Year – 1/Issue – 6/Feb’16 – March’16
World after 5th Extinction Half yearly Edition
Content Featured Topic
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We are at war risk (Part – 4)
Editorial
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Let’s Cohabit
Post Editorial
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Leopard in Bangalore School
Story Room
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Safe Heaven in Kodava's Home
Special Coverage
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Back to Basics
Theme Poster
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Z+ Security
For Team Exploring Nature Editors’ Desk
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Dwaipayan Ghosh & Arnab Basu
Title & Logo Design
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Arijit Das Majumder & Saikat Chakraborty
Newsletter Design
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Dwaipayan Ghosh E-mail: natural_destination@yahoo.com Website : www.exploringnature.org.in
Year – 1/Issue – 6/Feb’16 – March’15
Arnab Basu
The Immediate Aftermath The environmental legacy of warfare and mass violence has recently emerged as a recognized dimension of environmental history. Military historians have routinely written about the significance of terrain and weather for the planning and management of campaigns. Moreover, they have frequently traced military planners' concern for manipulation of the natural resources that are essential (or at least valuable) for their strategic purposes, and even the use of natural processes (such as fire) as weapons. But their interest lies almost exclusively with the human drama; they almost never go beyond that to consider the resulting transformations of ecosystems. They see Nature as context, but not as consequence, of mass violence. From reading a variety of war and environment case studies as well as recent writing in military history, we have noticed characteristic periods in the interaction of environment and war, as follows: 1.
The Run Up to War
2.
The War Itself
3.
The Immediate Aftermath
4.
Five to Ten Years after the War
5.
The Long Term, a Century or more after the War
To assess and understand the impact of war on environment, we would focus on third period of the war and specifically discuss The Immediate Aftermath - in this edition of Holocene. This thumbnail discussion will be based on the Destruction and Recovery: The Immediate Aftermath, work of Carola Hein, Jeffry M. Diefendorf and Ishida Yorigusa, eds., Rebuilding Urban Japan after 1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). The immediate aftermath – two to five years – is often a period of continuing local conflicts or uneasy peace. Both world wars of the twentieth century left many regional and national conflicts unresolved into the following decade, but environmental historians have only begun to study those reverberations of the major Powers’ collisions. This holds true for both rural and urban settings, the reconstruction of both agro-ecosystems and urban environments, though many publications on the elements of that story are available for consideration. Intensive post war demand for construction materials includes pressure on timber products, metals, and fossil fuels. Studies of the sites of extraction processes and scales of production can be integrated with transport systems and materials consumption at sites of reconstruction. For our thumbnail we have chosen Carola Hein, Jeffry M. Diefendorf and Ishida Yorigusa, eds., Rebuilding Urban Japan after 1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). The authors describe how urban planners took the opportunity provided by wartime devastation to redesign cities on what they considered to be more rational and efficient designs. This is a central dimension of warfare’s 1|Page
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Year – 1/Issue – 6/Feb’16 – March’15
immediate environmental consequences. Behind it lie dimensions of urban environmental damage during the war, including intensive industrial toxics and pollution, disruption of power and water supplies, and their impacts on human and social health. All these aspects have received detailed analysis, but we are at an early stage of integrating them into the environmental history of war’s immediate aftermath, with analogies throughout the history of urban centres. Post-war reconstruction was often hindered by either severe monetary inflation in the last period of wars, or after the First World War the immediate post war depression. Hence, governmental agencies, private sector construction firms, and fiscal managers all must be considered in reconstructing this first stage of war’s aftermath. Comparative questions in this timeframe might include the following: Were the environmental effects significantly different between the winner and the loser? What about resources surrendered as reparations? Can we see the “peace” having different short-term environmental effects in varying environmental regions, such as the ocean littoral, the main river valleys, the upland slopes, and the mountains? What happened to refugees? Did they actually end up occupying environmentally sensitive locales, such as wetlands, riverbanks, or steep hillsides? How much of the surrounding area was stripped? What about the camp’s water supply and effects of the camp on nearby rivers? Were significant portions of the losing side’s population enslaved and removed from the land, thereby decreasing the environmental impact of human habitation? Did the “peace”, however defined, leave active, armed militias, which did not recognize the peace arrangements? Did they strip resources to sustain their resistance? We will continue this discussion on immediate aftermath of warfare and in next edition we will specifically focus on the period of five to ten years after the war. In the next edition of Holocene, we would discuss Medium-Range Legacy of Warfare: A Decade and Beyond. The discussion will be based on work of Greg Bankoff, “Of Beasts and Men: Animals and the Cold War in Eastern Asia,” in J. R. McNeill and Corinna R. Unger, Environmental Histories of the Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2010). pp. 203-26. Till then keep reading Holocene.
