28 时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3
时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3 29
布雷泽 范凌 林达 Cressica BRAZIER, FAN Ling, Tat LAM
1 引子
开放这个复杂系统意味着暴露真实存在的冲突和问
居住“小区”开发项目在很长一段时间内都以
题，而不是过于简化地达到和谐的目的。换言之， “超
大约每天 10 个的速度增加。小区大面积占据并控制
级街区”城市学作为另一种新的阅读视角引发了一种
着中国当代城市的空间结构，但因其本身的空间尺度
开放的批判性，从而尝试获得真实的和谐而不是通过
跨越城市和建筑的光谱，所以它不是一个单一专业的
蓄意忽视社会分化而获得表面的和谐。
课题 ；而且它在 30 年来不断演化，其所呈现的明显
从大院到小区到超级街区
层面的社会分化 ：例如封闭街区是社会分化的空间再
另一方面反映出社会分化 现象。 （social fragmentation）
现，所以不同的社会阶层占据不同的大型街区社区。
本文受 2009 年 3 月在中央美术学院建筑学院所 [1]
通过社会和空间结构阅读中国城市的大规模开发
From Big to Small to Mega-zone Reading Large-scale Development of Chinese Cities through Social and Spatial Structures
我们所关注的社会分化包括三个方面 ：1）实际
空间差异一方面反映了社会制度和意识形态的变化，
[2]
举行的“超级街区” 城市学座谈会启发 ，试图以“小
他们之间没有联系，也无法联系。2）社会层面的社 会分化 ：住房和社会资源的不公，有钱人可以买奢
区”作为城市空间结构和社会结构的交接点，对中国
侈的别墅享受自身的特权。“SOHO 中国”开发北京
城市大规模开发项目的意义进行承上（改革开放前）
CBD 土地，为地价上涨推波助澜，一般的民众并没有
启下（经济危机后）的阅读 ；同时，以北京的“建外
办法享受他们的开发项目。“MOMA”在住宅开发中
SOHO”和“MOMA 万国城”项目为例，探讨“小区”
加入奢侈的设施，虽然建筑师设计的初衷是开放社区，
的概念以及这个概念对于演变中的社会制度和意识形
但是穷人根本无法负担。3）意识形态层面的社会分化：
态的局限性 ；最后，试探性地提出另一种动态性的城
例如具有中国特色的社会主义（一部分人先富起来）
市阅读模型——“超级街区”（megablock）。若公有
和三个代表（把共产党代表的利益从无产阶级的利益
制时代的单位“大院”，改革开放以后的居住“小区”
转为中国绝大多数的集体利益），存在两个 ( 或多个 )
和后经济危机时代的“超级街区”针对的是同一个客
中心 ：新的市场经济和旧的社会主义遗留物。三个层
体在社会制度和意识形态交织下的不同表述，那么这
面的社会分化相互联系和交织，差异在于对“分化”
篇文章将讨论“大”、“小”和“超级”作用于同一客
概念的抽象程度。
1 1. 超级街区城市学研讨会 1. Megablock Urbanism Symposium
体的相对性，其所对应的参照系以及这个蒙太奇式的
摘要
居住“小区”开发项目是中国在改革开放 30
Following this debate, we will describe the xiaoqu as
年来在城市肌理上最明显的特征。文章受 2009 年 3
the intersection of urban spatial structure and social
月由哥伦比亚大学建筑学院和中央美术学院建筑学院
structure, and will conduct a connective reading of
共同举办的“超级街区”城市学座谈会启发，试图以
China's large-scale urban development projects, from
“小区”作为城市空间结构和社会结构的交接点，对
pre-Opening and Reform to post-financial crisis. At
中国城市大规模开发项目的意义进行承上（改革开放
the same time, by challenging the limitations of the
视角切换所具备的批判性能让我们更有效地去认识社
3 “小区”: 观念的转变和城市的“分化”
闭社区和公有的单位社区作为自主的超大社区同时存
会和空间结构变化所带来的中国特有的城市演进。
3.1 改革开放前
在。小区的概念在这个阶段变得动态 ：可以在国有领
1976 年以前，居住“小区”基于“单位”，成为 2 方法 本文将从“历时性” （diachronicity）和“共时性” （synchronicity）两方面探讨“小区”及社会在意识层 面上形成的“分化”之间的关系，并进行批判性的阅读。
域和私有社区之间任意切换。
被高度制度化空间组织下的居住基本区域。单位负责
邓小平时代的“城市分化”——“有中国特色的
每个职工的工作、住宅和社会福利。作为一种城市空
社会主义”是一种社会二元体（duality），一部分社
间组织策略，单位也意味着是一种以围墙和大门所界
会成员追求物质化的生活，而另一部分则仍然保留社
定的空间区域，其内包含着集合的工作区、居住区和
会主义的生活。由于“让一部分人先富起来”，所以
[3]48
前）启下（经济危机后）的阅读；同时，以北京的“建
xiaoqu concept and its evolution within different social
“历时性”的角度将分析“小区”在不同历史阶段社
外 SOHO”和“MOMA 万国城”项目为例，探讨“小
systems and ideologies (such as Beijing Jianwai SOHO
会结构和意识形态下所形成的社会分化的过程——从
区域，但它的混合功能和现今的金融区、经济区、行
境的差异拉大，所以变得更为封闭。
区”的概念以及这个概念对于演变中的社会制度和意
and the Wanguocheng MOMA projects), we will make
“大院”到“楼盘”，从“封闭”到“开放”……这些
政区、工业区分离的典型现代城市存在巨大的差异。
3.3 三个代表
识形态的局限性 ；最后，试探性地提出另一种动态性
an exploratory proposal for a more dynamic mode of
出现于不同社会历史阶段的居住结构同时共存于同一
单位内部的小区具有明显的分级性 ：一个“小区”包
的城市阅读模型——“超级街区”。若公有制时代的
reading the city: the concept of the ‘megablock’. In
个城市中，反映了一系列社会发展的不平衡，构成了
括数个“街道办事处”，共负责 2000~10000 户居民。
产党党章中的代表无产阶级先锋，扩大为为代表中国
单位“大院”，改革开放以后的居住“小区”和后经
other words, if the ‘big compound’ of the era of public
另一种“共时性”的分化。“小区”所具有的批判性
街道办事处是最基层的政府办公室，大约负责 800 户
最广大人民的根本利益。换言之，这一重新定位是对
济危机时代的“超级街区”针对的是同一个客体在社
ownership, the ‘(small) residential community’ (xiaoqu)
源于同时置入的时间深度和空间广度 : 对具有特殊性
居民 [3]55。在这个时期，通过这一制度系统的实施，
市场导向的整体制度的认可。然而，由于经济的高速
会制度和意识形态交织下的不同表述，那么这篇文章
after Reform and Opening, and the post-financial crisis
