JULY 1989
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JULY 1989
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VOLUME 2 NUMBERg
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CORRDSPOIUIIDNT
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GONTENTS One more ngzagin Chinese politics 15 Deng Xaoping will stay in power until he dies
COVER Media and the China crisis
Several foreign journalists were beaten and/or arrested by the Chinese army during the June 3-4
human slaugher
horror of the massacre
its repercussions
were the topics of discussion at three professional luncheons at the Club last month. An 1&page section focuses on the China crisis.
China crisis: Witresses and
players 6
NBC News cameraman, Derek Williams \¡/as among the foreign journalists who witnessed the Beijing crackdown. He told former Time correspondent, Barry Kalb, his experience on the fateful night of June 3-4 when he was also arrested and held in custody for several hours.
THE COMMITMENT TO WIN!
and China will remain politically tight and uncreated, says acclaimed China watcher Ross all hell could break loose for the crisis of succession. And the crisis will be all the more serious because of what happened in May and June.
Terrill. After that,
on
Tienanmen square. The
and
The untold story behind the news 8 S4ren the momentous events in China took over the world stage the International Television Centre at Cable and Wireless was overwhelmed with requests for simultaneous transmission. Freelance journalst David Kerr talked to the technology experts at ITC about their marathon vigil and
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The time of g¡lory isn't too far off 12 The present rulers of China, says dissident journalist Liu Binyan, cannot solve the various crises facing the country. Moreover, the economic crisis can only worsen in the future. And with the Chinese people now showing the courage to challenge the leadership, the time of glory isn't too far off, says Liu.
territory's Executive Council, Dame Lydia Dunn, the territory is bound to feel the effects of the brain drain all the more acutely.
Hong Kong giroup launches Democracy in China Publication Fund 11 Journalists and eyewiûresses invited to give evidence for a fact-finding report L4
MEDIA
DEPARTMENTS
Editorial Supervision
People
Where are trhey now Crossword Cartoons
5 27
TheT-oo Stop Press
- Sinan Fisek, First Vice-Presidert - Paül Ba¡deld, Second rrespordent Member Governors - Anthony Dyson, Grahm Michael Shuttlevorth, David Thurston, Steven \lnes. JoúnÂlist Bob Davis, Kd Wilson Associafe Member Governore - Wendy Hughes,
Member Governors Brym Lloyd, Saul tockhrt, Doroúy Rym.
Wendy Hughes
Ediúo¡ial Offce 502 EastTown Building
Club Manage¡: Heiü Grabner, Club Stewd; Julia Suen. The Correspondent is published monthþfor and onbehalfofThe Foreigr Correspndents'Club, bla
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Editor P Viswa
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LETTERS
THE ZOO
An open reply to Stanley Rich
I5 THE JOìNT DECLARATION
(
Dear Stan:
t¡¡
Mea culþa! Mea
{
maxi.ma.
BULLE.T PROOtr THATCHER
U
culþa!
In the words of the late Fiorello La Guardia, whom you and I will remember, even if no one else does: "When I make a mistake, a
BY AR-|HUR HACKER
^^R3
ifs
beaut!"
You may also recall the Japanese saying: "Even the master calligrapher Kobo some times makes a slþ of the brush, and the monkey sometimes tee!"
falls from the
I
am a very bruised mon-
key.
I
had
no intention
of
depriving you of either credit for your accomplishments or
your association wifh L.Z. Yuan, whom I admire as much as you do. Yet how could I possibly do so? As Mr Sinatra might put it: "They can't take that away from you." I can only point out in exculpation that I read Ted Thomas's presenile meandering to mean that you had been theEditor of
the Honghong Standqrd,
a
proposition that your own evidence refutes. The masthead
reproduced
in The Corres-
þondent lists L.Z. as Editor and you as Associate Editor.
big non-fiction report on all East Asia we've talked about.
Finally, my hlch regard for
you was, you may recall, expressed when I asked you to take over from me for Newsweek when we left for Germany in 1962. What greater compliment could
junior.
I can also totally
confirm
your tale of my approaching
you with trepidation in the
I
remain deeply
Moiraand, Egregiously,
Robert S. Blegant
television how they fled, leaving
the city to the "brave foreign correspondents": it's just not
award.
One also said on television
cause, to bring the facts to the world in vivid coverage.
As reporters poked microphones into Deng Xaoping's
face during negotiations on the future of the territory, he reportedly said that if there was one thing to fear, it was the Hong Kong press.
Deng no longer has that fear. He knows when the Hong Kong press people will take to their heels. He has more than one tank!
that no story was worth risking one's life. No job, that is.
HenryM. Parwani
More than a job RECENT events in China have again proven to the world that journalists are notjust people who spend endless hours at
the bar talking about the big scoops they missed.
Every day, foreign correspondents are risking arrests
-
Are you in this leagueT Consider it.
yourself in lVashington. Be
THD GORRISPONIIDNT
forewarned, we plan to do so again when we're in town early next year to promote my new book Pøcific Destiny, the
events also highlighted the immaturity of the Hong Kong
Unit B, 14F, Harvard House, 105-111 Thomson Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong
understandable, but to return and explain in great detail on
The reporter deserves an
(Bob)
grateful for your kindness on that occasion and on the - Moira occasions when and I have moved in on Doris and
Yves Saint Laurent
is
on. One even went so far as to
Correspondents'
Moreover,
ils a profession, maybe even a
To flee from danger
criticise a local newspaper for allowing its reporter to remain in Beijing as others headed for the charterflighthome.
to Doris and yourself from
ond
times feel nowadays that it would be rather nice to be
rolled into Tiananmen.
I¡ve
happy to acknowledge your seniority to me. I should, of course, have written that you were the junior or the sec-
Unlike you, however, I some-
To those still in the field, journalism is more than a job;
there be?
I am, moreover, perfectþ
correspondent in the AP Bureau, rather than a junior AP correspondent.
the demonstrations, then fled en masse when the first tank
and their lives
-
to give
a
news-hungry world footage and reports, an alternative to the version given by CCTV. Unfortunatel¡ the same
press corps. Several hundreds
ATTENTION: Absent Members Planning a ûip to Hong Kong later this year?
Thinking of it? Try timing your trip to be in Hong Kong on October 13 and help the FCC celebrate its 40th birthday. More details later but markyour calendar NOW!
converged on Beijing during
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY19S9
5
CHINAÎODAY PeoPle's mY, acting on the
-1
country's rulers,
I
men square to and other democratic
r
I
e\üs
I
and rePort it live to tlr *'ätã-¡iïømv
"h"i;";ñ
of tha! incidenl' the ¡1"reated around the on HongKong¡' Chinese , were üre ÚoPics
of
,Ð
rofessional C lastmonth. The s dissident
'
nowaNieman
rsity, the Ross Terrill' r¡atcher accl¡aimed China
:
Nearþ a million people in Hong Kong úook to the streets on June 4 to denounce the Tienanmen massacre. FCC staff Qøft) joined in that protest march. Abouephotniownalist Hugþ Van Es photographing demonstrators laying wreaths at the Cenotaph in honour of the Beijing martyrs. Photos: Bob Davies
ches and an
Williams'
lers i':*:'å:.1'"-'illl;li':l"tt:'t';f i1äìåiäi å:,il#.ËÍä3ðåf doused, were reinforcegly south more from the earlier ;ir;üí.ome --ÏI^. Thel Ãr"rins from the main ntrance of the Great Hall. frev fr9m ."t.ring Ëöp' !!9 -T,?L'''.1q1i::fjll'9',"*I3ll gunfire fixed. And with bzryonets ñ;ãñ.d i"to ihe- square €
l,äîïit""¿ off and on' By BarrY Idalb
Xiaoping, the mid-May Sino-Soviet summit was meant to demonstrate, to the world, communism's vitality. An end to 30 years of hostility between the two Marxist-læninist giants would be consecrated in Beijing, and it would be done by a new
All the more reason to expect the organisers to keep events under tight control. But as the CBS crew and hundreds of their colleagues watched, the script began to unravel long before the summit ever took place.
NüIHING UNUSUAI: Cameraman Derek left Hong Kong a month in advance of the
6 rrrp
coRRESPoNDENT JULY1989
begun to fade. "It basically turned into student story," \Milliams said.
story called for taping on both sides of the SinoSoviet border, where military battles had erupted during the height of the hostility: the story would show how relaxed the area has become today. The Soviets had cooperated, by granting the CBS crew visas to cross the border. The Chinese refused to let the journalists get close to the border, let alone across it.
SUMMIT OVERSHADOWED: By the time Gorbachev arrived on May 15, Williams and tæong had spent two weeks covering students and demonstrations. The crew was at the Beijing airport to tape the Soviet leader's arrival, then departed for Shanghai while their colleagues remained in Beijing to watch the demonstrators disrupt and upstage the summit. The crew had planned to cover Gorbacher/s visit to Shanghai on the 18th. But anti-government demonstrations and hunger strikes had also broken out there, and once again, the anticommunist story
A NBIV SIORÍ On April 28, Williams and
breed of communist leaders, men willing to sidestep ideology in the name of reform and modernisation.
Williams and technician Dexter læong
summit, to join other CBS crew in shoot-
ing background pieces that would air when Gorbachev reached China. One
Derek Williams
-
back from Beijing, at the main bar of the FCC. Photo; Robin Moyer, Time Maguine
læong flew to Beijing, to find the streets aswarm with students demanding faster and broader reforms. The crew had been summoned to the capital to discuss whether to try bluffing its way up to the border. But the decision was made to scrap the border story and concentrate on this unexpected challenge to the Chinese leadership; the Sino-Soviet story had already begun mutating into the China story, and the lustre on Deng's and Gorbachev's summit, still 17 days away, had
a
took precedence over the communist show. Gorbachev's arrival on the 18th? "We ignored him, because the hunger strikers had become the story," \Milliams said. 'The arrival was left to a pool."
Once Gorbachev left China, the story evolved into a twoweek st¿¡d-off between
the Chinese people and their masters. the communist leadership went
\{ïile into
a
cha¡acteristic freney of self-destruc-
THE CORRBSPONDENT JULY19S9
7
COVER STORY tion behind characteristically
closed doors, the journalists staked out Tienanmen square, covered marches, saw how the rest of Beijing was reacting. Although there was tension as every-
one waited to see whether the party would move against the students,
Williams said there were remarkably few obstacles to covering the story during this period. The public, of course, was supportive: "Especially in Shanghai, people would line up and applaud you. You'd be in a small street trying to get a high shot, and people would say, 'Xie-tcie, xiexie' ('lhankyou, thank you')."