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Editors’ Desk :
Let’s Cohabit Animals live in a predictable manner in nature occupying different niches in the environment. Its populations also have certain built-in mechanism that keeps their numbers up to a reasonable level. In a stable situation with the minimum external interference, the population dynamics of each of the species is controlled over successive years. In a balanced situation, where several species live together and interact with each other, seldom the number of one species increases abruptly. For an example, an increase in the population of herbivores leads to an increase in the number of suitable predators to control it and as soon as the number of herbivores drops down, the number of predators limits itself due to diminishing resources. But obviously it is an ideal situation and doesn’t fit for the actual scenario, we are witnessing for last few centuries, especially in modern age. In a balanced ecological system, wildlife rarely involves in conflict with human being. But the situation isn’t that much balanced these days. Since the initiation of modern age, human civilisation has been gradually encroaching into the wild areas all over the world in search of resources for its ever increasing population. Modernisation is affecting the environment directly or indirectly making it hard to inhabit for many species. Animals have been suffering a huge habitat loss as human destroyed forest cover for agriculture, residences, industries, modern era infrastructure like road and railways etc. An unregulated hunting of wildlife for centuries also causes abrupt decrease in number of numerous species and leads to their extinction. Even many large mammals like White Rhinos, various Tiger sub species and marine mammals are practically extinct in wild or even extinct these days. This has been unbalancing the ecology and causing more and more human – wildlife conflicts for years. Due to habitat loss many herbivores mammals and bird species are coming to share resources of human being for survival. They are becoming intense competitor of human being sharing same resources. For an example, in various parts of India, Nilgais are encroaching into agricultural field and claiming crops for their survival. Besides the habitat loss, serious decrease in the number of large predators like tigers and leopards due to unregulated hunting by human over years, are also allowing increment in herbivores population. If we analyse the root cause, we will find ourselves only responsible for this. But we are acting in an even insensitive way by declaring Nilgai as vermin species and killing them to protect our crops. We have another very prominent example where we are actually interfering in animal behaviour, causing Human – Wildlife conflict and in that case also animals have to pay the cost. Elephant herds of Dalma hills migrate along an ancient annual migratory route through the States of Jharkhand, South Western Bengal and Orissa and then return to Dalma hills again. For last two years this migratory route is being interrupted at the border of West Bengal and Orissa forcing herds to stay back in West Bengal and Forest authorities of Orissa keep their eyes closed. Irrigation canals, dug around Dalma WLS in the name of development, despite of several oppose from concerned forest authorities, are also restricting elephants from coming home during summer. These road blocks are resulting increment in number of resident elephants in several smaller forest covers along the route. These resident elephants, being in smaller herds or even alone in most of the cases, are becoming potential threat to crops, human properties and even human life and we are indicating elephants as culprits for our loss. Going against Nature’s versus, we are declaring victims as offenders. The same consecution is going on in every corner of the world with every species. We are not understanding that this unsustainable development procedure is unbalancing the ecology and accelerating towards the end of the Holocene. We Exploring Nature don’t ever oppose the development of Human Civilization, but at the same time we advocate for cohabitation. We have only one Earth and merely one chance to save it. Let’s join hands.