的个案进行深入分析，并将分析结果理论化，再用于
中国的城市建设尺度巨大、维度单一，社会的和谐通
发展和对于市场回报的过度强调，加之各种制度也一
将讨论“大”、“小”和“超级”作用于同一客体的相
‘megablock’ all address different formulations of the
城市中一般性案例及完善理论，以达到理论的广普性。
过单位的强有力的空间组织和小区系统获得。
味强调经济建设和发展，社会的一致性受到了国内外
对性，其所对应的参照系以及这个蒙太奇式的视角切
same issue through the intertwining of social and
换所具备的批判性能让我们更有效地去认识社会和空 间结构变化所带来的中国特有的城市演进。 关键词
超级街区 ；大型街区 ；小区 ；社区 ；社会分
其它社会服务设施等
。单位内是一个自治的城市
这“一部分人”的私家“城市”由于物质上与周围环
2002 年，江泽民提出“三个代表”并把中国共
本文第一部分以中国四位领导人倡导的社会观
此时的单位社区由于安全及便于管理的考虑向
私有企业的分化。空间塑造的权利被下放到私有封闭
ideological systems, then this article will discuss how
为出发点，探讨小区的演变过程，以及其与政治和
市政府及规划部门提出围墙修建的申请，实际上拉开
社区的发展商手中。小区成为独立私有领域和社会实
‘big’, ‘small’ and ‘mega’ are relatively utilized towards
社会意识形态之间的互动，并提出“小区”概念导
了中国现代封闭式小区的序幕。
体分化的代名词。移民人口在这个过程中成为小区内
the same subject. The corresponding relativity and this
致社会分化的问题。本文第二部分将具体阅读“建外
3.2 改革开放和有中国特色的社会主义
社会结构的重要组成部分。上述原因导致了由社会分
montage-style shift of perspective produces the critical
SOHO”和“当代 MOMA 万国城”这两个案例。这两
1978 年开放市场和市场经济的引入改变了城市
Residential communities (xiaoqu) have
productivity to lead to a better understanding of the
者都是对当代北京城市发展和社会分化的激进反应 :
的空间组织。邓小平提出的“具有中国特色的社会主
江泽民时代的“城市分化”： “三个代表”试图
become the most conspicuous developments within
evolution of Chinese cities brought on by changes in
既是开发商和建筑师对“小区”空间结构的修正，又
义”一方面保持以前的以无产阶级为中心和中央集权
将中央政府的位置向大多数中国人更关注的市场经济
化 ；危机 ABSTRACT
[4]
层和社会不公带来的诸多问题。
China’s urban fabric in the 30 years since the Reform
societal and spatial structure.
是“小区”空间的最新变种。此部分尝试用实例证明
( 及分权 ) 制度化的社会观 ，另一方面，也为社会
偏移。但此时的社会凝聚力由于市场经济而产生的物
and Opening. This phenomenon inspired the debate
KEY WORDS
对分化的质疑。最后，我们提出“超级街区”城市学
提供了以市场和经济建设为中心的另一种可能性。城
质主义和个人主义，变得比之前毛邓时的强制度化方
at the “Megablock Urbanisms” symposium, recently
Community; Social Fragmentation; Crisis
作为“小区”概念的对照命题（antithesis）和进一步
市发展方面，国内外的私有开发商开始把“单位”转
法更弱，城市也更具有动态。这一新的动态性打破了
organized by Columbia University Graduate School
中图分类号：C912.81(2); TU984.12(2)
理论化的方法。此方法试图对抗“小区”“小”的固
化为私有化的“城市孤岛”。中国的城市在这种双重
原来制度化规划给城市带来的僵硬及单一，但中国城
of Architecture, Planning and Preservation and the
文献标识码：A
有概念，从而打开“小区”这个城市系统在规模上的
社会焦点中分化和重组。国有单位私有化和国外的开
市也转而变得更混杂和多元。历史遗留的发展规划方
Central Academy of Fine Arts’ School of Architecture.
文章编号：1005-684X(2009)03-0028-10
“大”（bigness）和关系上的“复杂”（complexity）。
发商对中国城市变化也起到了重要的作用。私有的封
式在制度上没有改变，导致开发商各自为政，空间分
Megablock; Superblock; "Xiaoqu";
30 时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3
时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3 31
进一步发展成为很重要的动因。这一动因由于主观性
得的赔偿额度也相当高 [11]。该项目不仅在东直门这
是不断演进的大型开发项目中具有批判性的特殊例
和动态的差异可能会产生两种截然不同的结局 ：形成
个重要的交通枢纽和国宾车道上展示了一种“和谐”
子。因为两者都强烈地抵抗“历时性”的分化——通
一个更封闭的小区或形成完全开放的小区。 4 MOMA和SOHO: 两个具批判性的小区
建筑师史蒂文 · 霍尔（Steven Holl）所提出的建立开
代 MOMA 万国城”的组织形式可能允许小区内部的
放的、“城市中的城市”式社区的方案，即使这个方
进化吗？这些空间结构能够继续适应消费的机制，生
案暗含着违反设计合同的嫌疑 [12]。这个项目在市场
活方式的市场策略？能否持续应对经济危机所带来的
同时挑战了传统小区开发模式。这两个项目可能是土
上的成功影响甚至使开发商把集团品牌从“当代集
市场重构诉求呢？在一个集体开放的品牌市场策略
地政策、建筑设计和激进的开发利益所集合的特定动
团” （Modern Group）改为“当代绿色集团” （Modern
中，这些开发项目在意识形态上形成“和谐社会”；
[13]
态产物。两种开发策略也回应了当代的意识形态、封
Green Group） 。这一项目中，设计中的社会考量
同样，他们本身也通过“和谐社会”而被实现的。但
闭系统和北京城市肌理的分化，同时引发对经济和社
和可持续性策略最终转化为实际实施过程本身的很强
是这个选择性开放的实质是否破坏了共享空间和社区
会环境的明显作用。
的特殊性。反观霍尔在成都的另一个项目“来福士广
呢？生态技术的市场策略是否可以获得一个在使用后
“建外 SOHO”的两大“卖点”——混合模式（商
场”，同样具有社会意识的公共空间设计已经被发展
的有效的可持续生态系统？抑或是这两个前提在住宅
业 + 办公 + 住宅）和不封闭策略——是由于规划限制
商删除。这一鲜明对比佐证了“开放社区”和“封闭
被出售以后或市场不再需要推广之后就不再重要？这
而强制出现的 ：如果商业区要合法地具有居住单元，
社区”讨论的不确定性完全受制于经济形势的改变。
些激进模式所带来的教训如何帮助我们下一步的构
一个高科技、可持续，而且创造性地考虑公共