The authorities halted satellite transmissions from China to the outside world
after Gorbachev left Beijing but aside from that left the journalists pretty much alone. "Even when they decla¡ed martial law, it wasn't martial law," Williams said. In fact, there was little real contact with the police or security forces until the night of June 3-4, "although the Public Security Bureau had obviously been out on the streets. When we were picked up, one of the security people said to me, I've seen you. I know you." That changed with a vengeance once the party resolved its differences, and
demonstrated to the world that communist vitality still comes out of the barrel of a gun. Severaljournalists were beaten by the invading soldiers. BBC correspondent Brian Barron and his crew were arrested twice, held at gunpoint once. Williams and Richard Roth disappeared in rather dramatic fashion from Tienanmen square just as the massacre was taking place. What made their disappearance so drarnatic was, again, technology. When the shooting began, Roth dialled New York from the square on his hand-held telephone, and did a live, on-air report to CBS
anchorman Dan Rather. Then, as UPI
îhe untold story behind the news AVID MCDONALD, of Visnews London, watched the action at the International Tele-
vision Centre (ITC) at Cable and Wireless in
via the Indian Ocean satel-
lite to cover Mikhail Gorbachev's visit to
Beijing, in addition to its regular services to Europe, the US, Taiwan and
Hong Kongrs New Mercury House during the height of the China crisis and was impressed. "This is the untold story behind the news. These guys are great, they maintain a very positive attitude under very demanding
local television feeds. But it was the fatefr:l frst weekend in June when the momentous events in China took over the world stage, and ITC was overwhelmed
conditions," he said.
engi-
satellite dishes at the Stanley earth station, found that
neers, with the assistance
they were flooded with de-
He meant the
of the staff of
the
with requests for simultane
ous transmissions, Cable and Wireless, with its five
mands for extra service.
International Maintenance Centre, who had
To meet the requirements of the American
been undergoing a state of siege in the past couple of months. McDonald
news networks, ABC and
NBC,
for
24-hour TV
transmission to the US via Intelsat, two 1.8-metre
transportable earth stations arrived on June 10 and were up and running byJune 12. The dishes belong to IDB, a US communications company that provides satellite coverage for outofthe-way, one-time location
satellite television news. They had been in Beijing for the Gorbachev visit so were readiþ available. Although 24-hour trans-
mission meant added work, especially at the earth station, it eased some of the pressure felt by reporters sending news
from China to the rest of the world and locally by
getting the world's response to the news back to Hong Kong.
According to l,ee I(am Biu, the earth station manager, the st¿tion normally transmits around ûve tele
aa
vision programmes a day, but lately they have been sending more than 60 pro grammes a day to various countries, some of which use a different television
-.,.-,4't¿1-
reception formal
Intelsat, the global satrecords for television transmissions for a single month, May; and single day records for both June 7 and 8 for occasional use television programmes. It seems likely that these numbers will be sur-
ellite system, cited
O
In The International Telephone Credit Card Summer Promotion.
passed.
-
David Kerr
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of all the world's news agencies had been "screaming for the im-
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ITC continued to give it their best. Ho'Wai-ming, the assistant engineer, says that re-
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aììowing you to be billed in Hong Kong dollars (at the same rate of a similar out-going call from Hong Kong) once you return home.
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You'll find the card is convenient and simpJe to use, aìlowing you to call back to Hong Kong when you're overseas from your hotel, your clìent's ofhce, your friend's home o¡ even a phone box out in the street.
Call 013 and pocker one ofour International Telephone Credit Cards this summer
-
international
services started to rise in
February, but it wasnrt until the Sino-Soviet summit that the workload dramatically increased. The ITC arranged for an extra relay service to the European Broadcasting Union
lonot<o^Glelel)hone
F
! 7't One of the two 1.8-metre transportable earth stations (øarf /o car) ased. for emergency broadcasting.
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8 rnp coRRESPONDENTJULY
1989
COVER STORY Hong Kong group launches Democracy in China
Publication Fund
,I HONG prising A llandme planning to publish books and hold exhibitions focusing on democracy in China. In a statement issued last month, the group says that books
financed by the Democracy in China Publication Fund "should not be politically flavoured, representative of independent views, con-
with academic value, and
tributive to the positive thinking as the subjecf'.
The first publication to
be
brought out by the group, a book on the events leading up to the Jr¡ne 4Tienanman square incident and its long-term implications on democracy in China, is to be edited by the Hong Kong University research offcer, Thomas Chan.
Eyewiûresses at Tienanmen square
the O:dord University Press. Some of the illustrations and materials chosen for the book will be shov¿n at an exhibition at the Hong l{ong Arts Centre between Jrþ 22 and
Among the journalists who wiûressed the pro-democracy protest and tlte subsequent military crackdov¿n at Tienanmen square were: freelance photog¡apher Mary Beth Camp (lefi) on assignment for US News and World Reþorf,' freelance photographer John Giannini (aboue); NBC cameraman Garry Fatrman (right); Peter Charlesworth Çar right, toþ) of J.B. Pictures on assigpment for Time; and, Al Pessin of Voice of America and Pat Benic of Reuters (far ri,ght, bottom). Photos: Robin Moyer, Tinrc Magzine.
would report breathlessly from the US, Roth shouted, "Oh, no!" several times, there was the sound ofgunÍre phone went dead. NOT REALLY DRAMAIIC:
-
and the
It made for great
troops advanced on the square from the south, the lead ranks firing their rifles.
"They were corning straight at us," Williams said, "so we moved to the side of the Great Hall. I think they were doing crowd dispersal by fear
- I didn't see
television, and an entire anxious day went
anyone drop."
by without word of the men's fate. But according to Williams, it wasn't quite as
He did see quite a few badly wounded soldiers being carried past by their comrades, though, obviously injured in battles with the people as the troops fought their way towards the square. "It was the only time I dared use my lights," he said. At 4 a.m., all electric lights in the square were doused. The soldiers who had come from the south now moved in towards the obelisk. More troops emerged from the
dramatic as it seemed from outside. This is his descrþtion of what happened: Roth, Williams and læong were in the square around 1 a.m. on the 4th, when announcements came over the government loudspeakers warning foreign journalists to leave.
The crew could hear the gunfire of approaching troops. Mitch Farkas, son of FCC member Marvin Farkas and now working for Cable News Network, ran
past shouting that "They're shooting down near the Minzu Hotel." Tracer rounds began arcing over the vast square.
The CBS team moved towards the southwestern edge of the square, to
a
van-
tage point near the Great Hall of the People. About 9 a.m., several thousand
1O mB coRRESPoNDENT
main entrance of the Great Hall, and marched into the square with bayonets
fixed. Gunfre continued on and off. \Milliams, leaning against a railing and shooting as best he could, could see demonstrators being chased around the obelisk about 200 yards away Roth had finished his on-air report to Rather ard was continuing his description of events to l¿ne Venardos, CBS's head of special events. 'The âct is, his
JULY 1e89
27. The exhibition is held in memory of those who died in the Beijing rnassacre.
batteries (in the cellular phone) were going down, and he was trying to keep it going until it died," Williams said. It was approximately5:45 a-m. William's last shot was of APCs circling
the obelisk. "Then Dexter yelled out, 'I think they've seen us, you'd better get down!"' Too late: a detail of military security had come up on them from behind. "Three guys had the camera off my shoulder in a microsecond," Williams said. The troops also grabbed for læong's recorder; he allowed it to slip off his shoulder, and melted into the confusion around them, then made it to CBS's headquarters at the Shangri-la Hotel to report that Williams and Roth had been taken awa¡r
Roth was behind Williams when the troops moved in. He began to back away, and stumbled into "a sea of fallen bicycles;" the soldiers tried to pull him out, but he was trapped among the wheels. "He
got a kick or two for moving
It
will be publíshed in October by
slowlY,
Williams said. One of the soldiers tried to wrestle Roth's bag off his shoulder, but Roth's passport was inside, and he tried to hold on. "\Mhen he wouldn't let go, he got
alefthook, Williams said. "And he letgo." In New York, CBS went back on the air with a tape of Roth's final conversation with Venardos, the sound of gunf,re in the background, and what sounded like the correspondent's shouts of "Oh, no!" What had Roth really shouted? According to Williams, it was, "I'll go! I'll go!" Not as sexy a story, but anyone who has been in a situation [ke this knows ifs usually best to cooperate with the authorities - especially if they're armed.
Williams knows
it. Having lost
my
camera," he said, "I just put my hands up and surrendered meekly."
American woman studying music in Beijing, the l}yearold son of the Pakistani military attache, and a food writer for the Italian weekly magazine Esþresso. The only ones hurt were Roth, who had a black eye, and the Italian, who had suffered broken
fingers on both hands and bruised or cracked ribs when the troops moved into the square. "I was too fat to run," he told the others.
The detainees were treated well, allowed to use the toilets, buy cigarettes and - Williams's friends will be happy to hear - given a beer. Box lunches were brought over from one ofthe hotels. The
music student translated A SHORT-IMD
DETEI\"IION: They were
held for 40 minutes on the veranda of the Great Hall, out of sight of the action on the square. When the gunfire died down,
they were driven through the centre of the square into the Forbidden City, where they were held for the next 19 hours. During the course of the day, they were joined by several other detainees; three Swiss men, an American tourist couple
(the woman six months pregnant),
an
between
Chinese and English; Roth, who had been based in Rome, translated between English and Italian for the Esþresso correspondent. Firing continued outside throughout the day. The two American women occasionally became hysterical: "Theyrre going to shoot us!" Actually, Williams said, their captors wanted to let them go, but said they were holding them for their own safety: "The military said we were surrounded on
four sides by angry citizens." Around 7 p.m., they all signed "confessions" stating that they understood the stip ulations of martial law a¡rd recognised why they had been arrested. Several more
hours of waiting followed, until finally \Milliams and Roth decided to risk the wrath of the outraged citizenry.After much indecision, the rest decided to follow. At 1 a.m., they were allowed out of the Forbidden City and headed for the Palace
Hotel. Williams took point; Roth brought up the rear, supporting the injured Italian. At the Palace Hotel, NBC correspon-
dent Keith Miller offered Williams the use of his room. After "draining the minibar," Williams said, he called his wife, his colleagues at the Shangri-la Hotel, New York. Word went out that the group was safe. People around the FCC bar looked up briefly from their drinks to say they really hadn't been worried about an old pro like Williams anyway. China bled. And communism's image, it seems fair to conclude, had not been enhanced. Not exactly what Gorbachev and Deng had planned.
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY 1989
11
COVER STORY
The tim isn't too AChinese dissidentþurnalist liu Birryan, who is nowa Nieman Fellow attlarvzrd University, says that China is heading
Jiang Chun-Nan,
I{ongJournalists' on June 21. The previous day, the two men had appeared at a panel conference to discuss the sifuation of the media in China" Excerpts of üu's luncheon speech: INCE June 4, China has entered
a
only responsibility is to make money and,
darkperiod. Perhaps itis notthe darkest moment in Chinese history, but certainly in the past 40 years. This dark period will not last very long - the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng and Yang Shangkun would not last more than two years. But the government that takes over after them will still not be a truly democratic governmenl but it will be a more moderate government. I fear it will be impossible for China to avoid entering a period ofchaos. For those ofus who are concerned about China, our task is to decide how to ensure that the barbaric government now in charge will
in any case, we don't have to worry about other things because if we don't do it, the
not last too long. Why I say this regime cannot last too
long is because this government cannot solve the va¡ious crises facing China. Deng Xiaoping carì use violence to put down the
people who oppose him and oppose his leading group, but that will not solve anything. Moreover, the economic crisis can only become more serious. And the worsening economic crisis is what this regime fears mosl So I hope that the governments of the world will institute the most rigorous economic sanctions against China.