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Post Editorial :
Leopard in Bangalore School
Arun Venkataraman,
Biodiversity Expert, Technical-Director, ERM India Private Limited The entry of a leopard into the Vibgyor School in Marthahalli, Bangalore was an unfortunate incident endangering the lives of the officials who captured it and the hapless animal, which experienced much trauma during the capture. Presently there are more reports of a leopard in the same area which has caused much paranoia among residents in Whitefield, Bangalore While this paranoia is understandable in an urban landscape where citizens are unaccustomed to wildlife in their vicinity, it needs to be emphasized that leopards cohabit with people in numerous rural landscapes in India and indeed, even close to some major metropolises. The Sanjay Gandhi National Park, harbouring a very high density of leopards, borders suburban areas of north Mumbai. Leopards frequently foray into residential complexes in search of prey. Despite the proximity, there have been virtually no incidents of leopards harming humans. Indeed there is remarkable coexistence today with very rare cases of hysteria when these cats are detected in the residential areas. There are also several excellent documentaries that demonstrate how well leopards adapt to urban settings and unless specifically sought, largely remain undetected. It is not surprising that leopards do occasionally enter Bangalore as the city is surrounded by forest patches providing connectivity to forests in Bannerghata NP, the House Forest Division in Tamil Nadu and Tumkur District. The need of the hour is restraint if leopards are sighted. There should be calm evacuation from any premises where leopards are sighted and authorities in the Forest Department and police should be immediately alerted. In most cases people have been injured or killed when crowds have cornered animals in confined spaces, so further presence of citizens in such areas is risky. Furthermore, as indicated from several studies, leopards when left undisturbed and with escape routes open, will quietly move away without causing harm to humans. Rather than perpetuate a fear psychosis about the presence on leopards in the city, Bangalore should feel proud that its surrounding forests still hold this threatened and majestic cat. This is a testimony to the state's exemplar conservation efforts.
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Year – 1/Issue – 6/Feb’16 – March’15
Story Room :
Arnab Basu
Kodagu or the land of the Kodavas - commonly known as Coorg - nature tourists’ favourite destination in southern part of India - a five hours bus journey through National highway 48 and around 270 km away from Bangalore, capital of Karnataka state. In the morning of Boxing Day, temperature was around 12oC in Bangalore, explorer started his journey to the land of the Kodavas from Shantinagar Bus Station. By afternoon 1:30 he reached at Gonikoppal and from there another one hour bus journey to his homestay at Kaimane of Kumtoor village of South Kodagu, where he would stay for next 24 hours. His home stay is known as Nature Fresh Homestay; however local people including bus conductors know it as Nithin’s homestay, after the name of its owner Nithin Poovaiah. This local lad in his early thirty has inherited this property from his late father and converted the land into a charming homestay which provides an opportunity for the explorer to enjoy the Kodava way of life, to have a first- hand experience of their culture and to relish the unique and delectable Kodava cuisine. The homely atmosphere of Nithin’s homestay was really an experience of joy of rustic living in Coorg. Homestays in Coorg are actually an extension of the renowned Kodava hospitality, which has made Coorg the important hub of tourism in Karnataka. Nature Fresh Homestay is located in the midst of verdant surroundings, a scenic piece of land in the very lap of Mother Nature. It has a 4 bedroom villa on a plot of 15 acres of coffee plantation and has two lakes, surrounded by a mini forest and pristine lotus pond within the premises. The homestay is also a bird-watchers’ paradise – pond heron, greater egret, red vented bulbul, common flame back woodpecker, malabar trogon, fan-tailed fly catcher are some of them, spotted by explorer. Kodagu also known as Kodava Nadu, is an administrative district in Karnataka, India. It occupies an area of 4,102 square kilometres (1,584 sq mi) in the Western Ghats of southwestern Karnataka. In 2001 its population was 548,561, 13.74% of which resided in the district's urban centres, making it 5|Page