筑，从“大型街区”开发的重塑到一个更具延展性的
如果住宅区的交通流线与商业的重叠，那么安全措施
功能和私人开发之间联系的项目虽然能够在经济危机
的基本范围也不得不从小区的整体边界变为建筑的边
前实现，但是从其零售和管理方面很容易看到这个设
界。开发商主动改变用地性质的方式不仅有悖于政府
计也同样容易引起分化。设计质量所带来的内部功能
的整体开发规划，而且过快地加速了城市更新的步
组织的和谐很快就被外界经济压力所破坏。试想，在
伐，导致一个更动态、更不确定的——而且也更分化
开放居住区上部安置一个酒店会怎么样？当代集团把
市带来的分化问题而提出的一个讨论课题。“小区”
的——城市现象。这一非常规开发带来的问题 ：其一
部分联系公共空间的“桥”租给“凯悦酒店”（Hyatt
在规划范畴中是“居住区”的一个部分，也是中国城
是“70 年使用年限的住宅功能座落在 40 年使用年限
Hotel），把电影院租给香港某公司进行经营和管理的
市空间中最小和最基本的单位 [15]。在中国的规划制
的零售功能之上”[6]。其二，“SOHO 中国”过于饱和
做法已经严重威胁了霍尔设想的公共空间互相联系的
度下，政府负责提供小区以外的基础设施建设，而小
的销售方式以及快速购入并开发北京 CBD 地区的土
设计概念。但是，居民本身也许不会受到影响，因为
区内的基础建设、社区结构及运作系统的设计权则交
地资源正在带来另一个严重的副作用。潘石屹不得不
当他们决定购买这个小区公寓的时候，仅仅是因为一
到了单位或后来的私营开发商手上 [16]。这种权力下
[7] 面对的问题是 ： “太多钱，而不再有项目” 。而且，
些抽象的概念化市场策略（例如开放、恒温恒湿等）
放到某一个社会团体的形式在以前单位式城市结构具
由于对 CBD 的土地资源开发不具有可持续性，CBD
而并不关注实际这些概念是否是现实。如果居民在设
有很强制度性的情况下，城市空间能出现较少的“分
地区土地资源稀缺，造成剩余的土地价格过高，即使
计和决定过程中更有发言权，他们是否会更关心这些
化”情况。在改革开放以后，开发商和私有化后的单
公共区域的可达性呢？是否更关心真实的“开放”和
位在原有城市空间组织的基础上进行城市更新，但缺
持续的另一个佐证。
“超级街区”策略？ 5 超级街区: 阅读城市的另一种概念 超级街区 (megablock) 是针对“小区”给中国城
乏了以前强有力的制度性，发展商各自为政，导致小
“社区”呢？
那么， “建外 SOHO”是否是一个“开放社区”？
也许比“历时性”和“共时性”更具有批判性
抑或仅仅是把一个没有围墙的小区概念复杂化？“开
的是阅读“当代 MOMA 万国城”项目给北京东直门
“小”的观念去看“小区”，那么我们就是把现代“小区”
放”的策略从“SOHO 现代城”到“建外 SOHO”，潘
地区周围城市结构的更广泛分化所带来的影响。如果
的问题过度简化和蓄意忽略了。“超级街区”的概念
[8]
背道而驰。
城市文脉的“共时性”分化。“建外 SOHO”和“当
北京的两个房地产开发项目——“当代 MOMA
潘也买不起更多的土地。这是大型街区城市发展不可
化现象更为明显。
过引入完全新的和不熟悉的城市解决方案——和北京
万国城”和“建外 SOHO”[5] 的空间结构和品牌——
那么规划部门必须把这种模式理解为“混合模式”；
2
的城市形象，整个更新过程本身也充满“和谐”。在 奥运会之前的建设泡沫中，当代集团接受了美国著名
区的定义变得混杂和分化。如果我们现在还用以前
石屹“开放社区”的市场形象受到了质疑 。他宣称
这个大型街区并不像建筑师想象的那样具有包容性的
有几个前提 : 一是我们要承认“小区”体量之大，二
去除围墙不但没有问题，反而有利 [9]。但是，这个观
话，那么它特别的空间和建筑语言所带来的结果并不
是因为它体量之大而造成的内部系统的复杂性，三是
点仅仅从狭隘的数据统计角度看开放性和安全性的关
特别。在“当代 MOMA 万国城”北部的造纸厂工人
因为其复杂性而否定了以前单一线性的决策方式。在
系，并不考虑更深层的社会不平衡现象。相反，他认
小区，居民们仍然生活在围墙包围之内，这个围墙作
实际层面上，由于土地资源越加减少，市场结构越见
为没有围墙后可以提供更多的交通空间从而获得现代
为两个“社区”（当代 MOMA 万国城和工人小区）的
复杂，开发商会越来越难在城市里凭一己之力开发大
化的生活。开发“开放”居住社区不仅需要经济上的
分界线，并不会被拆除。事实上， “当代 MOMA 万国城”
型的小区项目 ；而在社会层面上，我们也不希望城市
可行性而且也需要考虑居住者如何参与这个开放社区
只会对南侧和西侧开放，和更早建成的 MOMA 第一
发展带来的“分化”现象继续产生，因为这样会不可 避免地引起更多其它的社会问题。
系统。最近，在“建外 SOHO”，代表社区建构思路
期相对。北侧边界的景观设计不仅没有成为公共空间
小 区 发 展 的 策 略 变 得 十 分 重 要， 如“ 当 代
的业主委员会与代表经济和管理利益的物业公司之间
和社会服务设施，反而被批评尺度过大而且完全不对
所以“超级”的概念是为新的中国城市观建立
MOMA 万国城”和“建外 SOHO”等新小区类型的出
已经发生严重的冲突了 [10]。删除围墙所带来的小区
周围居民开放。更有讽刺意味的是，从建成到现在的
一个概念性的新视角。我们为此提出讨论中国城市现
面对愈发不和谐的当代中国现状，胡试图通过这一号
现，是以批判的角度探索新社区类型的可能性。然而，
空间的开放性并不能随之带来“和谐”，社区管理和
管理规定是 ：除购房或者租房外，非小区居民并不被
象的一些新元素，以解决“小”的过分简化的问题。
召调和社会矛盾，重新建立社会秩序。这一举措使中
这些实验也带来了一系列更复杂的问题，让我们重新
建构之间的冲突依然代表着一个本质封闭的社区系
允许进入“当代 MOMA 万国城” 。同时，经过访问，
国城市空间和社会系统更加复杂化——社会团体之间
思考社会、人文和生态可持续性的概念。这种反思在
统。
基地周围的原住民也表示“当代 MOMA 万国城”和
依然存在着由于过往发展不均所导致的社会矛盾，制
后经济危机的时代尤其重要。
3.4 和谐社会 2005 年，胡锦涛提出“构建和谐社会”的新口号。
[14]
5.1 超级街区中的构筑过程 超级街区作为批判性的阅读模式，并不视城市、
和“建外 SOHO”一样，当代集团的“MOMA 万
他们自身所属的社区太不相似所以并不愿意进入——
社区为静止对象，而是强调“构成”社区质量过程本
度化的力量试图把这些矛盾强制和谐化。但不可抵挡
胡锦涛时代的“城市分化”： “和谐社会”是对
国城”项目是一个在奥运和经济危机之前进行的商业
即使主观的证据也说明这个小区在宏观尺度上向城市
身的动态性。这一角度试图克服把中国城市视为整个
2. Diagram of agent-structure dynamics in the
的全球化趋势和信息发展引入了批判性的思维媒介平
于市场经济时比较放纵的制度的回应。社会依然是动
开发项目和市场品牌策划。基地原址上的北京造纸一
的封闭，并结合了选择性的实体围合。
社会的产物这一固有观点，转而提供一种在时间深度
transformation of China's urban zones
台，其所发表的言论常常与中央政府的“和谐”观念
态的，例如城市化从农村、郊县到城市，民主社会的
厂的拆除、搬迁工作做得非常有序，受影响的居民获
2. 中国小区及其背后意识形态演变的图释
“建外 SOHO”和“当代 MOMA 万国城”项目都
中展开的城市阅读——从纯粹建筑表现层面的阅读转
32 时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3
时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3 33
4
3
化为对空间实践（spatial practice）的探讨。在中国
