the average temperature is around -2 째C and there are approximately 91 hours of sunshine per month. The Summer [Jun-Aug] average is +21 째C with approximately 261.6 hours of sunshine per month. Autumn [Sep-Oct] is the rainiest with a monthly mean of 74.5mm rainfall.
During Winter [Nov-Mar] the average temperature is around -3 째C and there are a mean of 43.9 hours of sunshine per month. The Summer [Jun-Aug] average is +17 째C with a mean of 275.6 hours of sunshine per month. Autumn [Sep-Oct] is the rainiest with a monthly mean of 66mm rainfall.
3.3.2
Mean Monthly Temperatures
Mean Monthly Snowfall cm.
Mean Monthly Sunshine Hours
Mean Monthly Rainfall mm.
3.3.3
COMPARING 2 TYPES OF PUBLIC SPACES
1 : URBAN PARKS
2 : PUBLIC SQUARES
3.3.3
CND: TRINITY BELLWOODS PARK The park is located in Toronto in a central, lively and trendy residential area which is well connected with public transportation networks, bicycle paths, and car access1. The location and proximity to services, shops, cafÊs and restaurants also influences the popularity of the park among locals from the neighbourhood, city locals and tourists alike2. It includes many activity areas beyond green space and walking trails. The size and programs within the space allow for all walks of life to mesh easily and seamlessly3. It is often used as a meeting point, a place to enjoy a piece of nature in the city, a place to enjoy many recreational and leisure activities3. Trinity Bellwoods is notoriously active and popular in the Summer months, with many activities being mostly leisure oriented; such as picnics, garden parties, sports, games, among others4. Winter sees much less activity due to the weather conditions, however, the park does then features skating, winter sports and tobogganing. Dog walkers, joggers, walkers, and families using the children’s play areas are constant during all seasons5. The indoor public centre, which is open during all seasons, also helps activate the space. Spring and Autumn usually see less varied activity than Winter and Summer4. -1 2 3 4 5
ttc.ca Park user, Female 24, Illustrator Local resident, Female 26, Master student Toronto Parks: Trinity Bellwoods Park Jogger, Male 41, IT Specialist
SUMMER
WINTER
3.3.3
FIN: SINEBRYCHOFF “KOFF” PUISTO Sinebrychoff puisto, or locally known as Koff puisto is located in the central residential area of Punavuori in Helsinki. The park has good accessibility by road, bike and public transportation1. The proximity to attractions, services, restaurants, and cafés increases and influences the popularity of the park among neighbourhood locals and city locals2. The park experiences an increased amount of use and popularity during the late Spring and Summer and early Fall, primarily centered around leisure activities such as picnics, garden parties and games2. The park also hosts special events, usually nationwide celebrations, such as Vappu on May 1st, Cleaning Days, Restaurant Days, among others3. In Winter, the small hill also features tobogganing. Beyond good weather and special events, the park is used most regularly throughout all seasons by dog walkers, joggers and walkers. Locals often use to get their doses of nature while in the city3.
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1 2 3 4
reittiopas.fi Park user, Male 31, PhD student Hel.fi Local resident, Female 66, Retired
SUMMER
WINTER
3.3.3
COMPARING SPATIAL ELEMENTS
It is apparent that both parks are more suitable for public use during the warmer season. The Toronto park however fares better in all criteria except for the water element. Both parks score low to nil in shelters, which might be a contributing factor in declined use of space during other seasons beyond Summer.
3.3.3
SPATIAL QUALITIES: TRINITY BELLWOODS Criteria Legend 1 Protection against 2 Protection against Vehicular Traffic Crime & Violence
3 Protection against Unpleasant Sensory Exp.
4 Invitations for Walking
5 Invitations for Standing & Staying
6 Invitations for Sitting
7 Invitations for Seeing
8 Invitations for Hearing & Talking
9 Invitations for Play & Recreation
11 Positive Aspects of Climate
12 Aesthetic Qualities
10 Dimensioned at Human Scale Very Good Good Neutral
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Off Leash Dog Area
9
10 11 12
Poor Very Poor
The analysis shows that most of the park’s features fare very well in spatial qualities. The Park’s design is particularly good in the play and picnic areas, with good invitations for staying, playing, walking and seeing during most seasons. The positive aspects of climate remain neutral in all sections of the park due to the fact that they only fare well during Summer, relatively well in Winter and poorly in Autumn and Spring. Play Area
Picnic Area
Main Entrance
3.3.3
SPATIAL QUALITIES: KOFF PUITSO Criteria Legend 1 Protection against 2 Protection against Vehicular Traffic Crime & Violence