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the least populous of the 30 districts in Karnataka. The district is bordered by Dakshina Kannada district to the northwest, Hassan district to the north, Mysore district to the east, Kannur district of Kerala to the southwest, and the Wayanad district of Kerala to the south. Agriculture is the most important occupation that upholds the economy of Kodagu and the main crops cultivated in this region are rice and coffee. Coorg is rich in natural resources which included timber and spices. Madikeri (English: Mercara) is the headquarters of Kodagu. Kodagu is known for its coffee, spices and its people. The dominant group are the indigenous (Kodavas) and other ethnic groups (Arabasha and Kodava subgroups). Kodavas (freehold farmers, rulers and miltiamen), and of late Arabasha (farmers) from Sullia. The chief languages presently spoken in Kodagu are Kodavathak, Are Bhashe, Kannada, Kasaragod Malayalam, Yerava, Kuruba, Konkani, Urdu, Tulu and English. Kodagu is home to the native speakers of the Kodava language The Kodavas were the earliest agriculturists in Kodagu, having lived there for centuries. Being a warrior community as well, they carried arms during times of war and had their own chieftains. The Haleri dynasty, an offshoot of the Keladi Nayakas, ruled Kodagu between 1600 and 1834. Later the British ruled Kodagu from 1834, after the Coorg War, until India's independence in 1947. A separate state (called Coorg State) until then, in 1956 Kodagu was merged with the Mysore State (now Karnataka). In 1834, the East India Company annexed Kodagu into British India, after deposing Chikka Virarajendra of the Kodagu kingdom, as 'Coorg'. The people accepted British rule peacefully. British rule led to the establishment of educational institutions, introduction of scientific coffee cultivation, better administration and improvement of the economy. Explorer reached at his home stay in Coorg at 2:30 PM and Kodavati* came at 5:00 PM to take him to her Coffee Estate, which was a kilometre away from the homestay. The plan was to meet Jenu Kuruba tribes who have been working at her coffee estate for few decades and Kodavati herself grew up with them. Who could be a better person than her to accompany explorer and facilitate the interaction with this indigenous people of the Western Ghats. Jenu Kuruba Tribes of Karnataka are the indigenous residents of the forests regions of the Western Ghats and also other places of South India. In the Kannada language, the term 'Jenu' signifies honey and 'kuruba' stands for caste. Therefore their name suggests that these Jenu Kuruba tribes have adapted the profession of honey gathering. The anthropologists also have tracked out a rich history of the origination of this Jenu Kuruba tribal community of Karnataka. According to them, after the downfall of the Pallava dynasty, several Jenu Kuruba tribes have taken refuge in different places of the southern state of Indian subcontinent. The Jenu Kuruba tribes also have taken up occupations like small land employers and cultivators. Since many of these Jenu Kuruba tribes also have settled down in several forests hideouts, quite naturally these Jenu Kuruba tribes embraced the natural habitat of the forest region. Due to the elongated alienation, these Jenu Kuruba tribes have developed their own culture and ethnicity. *Kodavati – A Kodava Woman or Girl Moreover the Jenu Kuruba tribes lead a carefree lifestyle of a typical nomad, adapting to various occupations like conventional food collectors, and shifting cultivators. These Jenu Kuruba tribes also carry on cultivation as a supplementary profession. Instead of plowing the field, these Jenu Kuruba tribes rub the surface with a sort of bamboo spear. With this background knowledge of Jenu Kuruba, explorer was quite curious to know how these nomadic tribes found “Safe heaven in Kodava’s house”. 6|Page
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Houses of Kodavas in Coorg have a significant implication with respect to relocation issues of tribal in Karnataka. Nagarhole forest (also known as Rajiv Gandhi National Park - RGNP ) has also been home to several tribal communities, including Jenu Kurubas, Yeravas, Betta Kurubas and Soligas. Jenu Kurubas are the most populous tribal community living in and around the RGNP, with their population in Mysore district estimated at 19,246. (There are 75 tribes in India classified as primitive, and these are the most backward among the Scheduled Tribes.) When the Wildlife Protection Act came into force, the lives of tribal people living in forests across the country changed; the status of the tribal communities living in Nagarhole was also affected. Based on a report published in a leading national bi-weekly journal, Mr. P.K. Ramu, a Yerava and a member of the Budakattu Krishikara Sangha (BKS), an organisation representing the interests of primitive tribes in Hunsur taluk, said, “There was gradual pressure on us to leave the forests and move out. There was interference from the Forest Department when we were engaged in our traditional occupations within the forest. The authorities stopped paying us compensation for damage from elephants to the light crop that we raised inside the forests.” According to other tribal people who spoke to correspondent of that journal, the government registered cases against people who collected minor forest produce (MFP) after 1972. The displacement from national park areas was significant in the 1970s and the 1980s for several reasons, including the construction of dams. Several hundred families have moved out from the forests after the 1970s. A report titled “A Report on the Development of Tribals Living in the Hilly and Forest Areas of Mysore