的决定对客观事实做出回应，而经过发展商的包装后，
5
此课题上的失败可归根于只关注现代主义和 ( 或 ) 实 用主义，而忽略了其它的因素。
的大型街区开发项目中，街区内与街区周围的社区构
“小区”只能沦落为消费主义中的产品。“超级街区”
筑过程是历时的、互动的及不断被改变及重塑的，此
的概念并不是仅仅探求小区的产物本身的客观性，同
“超级街区”的人文性基于广泛的参与性。透过
构筑过程最终将决定整个城市的社会基本机制。私人
样也寻求这个过程中不同触媒主观性的互动。这种思
多方面专业的、社会中由上至下的扮演不同角色的人
6
土地的不停需求也不是一个可持续的元素。在环境层 面上，长期被忽略的或只为发展商打造品牌的环保技 术还不能解决中国以及世界的能源危机的问题。 金融危机是在奥运效应带动下火热的发展速度
8
7 3. 中国城市中的典型小区
3. Typical Xiaoqu urbanism
4. “建外SOHO”
4. Jianwai SOHO
5. “当代MOMA万国城”周围的拆迁状况
5. Demolition around Linked Hybrid
6. “当代MOMA万国城”北侧和原住宅小区之间的围墙
6. The wall between Linked Hybrid and xiaoqu next to it
7. “当代MOMA万国城”南侧对一期的开放
7. The openness to the first-phase development
8. “当代MOMA万国城”西侧
8. West side of Linked Hybrid
9. “建外SOHO”和“当代MOMA万国城”平面
9. Plan for SOHO and Linked Hybrid
注释和参考文献 ：
Synopsis
[1]“超级街区”这一概念是由纽约哥伦比亚大学建筑规划及历史保
Introduction
护学院中国实验室 ( 以下称中国实验室 )2007 年 3 月在一全球 快速设计比赛中首次使用的。其目的是为了延伸大型发展项目
Residential communities (xiaoqu), rapidly expanding
在社会、经济及环境上的含义。
at a rate of over 10 new superblocks per day, have
[2]2009 年在 3 月 15 日， “超级街区”座谈会由纽约哥伦比亚大学
become the most conspicuous developments within
考方式把“小区”和“社区”这两个概念分离开来。
士之间的互动，集思广益，实现具有人文精神的建筑
上泼了一盆冷水，有些机会主义者还存在着侥幸的心
外，他们经常会忽略在街区内制定长远和可持续的社
在 SOHO 和 MOMA 这两个在北京尝试打开小区的案
和城市本质，而不是僵硬制度化的机械城市。试问，
理，继续着这种拿中国城市未来为筹码的疯狂赌博，
学院 ( 美院 ) 在美院演讲厅举行。其研讨会由来自不同专业的学
China’s urban fabric in the 30 years since the Reform
区构筑方案。一个发展项目，往往在建筑师的原则、
例上，我们容易寻找到中国城市住宅在客观性和主观
一个什么样的机制能融合各个方面的声音呢 ?
但是大部分有责任感的人士尽可以利用这个慢下来的
者及建筑从业者对于“超级街区”这一概念进行探讨。详情请
and Opening. Large-scale communities occupy and
时段，利用超级街区所建立的思考框架，重新考量中
参阅中国实验室网站 : www.china-lab.org/
control the contemporary urban spatial structure of
开发项目，由于视项目本身为商品 ；除安排管理公司
开发商的个人意愿、政府政策、市场导向之间协调和
性上的分化现象，因为当他们尝试打开客观形式上的
博弈。其中建筑师所扮演的角色是举足轻重的，因为
小区时，主观意义上的社区是没有被打开的。这样，
他们在政治及市场的倾向中能以第三者的身份保持中
不论小区的客观形式如何设计，它都会维持城市空间
5.5 超级街区中的方法论 超级街区不是一个解决方案，也不是一个目标， 而是提倡系统开放、重视城市动态性及城市整体性的
立，而且他们受到的教育模式应该令他们具备反思及
分化及城市资源不能得到充分分享的状况，而开放小
方法论。通过对此课题的讨论（或是由此课题而引起
批判的意识，这也解释了 SOHO 和 MOMA 的建筑师
区也只能成为房地产项目的一个销售买点。
的其它讨论），“超级街区”的概念能不断地自我完善
为什么能打破一般的小区构筑模式的原因。但这是不
以当代 MOMA 为例，“当代 MOMA 万国城”的
放包容的、可持续的城市自我组织系统
[17]
。
[3]Lu Duanfang. Remaking Chinese Urban Form: Modernity, Scarcity and Space, 1959-2005[M]. Routledge (2006): 48. [4] 有关中国的中央集权及分权的讨论和演变，见陈骏程关于中央 集权制的若干思考 [J]. 岭南学刊，2001(2): 93-94. [5] 当 代 MOMA 万 国 城 项目的 具 体 信 息 请 参 见 ：http://www. stevenholl.com/project-detail.php?id=58&type=&page=0 ；
China, and this spatial scale possesses its own criticality, located between architecture and the city. Moreover, in the constant evolution of these ‘communities’ over the past 30 years, their emerging spatial differences reflect
及发展。简言之，“超级街区”是一套有待完善的，
SOHO 现代城项目的具体信息请参见 ：http://www.sohochina.
the phenomenon of social fragmentation that has been
com/jianwai/project.asp.
effected by transforming ideologies and social systems.
够的，观察 SOHO 和 MOMA 在理想中和实际表现中
开发商根据自己的意愿决定小区的组织，决定把电影
利用多方面讨论过程的，不断演变的研究中国城市发
的差异，令我们感到失望，他们的失败再次否定了现
院及连廊仅对俱乐部会员或能承受高消费的人士开
展的方法论。正因如此，笔者在提出此套思考方法的
有小区设计单一线性的操作模式。试问，一个怎么样
放。虽然小区的围墙和大门在形式上是不出现了，但
同时，要提出的并不是答案而是更多问题，并希望能
的小区构筑过程能真正满足小区的复杂性呢？
是小区的开放并不等同于每个人都可以或愿意进入小
籍此激发来自不同背景的人士以不同角度探讨此课
5.2 超级街区中的构筑系统
国在危机后的发展模式，建立一个摈弃极权化的、开
建筑规划及历史保护学院中国实验室及北京中央美术学院建筑
[6]http://www.fzfdc.gov.cn/article/shownews.asp?id=9789 [7] 国际大行抛弃 SOHO 中国潘石屹身家缩水 160 亿港元 . 21 世纪 经济报道 , 2008 年 5 月 27 日第 018 版。 [ 8 ] h t t p : / / w w w . 0 510 h o m e . c o m / N e w s / S h o w A r t i c l e . asp?ArticleID=6871.