3 Protection against Unpleasant Sensory Exp.
4 Invitations for Walking
5 Invitations for Standing & Staying
6 Invitations for Sitting
7 Invitations for Seeing
8 Invitations for Hearing & Talking
9 Invitations for Play & Recreation
11 Positive Aspects of Climate
12 Aesthetic Qualities
10 Dimensioned at Human Scale Very Good Good Neutral
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Pond Area
10 11 12
Poor Very Poor
The analysis shows that the park has very good protection qualities overall. This is predominantly due to the proximity of residences to the park, Finnish culture and the near by streets. Similar to the Toronto park, Koff puisto also does not consider the aspects of the climate very well. This could explain the parks large decrease of use and popularity outside of the Summer months. Concert Area
Play Area
3.3.3
CND: NATHAN PHILLIPS SQUARE Nathan Phillips Square is located in the heart of downtown Toronto. The proximity of the square to the metro and tram line, road and bicycle paths allows for easy accessibility to and around the square1. The downtown location and proximity to transportation hubs, businesses, shops, services, cafÊs and restaurants activates the space on a daily basis, throughout the seasons. Daily activities are usually only brief, such as, pedestrians shortcuts, outdoor work lunches in the Summer, meeting points, tourist visits, resting in the seated areas, among others2. Aside from daily routine, the space is often used for special events due to it’s size, for political demonstrations, concerts, fairs, and the like3. The permanent feature of the reflection pool attracts users throughout the Summer as an informal foot cooling point and a skating rink during the Winter2. Autumn and Spring experience the least amount of users in the space.
SUMMER
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1 ttc.ca 2 Toronto resident, Female 26, Master student 3 Toronto.ca
WINTER
3.3.3
FIN: RAUTATIENTORI Rautatientori is located in the heart of Helsinki. The square neighbours the largest and most important public transportation hub, the Central Railway Station and is the major station for many HSL bus and tram lines1. The square is also well connected to local and arterial roads as well as bicycle lanes1. Despite the large exchange of passengers from the transportation infrastructure and proximity to major shopping, university, services, restaurants, cafĂŠs, bars, and the like, the square is predominantly vacant during everyday use, with a few pedestrian shortcuts, occasional tourists, and a rare user the public seating2. The square is activated only during special public events, but usually more tourist oriented events and not local events such as Vappu or Cleaning Day for example1. Winter however is an exception, where the square features a temporary skating rink which is popular among city locals and visitors alike1. Many Helsinki residents however feel that although the square is well located, they hardly ever use the space for more than a shortcut3.
SUMMER
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1 Reittiopas.fi 2 Personal observations [Summer, Autumn, Winter] 3 Local resident, Male 31, Phd student
WINTER
3.3.3
COMPARING SPATIAL ELEMENTS
The Toronto square features all criteria according Whyte’s requirements whereas Rautatientori is missing Water and Shelter elements. The all elements fare best in the Summer and the worst in Spring and Autumn. Water is a very positive element in Nathan Phillips square that adds quality to the space during most of the year. Generally, both squares could increase sittable space, trees and shelter to become more inviting.
3.3.3
SPATIAL QUALITIES: NATHAN PHILLIPS SQUARE Criteria Legend 1 Protection against 2 Protection against Vehicular Traffic Crime & Violence
3 Protection against Unpleasant Sensory Exp.
4 Invitations for Walking
5 Invitations for Standing & Staying
6 Invitations for Sitting
7 Invitations for Seeing
8 Invitations for Hearing & Talking
9 Invitations for Play & Recreation
11 Positive Aspects of Climate
12 Aesthetic Qualities
10 Dimensioned at Human Scale Very Good Good Neutral
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Elevated Garden
9
10 11 12
Poor Very Poor
While the elements available score relatively well according to the Whyte evaluation in Nathan Phillips square, their qualities could use some improvement. For example, the main entrance to the square, a crucial element, scores very poorly. This influences how the square is perceived from the street and could deter potential users who are not aware of what the space truly has to offer. All elements on the square lack the qualities for inviting sitting, standing and staying predominantly due to their lack of shelter. Increasing trees, food vendors, small or partially sheltered areas could potentially better accommodate this condition.
