The skyline beyond the Wall - Federico Biancullo M. Arch. Thesis by Federico Cosimo Biancullo

THE SKYLINE BEYOND THE WALL PRESERVING GDR ARCHITECTURE AGAINST THE DAMNATIO MEMORIAE

Seconda UniversitĂ degli Studi di Napoli

FacoltĂ di Architettura

Corso di laurea in Architettura U.E. A.A. 2011/2012

Laboratorio di Sintesi Finale di Progettazione di Restauro Architettonico ed Urbano Relatore: Prof. Arch. Luigi Guerriero Correlatore: Prof. Arch. Luca Molinari Referee: Prof. Florian Urban (Glasgow School of Art Mackintosh School of Architecture) Elaborato di Prova Finale di Federico Cosimo Biancullo Matricola: 800000804

PART ONE

SCHLOSSPLATZ: AN EMBLEMATIC CASE

Out of sight, out of mind?

21 ARCHITECTURE OF THE GDR AFTER THE REUNIFICATION

INTRODUCTION

Socialist architecture as a foreign body After the fall: demolition as a solution The aesthetic autonomy approach: a real normality? A ‘hierarchy of the pasts’

PART TWO

HalleNeustadt

21 27 35 40

ASPIRATIONS OF A SOCIALIST COMMUNITY 70

A role model town

Education, participation and equality shaping the socialist man

Limits of a cybernetic dwelling machine

THE FORM OF THE NEW CITY

Construction and planning of Halle-Neustadt Rational-socialism?

85 99

CONTENTS DEALING WITH A FINANCIAL BURDEN Creation of debts, relieving of debts Limits of the Stadtumbau Ost programme

49 51

A MODERN URBAN HERITAGE

The cultural value of urban modernity

The operative framework

REQUIEM FOR AN UTOPIA: POST 1989-NEUSTADT Portrait of a ‘shrinking city’

105

Job outmigration, segregation patterns and aging

109

105

REFERENCE LIST

124 128 CONCLUSION

INTRODUCTION

1 INTRODUCTION Most of the time, the suburbs of our cities

Such dialectic is particularly felt in East

are quintessentially seen by architects and

Germany, where the massive urbanization

planners as ‘trouble areas’. Developments

programme issued by socialism – which

from the ‘60s to the ‘80s in particular are

also included the construction of several

usually

satellite quarters and new towns – was

poor aesthetic and functional quality: a

strongly tied to propaganda and ideology.

historical accident to rectify – whenever

The reunification process and the victory

possible – with the tools of contemporary

of capitalism over socialism accelerated

urban planning. But what about the ideas

the

and theories behind these projects? The

settlements: the ‘westernization’ of East

temporal

present

Germany began, and the painful memories

makes the recognition of historical and

of separation had to be ideally torn away,

architectural values an arduous task, as

without much care for the pedagogical

these urban fabrics may seem to belong to a

power of memory of GDR architecture.

‘still-becoming’ or ‘not-yet’ past.

Our study is entirely focused on the

considered

proximity

demonstrations

with

the

INTRODUCTION

obsolescence

Eastern

planned

architecture â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and in particular urban

has always been present in German history.

planning â&#x20AC;&#x201C;of Eastern Germany, which

A special attention will also be given to the

retains a strong historical value and a

analysis of the economic factors affecting

number of interesting design solutions.

the destiny of socialist architecture in the

The

West.

convergence

several

issues

erasure of memory, demolition, economic

Subsequently, the topic will be approached

conditions, depopulation phenomena and

under the light of the current architectural

acknowledgment of the aforementioned

restoration theories. More in general, we

values - make GDR architecture an ideal case

will see how the modern - and all the more

study for the creation of a generally valid

so GDR architecture, because of the strong

theoretical framework, defined through

historical value retained â&#x20AC;&#x201C; bears significant

the field of architectural restoration and

cultural values and is therefore worthy of

applicable to the single European local

preservation. By analysing several positions

realities.

on the matter, we will eventually attempt

The first part of this study focuses indeed

to define an operative framework for the

on analysing the attitude towards the

approach to the modern, one in which the

architecture of GDR, and aims to verify

architect-restorer should join designers and

whether a damnatio memoriae process existed

planners for the refurbishment of suburbs.

or still exists towards the Socialist heritage.