This phenomenon inspired the debate at the “Megablock Urbanisms” symposium, recently held at the Central Academy of Fine Arts’ School of Architecture. Following this debate, we will describe the
区，其“公共”设施还是服务于一群被选择出来的人
题。讨论系统是完全开放的，而讨论的课题是非常复
如果理解城市和建筑是一个在特定但复杂系统
士。概言，MOMA 万国城是一个维持了中国封闭型
杂的，他不是单单一个建筑学或城市学的课题，包含
[10]http://www.wyfwgw.com/news/6745.html.
xiaoqu as the intersection of urban spatial structure and
下的构筑过程，那么我们可以开始尝试认识这个系统
社区的开放型小区。试问，在土地及其它自然资源不
了社会学、政治学、管理学、经济学、人类学、工程
[11]Interview by Tat Lam.
social structure, and will conduct a connective reading
的结构、机制和有关角色。用此思考方法，我们可以
断减少的情况下，小区和社区怎么能同时开放去分享
学、环境学、法律学、规划学、文物保护学、房地产
进一步提出一下问题 : 小区的系统是如何建立的？系
社会资源呢 ?
学，以及每个市民的声音的一套理论。
统的操控者是谁？谁是被操控的？这几个问题的批
5.4 超级街区中的人文意识
[9]http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4679dbbf01008cki.html.
[12]http://www.fastcompany.com/magazine/129/steven-hollsglobal-footprint.html.
其实，社会参与性、道德观和民主意识的重新 考量并不意味着更快甚至更好的未来城市，但是这样
大型街区开发是经济危机前的模式，是基于毛
（grassroot）并不能参与这个系统的运作，另一方面
能将久已消失的人文意识 (humanity) 重新带回中国
泽东心目中的中国现代城市的设计，混杂着反映邓小
开发商具有倾斜的社会资源和权利创造了他们自己心
的城市化发展中。这一人文意识在城市发展中的作用
平和江泽民对现代化理解的城市发展模式。在经济迅
目中的“私家城市”。这一封闭系统是形成社会不公
并不仅仅像批判地域主义那样寻找传统建筑的合适尺
速膨胀的情况下，这个模式只需考虑实体性和客观性
和分化的基本原因之一。试问，一个什么样的系统能
度来寻求建筑本质，也不像现代主义那样借助先进科
[13]http://bbs.topenergy.org/viewthread.php?tid=28051.
from pre-Opening and Reform to post-financial crisis.
[14] 当代集团的销售人员的解释是小区现在还在进行有关工程，所
At the same time, by challenging the limitations of the
以要控制进入小区的人流。
6 结语：后危机模型
判性可能会落到中国当下城市建构机制中单一线性 和过度制度化的系统上。简言之，一方面底层草根
of China's large-scale urban development projects,
[15] 王平乣 . 试谈当前城市设计中的几个误区 [J]. 规划师 . 2000(1): 83,79. [16]Kjersti Monson, String Block vs. Superblock Pat terns[J]. Architectural Design. Vol. 78, 2008(1): 46-53. [17] 中国实验室为“超级街区”的讨论在互联网上设立了讨论区，
xiaoqu concept and its evolution within different social systems and ideologies (such as Beijing Jianwai SOHO and the Wanguocheng MOMA projects), we will make an exploratory proposal for a more dynamic mode of
供有关人士发表意见及为“超级街区”的出版活动征集稿件。
reading the city: the concept of the ‘megablock’. In
因素，形成折衷的中国城市主义。经济危机的出现对
详情见“超级街区”讨论区网站 : http://megablock.chinalab.
other words, if the ‘big compound’ of the era of public
org/forum.
ownership, the ‘(small) residential community’ (xiaoqu)
将社会的分化减少呢？
技以不断的拆毁重建的形式以达到进化，更不像实用
这种工作方式敲响了警钟，因为这种折衷方式所需要
5.3 超级街区中的开放社区
主义那样仅关注经济发展去满足人们在物质上的实际
的决定性（determinism）和极权性（totalitarianism）
after Reform and Opening, and the post-financial crisis
当下的城市构建系统可以说是一个封闭线性的
需要。“建外 SOHO”的开放是基于希望获得更多的
在没有强大经济后盾的情况下根本没法运作，反而更
‘megablock’ all address different formulations of the
系统——从政策决定者，到城市规划者，到小区的发
商业效益，“当代 MOMA 万国城”的开放源于美国建
令社会不平等现象增加和社会矛盾激化，这是其在社
same issue through the intertwining of social and
展商和设计师，最后到居民。下一层只能基于上一层
筑大师对现代主义建筑的实验。MOMA 和 SOHO 在
会上的不可持续性。在经济层面上，这种模式对城市
9
ideological systems, then this article will discuss how
34 时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3
时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3 35
‘big’, ‘small’ and ‘mega’ are relatively utilized towards
We are concerned with three aspects of social
structure and xiaoqu system.
‘three represents’ were an attempt to take advantage
MOMA and SOHO: two critical ‘residential
the system into question: the owners committee
the same subject. The corresponding relativity and this
fragmentation: first, the pratical dimension of social
Reform and Opening, and building socialism with
of market-oriented city as the only agent for structuring
communities’
(yezhu weiyuanhui), which could stand in for the idea
montage-style shift of perspective produces the critical
differentiation, such as the recurrence of social divisions
Chinese characteristics:
social order. In other words, the central government
Two real estate phenomena in Beijing—the
of community construction, and management office
productivity to lead to a better understanding of the
due to closed superblocks, causing disparate social
In 1978, the introduction of a market economy
shifted from the center of absolute domination to the
spatial structures and brands of MOMA and SOHO—
(wuye), representing commercial and management
evolution of Chinese cities brought on by changes in
strata to occupy different large-scale community blocks
began to transform urban spatial organization. On
primary center, and this center’s power was determined
have contemporaneously destabilized the conventional
interests, have already come into conflict in the xiaoqu.
societal and spatial structure.
with no interaction—and no possibility of interaction—
one hand, the ideology of ‘socialism with Chinese
by the subjective agents. The city became even more
models of xiaoqu development. These projects are
The Modern Group’s Grand MOMA was
Methodology
between them. Second, the fragmentation at the
characteristics’ preserved the institutionalized social
dynamic in concert with the weakening of the center in
potentially dynamic products of unique convergences
similarly enabled by its pre-Olympic, pre-financial
This article approaches the relationship between
dimension of society: the inequality in housing and
outlook that focused on the former proletariat class
the era of Deng Xiaoping—from state-owned housing
of land policy, design, and radical developer interests.
crisis development and branding. The demolition
xiaoqu and the social fragmentation taking shape
social resources, in which the rich can purchase luxury
and the centralization of authority (and separation of
to private developments, down to the urbanization
Both strategies also react to the contemporary
and relocation process of the original factory danwei
on a conscious level, from the dual perspectives of
villas to enjoy individual privileges. When SOHO China
powers). But on the other hand, it provided society
movement directed at rural zones. This dynamism
ideologies, closed systems, and fragmentation of
was carefully managed and compensated, so as to
‘diachronicity’ and ‘synchronicity’, to produce a critical
developed the land in Beijing’s central business district,
with the alternate possibility of a market-oriented and
broke through the rigidity of historical systems of
Beijing’s urban fabric, but simultaneously induce
present an ‘harmonious’ image at the prominent site
reading. The ‘diachronic’ perspective analyzes the
it fueled the flames of land prices, so that the general
economic focus. In terms of city development, both
plans and statistics, leading to even more mixed and
consequences for their economic and social contexts.