District” that the district administration of Mysore prepared some time ago pointed out that close to 6,000 families had moved out of Bandipur and Nagarhole when these areas were declared national parks after 1972. The construction of the Kabini dam and reservoir (construction work on this dam began in 1959 and ended in 1974) and the Taraka dam also displaced several hundred families. In 1992, after the amended Wild Life Protection Act was passed, several families moved out of the forests; accounts vary as to whether their displacement was voluntary or not. Around this time there was a forest fire in Nagarhole, which raged the State administration against the tribal people as there was intense speculation that they were responsible for starting the fire. Between 2001 and 2011, as many as 192 cases were registered against tribal communities, primarily Jenu Krubas, living in and around Nagarahole National Park. But their “offenses”, which include trespassing forest land, collecting honey and growing ginger in the forest, are, in fact, their rights enshrined in the Forest Rights Act. A report by a High Court-appointed committee on the status of tribal communities in and around Nagarahole, submitted recently to the Karnataka government, speaks of the “absurdity” of cases booked against tribal people for “trespassing” forests, which they have been living inside for generations. Booking a large number of cases against tribal people is part of a historical culture of “violence” against the communities, which “takes on different forms,” says the report by the committee, chaired 7|Page
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by political studies professor at the University of Mysore Muzaffar Assadi. In the 1970s, it took the form of multiple displacements for tribal families and also the destruction of their homes, crops and settlements “so as to erase their historical presence in the forest region”. Prosecuting tribal communities for living in and using forests is a violation of the Forest Rights Act that gives them rights over land and forest resources, says Nitin Rai of Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment. “The Act was enacted to rectify the immense historical injustices reaped on Adivasis and forest-dwellers. Draconian conservation laws have criminalised everyday life of Adivasis, who have lived in these forests for centuries.” But ironically, these very laws are constantly bent for industrial and infrastructural projects, he said. All pending cases against tribal people booked on “flimsy ground” should be withdrawn to help build trust between them and the political apparatus, says the report. An advocates’ collective should be appointed to fight cases of tribal people in different courts, it adds. Cases booked also pertained to setting fire to the forest, to poaching wildlife and birds, and felling trees. The whole issue of Jenu Kuruba (or other tribal in Nagarahole) relocation has two sides of story. On one side are certain NGOs and activists who see tribal people as part of the ecosystem of the forest, living in symbiosis with it. Sreekant, one of the petitioners in the 1999 public interest litigation (PIL), said to one national journal: “We want the forests to be saved, and we are demanding that tribal people be rehabilitated on the fringes of the forest, apart from leaving a few hamlets that are located in the middle of the forest intact. By rehabilitating tribal people at the fringe of the forests, the state will be forming a natural buffer between the forest and the outside world, which will save the forests. The tribal people should also have the right to collect MFP.” Some activists argue that the culture of tribal people will survive only if they continue to live in forests, and they want the areas to be declared as a Fifth Schedule area under provisions of the Constitution. The other side argues that for the healthy development of the forest there should be zero human interference and that the tribal people should be relocated voluntarily outside the forests. Wildlife conservationists cite the example of the Bhadra Tiger Reserve in north-west Karnataka: After all the humans were relocated from the reserve, there was a significant improvement in its wildlife populations. Some people argue that tribal people should be relocated because only if they live outside forests can they be a part of modern life. Representatives of the State Forest Department who spoke to the correspondents of some these national journals concurred with some of these opinions. In all of these debates, it is the tribal people who have no say. In the next day after explorer’s interaction with Kodavati and her folks and planation workers at her coffee estate, explorer got an opportunity to discuss this relocation issue with one ex-forest ranger, Mr. K. M. Chinappa, who is also an eminent conservation activist. He said, “These tribal are nomadic people, they are hunter and gatherer. So if you try to convert them into cultivator, there will be always resistance. At least 50% of them will not be happy with this change. But at the same time think about their next generation. Their kids now have better opportunity for education; they have access to health facilities. So, we need to motivate them for living their new life outside forest. When they were in forest, they were always afraid of villagers, so their role in forest conservation was not so significant, although some of them were really good trackers and I used to take their help quite often. Now while living outside of the forest, they are not going to starve. You know there is always scarcity of labourers in Coorg. Here they can get job worth Rs. 500/- per day and besides that they can do their other work. They are hardworking people; there will be never dearth of job for them.”