Many people ask that if governments instihrte economic sanctions, won't that have a negative impact on the Chinese people?
Actually, the foreign credits and most
of the benefits from foreign trade have been received by the ruling group in China and not by the Chinese people. Even foreign aid to China for refugee assistance and disaster assistance, has, for the most part, gone into the pockets of Çommunist Party cadres. Many people in
the Chinese Government think that the
only thing to do is to make money - forour eign businessmen tend to think that
L2
røs, CORRESPONDENT
JULY1989
Japanese will.
very large mobile population, especially in the countryside. And these people who travel are a sort of human mass media.
PROffi, GREAIER RISI( If in the past, it was not easy for foreign businessmen to make money in China, in the future it will be even more difficult. A major problem is that more and more workers don't want to work, and especially for this government. So in time, it will not only become more difficult to make money for foreign businessmen, but their personal safety in China will become less and less certain. The crime rate is increasing by 40 per cent a year. Recently, we have seen the appearance of certain things we haven't seen before -
LIU: Students, except for the few that have already been arrested, have mostþ gone underground. They've gone into factories and onto the farms to continue organising. Regarding the government, there are two factors: one of them is international pressure. Deng Xiaoping, many people say, is very torrgh and that he will not change his
The best way to protect Hong Kong
during the Cultural Revolution he begged
LXSS
such as kidnapping.
and to ensure the possibility of continued
business opportunities and profits in China is to bring an end to the barbaric regime in China. Finally, I'd like to say that this age is a very dark one, but also one ofgreathope. The fundamental reason is that the Chinese people have awakened. So I would like peo ple who are concerned about China not to be too sad and too pessimistic because the time of glory will not be too far off. QUFSIION: To what extent do you think the one billion þeoþle in China belieue the þroþaganda being þut out by the gouemment toda.y?
LIU: This is a contradictory matter. I think, in the past 20 years more and more people did not believe communist propaganda. But television propaganda showing people throwing stones, burning military vehicles etc, I think, many people will believe. There is at the same time, a very
interesting point. That is,there's now
a
QUESII0N:: What do you think the students in China will do next? And what do you think the gouernment will do in resþonse to the studenß'next moue?
arrested, others simply in hiding. A few may change their ideals in order to grasp
called up a journalist in Beijing and asked,
poweç but the important thing is to have a change of the governmental system.
world?" And the response was, 'You mean China still has an academic world?" All famous scholars, all scholars with influence, if they're not in hiding, have
QUESIION:: What is your best þosition on Wei
ling
afier
the
Sheng who was
jailed 10 years ago
first crackdown on democracy wall
in Peking?
LIU:: Perhaps first I'd like to say I greatþ
"What's the impact on the academic
fled the country. Peoþle's Daily andXin Hua news agency's editors are on strike or go slow Many magazines are unable to publish because no one will write articles.
admire Wei Jing Sheng because his awakening came much earlier than the rest of us. He will not be free until Deng dies and/or this government is overthrown.
QUESTION: Do yow exþect the democratic rnoaement to retnain þeaceful and essentially dernocratic? Or do yow thinh it's jwst a
Mao for forgiveness and he promised
QUESIION: You say that you tkink in two
yars tirue the growþ of Deng Xiaoþing
aduocating arms strwggle
never to make any more mistakes.
fall. But why should thE? ltrhy should we not see China deueloþ into a successful reþressiue regime on, the wtodel of South Korea or Taiwan in which there is ec0n07nic liberalisation and þolitical oþþression?
LIU:: In the future I feel the opposition will not take the form of demonstrations in the
opinion. But we should remember that
QUESTION:: As a Chinese journalist you know that journalists in China haue had a taste offreedan't, howeuer brief, Do you þredict the emergence of an undcrgroundmedia?
LlU::Underground newspapers and publications have already appeared in China and I think the government will adopt very strict measures against them.
QUESIION: Whø ani høt¡ dü lutr ouw disillusionnent with the Chinæe Gouernment begin?
son is that the vast portion of natural
think that by the time they haue the chance, they will subscri,be to the ideals for which
QUESII0N:: lVhat's the imþact of the current
friends. I'm afraid some have already been
cities, but rather will be in the form of workers going on strike or slowdowns; or in the countryside, farmers using violent methods to oppose tax collection and
in China. From the Cultural Revolution
resources, is all in the hands of the government, in the hands of a bureaucratic regime. I think this fact alone makes the situation completely different from that of Taiwan and South Korea.
LIU:: Yes, including many of my own
enterge
?
enforced purchase of their grain.
QUESIION:: We'ue seen this amazing moaement come uþ in China with these ideals that the whole world can look and sign on to. It will take many years before these þeo: þle haue a chance to run China. Do you
they demonstrated these þast two months?
a uoice will
LIU:: One reason is that during the past 20 years there have been many changes withthe people have achieved an understanding of the Communist Party. Another rea-
IJU: My complete disillusionment took place in 1984. The reason was, I saw that the party, although it had promised many times to cure corruption, had not done so and had become even more corrupt and showed no
strength, no ability or deslre to change the system and bring more democracy
crackdown on the intellectuals in China, and in þarticular on the acedemic scene?
LIU:: Recently someone in Hong Kong
eco-
nomic sanctions, where ß the roomfor hoþe?
UU:: I think that Deng Xiaoping, himself, perhaps to this day, still does not understand, still does not know how many people just how barbaric was the suppresdied sion. Of course ifs a fact that it was done on
-
his orders. Deng and the other old people surrounding him have a special characteris tic, in that they live in illusion and they live in the pasl
watershed and that
would
tion and if they reject the influence of
QUESIION: I'd like to thank you for giuing us the hoþe that Deng and his regime will be gone in two years'time. But if thq are willing to use such ircane methods to suþþress ffiosi-
So over the past 10 years, one mistake in policy after another has come for these reasons. The difference this time was that they realised that the very existence of their own ruling group's grip of power was in danger. So they were willing to use the
most drastic methods.
But I think it's very possible that, because of the economic crisis that will build up over a period of time, they will realise their political power is under threat f¡om that direction and they will be forced to turn to a more moderate faction to try to dealwith the problems. QUESTION: Does your oþtimism that they would turn to a moderate faction imþIy that the military would acceþt a mod¿rate leader? And do you see any diußion in the military?
LIU: One important point is that with the
student movement this time, the internal divisions within the party reached a higher level than ever before. In the past 40 years, no one has dared to oppose the decisions of the number one, whether it
was Mao or Deng. But this time Zhao Ziyang did dare to oppose. And this is not because Zhao is particularly brave, but
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY 1989 13
C
Journalists and eyewiûresses invited to $ve evidence for a fact-finding report
OVER STO RY
Á GROUP of Hong l(ong lI lanyers concerned about l, Ithe-recent bloodshed in
that he saw that there were many people within the Communist Party who shared his opinion. This is why, for more than a
month,
it
has not
B€ifrrg is hunúirg a p,rojectto collect a¡rd compile direct and first-hand evidence of the inciderrt for intenrdional 4peal.
been possible to
announce what Zhao's crimes are
but
he has actually been pushed out -of the power circle. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress originally
ness accounb ofthe er¡ents
was to be held on June 20, but was unable to because they couldn't count on having more than one haH of the votes. And this
is despite the fact that they have exerted the greatest effort.
The hoüine will be open until the end ofJuþ f989.
Sahrrday
making basis.
all of them volunteers in
to
happens
QUESIION: How exactly do you see Hong Kong's role in bringing down the regime in Beijing, and ifyou see it as being integral, where do ylu see the leadership in Hong Kong comingfrom?
LIU: Hong Kong is very important. It is fortunate for China that there is a Hong Kong and a Taiwan. I think there are
for appointnenL
The statement-collecting process, according to the group, will last for a further five weeks, In the event that any foreign correspondent who wiûressed the incident has already returned to the
about 5O solicitors, barristers and 2O law students -
inside China, whether it is the establishment of some kind of political group outside the party, or whether it is a liberal faction within the Communist Party which breaks away. It's hard to say and we don't know how long that would be. Secret organisations are relatively easy. I think that right now we've got more than one in existence, but public organising is much more difficult.
LTflE
receive calls between 1O a"m.
and 5 p.m. from Monday to
The giroup comprises
organise an opposition group overseas. How much influence it would have in China is another question. If I wish to, I could form a political party tomorrow.
telephone hotline (5-
man rigþs bodies such as lhe United Nations' Human Rigfits Commite€ and füe European
ised oþþosition could be created outsi,de
It's more important what
A
Beijing to international hu-
it that an zrgan-
LIU:: It's a relatively easy matter
the hot-line to arrange for an interview when helshe
23l-2OB) has beeri set up to
Court of Human Rigþts.
China?
near future, he/she may
they have seen.
in
The report will also be published on a non-profit
QUESIION: How likely is
In an appeal made last monfü, the group urged people who had witnessed the bloodshed and tlre events leading to it to come forn¿ard
to give a statement of what
Thqplanto submitaådfnding report on the eyewit-
home country but will be visiting Hong Kong in the
their personal capacþ
contact tlre group by calling
comes to Hong I(ong. Those who have no plans to visitHongKongin üre near future may send a signed statement to the group. As to the details ofûre signed statement which the group requires, please c¡ll üre hodine
for further information; or send the enquiries to the following and marked "Private and Confidential":
AGroup of Concerned l¿r¡yers (June 4th Incident), c/oRoom l(XlO, nince'sBddng Cenüzl, Hong Kong. Fa:<
No. : (852) 5-8450809
QUESTION: Do you
think that foreign tourists and trauellers should, staj a,u)ay from China now? If they go, how should
many things that Hong Kong could do that
it still has not begun to do. But if all the Hong Kong people leave, then this won't happen. I'm relatively optimistic for Hong
they behaae?
Kong's future. I don't believe that Deng Xiaoping will bring the PtA into Hong Kong. There a¡e two possibilities: one, if we do see the appearance of a relatively democratic central government in China then they will have no desire to enforce any great changes on Hong Kong. The second possibility is if there is a period of tremendous chaos within China, they won't be capable of even ruling there, and will even have less ability to do anything to
LIU:: If people go, I hope they will take
QIIESIION: Who do you belieue started all this uþset in China? Was it the students? Was it outside influence? And who will start the new reaolution that will toþþle the þresent regime?
LIU:: The real black hand behind the student movement v/as the Chinese people.
Students are relatively free of burdens and therefore can be more brave. So they are able to represent the people's will. You can see from the students at Tiananmen square, you can truly see, the anger and hate that is within the
QUESIION: What could Hong Kong do?
LIU: I have only recently begun to think of this question, but perhaps one step would be for Hong Kong to establish a very powerful radio station.
Chinese people.