of the Dongzhimen transportation nexus. In the pre-
processes of social fragmentation of these xiaoqu
public cannot not partake of their development
domestic and private developers began to turn ‘work-
diversified cities. The remains of historical development
The mixed-use and un-gated strategy of SOHO
Olympic construction bubble, the Modern Group
formed at different historical stages of social structure
projects. And despite the original intention of the
units’ into ‘private cities’. Chinese cities, through these
schemes have led to the arbitrary decisions of
is forced by zoning policy: if the commercial zone is
accepted Steven Holl’s proposal to create an open,
and ideology—from the ‘big compound’ to ‘real estate’,
architect to design an open community, all but the
two social foci, fragmented and became increasingly
developers and the lack of overall social cohesion.
to become viable by including residential units, then
‘city within a city’ community at the Grand MOMA,
from ‘closed’ to ‘open’ and so on. These processes
highest classes are precluded from participation in
complex. The privatization of some state-owned units
Harmonious Society:
the policy must be leniently interpreted for mixed-
even though such a demand could be perceived as a
occur at different social and historical stages of
the MOMA residential community by the developer’s
and foreign developers also played a role in these
The construction of a ‘harmonious society’ was
use; and if the residential area depends on high-traffic
violation of the design contract. The market success of
residential development, co-existing in the same city,
insertion of luxury facilities. Third, the ideological
urban transformations. Privatized gated xiaoqu and
instated by Hu Jintao as the new slogan and basic
commercial occupants, then security layers must be
the development has even effected the transformation
and reflecting a series of uneven social developments.
dimension of social fragmentation: for example,
public work-unit communities became autonomous,
principle of Chinese society in 2005. In the context of
shifted from the xiaoqu boundary to the buildings.
of MG’s corporate brand from ‘Modern Group’ to
Thus, they constitute another form of ‘synchronic’
‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ (some people
co-existing, oversized community zones. The concept
discord in contemporary China, President Hu attempted
This developer-oriented process of changing the land
‘Modern Green’. The uniqueness of this formula for
fragmentation. The criticality that the xiaoqu possesses
get rich faster) and the Three Represents (shifting the
of ‘community’ at this stage became very dynamic;
to reconcile the social contradictions and re-establish
use is both counter to the total planning strategy of
transferring such open social and sustainable strategies
is derived from its simultaneous temporal depth and
interests that the Communist Party represents from the
there was the flexibility to switch between state-owned
social order via highly institutionalized methods. This
the government and speeds up the urban renewal
from the drawing board to construction has been
spatial breadth: theorizing the findings from specific
interests of the proletariat to the collective interests of
territories and private xiaoqu.
appeal from the central government increased the
process, leading to more dynamic—and fragmented—
reinforced by the production problems of Steven Holl’s
in-depth analysis of critical case, then advancing such
the overwhelming majority of Chinese). It follows that
In Deng Xiaoping's era of ‘city fragmentation’,
complexity of urban space and its social systems. For
urbanism. The resulting conundrum of ’70-year
Chengdu project, the Sliced Porosity Block. Its public
theory by contextualizing with other general cases.
there exist two (or more) centers—the new market
‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ is a social duality,
starters, this institutionalized power closely linked
housing sitting atop retail with only 40 years of land use
space program is being shut down by the developers
economy and the old socialist legacy.
with one segment of society seeking a materialist
private community zones to central authority; second,
rights’ has not been lost on the commercial proprietors.
even before construction, revealing the instability of
Turning to a reading of ideology, the question becomes: how can the meaning of ‘community’
These three dimensions of social fragmentation
lifestyle, while others remain within the former socialist
there still exist social conflicts due to the inequalities
But although land lease renewal regulations will
arguments for open versus closed communities subject
(xiaoqu) become re-founded on the concept of
are different levels of abstraction, but they are
lifestyle. By allowing ‘some people to get rich first’, the
brought on by development; and third, the inevitable
continue to be in flux, the government is not expected
to financial factors.
‘harmonious society’ (rather than based on the notion of
interrelated and interwoven with each other.
‘some people’ city became closed, evolving through
globalization and development of information
to interfere with commercially successful models.
A design predicated on both high-technology
fragmentation), giving way to the production of social
Xiaoqu: Transformation of the concept and
material differentiation.
technology introduced critical thinking to these
Moreover, the overall saturation and accelerated sale of
sustainable systems and innovatively connected
harmony (rather than inducing fragmentation)? The
fragmentation of the city
Three Represents:
circumstances, forming a completely new and powerful
SOHO projects is having a secondary effect of rapidly
public programs may have been constructed in
In 2002, Jiang Zemin proposed the ‘Three
media platform. The voices utilizing this platform often
consuming all the land resources in the CBD. Pan is
the pre-financial crisis era, but the same design’s
second part of this article will specifically interpret the
Before the Reform and Opening:
cases of Jianwai SOHO and MOMA Wanguocheng, both
Prior to 1976, the xiaoqu was based on the
Represents’, and expanded the constitution of China’s
run counter to the centralized concept of ‘harmony’.
producing a situation in which he not only faces the
susceptibility to fragmentation is increasingly evident
of which are a radical reaction to Beijing’s contemporary
‘work-unit’, becoming the basic residential zone under
Communist Party from the representation of the
But this platform also heightens the importance of
problem of 'too much money, but no project’, but also
in the practical process of retail management. The
urban development and social fragmentation: both
a highly institutionalized spatial organization. Each
proletarian vanguard to the benefit of the fundamental
community development strategies, allowing us to
that the remaining land prices are rising so much that,
internal programmatic harmony, as designed, is quickly
the developers’ and architects’ reconfigurations of
work-unit was responsible for its trade’s work, housing
interests of the Chinese majority. In other words, this
explore the possibility of new styles of communities,
eventually, he himself cannot afford more land. This is
being dismantled by financial pressures. What are the
the xiaoqu spatial structure, and the post-occupancy
and social welfare. As an urban strategy, the work-
re-positioning recognized the overarching market-
such as in the new forms that emerge at Jianwai SOHO
further evidence of the developmental unsustainability
consequences of embedding an upscale hotel in a
mutation of the xiaoqu space itself. Finally, we propose
unit implies a spatial zone defined by walls and gates,
oriented system. However, because of rapid economic
and MOMA. However, these experiments also brought
of superblock urbanism.
residential zone? It has already threatened the cohesive
the concept of ‘megablock’ urbanism as an antithesis
including collective work space, residential areas, and
development and over-emphasis on market returns,
on a series of more complex problems, causing us to re-
Is Jianwai SOHO a genuinely open community,
ideal of Steven Holl’s suspended ring of public facilities,
to the superblock or xiaoqu, in an attempt to combat
other social service facilities. It is an autonomous unit
and the emphasis on economic construction and
consider the social, cultural and ecological sustainability
or does it further complicate the ideal of developing an
as the Modern Group has unloaded management of
the concept of ‘small’ contained within the idea of
within the urban region, but its mixed-programming
development among multiple economic systems,
within these concepts of ‘community’. This reflection is
open xiaoqu? In transforming his opening-up strategy
some bridges to the Hyatt hotel, and the cinema to a
the xiaoqu, and to open up the xiaoqu’s ‘bigness’ of
is very different from the current situation of districts
social coherence became fragmented. The right to
particularly important for the post-economic crisis era.