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Whereas, the High Court-appointed committee report points out that many tribal people work in plantations in Kodagu district while living in haadis in the forest or in rehabilitated villages, and this perpetuates their poverty as they have remained daily-wage labourers without land-holding rights. The report published in one of the national journals said, even though there are several government schemes for the S.Ts, some particularly for primitive tribes (which means they would apply to Jenu Kurubas only), the condition of the tribal people remains bad. The reasons for this include the absence of proper rehabilitation and permanent jobs for them; the garnering of the various benefits meant for the S.Ts by a few dominant tribes; and the fact that according to the WPA no interference, even the construction of basic facilities, is allowed in forests after 1972. There is also a disconnection between the number of schemes available and what ultimately reaches the intended beneficiaries. According to S. Sreekant of DEED, 40 per cent of tribal children are malnourished and only 30 per cent of them can read and write. The tribal people have historically remained on the margins of mainstream society. There is no clear agreement even among themselves whether they would like to be relocated outside the forests and whether this would lead to an improvement of their status. They are sceptical of compensation packages offered to them by the government and do not trust officials. All these above information are published in different national and local newspaper and journals over a period of time and now it’s time for Explorer to hear directly from those tribal people in question who have been serving their coffee estate masters for at least two generations. Kodavati’s coffee estate, Ruskin Estate, is a home to 15 Kurubas. When she asked them, how was their life outside forest, Gangu the Kuruba lady, who has been living in their estate for eleven years and never lived in forest, replied, “Our great grandfather lived in forest, but we are happy working in coffee estate as planation workers. We don’t like forest, we are scared of animals.” Another Kuruba man, Ravi, reiterated same thing, when he was asked whether he was happy as planation worker, he replied, “Wherever we go, eventually we have to work for food, therefore it does not make any difference for us”. When she asked them about their children’s education and health facilities, they replied, “Sometime our kids go to school, but it’s their choice whether they would like to continue their education or not. We don’t have any ambition. We are happy doing whatever we are doing”. In an attempt to remind their connection with forest, Kodavati asked them whether they heard any stories of their previous generations’ forest life. But the response was very apathetic. This generation Kurubas don’t feel any connection with forest and apparently they are living a very comfortable life in coffee estates, where their houses, proper toilets, cooking facilities and assurance for livelihood are provided by the owners of the many coffee estates of Coorg like Mr. Uthappa. Explorer’s interaction with Jenu Kuruba plantation workers through Kodavati revealed a hard fact that this new generation of Jenu Kuruba had lost their connectivity with Forest, unlike their ancestors. At the same time they are indifferent, apathetic and little less ambitious towards greater opportunities and facilities of modern civilized life. They are happy to live their life on day to day basis without putting much effort in complicated planning for future like their so called civilized brothers and sisters do. They are hardworking and in high demand in the land of Kodavas, where there is always a dearth of regular labourer supply. They are earning their livelihoods and other basic amenities of education and health in relatively easier ways than they would have earned as forest dwellers. Their life is secured and protected from conflict with wild life, which otherwise would have been inevitable as forest dwellers. 9|Page
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The coffee estate owners like Mr. Uthappa are happily accepting them as part of their family – Kodavati’s interaction with those simple and shy people, made that fact quite conspicuous to explorer. It looks like Jenu Kurubas are in safe heaven in Kodava’s house, but at the same time are they losing their centuries old culture and ethnicity, as well as historical significance as forest dwellers?