The

The research will be conducted through

introduces the case study of Halle-Neustadt,

an analysis of the stances adopted after

a district founded in 1964 and entirely built

the German reunification. We will also

with prefabricated concrete plates. Before

highlight the preference towards a certain

applying the framework defined in the first

type of figurative image for the homeland

part, an in-depth study of the town will be

and how the issue of the erasure of memory

presented: the programmatic statement

INTRODUCTION

second

part

the

dissertation

behind the construction, the outcomes of

spent following the myth of endless growth,

the urban design project and its limits will

we believe that is time for architecture and

be extensively covered in paragraph 3.1 and

urban planning to take construction as a

3.2. The last paragraph of the section will

starting point and not as a goal (Oswalt,

describe the shrinkage processes afflicting

2008).

Halle-Neustadt, and their causes. The analysis conducted will eventually lead to the third part of the work, with the application of the aforementioned framework to an urban renewal project for Halle-Neustadt. The methodology adopted shall be respectful of the spatial and cultural values belonging to the East German history, and will try to deal with the emergencies highlighted by our study. The fundamental idea behind this work, which is also connected to a personal interest in contemporary history, is the preservation of the Socialist architectural heritage as an act of protection concerning the collective memory of humanity. But aside the tangible evidences of the Cold War years, the conservation of our heritage, even if so close in time, responds to a crescent need for a sustainable development model: after years

INTRODUCTION

PART ONE

? D N I M F O T U O HT,

G I S F O OUT

Architectural legacy of the GDR in post-reunification Germany

2.1 SCHLOßPLATZ: AN EMBLEMATIC CASE The fall of the Berlin Wall marked the end

Nevertheless,

of a thirty years long, unnatural and painful

affecting the population of the two German

separation for the German people. Under

states were far more resilient than the

the slogan wir sind ein Volk1, the following

concrete slabs of the Mauer. A culture shock

months led to the end of the German

caused by the disruption of lifestyle and

Democratic

Republic,

pride and economic heart of the Eastern bloc. Yet, there was more at stake than the reunification of a country: the events of

“BIGGEST CAPITALISM TOOK THE SHARE IN TERMS OF IMPOSING ITS OWN FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE „

the

ideological

barriers

certainties of the Eastern people

something

that is nowadays still lingering3.

this

regard, architecture and urban planning played

die Wende2 mirrored the current geopolitical

an important role in habits, formation

situation, and the victory of capitalism over

of culture and memory of the ‘socialist

the Socialist model. The winning ideology

man’. Eastern planned spaces are often

took the biggest share in terms of imposing

considerably different from Western ones,

its own lifestyle, rules and especially its

due to a number of factors: type of use,

own imagery and figurative language.

ideological structure and economic reasons

3 The theme of Ostalgie is rather complex and controversial. The word is derived from the words Ost (east) and Nostalgie (nostalgia) and refers to the sense of longing for some aspects of life under socialism, especially social welfare and guaranteed employment. However, certain Ostalgie related aspects involved social life - such as party-oriented social meeting - and consumer goods produced in the Eastern bloc.

Literally, ‘we are one people’.

2 In German history, the term Wende (literally ‘change’ or ‘turn’), encompasses several processes and events marking the shift from Eastern Socialism to Western form of government, market economy and culture. The word is often used in reference to the whole reunification process or to the fall of the Berlin Wall.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

and purposes. We could see former socialist

Hence, we have a cover debate, which hides a

urban and architectural development from

deeper and less implied issue. The former is

the ‘60s to the early ‘90s as a crucible of

expressed in architectural terms,and revolves

‘visual languages’, where the heritage from

around the choice of the most appropriate

past decades has still a great weight on

architectural style to develop for the image

urban spaces and on the ‘westernized’ image

of the Berliner Republik. However this implies

of the city. Such conflict has its most drastic

a debate about the Geschichtsaufarbeitung4, i.e.

outcomes in Berlin: construction cranes

the struggle to come to terms with a sixty

delineate the landscape of a city dealing

years long painful history. In an interview

with its future, its present and mainly with

with Daniel Libeskind, Anne Wagner

its past imagery of a painful separation. To

acknowledges ‘the condition of Germany

use Huyssen’s words (1997: 60):

as one which is particularly susceptible to stimulation of memory’ (Libeskind, 1999).