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they should do. Benighted leaders giving instructions to people more educated than themselves. Authority and connections playing a big role in merit; a small
One more zigzagin Chinese politics
role in getting ahead. Women being treated less well than men. All these things are considered anti-democratic
ways by millions and millions of urban Chinese youth. So there is this battle for individualism with a fuzzy idea of democracy as its rough and ready banner. Let. me summarise a few opinions about the crisis and where it leaves'
Ross Terrill, biographer of Mao and Madame Mao, author of ttre book 800 Million arìd. many others, was in Beijing at the time of the Tienanmen crackdown. Arriving in the Chinese capital on the night of June 3, Terrill was at Tienanmen square until 4z3O next morning. Speaking at the FCC on June 27 he stressed that democracy is only a vague banner for the cry for individualism going up from a generation in China. Excerpts: HIS crisis in my view had six roots. The open policy; the success of the reforms in producing a new middle class; the failure of the reforms in throwing up inflation, and corruption in particular, that the government couldn't cope with; a basic, steadily growing contradiction between the whole idea of reform after revolution, the educational grievances; and, a vacuum ofvalues.
For a hundred years, they were alternatives in the history of socialism - the path of reform or the path of revolution, reform after revolution. Well, the contradiction is that revolution established a læninist political power and reform has tried to establish a partial reliance on the market, and as some of us have said for some years now, the two were bound not to mix. . .
Then, there was a political setting. Firstly, Deng had become a new Mao, despite being anti-Mao in his policies, purging to successes, as Mao purged. Secondl¡ a changed army with a lower status, with a lot of grievances of its own, and used to having a clear-cut enemy. Thirdly, the debate of last year at which the issue was whether the problems of reform require going ahead with further reform, as Zhao Zhiyang argued, or pausing for a while. And that opened up into political differences between Li Peng and
PRC, the slogan around was "Hello, Deng Xiaoping". In five years, his star had fallen; the open policy had produced some fruits.
The evening of June 3 is unforgettable. I arrived at Peking Airport at 9.00 pm on the 3rd and, driving in, I heard the announcement on the taxi
The extent to which
Deng's position had slipped by this year was summed up for me in a slogan and a photo. Some of you might have seen it since it was actually in the Chinese press "Hello, Democracy." And on May 16
-
as you may remember
in
1984 with the
rather than in theory.
Two things ended the eerie days of apparent paralysis in late May. Zhao
radio about the troops coming in and the
Zhiyang lost out in his struggle for policy
and the future of his own career. And then, and only then, did Deng Xiaoping give the order to shoot. When division in the party gave way to uniff for one side, the mass movement became fatally vul-
unforgettable courage of the young people, some of them students, some not; the agitation, anger and unity of the crowds all around the city that night; and the extraordinary cosmopolitanism where the foreigner was welcomed so
nerable. There's a pattern there.
A
RUSTED FORCE:
turns out to be
a
The Chinese army
more ragged, uncertain,
less exalted outfit than
it
used to be.
Maybe the encounter with Vietnam in '79
was the turning point. Unused to city INDMDUALISM: The aims were diverse.
Few people had in mind to overthro'¡/ the Communist Party or change the socialist system. Until May 20, very few had in mind to call for the resignation or
the fall of an individual leader. But I
would just stress something very broad
about the aims: there
is a cry
for
individualism going up from a generation in China. Democracy is a very vague banner for this cry.
Six months or so ago
world view and NElry SL0GAN:
In many ways, it reminds us of 1976 when Chou Enlai, rather Hu Yaobang, was being mourned. And in a party, disagreement fed this year's crisis, but whereas in the spring of 1976 when the Gang of Four put Deng Xiaoping down, the party split was major and the popular movement was modest. This year, the party descent at the top was rather limited, but the popular movement was huge. Most of today's students in the movement think that the democracy-wall people of the late 70s were rather elitist. The strength this time was in organisation
warning not to go into the streets and particularly not to go to Tiananmen. So I immediately went and came back from the area 4:30 the next morning. The
I
talked to
a
class at Szechuan University about their
Zhao Zhiyang in particular.
A
China.
much to what was going on.
celebration of the 35th anniversary of the
Reto¡lOullets
No 131 1/F
a
lot of propaganda with them.
Hong Kong.
##Mffi
COVER STORY
I
asked them at one stage what foreign book had been mem-
orable to them. And one girl said, "Lee Iaccoca's autobiography, I like the capitalist spirit of it. As an individual he got up and did things so different from tradi-
tional ways in China." The ways of the ancestors - this phrase recurred that afternoon. Parents telling children what
clashes, some in discipline, some misunderstanding, the students joked to me about giving them wrong directions to Tiananmen itself and the soldiers being sent jogging off to the south when the square was to the north and so on. One leading participant in the movement whom I talked to many times told me of the army situation at his college. The army never left his college because the students successfully engaged them in conversation while also sabotaging them, a rather bizarre mixture, but a successful one. That unit never got to the Square and later on the officer told my student f:iend, "Thank you for stopping us from getting there, otherwise we would have participated in what happened."
May and June'of this year was, I sup pose, one more zigzag in Chinese poliguns, plus tics. But it's a new twist - described asa leadership that can only be
Tel 3-689637 Tel: 5'447795
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY 1939
15
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OVER STO RY
COVER STORY
anti its own youth given the actual words of Mr Deng and olhers. And this time it's not just a stall but a retreat. As with earli-
er
zigzags, something
is
always lost
when the game plan changes and people
once more don't quite know what to expect. It was a crisis that blended the old and the new in abizarre way. A very Chinese crisis, with the family networks.
Politics is theatre. Waving the red flag to oppose the red flag which is what Zhao Zhiyang did in praising Deng Xiaoping to the Russians. The blend was a paradox and I would sum it up in this phrase: The people underestimated old Deng Xiaoping, and Deng Xiaoping underestimated the people. Both points I think are true at different levels and over different time frames. Deng Xiaoping was preserving his power as everyone should have expected him to do if he felt it was threatened. He couldn't stand to be screwed around by a bunch of kids. In his last years, like the old Mao, he cares very much for history's verdict, and in his case, to be seen as strong, and to be seen as someone who passes on a strong China. In recent years, social forces and the ne'úr' economic forces, small business,
prosperous counties, entities with links to foreign business have grown at the expense ofthe authority ofthe State and the Party. And yet, on balance, the relation between society and the State hasn't ticked far enough yet to make it impossible for the State to repress. One day a rural uprising could be a much greater challenge to them. So a modernised force, strengthened by the reforms, came up against an authority whose poIMer base is essentially unmodernised - the
peasants and the military. As the dust settles,the problems that became acute in the summer of '88 at will come back with the dilemma that further loosening of the economy, especially price deregulation and steps to deregulate labour and capital market, requires a freer mental
and political environment - that will come back more acutely by the end of this year. Through this crisis we have learnt once more that communist authoritarianism is harder to change than noncommunist authoritarianism. Spain, Portugal, and in this part of the world, the Philippines, Taiwan, South Korea - have
all given us examples of a substantial
evolution from non-Leninist authoritarianism to political pluralism. We've never had such a case in læninist authoritarianism. The mixed economy which Deñg favoured, shall we say, is more possible
than a mixed political system which Sung Yat-sen and Deng both spoke for.
18
TUB CORRESPONDENTJULY
1989
A couple of points about the flavour of the crackdown. Student friends of mine leaving Beijing were stopped at the train station and searched. One friend of mine was searched all the way from Beijing to Tiensin in the train. People just stopped talking to each other. Stopped telephoning each other certainly. Someone who'd been very bold said, around the second week of June, "We can still talk, but only in the swimming pool." Which is actually a very good place to talk. One friend of mine, a student of journalism, left for the south and she recalled a conversation we
had months ago about press freedom, and she'd asked me what news in the west? "Well," I said, "the news is what the government would rather wasn't published." And she said, "We11, that's quite different from in China: Here, the news is the tongue and throat ofthe Party and the people." After three days of press freedom in the middle of May, she came to me and said, "Well, I think you're right about the definition of news. People started to
drink and play mahjong with furious
intensity. And someone said to me, "you know why we like mahjong so much? Because in mafiong there are fixed rules and everyone starts equal. Those are the things we don't find in reality." There is resistance. There are people
who are communicating esoterically in the papers. A few days ago I noticed little signs in the buses, handwritten paper strips on the windscreen with the four Chinese characters, which meant "getting the buses through for the people". The word for people being used, was not
the communist word, Renmin,but a
grassroots term. A friend of mine who works in a goverment ministry told me
that the minister dragged his feet in approving martial law when other ministers had done so. Eventually a telephone call came from the State Council, why had the minister not made a statement endorsing martial law and praising the
army for coming into Beijing. And he made the statement the next day.
The government, I think, is engaged in an effort to regain legitimacy. It's said that you can't rule a hostile populace for long. The government is gambling that the populace will not remain hostile for very long. They may be right. A very militant student who spent six nights in Tiananmen said to me two days ago when he said goodbye: "Gobell said if you speak a lie a thousand times, it becomes a truth and that's what we're experiencing in China." $rtry do we have so many rumours?, the same person asked. "You get sick of a single note," he
said. "Rumours are also an avenue of
not have even one per cent bympathy for
hope. They give you a chance to talk about something thatyou hope could be true."
it. Unlike Zhao (Ziang) and Hu
There is a strong strain of fatalism still in China and the past couple of
opposition, tried to adjust and to compro-
weeks, one could easily notice that there are historical echoes of great antiquity used to having an offihere - A nation a people generally comfortcial ideology; able with authority; an elite that tends to view the citizenry as a kind of decoration
rather than as participants... Deng can't retire like the emperors, he will rule until he dies, or becomes totally incapacitated, or is utterþ denounced. There's no other way to leave the reins of power.
And China will remain politically tight and uncreated until then. After that, all hell could break loose for the crisis of succession and there's always a crisis of succession in a communist system. There's no such thing as arranging the succession; if only because politician's view of the man while he's living, is not the same as the view of the man when he has died. The succession crisis will be all the more serious because of what happened in May and June. QUESÏON: Machiauelli said that nobody is really eail; eaen the w't,ost euil rnan has something good in hi.mself. Is thi,s þresent regime in Chi,na really euil, or will son'tethi,ng come out of it which in the end will be better than what it seevns now?
I didn't say that I think it was evil. I think it is the Communist Party ruling China and, except for the guns in Tienanmen, most of it isn't terribly new. If those cameras that were in Beijing TERRILL:
after Gorbachev arrived and the ensuing weeks had been in certain selected spots in 1966 atd'67, the world would have seen worse things... I don't know about evil; it lost its legitimacy with certain key
segments
of the modernised cutting
edge of the Chinese society. And that is going to make its problems overwhelming if Deng Xiaoping leaves the scene while it is still fresh in people's memory. QUESIION: Reþorts we'ue heard here were
that students had already decided that
fact, sonte of thern had already started leauing. Is it þossible that Deng Xiaoþing did not know that this was haþþening; þeoþle around hiw't, did not let him hnow this was haþþening? they're going to leaue and, in
TERRILL: Deng's June 9 speech made
it
pretty clear that he is prepared to treat
the
student-citizen, anti-government
movement as the enemy and he said so.