Water / Skating
Main Entrance
3.3.3
SPATIAL QUALITIES: RAUTATIENTORI Criteria Legend 1 Protection against 2 Protection against Vehicular Traffic Crime & Violence
3 Protection against Unpleasant Sensory Exp.
4 Invitations for Walking
5 Invitations for Standing & Staying
6 Invitations for Sitting
7 Invitations for Seeing
8 Invitations for Hearing & Talking
9 Invitations for Play & Recreation
11 Positive Aspects of Climate
12 Aesthetic Qualities
10 Dimensioned at Human Scale Very Good Good Neutral
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Alexic Kivi Statue
9
10 11 12
Poor Very Poor
Rautatientori scores very poorly in our spatial qualities analysis. This is also influenced by the lacking spatial elements, as seen in the previous evaluation. The biggest issue for the square is its lack of initiations for sitting, staying, walking, shelter and the like. Nevertheless, the surrounding architecture and city life makes the square well positioned for seeing. This is one of its major strengths. Main Entrance
Treed Walkway
3.3.3
OUR FINDINGS Identifying Northern Modifications to Analysis
Identifying Good Spatial Elements
According to our findings, analysis and research, we have identified that Gehl and Whyte’s criteria could be modified with the following elements to complete the evaluation in a Northern application.
According to our observations, interviews and analysis, we have found that there are certain spatial elements that better accommodate all season use of public spaces in Northern climates specifically.
Whyte’s criteria could include shelter [protection from the elements] and lighting. Gehl’s analysis is most useful when used in each season, helping researchers identify problem areas during specific seasons. Comparing the individual seasons also assists in identifying and understanding which elements are present throughout all seasons and why. Another element that should be added to the criteria is light qualities both artificial and natural.
1 Shelter from weather * 2 Artificial Lighting * 3 Proximity to Food/Beverage 4 Protected Seating * 5 Water Element 6 Trees 7 Play * Added based on our findings
1 : SHELTERS
Shelters, canopies and other larger and permeable structures offer protection from rain, snow and or sun. Large and airy structures would not interfere with flows, use of spaces and amount of natural light in the least invasive way.
2 : ARTIFICIAL LIGHTING
Artificial lighting not only offers increased security to public spaces during darker months and evenings, but adds aesthetic qualities as well. When applied creatively, the options are endless for new seating, play and invitations for walking.
3 : FOOD & BEVERAGE
Food elements add a means to warm up or cool off in the summer. People naturally gravitate towards food and beverages - this element would increase safety and invitations to stay in a public space during all seasons.
4 : PROTECTED SEATING
Protected seating allows for users to use outdoor space and remain protected from weather conditions such as rain, snow, wind and sun. Although colder weather is unavoidable, its easier to wait for a friend outdoors when we’re at a bit more protected!
5 : WATER ELEMENTS
In Northern climates we have the advantage of many seasons and water is an excellent means to celebrate this. In summers it offers a means to cool off, in winter, a means to skate in the city and in other seasons adds an aesthetic quality to a space.
6 : TREES
Deciduous trees are an excellent urban element which reflect the changing seasons throughout the year. In the fall they add an element of colour, in winter, a means to add light and increase aesthetic qualities, in spring blooms and buds and in summer, greenery and shade.
7 : PLAY
Elements of play are a great means to spike our curiosity in a space and use it in new and atypical ways. What if benches were swings? And statues or sculptures slides? The options are endless!
3.3.4
TESTING GROUND: RAUTATIENTORI
INTERVIEWS
Who are you? When do you use it? How much time? Why are you here? Best aspect?
Female, 25, Tourist Morning, Afternoon Few minutes spent Taking photos Surrounding Buildings
Male, 51, Visitor Morning, Afternoon Few minutes spent Meeting a group Sunlight
Female, 39, Local Morning, Evening Few minutes spent Shortcut Bus connections
Male, 42, Local Morning Few minutes spent Shortcut Central location
Female, 54, Local Morning Few minutes spent Shortcut Skating in the winter
3.3.4
EXISTING USE TYPES
TYPICAL DAY
In a typical day, Rautatientori experiences very minimal pedestrian activity. However, there are special conditions that occur during the seasons which increase the square’s use. Spring usually hosts markets and fairs. Winter hosts a skating rink. Summer events are a mix of tourist attractions and sporting events. Autumn hosts Oktoberfest and smaller scale events. Winter and Summer are the most active.
SPRING EVENTS
WINTER EVENTS
SUMMER EVENTS
AUTUMN EVENTS
3.3.4
EXISTING FLOWS & ENVIRONMENTS
2 : SUN & WIND
1 : FLOWS & USE
Stationary Nodes
Pedestrian Flow
Sitting
Most Active Areas
Day long Sun exposure
Morning Shadows
Evening Shadows
Afternoon Shadows
Wind Direction
3.3.4
EXISTING FLOWS & ENVIRONMENTS
CURRENT
ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS:
Lighting
Trees
3.3.5
TESTING OUR THEORY
PROPOSED
ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS:
Shelter *
Café *
Water *
Lighting *
Skating/Splash Fountains *
Trees
Protected Seating * * Elements added
3.3.5
CONSIDERING USE TYPES
TYPICAL DAY
New elements can work concurrently with existing uses in the square, if not enhance or add to their aesthetic quality and generate even more users.