Special Coverage :
Exploring Nature participated in a photography workshop on 30th and 31st January, 2016 at Shilton Royale Hotel, Bangalore. The workshop was conducted by eminent wildlife photographer, filmmaker, naturalist and explorer specializing in environment, science and ecology in India, Kalyan Verma. About 20 beginner, intermediate and advance level photographers from different segment of professions participated in that workshop. Majority of them were wildlife photographers. However, there were few portrait, street, candid, landscape and fashion photographers as well. The workshop was designed in such a way so that the participants can learn not only the basics of digital photography and the science behind it, but also the art of composition and “making photos” rather than mere “taking pictures”. There were also a field session to get hands on experience of composition and portrait, followed by a half-day session on art of photo processing. “Understanding exposure, is one of the KEYS to successful shooting”, said Kalyan. An excellent orator and teacher Kalyan explained explicitly how to make a great exposure and forget all the guesswork. He taught participants shooting camera on Manual Mode and made them learn to recognise and use exposure compensations. He said “It is all about recognizing middle-tones; exposing for all tonalities — grey, black, and white, understanding histograms and using them effectively.” The workshop also covered the fine points of effective compositions — finding effective compositions, using lenses effectively; seeking the best perspective; texture, color, point of view; knowing zones of sharpness; selective focus; and the rule of thirds; maximizing the digital potential by learning colour management, post-processing methods to improve the brightness, contrast, and white balance of image. Participants learnt how to use tools like levels, unsharp mask, cloning, digital blends and noise reduction; handling RAW files, how to make digital composites, including panoramas. Another interesting aspect of the workshop was using equipment & lenses. Kalyan talked about what to buy and what not to buy and how to use gear effectively. Discussions happened on choosing the right body with right features and connect to the right set of lenses. He gave tips on photography accessories like tripod, CF cards, flash, filters, bags, etc. This also covered how to manage and take care of camera gear. 10 | P a g e
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On day two of the workshop participants had a field session on composition. The subject was monolithic stone, Kempegowda tower and the character of Lal Bag park of Bengalore, where participants got an opportunity to put their technical and artistic skills in practical test. The workshop was ended with critique review by Kalyan of the few photographs taken by all the participants during workshop and in recent pasts. Kalyan gave valuable feedback on technical as well as composition aspects of those photographs. The overall workshop was a great opportunity for the beginners to feel comfortable with cameras and for the advance photographers to get back to basics, unlearning the learnings and set new basics. It was a great platform to clear doubts on finer aspects of digital photography, getting critically reviewed by master photographer Kalyan Verma as well as interacting with fellow photographers and making new photographer friends. Team Exploring Nature thanks Kalyan Verma for conducting this workshop in Bangalore.
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Theme Poster
:: Z+ Security – Photography by Ajimon Kottayam ::
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