He said, very cruelly, that "We should
(Yao-
bang) who, when there was political mise, Deng has not done that. And because he has expressed these sentiments in such a broad way, I don't think it is lack of information. I can only say that what I saw, which was not shooting in Tienanmen square
area itself but a lot of shooting on the northeastern and southeastern fringes of Tienanmen square...People were shot in the front of the crowd just east of the square itself - northeast or southeast - for a long period of time. There was more shooting on June 4 midday and into the afternoon all over Beijing.
QUESTI0N:: If yow look fiae or 10 years into the futwre, do you think China will become democratic or will it continwe to be ruled by the cornrnwnist þarty? TERRILL: I think the latter; I don't think we will see a democratic China is the next five or 10 years. Some of the students are
talking about going to the countryside next time; some, I must say, are talking about giving up. I also heard a somewhat different view: that it was mistake not to leave the square on May 20 because that reflected a mistaken thinking that you could get democracy in one burst. This view says we should have left the square then, we should have accepted that we won an important victory, gone back to the campuses and come in for another
round some months later. This point of view says that expections got too high and hopes have been dashed now lower than they should have been. One promise of that view is that democracy will come after a whole round ofbattles and struggle in China, not just after one. Unless the party split to some degree, a popular movement, particularly a student movement, doesn't seem to have the window of opportunity at all.
This time, of course, there is a new factor, 61,000 students and scholars from PRC on American campuses now and tens of thousands elsewhere. They will keep the tourch alight until something else happens in China. Thafs a new complication that Beijing has not had to deal with before.
A new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong Anxiety in the extreme has gripped Hong Kong's five-and-a-half million predominantly Chinese population thathas so far enjoyed a life withoutthe fear of the midnightknock on the door, butis now destined to fall under Chinese sovereignty in less than eightyears. The cause for arxiety, says the senior member of Hong Kong's Executive Council, Dame Lydia Dunn, is not just the June 4 massacre atTienanmen square, but as much whathas come later- the daily reports of reprisals, the blatant use of propaganda in place of truth, the calls for Chinese citizens to report their neighbours, the indoctrination of school children, and the ease with which dissent has been stilled by fear. This situation, says Dunn, presents a new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong. She was speaking at an FCC professional luncheon onJune 30. Excerpts:
T ¡'I
ago that out into the streets and made the politispeak to cal scene here come alive overnight. The achievements of the Chinese us Club,
society. leadership over the past 10 years in wondered then what a professional, bringing the country to terms with the non-communicator like me would have to modern world were shattered in the say you a11... Little did I know that in course of only 10 days. For the first time certainly one of the pillars of our
I
those few weeks before today, so much could happen. Thanks to foreign correspondents and their cameramen, the world has been able to witness the historic protests for democracy and their grim outcome in Tiananmen square. And this brought the people of Hong Kong
since the Sino-British Declaration, there
is
widespread anxiety about Hong Kong's future. It is too earþ to tell what damage the events in China will do to Hong Kong's economy which has come to depend so much on the flow of capital, goods and services between Hong Kong
and the mainland. Inevitably, there are fears that more, who can, will leave the territory either in search of residential papers or for good. And since it is always the best qualified and the most adven-
turous who emigrate, Hong Kong is bound to feel the effects of the brain drain all the more acutely.
This is a new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong, especially those of us who have put so much effort over the past five years into working for the success of the new arrange-
ments for this British colonial territory
to
become
Region
in
a
Special Administrative
1997. No one can seriously
suppose that the transfer of sovereignty
will not take place because of the recent events. I do not think there is any realistic prospect of Britain and China sitting down to renegotiate their pact. Nor do I think that it would be in Hong Kong's interest to reopen what took two years of patient negotiation to put together. So the territorial side of the bargain must stand with the benefit of the promises spelt out in the Joint Declaration, guaranteeing the mainte-
nance of Hong Kong's systems and way of life. A CRISIS 0F CONFIDENCE: But the human
dimension has changed so much in so
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY 1989
19
COVER STORY short a time. Widespread loss of confidence
in
the
goodwill of Chinese leaders confronts all those with political responsibili-
Hong Kong. As I tried
PRODUCT 0F A MAGIC
Kong of the future." As I sat and listened, these were heartwarming moments before the douche of cold water, from government and opposition spokesmen.
honour and constitutional obligation, it is also in Britain's interest to support Hong Kong. What has been built in Hong Kong, from the magic mix of British administration and Chinese entrepreneurial energy
SENSE
0F
HUMILTATION:
But
I
also
situation in which we find ourselves. Apart from lunatics, condemned pris-
my meetings in London last week, the basic problem, and it
oners and small children, Hong Kong people must be the only people in the world who seem to have no right to decide their own fate. As I listened to the elegant phrases of patrician voices in the Palace of 'Westminster philosophising, at times pontificating, on Hong Kong's present and future needs, I felt a sense of humiliation that our future and our fate should be decided by a parliament in which Hong Kong has no representative, some 8,000 miles away from home. It is there that Hong Kong British subjects lost
urgent
problem, is how to energise and a
deeply anxious
community to commit themselves to work for Hong Kong's future and the political arrangements for
their rights of British citizenship. It is there that the commitment was made to
1997 and beyond. It will not be easy. I read
withdraw British protection from the
recently that a famous Chinese ne\¡/spaper columnist who died last year wrote about Hong Kong, in one of his last pieces, these words:
"This is the only Chinese society that for a brief span of less than 100
years lived through an ideal never realised at any other time in the history
of Chinese societies. A time when no man had to live in fear of the midnight knock on the door." It is not just the sight of a bloody con-
frontation between demonstrating students and workers and a ruthless army that has hit home. In a community which takes freedom for granted, I think that it is just as much what has come later that has created anxieties - the daily reports of reprisals; the blatant use of propaganda in place of truth; the calls for citizens
to report their neighbours; the indoctrination of school children; the ease with which dissent has been stilled by fear. I believe that what is wanted now from
people, the Basic Law and nationalifi there was a need for Britain to do more, not less, to demonstrate its commitment to Hong Kong. My final words were: "Britain must make people here believe
that their future is secure because Britain is determined to make it so."
That is sadly even more true today. For one who is so often accused of being shy of media attention I felt positively ashamed to be chasing after the London media last week...The main purpose of the trip, as you know, was to get across to the British public - not just the politicians Hong Kong's case for a - resort home of last at least for Hong Kong British subjects.
I'm very grateful to all the friends of Hong Kong who helped Allen Lee and me do so much in IJNGMNG AND PERPLEXED:
so short a time. Iæading articles in lead-
ing British papers have
thundered strongly for us. But far more than that
Britain are not words...but some farreaching measures that will put new
of MPs in marginal constitutencies in
heart into people here, boost their confi-
parliamentary mid-term crisis, not to
dence and transform the situation.
mention the steely minds in the Foreign and Commonwealth Offices. I must say that I found the British Government most ungiving and perplexed. But my
I gave evidence to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee in April, I sought to make the point that in BRITAIN'S ROLE:\Mhen
stil1 needs to be done to move the hearts a
these times of transition in areas such as
meeting with the prime minister was more productive. She sees clearly the
civil service morale, Vietnamese boat
seriousness of the situation and the need
2O rrrB coRRESPONDENTJULY
who would otherwise make the Hong
reflected on the extraordinary political
to make clear in
motivate
depend.
A
ty for
is an
uncertainty, disillusion, emigration or pre occupation with emigration of the people
1989
for action now, not words.
Omelco is determined to see this through because we believe that the restoration of right of abode in Britain is the surest and the easiest way for Britain, at a stroke, to boostthe conidence ofthe peo ple of Hong Kong so that they may have faith in their future here and the will to work for it.
During my week in London, I was able to attend the House of l¡rds debate on Hong Kong. People always remark, quite rightly, on the high standard of debate there and this was no exception.
A MEM0RABIE SPEECH:An unknown peer
with an
unforgettable name, Lord
Willoughby de Brok, made a memorable maiden speech. He thought that speedier progress to democratic government, even a Bill of Rights, would be icing, but not the cake. I agree with him. But he went on: "There can be no substitute for the fundamental need for an ultimate sanctuary." He said: "Paradoxically, the assurance that people could leave would have the effect of encouraging them to stay. For a prison to which you have the
ing the responsibility of internal
cessful as Hong Kong, how much more unfair it seems, when - as Frank Frame pointed out in his excellent speech last month - Parliament
well used to coping with risks
DUNN:
I
suspect we shall know very
soon with the publication of the Foreign
Affairs Select Committee Report. As far as we are concerned, I told the British Government, together with Allen tæe, that they certainly have the power to offer whatever package they see fit, but we shall continue to press. It is very diffic:rlJt to hazard a guess at what they can give. I do not see the case to refuse to give the right of abode to all British subjects, particularþ as I am very sure that with that insurance, most of us wouldn't QUESIION: You said at the þress conference before yow left for London - if þassþorts are not giuen, Briti,sh administration here will fi,nd it diff,.cult to do its job. Could you sþell out what you mean by that?
- just
and
swings of fortune, and bouncing back from setbacks. Hong Kong is our home
it has already voted by a large majoriresists our calls when
ty to allow 200
million
Europeans the right to live and work in Britain, including some who live 40 miles away, across the Pearl Estuary - in Macau.
Hong Kong is only looking for an insurance policy - for Hong Kong is our home. No one insures his home because he thinks it will burn down; but just in case it should. And no insur-
ance company works on the basis that every home is bound
to burn
down. Hong Kong
British subjects are still entitled to the governance and protection of their sovereign, which is
vtlw
t/oilcan
FJUYüTCUJSTVE R rES.
ilo lltDDil EXn
9
Conl¡n€nlol don't lry to be lhs very cheopesl cor renlol compony on lhe mork€l Wo core loo much oboul dep6ndob¡llty. 8ul, wllh lower oveñeods ond promollonol costs thon the glonls, we or€ oble to ofler exceptlonolly good volus, Ihe rotes wg odverllse ore lully lncluslva: lhol m€ons lncluslve ol l5I volus odded tox (VAl), comprehenslve insuroncs, colllslon domo9ê wolvor, AA roodsld€ osslslonco ond unllmltod mlleoge, No unsxpecled exfo chorges when the llmg com€s lo poy. ll's os slmpl€ os thol
for us too. He feared that without the
all the citizens of a dependency with a finite life, we speak of the moral responsibility of those on whose power and word we all
Whsn lt comes to soMcs w€le stlll smoll €nough for €vêry lndMduol cuslom€r lo count And ol
"through
of abode is too difrt-
what do you think they realistically can do?
positive note. \Me all know that Hong Kong people are resilient, pragmatic,
tutional responsibility. And for
I quote:
If the right
for the British Gouernment to giue,
want to exercise that right.
pRsoflAt stRl/1tr AflD DFfilf)t8tuTT
be liable to fail, and
cult
I do not think by them-
why we speak of Britain's consti-
the whole enterprise of Hong Kong would
QUESIION:
I fear that without assurances of a home of last resort, this community will lose the will to make a success of Hong Kong in the '90s and there will be a loss of talent overseas to match the loss of spirit at home. In that scenario, democracy and legislation for human rights will
A MATTER 0F HONOUR: [æt me end on a
a
courageous decision on the part of the British Government to close this chapter on their imperial history with honour.
auto-
the seeds of democracy to Hong Kong. And if that seems unfair, particularly suc-
determination, I feel sure that support
for Hong Kong will grow It requires
of abode for British subjects.
count for little.
us.