Berlin now finds itself in a frenzy of future

The end of Socialism and of the post-war

projections and, in line with the general

division of Germany probably triggered the

memorial obsessions of the 1990s, in the

unconditional acceptance of western values

midst of equally intense debates about how

as a symptom of this repressed memory,

to negotiate its Nazi and communist pasts

an almost Freudian repression of memory

now that the safe dichotomies of the cold war have vanished. [...]. The goal is nothing less than to create the capital of the twenty-

4 Geschichtsaufarbeitung is a less common term for Vergangenheitsbewältigung, whose meaning is similar. Literally, is the ‘struggle to deal with the past’, which refers to the effort made by German people to cope with the guilt of Nazism and after the reunification, with the scar left by the Socialist regime.

first century, but this vision finds itself persistently haunted by the past.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

following a painful experience. Halsall

Hohenzollern Castle until 1945, when it

(2000) clearly identifies the occurrence of

was almost entirely destroyed by the Allied

this removal process in the first months

bombings. Built between 1443 and 1451, the

following the end of Communism:

Schloß has always had a tormented existence. The

construction

site

was

frequently

Like the period after the Second World

flooded by villagers which rioted against the

War, the initial period after the end of

raising of the fortification – although it was

Communism in Eastern Europe was

meant to appease rivalry between the twin

accompanied by the desire for a Bildersturm,

villages of Berlin and Cölln (Sept, 2007: 3). In

the immediate removal of the most easily

1538 the castle was razed down and rebuilt

identifiable symbols of the previous regime.

according to the current aesthetic taste, and from the late ‘500 it was constantly modified

Therefore, we can positively affirm that the

and enlarged until 1851, when a dome was

debate concerning conservation issues of the

added to the roofing. A few years later,

GDR architectural heritage has always been

bourgeois buildings were demolished in

rooted to political and ideological disputes.

order to preserve the clear sight of the new

Even twenty years after the fall there is still

addition (Sept, 2007: 4).

some controversy in applying a ‘neutral’ and

Left crumbling after the air raids, the ruins

more detached approach.

were set off in 1950 because ‘among other

The fate of the historical Schloßplatz of

things, for the SED the castle was the symbol

Berlin - and the vicissitudes the area has

of the Prussian militarism which directly

been put through – are emblematic of how

led to Hitler and Nazism, according to the

the issues of memory and image have been

socialist interpretation of history‘ (Kossel,

dealt with in the German capital. They also

2006: 213, cited by Sept, 2007: 2). Therefore,

provide a clear insight on the issue of the

the ‘out of sight, out of mind’ policy was

damnatio memoriae of an unwanted past, and

already put in use by the GDR; however,

its recurrence in the German culture.

it was more an imposition of an ideology

Schloßplatz has been the home of the

of their own rather than a condemnation

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 1, 2, 3, 4

The Berlin Stadtschloß from 1891 to 1945. From the left to the right: (1) view from the Rathaus tower; (2) western side of the Berlin Schloßplatz with the Kaiser Wilhelm memorial on the foreground; (3-4) the Berlin Schloß in ruin after the WW II bombings.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

of the Nazi crimes. This proved to be true by the absolute urgency with which the Palast der Republik was started to build. The government considered the new seat of power of the GDR the most important construction project to the extent that all other developments - both residential and representative - were halted for the duration of the works. As a result, the Palast was raised in less than three years (19731976). The aim of the government was to provide East Berlin with a building that could embody the very spirit of Socialism by mixing politics, leisure and culture under the banner of the SED: Since its opening on April 23 1976, the palace became the place of political and cultural expression of the GDR in different ways: a 5.000 seats auditorium, numerous foyers, 13 gastronomic spaces and the Hall of People (Volkskammer). It also featured a theatre and a youth centre which included a dancing hall and a bowling. According to the