from the New Town SOHO to Jianwai SOHO, the limits
Hong Kong company. The residents themselves would
scale and complexity of relationships within the urban
for financial, economical, administrative and industrial
shape space was placed in the hands of the private
In Hu Jintao’s era of ‘city fragmentation’,
of Pan Shiyi’s marketing image of an open community
not be affected by this restructuring; it was only an
system. Opening up this complex system means
zones. The xiaoqu within the work-unit is classified and
developers of closed communities. Xiaoqu became
‘harmonious society’ is a reaction to the weakening of
have been questioned. Pan claims that the elimination
abstract marketing strategy when they bought into
exposing the reality of conflict and problems, rather
systematized: one ‘community’ includes a number
independent, private territories synonymous with
institutionalization. Society is still dynamic, such as in
of walls is not problematic, but advantageous. But the
the system. If the residents had been given a stake in
than attempting to achieve harmonious ends through
of ‘street offices’, in charge of 2000-10000 residents.
concrete social fragmentation. In this top-down
the urbanization of rural and suburban zones, and the
outcome of the argument does not address social
this design and decision-making process, would they
over-simplification. In other words, ‘megablock
Street offices are the lowest class of government office,
transformation, the immigrant population became an
further development of a democratic society becomes
inequity; rather, he claims that removing gates provides
be more invested in the accessibility of this promised
urbanism’, an alternative perspective, leads a criticality
responsible for around 800 residents each. During the
important component of the social structure within the
an important factor. Due to differences in subjectivity
more space for vehicular traffic and further establishes
public space? Would they then care about the truth of
of openness, to approach a more realistic harmony
pre-Reform period, Chinese cities were primarily single-
xiaoqu, bringing about a number of problems due to
and dynamism, this factor may lead to two distinct
a ‘modern’ lifestyle. Operating the development as an
‘openness’ or ‘community’?
rather than a superficial harmony through deliberate
dimensional due to this system, and social harmony
social stratification and injustice.
outcomes: the formation of closed xiaoqu, or the
open residential community that demands commercial
More critical to the synchronic and diachronic
neglect of social fragmentation.
was attained through the work-unit's strong spatial
formation of completely open xiaoqu.
viability also brings the occupants’ participation in
readings of the project may be the extensive
In Jiang Zemin’s era of ‘city fragmentation’, the
36 时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3
时代建筑 Time+Architecture 2009/3 37
fragmentation that the MOMA development is
system of China, the government is responsible for the
and constantly subject to change and remodeling; this
then, does not only probe the objectivity of the xiaoqu
an American master. The failure of SOHO and MOMA
the technologies of environmental protection, long
contributing to the urban system surrounding
provision of basic infrastructure outside of the xiaoqu,
process ultimately determines basic mechanism of
product, but also searches for this process’s subjective
is rooted in the sole concerns of Modernism and/or
neglected or only exploited for branding by developers,
Dongzhimen. The consequences of this superblock
and the design of infrastructure within the xiaoqu, as
society for the entire city. Private development projects,
interactions between different agents. This method
pragmatism, to the neglect of other factors.
cannot solve China nor the world's energy crisis.
strategy would not be unique, if it were not for the
well as community structure and systems operation,
due to their perceived position as solely a commercially
of thinking differentiates between the ‘community’
The humanity of the megablock is constructed
The financial crisis is a bucket of cold water
promise of inclusivity that the image of the architecture
is placed in the hands of the work-unit and later the
saleable product, often overlook the construction of
of xiaoqu and the ‘community’ of shequ. In trying
on broad-based participation. Through the collective
poured over the heated pace of development, led by
intended. In the former work-unit xiaoqu to the
private developers. This decentralization of authority to
a long-term, sustainable shequ structuring program,
to open up the scenario of the xiaoqu through
interactions between practitioners from different social
the Olympic Games, and some opportunists remain
north of Grand MOMA, residents point to the wall
social groups, in the strong institutional circumstances
aside from the arrangements for a management
Beijing’s SOHO and MOMA projects, we can easily
classes and disciplines, the humanity of architecture
in this mentality of speculation, continuing to treat
that surrounds their housing as the primary physical
of the former work-unit style of urban structure, caused
company. A development project in China is usually
uncover the phenomenon of both objective and
and city can be then achieved, instead of a rigidly
the future of the Chinese city as gambling chips. But
indicator of the status quo of the two ‘communities’; it
the city to appear less spatially fragmented. But after
a battle between architects’ and developers’ agenda,
subjective fragmentation of China’s urban residential
institutionalized machine city. We ask: what kind of
most participants with a sense of responsibility and
will not be demolished. In fact, the new MOMA will only
the Reform and Opening, developers and privatized
government policy and market orientation. The
developments. For when these projects try to open up
mechanism can now integrate all these voices?
commitment can utilize this time of the downturn, and
be physically open along its southern edge, facing the
work-units at the foundation of the original urban
architect's role in this game is comparatively important,
the objective ‘community’ (xiaoqu), in the subjective
Methodology within the megablock
use the thought framework enabled by the idea of the
Modern Group’s first-phase development. Rather than
spatial organization enabled urban renewal, but
due to their capacity to remain a neutral third party
sense these ‘communities’ (shequ) remain closed.
The megablock is not a solution, nor is it a goal;
‘megablock’, to reconsider the mode of development
becoming the facilitator of a common public space, the
due to the lack of the former strong institutions, the
between government and market interests, and
Regardless of how the objective form of the xiaoqu
but rather it promotes an open system, and values
in post-crisis China. These citizens might then establish
intervening landscaping along the north edge is being
developers went separate ways, resulting in the mixing
this form of education should engender a sense of
is designed, it will still maintain the fragmentation of
urban dynamism and modes of holistic thinking.
an open and tolerant, sustainable and self-organizing
criticized as outscaled and inaccessible to its neighbors.
and fragmentation of the definition of the xiaoqu. If
reflection and criticality. This is one reason for how
urban space and the problem of uneven sharing of city
Through the discussion of this way of thinking,
urban system that acknowledges fragmentation yet
The remaining factory workers also perceive the MOMA
we now use the former concept of ‘small’ to observe
the architects of SOHO and MOMA could transcend
resources. The ‘open community’ thus remains only as
(or the debate arising from this way of thinking,)
resists total centralization.
as too dissimilar from their community to actively
these xiaoqu ‘communities’, then we may over-simplify
the typical xiaoqu structuring pattern. But this is not
a marketing point for the xiaoqu as real estate.
the ‘megablock’ can enact a perpetual process of
engage in—subjective evidence that the xiaoqu is
and deliberately ignore the problems within these
enough; in both ideal and reality, SOHO and MOMA
Taking the Modern Group’s MOMA as an
self-improvement. In short, the ‘megablock’ is a
systemically closed to the city at large, compounding
modern ‘communities’. The ‘megablock’ concept has
once again unsuccessfully attempt to negate the linear
example, the developers determined the organization
ceaselessly improving and constantly evolving research
its selective physical enclosure.