Once long term anxieties are set at rest, this community can buckle down to the tasks it faces over the next decade with self-confidence and self-assurance. If we go on pressing our case with dignity and
nomous self-government. Like many in Hong Kong, I see a case for increasing the number of direct elected seats in 1991. I see the case for a Bill of Rights. But it is all too easy for the British Government to offer these instead of facing up to the demands in the right
selves they will be enough to keep the people of Hong Kong committed to their future here.
for a society as sophisticated and
Our needs are becoming clear to
and flair, is a unique society. Surely it is a matter of pride that Britain should wish to leave Hong Kong in good shape come 1997, with a community gradually assum-
key is no longer the prison." And I¡rd Maclehose spoke up bravely
restoration of rights of entry and abode,
MD( Iæaving aside
British subjects in 1997.
And, it is there too that decisions were taken in the past to ensure that the wind of change in the '60s did not blow
and for most of us, this is where we want to stay. The recent weeks have given the community a new-found sense of unity.
the some llme ìYe're lorge enough lo ofer dspendoblllly socond to nono. A flo€l ol some 600 lmpecco-
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THE CORRESPONDENT JULY 1939
21
COVER STORY
OVER STO RY
I do want to put that comment in context. The point we're seeking to make is this: There is a massive loss of confidence DUNN:
in Hong Kong. People here see that restoring the right of abode is something entirely within the British power to grant. If that is refused at a time when there is such urgent need for this kind of assurance, you have a community which will become very resenfful. And it would be very difficult for any administration to manage when such a large number of people feel aggrieved. That was the point we were seeking to make. It's a similar point that I actually made to the Foreign Æfairs Select Committee. I told them that the peo ple in Hong Kong don't make a distinction
between the British Government and the Hong Kong Government. And the actions or the lack of action on the part of the British Government is taken by the people here as the actions or lack of action on the
part of the Hong Kong Government.
So
resentment is directed sometimes at them. QUESTI0N: If such a situati,on did arise, would þeoþle like you rtnd it more difrtcuh to work with thi,s colonial administration? DUNN: I doubt it very much. We have to work together as a community - govern-
ment and non-government members alike. This is the time for unity. But I do think actually it is difficult for the Hong Kong administration and man¡ many loyal and dedicated people - many of them sympa-
QUESTI0N: I'ue read sorne of the quotes sþoken by someone in the Foreign Ofrtce
who said, "Pity about this crackdown in Peking because euerything was going tickety-boo". Now how tickety-boo were things reølly going? Is the lack of confidence in Hong Kong only a result of the crackown in Beijing, or in your oþinion is there something basically incomþatible for the two systems of gouernrnent? DUNN: No, I ve always believed and
I still believe that provided one assumes that the Chinese Government eventually adopts more enlightened policies, then there is no reason for one country, two
systems not to work, particularly
as
uery good þoint:the amount of woùd symþathy wi,ll get less as we show racialist intolerance for the arriuals from Vietnam. Would
Hong Kong who were seeking the insurance in the form of a second passport and we were experiencing a problem of brain drain. And this was why we have been, for a number of years, making the
case
to the British
Government to
restore the right of abode to Hong Kong people. What has happened in the past few weeks has put this in much sharper focus. But as far as Omelco is concerned, it's not a new demand. QUESilON: What do you think about the British Gouernment's suggestion that some form of international ræcue þackage may be foundfor Hong Kong if things go wrong afier 1997? Do you think it'sfeasible, or do you think it's just that the British Gouernment
DUNN:
I think that's most unrealistic and
it really doesn't help the problem of the loss of confidence now. What we're saying to them is that you
uation ofthe þast 10 years in China, and now being in a situation of desþeration, askingfor helþ when you had the oþþortu-
need to restore the confidence of this community now and give them the assurance to commit to a future in Hong Kong. To say that if you run into trouble after 1997 we'll try and find a way, is sim-
nity ouer the þast 70 years to do something?
ply not going to do the job.
Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed
of us could have forseen what happened in China in the past few weeks.
DUNN:Things might have changed of course. But last week when we saw him I certainly got the impression that he wouldn't be coming with anything. And my suspicious mind tells me, although I have no evidence, that there may be a tendency to say: "We'll give you a Bill of Rights; we'll do something about Vietnamese refugees", as if these can be
events, we all know there were people in
As to the mood before the recent
Government is determined not to act.
in 1984, shared with many of us the view that we were dealing with a very enlightened administration which has embarked on reformist policies, opening their doors to the world. I do not think many
Secondly, the point we're talking about is trying to avoid, to reduce, the risk of a so-called Armageddon situation. And by giving the insurance in the form of right of abode, you would be helping to reduce that risk; because people will be prepared to stay here and work for the Joint Declaration to make a
it
QUESTION:
1e89
Martin Barrow ntade a
you join in blaming your co-þoliticians who haae deliberately whiþþed uþ this racial feeling and nlw seeln t0 haue lessened our changes ofgaining any syrnþøthy from London ønd the rest of the woild? DUNN:
I agree with the sentiment on the
fìrst part of your sentence - that is, the international sympathy for our case may be confused with the refugee problem, or
our boat people problem. But I wouldn't join you in blaming my colleagues.
This whole situation needs to be looked at from a historic context. Hong Kong has been living with this problem for over 10 years. We have offered a home, food and education for Vietnamese refugees and boat people well over 200,000 people - for 10 years! Hong Kong people have been very
prepared to accept that situation until in the past two years or so when resettlement places started to dwindle. So Hong Kong people saw that this burden was
becoming a one-sided thing. We were being landed with the burden with no solution at all. And because we were run-
ning out of space, having to move large numbers of boat people to urban areas, the problem is flashed before the Hong Kong public day in and day out so they feel a sense ofgrievance. But I do agree with you, though, that
it
could very well be something that
could be used against ourselves.
reality.
The problem now is that by denying this right, we risk a mass exodus of talented people. Then there's much less of a chance of the Joint Declaration working.
QUESTION: You say that you don't think
it's desirable 0r realistic for the Joint Declarqtion to be amended at this þoint.
Inw, what are lour thoughts on that? What do the recent What about the Basic
euents tell
22 rsn coRRESPoNDENTJULY
Geoffrey
alternatives to right of abode.
trytng to þush the þroblern to 1997?
DUNN: I'm not quite sure what we could have done in the past 10 years. We are talking about arrangements afher 7997. Hindsight of course is always exact. I am sure that many in this room, when the
Hauing seen Sir
Hong Kong is of such value to China.
thetic with what we're trying to do. But they are also powerless if the British QUESIION: If you're looking for a lifeboat now, wasn't there qn enormous misjudgement on behalf of the business clrwnunity here and local þoliti,cians to misread the sit-
QUESTION:
Howe use the Vietnømese refugee as a red herring time and time again when he's come here and should be tølking about 1997, do you exþect the same of his arriual here on Sunday; or do you think he'Il haae actually something to tell this community?
you about the big changes that
MED I
sions where hitherbo the population have
not taken an inûerest, such as article
14,
article 18, about the declaration of a state of emergency by the central government of Hong Kong. I thinkwe must look through that document with the aim of ensuring that it sureþ reflects the provisions of the
All about books Billed as Asia's first literary mragazirae, a new publication has hit the newsstands last month.
Joint Decla¡ation, not just in the letter, but in the spirit. The spirit of the Joint Declaration is that, except for foreþn affairs and defence, Hong Kong will have a hþh degree of autonomy. And what we must do is to comb through the Basic
Á NEW literary magazine has entered the Asian scene. Simply A I Icalled
l¿w, make sure'we do have thal
lished in mid-June offers an elaborate choice in reading.
I
saw the first flag come ilowt on the British Emþire in Bornbay in 1947 ønd I am going to be around to see the last flag corning down in 1997. Do you know thøt the Indian þoet Rabindranath Tøgore surrended his knighthood when the British were scen to be in breach offaith. Do you think ø gesture like that will be aþþroþriate in Hong Kong? QUESIION:
DUNN: What ì,ye are seeking to do is to
get something of substance for Hong Kong.
I think that dramatic
gestures
such as giving up an honour is notjust
going to get us any further. Also we recognise in Omelco that this is going to be a long battle and therefore our strate-
gy is to keep it at a dignified
level.W-e
definitely don't want drama and hysteria in our approach. QUES'TION: Two þørties signed the loint Declaration. And if you were asked uþ to Beijing, uhøt would you ask China to
do to boost confidence
in Hong Kong?
The first and most important thing of course is to get the Basic l-aw right. That probably would be the most DUNN:
All Asia Reaiew of Books,' the 48-page inaugural issue pub-
held under house arrest in China during the Cultural Revolution, as well as veteran r¡¡ar correspondent Clare Hollingworth, Simon Winchester, Frank Ching, Anthony l,awrence and Bri-
an Jeffries among other
Besides running reviews of newly published books from around the world, especially from Asia, the magazine features
reviews travel books and
a publisher's diary of news from the Asian
book publishing
columns on antiquarian books and maps, on travel books and on computer software and softwa¡e manuals.
The inspiration for the new venture? "lt occurred to us nrore than a year ago,n says the pubìisher, IGte Campbell, "that our weekend reading in Asia is sadly lacking." And she promises: 'From outback Osaka to central Jakarta we will endeavour to provi<ie you with your literary and musical desires."
The inaugural issue encourages to believe that this promise will be kept. Campbell has gathered a team of special-
ist writers to review books covering a wide range of topics
-
history, politics,
business, travel, leisure, arts, society, etc. It carries reviews by the former Reuters correspondent, Anthony Grey, who was
FCC
members. The magazine also has a regular colum¡ which
scene.
Kate Camp-
bell is an Australian who has worked in publishing for seven years as a bookseller, editor, publisher and publishing consultant for American, Australian and Asian companies and governments. Ðditor Nancy Langston has reported as a foreþn correspondent from Korea, China and Hong Kong for the BBC, The Economist, The Chrktian Science Monitor and the Far Eøstern Econotnic Reuiew.
All Asiø Reaiew of Books which sells on ûews slands at US$4.50 is also available at annual subscriptions (HK$3ZS in Hong Kong and US$71.4 elsewhere).
imporLant message that I would want to
give to any Chinese leader. And they should give it graciously, without Hong Kong people having to argue long and
MOVIN
AGAIN
!
hard for the terms that we want to see in the Basic I¿w. QIIBSIION: In your sþeech at this Ctub in 1984 you sþoke of eight þillars ofthß society. The eight þillars don't seem to be ring-
ing true nowadøys
-
constitution, stability,
of their goaernment, rule of løw etc. Would you liþe to reaße them?