SPRING EVENTS
WINTER EVENTS
SUMMER EVENTS
AUTUMN EVENTS
3.3.6
DISCUSSION The problem areas in Northern squares when using Gehl’s analysis are often influenced by the lack of protection from weather, lack of artificial lighting, and lack of play elements. These are all directly linked to the decreased scores in invitations for staying in the space, positive aspects of the climate and also the impressions of security. The proposed elements would potentially address and improve the following qualities throughout the year, simultaneously assisting Northern cultures of being able to enjoy and embrace all four seasons in the city. 1 Shelter elements, such as outdoor canopies, could directly improve yearlong use with protection from rain, colder winds and snow, increasing invitations for standing, sitting and staying in a space. 2 Increased artificial lighting, such as light up seating or light designs incorporated in paving, could influence qualities of play, invitations, security and aesthetics. 3 Food and beverage elements, such as cafÊs or temporary food stands increase use and invitation qualities. We all love drinks and we all love snacks! A hot snack or drink offers a great
way to warm up and cold ones help us cool down in the summer. 4 Sheltered seating, such as covered benches or little nooks, would be key in allowing users to linger in a space for longer durations of time outside of the summer season. 5 Water elements, can be transferable throughout the year and add qualities of play, activity, and aesthetics. For example one design can see many different faces in one year: a winter skating rink, a summer splash pad, and a reflection pool during spring and autumn. 6 Trees are vital not only for their aesthetics and protection in the summer, but also during other times of the year. They can be used as lighting ornaments in winter, aesthetic elements with autumn colours in the fall and blooms in the spring. 7 Play elements also play a role in increasing use in the space. They attract a user and offer interactive activity, also helping users stay warm. Play elements could aid in invitations for staying in a space, as well as improve aesthetic qualities, such as interactive art instillations, interactive light play features and the like. --
3.3.7
PROJECT CONCLUSIONS
Ideally the results will set a base to stimulate a discussion about Northern public spaces and how we could improve them in the future. The findings could also serve as a stepping stone for further investigation and in depth analysis of the subject. The Northern all-season elements we pinpointed could begin to better assist planners, architects, landscape architects, management and policy makers when creating new as well as rethinking existing public spaces in this climate to generate all year use. One of the weaknesses of this research is that it is a highly complex and vast investigation. However, this could also be seen as a positive, where we begin with a start, this could then help stimulate the urgency of the subject and lead to further discussion and investigation by others. The archetype of the Italian piazza, although applicable in many climates, cannot to be applied successfully to Northern cultures. There is therefore a need to establish a Northern equivalent and new relevant archetype which would better suit the needs of Northern societies and weather requirements of this climate. Highlighting our investigation whether it is possible to have a truly public space indoors and how. --
CHAPTER 4
Summary of group dynamics & Course feedback
4.1
COURSE CONCLUSIONS COURSE EVALUATION My experience throughout the course overall has been a positive one. The concepts and ideas discussed throughout the course were relevant and interesting to me. I also feel as though I have had a chance to refresh and further my knowledge and understanding of Public space and some of the theories behind them. In comparison to other studios however, I felt that the lectures were slightly disjointed from the assigned tasks and lacking in clarity. The course was also heavily based on independent work with the assigned essays, also lacking a bit of clarity and direction in my opinion. I would have preferred to receive feedback from all tutors more often regarding these assignments, much like the critiques of the H2 task and final research design. On a more positive note, the excursions, emphasis on interviewing people and observing spaces in person was an excellent means to push students out of our typical comfort zone. I also appreciate how invested most of the tutors have been in the discussions regarding tasks and concepts presented in the course.
My suggestions for future iterations of the course is to have a clearer outline of the course, intended learning results, rotating feedback to hear from all tutors and a timeline of all expected assignments. -GROUP DYNAMICS For the H2 Task, our group presented several issues regarding workflow and communication. Overall, the work experience was not ideal, preventing more cohesive and thorough results and analysis. For the final project, the Research Design, there was a better working dynamic in the group. Our ability to time-manage, communicate and work democratically allowed us to fully realize our objectives with satisfying results.
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