some preconditions: first, we need to recognize the
mode of operation of existing xiaoqu design. What kind
of the xiaoqu in accordance with their own inclinations,
methodology for China’s urban development, utilizing
The SOHO and MOMA projects are unique cases
large mass of the ‘small’ xiaoqu; second, the complexity
of structuring process can truly address the complexity
effectively opening the cinema and connecting bridges
multiple lines of debate. For this reason, at the same
for the evolving criticality of large-scale development, as
of its internal systems is due to its massive scale; and
of the xiaoqu community?
only to club members or those who could afford the
time as proposing this methodology, it is necessary
they intensively react to the diachronic fragmentation—
third, because of its complexity, it negates the typical
Constructing systems within the megablock
high cost of consumption. Although the xiaoqu walls
to put forward not the answer but more questions,
by introducing a totally new and unfamiliar solution
linear decision-making process. At a practical level,
In order to understand that the city and
and gate are not present in form, the openness of the
and hope to stimulate participants from different
to the city—and synchronic fragmentation of the
because of the continuous reduction in land resources
architecture are a structuring process within a
‘community’ does not allow for anyone to be able or
backgrounds to investigate this subject from multiple
context of Beijing’s urbanism. Will the SOHO and
and the increasing complexity of the market structure,
particular but complex system, we can attempt to
willing to enter, and its ‘public’ facilities service only a
perspectives. This system of debate is completely open,
MOMA organizations be allowed to internally evolve?
it becomes increasingly difficult for developers to use
recognize the structure, mechanisms, and related
select group of people. MOMA Wanguocheng thus
and as the topics to be discussed are very complex, it
Can these spatial structures adapt from machines for
their own power to produce large-scale xiaoqu projects
roles of the system. Using this method of thinking, we
preserves China’s system of closed ‘communities’
cannot be approached as solely an issue of architecture
consumption, to their promise of lifestyle branding, and
within the city. At a social level, we do not want to
can advance the question: how is the system of the
(shequ) within ostensibly open ‘communities’ (xiaoqu).
and urbanism. The debate demands inclusion of
continue to survive the consequences of the imminent
perpetuate the fragmentation that urban development
xiaoqu established? Who controls the system? And
Then the question remains: with the dwindling
theories from sociology, political science, management
restructuring of financial markets? In the marketization
has initiated, as it would inevitably lead to more social
who is being manipulated? The criticality of these
availability of land and other natural resources, how
science, economics, anthropology, engineering,
of a brand of collective openness, these developments
problems.
questions may well fall upon the mono-linear and
can the ‘community’ of xiaoqu and the ‘community’ of
environmental studies, law, urban planning, historical
ideologically enable, and are enabled by, the principle
Therefore, the idea of ‘mega’ intends to establish
over-institutionalized systems of the contemporary
shequ still open up to share social resources?
preservation, real estate, and the voice of every citizen.
of ‘harmonious society’. But does the reality of their
a new conceptual perspective, for a new concept of
Chinese city’s mechanisms of construction. In short,
Humanity within the megablock
Conclusion: post-crisis models
selective openness subvert the project of participatory
Chinese cities. From this perspective, we will explore
the grass-roots cannot participate in the operation of
In practical terms, the reconsideration of
Superblocks are a pre-crisis mode of
space and community? Will the branding strategy
the phenomenon of urban China and some of its
the system, and developers are inclined to create their
community participation, moral attitudes, and
development, based on modern Chinese city planning
of ecological technology parlay to an effective post-
unique, new elements and solve the problem of over-
imagined ‘private city’ by controlling social resources
democratic awareness does not imply faster or even
in the mind’s eye of Mao Zedong, mixed with the
occupancy sustainable system, or will that promise be
simplification of “small”.
and advantages. This closed system is one of the
better cities of the future, but it can bring the long-
understanding of modern city development of Deng
rendered irrelevant when the apartments are sold and
The structuring process within the megablock
basic reasons for the developing social inequality and
expired idea of humanity back into China’s urbanization
Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin. During rapid economic
fragmentation. What kind of system can then reduce
process. The intention of this humanity within urban
expansion, this model only needed to consider physical
作者单位 ： 哥伦比亚大学建筑学院中国实验室， 中央美术学院建筑学院 ；
the brand is no longer promoted? How do the lessons
The megablock, as a critical mode of reading,
of these radical models contribute to the next projective
does not approach the city and the community (shequ)
social fragmentation?
development does not simply reflect the search for
and objective factors, forming a Chinese urbanism of
step, the reformulation of superblock development into
as static objects, but stresses the dynamic nature of the
The open community within the megablock
an appropriate scale or past essence of traditional
compromise. The emergence of the economic crisis has
an expanded megablocking strategy?
community ‘structuring’ process itself. This perspective
The present urban construction system can
architecture, such as in critical regionalism, and it is not
sounded a warning bell for this project, as the necessary
建筑学院中国实验室 研究员，
The megablock: reading an alternative urban
can overcome the entrenched viewpoint that locates
be said to be a closed linear system—from policy
Modernism’s constant destruction and reconstruction
determinism and totalitarianism of this method of
哥伦比亚大学建筑学 硕士，
concept
the city as a product of society as a whole, in turn
decisions, to city planners, to the xiaoqu developers
to achieve progress, with the aid of advanced
compromise simply cannot operate in the absence of
The ‘megablock’ addresses the ways in which
providing a temporally expanded and in-depth reading
and designers, and finally into the hands of residents.
technologies; it is not even the concern of pragmatism
strong economic backing. Moreover, the increasing
the xiaoqu ‘community’, in both definition and practice,
of the city, from a purely performance-based reading
The lowest level only has the basis of the upper levels’
for economic development to satisfy a materialistic
phenomena of social inequality and conflict further
causes fragmentation within the Chinese city. Within
of architecture to a study of socio-spatial practices.
decisions with which to respond to their objective
need. The openness of Jianwai SOHO is based on
emphasize the social unsustainability of this project
the scope of planning, the xiaoqu is one category of
In large-scale development projects in China, the
circumstances, and through the packaging by the
the practical thinking of gaining greater commercial
of development. At an economic level, this model
‘residential zones’, and it is the smallest and most basic
community structuring process within blocks and in
developer, the xiaoqu ‘community’ can only become
benefits; the openness of Modern Group’s MOMA
of non-stop demand for urban land is yet another
unit of China's urban planning spaces. In the planning
areas surrounding the blocks is diachronic, interactive,
a product of consumerism. The ‘megablock’ concept,
stems from an experiment of Modernist architecture by
unsustainable element. On level of the environment,
哥伦比亚大学建筑学院中国实验室 作者简介 ： Cressica Brazier，女，哥伦比亚大学
加州大学伯克利分校结构工程 硕士 ； 范凌，中央美术学院建筑学院 教师， 普林斯顿大学建筑学 硕士 ； 林达，男，哥伦比亚大学建筑学院中国 实验室 研究员，哥伦比亚大学建筑学 硕士，伦敦大学学院巴特莱特建筑学院 博士资格候选人 收稿日期 ： 2009-03-23