þnliq, þrøctice
DUNN: Not at all. I can't agree with you
that those are not kue. The eight pillars of the society which I described some years ago are still very much the foundation of this society and the key to our success. I think they are very much alive and working for the community. What we must do now is to make sure \¡¡e preserve them for the future.
publishers of The Corresþondezú is moving office again. The new location is:
Unit B 18/F Harvard House 105-111 Thomson Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong Effective Saturday July 29,1989
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY 1989
23
CLUB NE\MS Arother year of liveþ activities
The Video Club
Silent Movie Soulman
ust off the Pool Room bar
o¡
NNUAL general meetings don't always make news. But the one on l ¡.May 31, 1989 of the Foreign Correspondentsr Club at the old Dairy Farm building, awaiting the wrecker's hammer, ranks as one ofthe rare exceptions.
ACIION,/ADVENTT]RE 8 Million Wavs to Die ARoom witËaView Buster Dead Men Don't Wear Plaid Defence Play Enter the Dragon Hot Pursuit Masters of the Universe Metal Force No Way Back Prince ofthe City
Hacks who are never known to give of all, excelled themselves with an incredia\¡¡ay anything free, compliments least
ble display of generosity.
Derek Davies
( Eastern Economic Re
Renegade Russkies Some Kind of Wonderful
president, set the style.
After a reference to the FCC's "modernisation programme" Davies said: _ "The building generally is now in good shape and the area in which the Ciub,s clerical servants and accountants have to work has also been expanded and improved. As promised, we have upgraded the facilities available in the wori<room and launched I must
same
er club urite project of mine:
club magazne, The thanks to Viswa
Survival Quest The Elect¡ic Horsem¿n
the workroom was inadequate and that at times even such people as the accountants had been observed utilising the area. Cynthia Hydes said that for the third year she was seeking broadcast facilities. She also pointed out that the work room
rñ/as
often closed in the late evening which barred members from being ablé to write their copy. Peter Bennett commented that the
"Among
n d tl
the more
engagements, entertai
our
ain
ABridgeToo Far Dancers Doctor Zhivago
cid
l-2
ual
3-5
The Surletand tåe Black
side, also made the usual comment about the apalling quality of the house white wine
but generously added: "Throughout this
TheThirty Nine Steps The Wooden Horse
COMEDY 14 Going On 30
Benny and Friends Benny Hill Beverly Hills Cop II
Bie
receive here." All present agreed.
The new president, Sinan Fisek
(Agence France Presse), thanked Davies over two years. On a
y Dorothy Ryan, and Okuley, the meeting
Big Business Blazing Saddles Brealdast at Tiffany's Caddyshack Crocodile Dundee Crocodile Dundee II
Fawþ Towers - Basil the Rat Fawþ Towers - The Germans Fawlty Towers - The Kipper
& the Corpse
Geograþhic of Mindanao n
Murder of Mary
The Purple Rose of Cairo
JULY RELEASES Acuo¡/A¡vn¡vn.ne Fair Trade_- Starring Oliver Reed and Rupert Vaughn Less than 7æro - Starring Andrew Mccarthy. Itis ãüàe of Beverly Hills
you were never meant to see.
-
-National
Phagan
the Train
Starring Burt Reynolds and Ossie Davis
A¡un rrrtnrnrNupNT: A man in love - Starring Greta
land oftheTiger I¿stTribe
Elephant Man Happy Valley
Men ofthe Serengeti
-National Geograþhic Monkeys, Apes & Man -National Ceograþhic Polar BearAlert -National Geograþhic Return to Everest -National Geograþhic Save the Panda -National Geograþhic
The HiddenWorld
-National
Scacchi and peter Coyote
Geographic
The Living Sands of Namib
- National Geograþhic The Parenthood Game -National Ceograþhic
Counoy:
Peter OrToole and Steve Guttenburg
TheTigris Expedition
d Pryor Ginger Lynn Allen and Karen Russel
oo
xpress
SPORT Le Mans'87 Tënnis Clinic
TIIRII T E'R Angel Heart Black Widow Cameronrs Closet Coben A¡d Tate
TltRII ¡ nR:
Cold Steel
cop
¿¿l. 9-11
The Colditz Storv The Cruel Sea The Dambusters The Four Feathers The Great Escape The Iast Emperor
Fawlty Towers - The Psychiatrist
rr¿r, coRRESpoNDENT JULy
ThTowMOMMA from
DayAfter
z¿l. G8
BeingThere
couple of weeks of my presidency, a new
24
¿ol.
Khartoum My Happiest Years Unknom Chaplin
Ch
On the Club's future at its present premises, Davies said: "During the last
The Tbe The The
Kagemusha Key Largo
Presede
Anthony Grey and Han Suyin."
Geograþhic
ir
American Football
Beetlejuice
Philippines, former Deputy Premier of Malaysia Datuk Musa Hitam, financial gurus, including Ian Hay Davison and Marc Fabe¡ plus authors and journalists such as Frank Ching, Gavin young,
Souven
The Boy Who Could Fþ
Sponr:
Jewel in the Crown uol 72-74
O,Shea,
professional speakers included
Nuts Salsa Sophie's Choice
Hold^my þan{ I'm. dn¡g- Starring Oliver Reed and Chris Casinove Shy People - Star.ring Barbara Hershey and Jill Clayburgh Someone to watch over me The goodfather - Starring Marlon Brando
CIASSICS 633 Squadron
Et
Midnight Crossing
ThreeMen&aBaby
The Dancer's Touch
Geograþhic
GianTs- National Ceograþhie
l¡ve &War
They Still Call Me Bruce
hurel & Hardy
-National
Humpbacks -The Gentle
DRAMA
of
suc_
ltch.
9 1/2 Weeks
Spitting Images - Rubber Thingies Spitting Images- Spit with Polish Stakeout Stars And Bars The Couch Trip The Meaning of Life The Pick-up Artist The Tëlephone
TheTwo Ronnies
ADUI-TA\ùIERTAINMAVT
rh
cians
I¡rd
Ferris Bueller's Dav Off Hancock -The Bediitter Hancock-The Bowmans Hancock -The Poison pe n lætters History of the World Part 1 Innerspace JumpingJack Flash
Tucker
Fellini Sabricon Gandhi Gunga Din Jewel in the Crown Jewel in the Crown Jewel in the Crown Jewel in the Crown
FCC is a correspondents' club, not a pub or a snooker room and that ,'we must not lose sight of this fact." Hong Kong and those in exile - in touch with Club activities." Speaking of the activities, Davies said: "The FCC had a reasonably lively year. We had a Thai week, a week of French wine and food, ditto for Australia, plus a fashion parade, while 4b0 celebrated the s here on
The bst Boys The Principal The Running Man The Taking of Flight 842 The Untouchables The Untouchables The Untouchables
-
5p.m.-7.3fti.m.
ProjectX
ping down after two
admit, was on rThe
is .open: Monday
and
Flowers in the Attic Hostile Wihess Ironweed Jean de Florette Julia andJulia Light of the Day
Spittinglmage-A Floppy mass ofRubber
Wnn:
The Big lgd-gng
-
Starring Iæe Marvin across the North African desert
in Samuel Fuller's story
Luggage ofthe Gods Mash Micki and Maude Milagro Beanfeld Mona Lisa Money Mania Monf Python's Flying Circus l-4 Monty gthon's Flying Circus 5-Z Monty g'thon's Flying Circus 8-lO Monty gthon's Ftying Circus l-l-13
Moonstruck MyDemon l,over Nadine No Sex Please, We're British
Orphans Outrageous Forfune Ferris Bueller's Day Off Personal Services ardAutomobiles Revenge of the Nerds (Nerds in Paradise) Ruthless People Planes, Trains
Extreme Prejudice F/X Murder by Illusion FatalAttraction Intimate Betrayal Man Masquerade Missing in Action III
Murder Rap NoWay Out
În
Men To Be or NotTo Be Tootsie Tough Guys WC. Fields Whoops Apocaþse You Ruined My Life
ZeligZeligZelig
DRAMA
The Rehrrn ofthe Soldier The Thomas Crow¡ Affair
Threads Unfinished Business Wall Street
MUSICAL
Barfly
Moonwalker
Defence oftbe Realm
Emma Empire ofthe Sun
(Miss
Maþle)
The Ipcress File The l¿st Innocent Man The MorningAfter The Rosary Murders Tough Guys Don't Dance Witness in the War Zone
Killer Klowns Retribution
Between Friends BetweenTwo Women Brideshead Revisited uol. 7 Brideshead Revisiled uol. 2 Brideshead Revisited uol S Brideshead Revisited aol. 4 Brideshead Revisited u ol. 5 Brideshead Revisited ¿ol. 6 Broadcast News Cry Freedom
The Bedford Incident The Believers The Body in the Library
Jaws Jaws the Revenge
AWorld Apart
Predator Prisoner ofRio Rampage Saigon
HORROR
Autumn Sonata Backstage
Play Misty For Me Prayer for the Dying
Fiddler on the Roof
SCMNCE FICIION
WAR Bat27 Calch22 DogTags Full MetalJacket
Blade Runner Dune
E.T SPECIAL FEAITIRES es
Gallipoli Hamburger Hill
MerryX'mas Mr lawence The Hanoi Hilton
-National Geoørabhic Dive to the End of Creation -National Geograþhic
WESTERN Bronco Billy True Grit
1e89
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY19S9
25
T o P
PE O PLE
P
FT
E
s S ^JuÂ,)'
ter-of-fact manner which was uniquely
corporate. But then, there was the Freudian slip: This orderly transition, he said,
will'strengthen'
Reuiew's top man-
agement at an exciting time of growth and expansion. He did not say there was some weakness in the leadership. But the talk in the journo circles is that as Stolbach began to ascend from circulation manager to publisher and then to managing director, his management style became unpalatable for many. last year, Elaine Goodwin who in her 1G year long career with the Reuiew won the reputation as its "best seller ever", left the magazlne for, in her own words, "the management did not want me there
IN DARKEST
AFRICA,
ACE REPORTER
DOGMEAT SLUM Tn n¿rs tLLE6,{L tvoRy..
anymore.n
Subsequent events led to a petition from the staff calling for topJevel intervention being faxed over to Dow Jones headquarters in New York. At the centre of it all, it is said, are the two strong char-
Stolbach (lert) and, Davies
WHEN former FCC president Derek Davies completed his 25th year as the
editor of the Far Eøstern Economic Reaiew just 18 months ago, The Conesþondent featured a headline: '1,300 weeks...and still going strongl". At that milestone Davies moved one step up to grace the newly created position, editorin-chief. Scribes atthe Reaiew marked the occasion by producing a collector's
item publication, Noú The Far Eastern Economic Reaiew, which looked like the real stuff, featuring Davies as the Great Helmsman.
Now some 80 weeks later, Davies has chosen to move away from the centre slage. last month, he stepped down from a two-term presidency of the FCC
a period that can indisputably be
described as the most active i¡ the Club's recent history. And this month, the owners of the Reaiew, Dow Jones Inc, announced that Davies "will step down from the post of editor-in-chief on September 30, having already turned over editorshþ of the Reoiew itself in 1988"to Philip
Bowring. Stepping down, however, does not
mean that he will immediately sever all links wìth the magazine which he trans-
formed f¡om a rather sedate chronicle of the '60s into an influential decision makers' read. He will continue to write the weekly column "Traveller's Tales' and will assume yet another newly created
actcrs, Stolbach and Davies, both set in their own unccmpromising ways.
Davies is a fearless editor always ready for a fight in the name of editorial freedom and excellence. And he fights
Reaiew's chairman, Jim
David
either black or white. With such qualities, Davies naturally knows when to step aside and let younger men step into the centre
larly the then governo¡ Sir
The governor is a bureaucrat, not a political
organisation. For example:
I just had to say something.
administrator when Hong Kong has need of such a man. I stand by what I wrote," he was quoted as saying. Another headline on November 23 of the same year read 'Davies leaves new RTV programme on principle'. "I felt that
left behind
daily journal-
- time in his ism. And this homeland, Bangladesh. He took over as editor of the nation's leading daily,
lence." Others describe him as a man of principle; a man who sees very little grey. With Davies it is
_ : Ati
Bangladesh Obseruer, which is published in Dhaka.
Ali's career in journalism began in 1949 as the
first reporter of the then newly launched Pakistan
stage.
D AFTER eight years with UNESCO as its regional communication adviser for Asia, S. M. AIi has returned to the worlrl he
this was a scoop since the programme was supposed to be on current affairs
Obseruer. But for the past more than 25
years he has been living in Southeast Asia where he moved in early 1960s. He was assistant editor of the Asia Magazine, Southeast Asia bureau chief of
and to impose this sort of censorship was unacceptable and so I did not want to go
to laûer became its publisher and managing director, has also started a "transition to retirement" with Tom Eglin-
on with the series. You either run a decent programme giving both sides or arguing things out or run a government propaganda programme and that's it,"
è
announ- As Davies's second term as FCC president came to its end the Board of Governors hosted aluncheon (belou) ced the changes at the top, where Mrs Shizue Davies (aboae) was an honoured guest. spelled them out in the mat-
Ottawa¡ Jr., who
for the man's ability, intellect and his almost obsessive desire for excel-
Trench. "I felt someone had to speak up.
mandarin at the Reuiew to step aside. Charles Stolbach, who became in, 1963, Dow Jones' Nøtiottøl Obseruer ad sales representative and moved to tíe Reaiew in 1974 as circulation manager
becoming Reaiew's new managing director.
tard but I have the utmost respect
Reaiew
both inside and outside the
is not the only
ton, publisher of. The Wall Street Iournal/Europe
unrepentant'
for these principles equally vehemently
role, consultant-editor.
Davies
'Derek Davies
declared a headline which appeared in a local newspaper on October 8, 1967, shortly after an article penned by Davies was published in the Reuiew attacking the Hong Kong Government and particu-
said Davies about his walkout.
Inside the organisation, he explodes when restrictions are put on reallocating editorial funds saved from one regional bureau for strengthening reporting of another conuntry where political ard/or economic developments have become more newsworthy than elsewhere.
Throughout his life at the
Reuiew
Davies has refused to sit inside his office
shut. He can cut people down with his acerbic tongue. and keep his mouth
Many would say that Davies is the Reuiew, but he would be the first to admit that the Reaiew is a team effort. He respects hard work and does not suffer fools lightly.
Reaiew staffers, past and present, have either admired and respected Davies or disliked him. As one staffer put it recently: "He can be a tough bas-
26 lrrg coRRESPoNDENTJULY 1989
IN the world's biggest building volume
-
- by veteran Club members Ray
Cranborne and David Bell relax in front of the largest long-range passenger plane in the world, a new Boeing 747-4OO being painted in its Cathay Pacific colous. Bell, PRfor the Swire Group which holds a controlling interest in Hong Kong's biggest airline, took a party of Hong Kong journalists to Seattle to
pick up the first of the 24 jets on which Cathay has firm orders or options. Noted local camefttnun Cranborne, on
fte he$ dmany hion,
tþ
urent alorE to
to the
afurd
instal-
blrc üre piúrcs.
Itwas not a bad trip back The 363seat airliner had a mere 4O or so passengeñi aboard on its deliveryfligþtand a special menu with prime French and Californian wines was laid on.
THE CORRESPONDENT JULY 1989 27
PEOPLE
PE O PLE tr
the Pakistan daily, Daum, managing edi-
tor of the Banghok Posl, roving foreign editor of Singapore's New Nation and managing editor of the Honghong Standard.
Then, leaving the world of daily journalism, he became the executive director of the Manila-based Press Foundation of Asia in 1977, a position he held until 1981 when he joined UNESCO in Kuala Lumpur. He retired from the UN agency in December last year.
corporaÛe position with Newslimited
MARF\ \ryOOD, who was Reuters editor
Stepping
for Europe, Middle Dast and Afica, has
The appointment is part of a toplevel reorganisation which included the
deputy chair-
been around Asia 1961
ing director of Reuters Europe, Middle East an<i Afric4 and Andre Villener¡ve as
in 1987. In January this year, he became editor for Europe, Middle East and Africa. I¡r his new capacity as editor-in-chief he will also hold a position on the l",oard of Reuters Holdings PLC as alternate to managing director and chief executive,
as
Lyndley (Lyn) who has
appointment of three senior executives to the board - Peter Job as managing director of Reuters Asia, Dar¡id Ure as managpresident of Reuùers America. Joining Reuters in 1976, Wood has held several editorial and correspondent posts before becoming editor for Ðurope
up
the new chief executive in August is the
been named the ageney's editor-in-chief.
!
Chang
when he
ined the
Straits
Timæ in Singapore
and is to become its chief executive and managing dftector. In 1986 he became a director of News
International plc of l¡ndon and
was made deputy chairman of the Post and its subsidiaries. When Chang was appointed manag-
ing director of South Chinø Morning
Post, he was News Limitedrs general manager for international development,
A rare exception to the general rule to Russell Spurr's book signing at Bloomsbury Books on On [¿n Street a few weeks ago ENT
and found Russ with Tony I-awrence, another old China hand and formerþ the
i¡ the Far EasL Both were sipping a lþhtly chilled
BBC's Man
best bookseller in Hong Kong.
Russell's
large and
demanded of Caphin Liao a "real Pimms". Liao, as usual, set to
resþondentthen.
logue of exceptions that disprove the
in a hurry
rule, extending
from Charles Dickens through Rudyard Kipling to Frederick Forsyth, (sorry Bob, I could
the old FCC up on Conduit Road, was when his mother, a
Tom
succession. "l amvery happy to be back in Hong Kong," Chang had told The Cor-
and
Tony's boss was
moment years ago at
formidable lady, was visiting the Club and
not to
never finish one
most
with a will and produced a reasonable facsimile which was
reporters more accustomed to encapsulatiug their views in a two minute piece for the nine o'clock news or a two-
','*¿v*
column, front-page lead,
find ii difficult to pursue
a train of thought further than 250 or
Memsahib
-
If you are visiting Manila between now and December this year, we have just the suite offer to spice up your stay. Ask for our Suite Deal Manila package and get a one-bedroom suite with a late check-out in Manila's most historic hotel at the incredible rate of US$175**". The Suite Deal Manila package includes: One-bedroom suite for a maximum of 2 adults and 2 children 12 years old and
below, Continental breakfasts for
a
p.m. at no extra charge (subject to availability), Welcome drinks and
fruits. 6
Next time you're on
a
visit,
don't forget to ask for our Suite Deal Manila offer. Vnlid till December 37, 1989. Bookings must lte idcntit'ied nnd certain restrictions mny apply. Aduance reseruations required. *** Subject to 10ok seraice charge and 13 .7 "/o gouernment tax.
Taking over
the
;i
Bar in the manner of Mr Christian displacing Captain Bligh on the bridge of HMS Bounty, she took command in no uncertain manner and produced Pimms for the assorted multitude for the rest of the evening,
probably
almost bankrupting the slen-
der fìnances of the Club in the process. No doubt Bob Elegant will write and tell me that it was Bloody Mary or Buck's Fizz - but that sort of detail is not worth spoiling a good story for.
Rizal Park (P O Box 307), lvïaniìa Phiììppines Tclex: 40537 MHOTEL PM Fax; (63)(2) 47 7724 or 48 2430 TeJcphonc: (63X2) 4Z 0011 Or corltact: Thc Manila Hotel Hongkong Salcs Office, Delton Rescrvalions Ltd , KLM/Colden Tulip lrrtl B \¡, Utell Intc'lnatiotral
28 TYIE CORRESPONDENT
JULY 1989
a quick two minuter on the ship that
the
ly retired from the rough
Newsreel ¡ang from fondon."
stu-
die-hard action freaks with a
Cunard liner, Queen
literary banqueL
This
At this time the Queen Elizabeth
serious
as well as
legendary
Had anything changed during the long stretch that he had done as the
all
dents of recent history
British merchant navy Elizabeth I.
morning when the producer of Radio
provides
was once the prize of the
surfaced when I was interviewing him for RTHK (Radio Hong Kong as it then was) about his retirement from the BBC.
Bceb's man in the Orient?'Yes," said the urbane Authony.'Communications have improved out of all recognition." Could he give me an example, I murmured respecffully. "W'ell, yes,n he went ul on, was siüing down to breaKast in my living room up in mid-levels one Sunday
Certainly his latest work tulfils all the glitüering promise of that book and
appeared, was
-
any 300
words. Russell Spurr has proved how wrong that theory can be. Enter the Dragon prv ves that Russell is more
l-awrence (/eJt) and Spurr
My favourite Tony lawrence story
There are perhaps a dozen incredible places you must see in the Orient. One of them is a hotel
of
yours), but in general,
Spurr's liking.
The Manila Hotel's Suite Deal Offer a little investment in Manila's most historic hotel with a lot of pleasurable dividends
good
briefed him rapidly. What he needed, it
great
He was sent to Hong Kong early last year when SCM Po-çt's editor, Alan Far-
I-ennon, both left abruptly and in quick
It's often been said that
reporters make lousy authors. Okay, we all know about the cata-
Ribeiro the proprietor and simply the
based in Australia.
AFTER A YEAR-AND-A-HALF at the helm of The South China MomingP¿sf Oarence Chang is going back to Australia to a senior
latest book, Enter the Dragoz, the süory of China's role in the Korean War.
about the past as old newsmen tend to do and being outrageously spoiled by Susan
Golen Renfrew Additionally, he is a
relly, and managing director,
But our most recent meeting was to mark the publication of Russell Spurr's
chablis contemplatively and ruminating
director of Visnews. D
sand miles away. "I walked out onto the balcony and looked across the harbour in the direction of Stonecutter's and by God itwas," said the erstwhile correspondenl
WHERE ARE THEY NOW
t had been graceful-
FCC or
and
tumbie of life as a cruise liner and consigned to a less glamorous role as a Iloating university. It was moored in Hong Kong's Fragrant Harbour next to Stonecutter's Island. 'And what sort of story are you looking for?" asked Tony. "Human interest? Nautical? Business? Historical?" 'The bloody thing's on fire!" shouted the irate producer from about seven thou-
in-
spired the tho ught that the The
Corresþondent might provide absent members with a useful vice by setting up a mailonly with books written by members. ser
v
order system dealing
Should Viswa Nathan take up tire idea, I have about ten thousand copies
of my own masterpiece which
are
going for a song...
THE CORRESPONDENTJULY 1989 29
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