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 5

The Palast der Republik in 1977.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

site engineer Heinz Graffunder, the Palace

political buildings of the newly designated

embodied the working class’ right to have a

capital. This stance:

representative building in the veryheart of the first German Socialist state, which had

“[...] has meant that the debate about the

always been a ‘battlefield of the working

building has taken on a symbolic importance

class’, according to the SED.(Sept, 2007: 4)5

well beyond that associated with any other former GDR building. In fact it could be

For a few months after the fall of the

said that the fate of this building has, for

Wall, the Palace was used to hold political

some people, come to represent the fate of the

meetings for the German reunification, but

former GDR itself.” (Halsall, 2000)

its original functions were already waning. Apart from the asbestos contamination

Existence of the above mentioned symbolic

which forced the shutdown on the 9th of

layer is even further highlighted by the

September 1990, the building started losing

decision of renaming the former GDR Marx-

its prominence as a leisure and cultural

Engels-Platz in Schloßplatz.

centre right after the opening of the borders;

The first proposal to tear down the Palace

the Socialist idea of amusement could not

came in 1993, ‘principally on the grounds of

compete with West Berlin – probably due to

the asbestos and the technical and financial

the fact that in the GDR entertainment was

impossibility of removing it’ (Halsall, 2000).

entirely regulated by the Socialist regime. In

A possible interpretation of this choice as

particular, it could not be reasonable for the

an ‘act of triumph’ upon the Communist

government to include the Palast among the

past is sustained by the following decision to rebuild the ancient Hohenzollern castle. According to Halsall (2000) this also implies

5 Author-translated version of the following excerpt: ‘Dall’inaugurazione il 23 aprile 1976 il palazzo divenne il luogo d’espressione politica e culturale della DDR, con funzioni diverse: il grande auditorio di circa 5.000 posti, vari foyer, 13 spazi gastronomici e la sala della Camera del Popolo (Volkskammer). Inoltre, si trovavano un teatro, un centro giovanile con discoteca ed un bowling. Secondo il capo dei lavori Heinz Graffunder il palazzo incarnava il diritto della classe operaia di avere un edificio rappresentativo proprio nel cuore del primo stato tedesco socialista che per la SED era sempre stato un “campo di battaglia della classe operaia” ‘.

‘a rejection of the post-war era in Berlin per se and a return to a former era’6. Controversy arose between those who stood for the

6 Issues concerning the rejection of past in the German culture will be extensively examined later in this chapter (Paragraph 2.2.3 – A ‘hierarchy of the pasts’).

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 6 & 7 From the left to the right: (6) the progress of the demolitions in 2008. On the right, (7) the former brownfield converted to turf in 2009 as temporary land use.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 8,9,10

Architectural visualizations of the winning design project for the Berlin Schloß, by Franco Stella. The idea features the reconstruction of the volumes designed by Schlüter and Eosander in the 18th century. In regards to the return to the baroque image, the architect himself asserts: ‘In particular, the reconstruction of the three facades facing the city and of the three facing the Schlüter court, has been imposed with a resolution of the German Parliament for political goals’ (Stella, 2008) The two facades the Alexanderplatz, one in the inner court and the other outside, will be entirely new instead. The outer facade will act as a detached building, linked with the ‘baroque’ palace.ce.c

conservation of the Palace, envisioning new

uses which have predominated in the

uses for the modernist building, and the

development of Berlin since 1990, rather

nostalgic of the Prussian image of Berlin.

than a preference for the ideological system

However, for many East Berliners the

with which the building was associated’

ideological level of debate was of marginal

(Halsall, 2000). Eventually, the Federal

relevance compared with more emotional

German

matters. For them, the Palast der Republik

razing of the Palast in 2003. After 3 years of

was primarily a building with a positive

architectural research, calls and petitions

identification, a cultural centre and a

to stop the demolition and of events and

meeting point, rather than ‘a representative

temporary exhibitions held in its ruins, the

symbol of the state which created it’ (Halsall,

razing started in 2006.

2000).

Nowadays, the empty grass lot features a

The

conservationists

distanced

Government

decreed

for

the

and

five-storey temporary exhibition space – the

symbolic level of the debate by using this

Humboldt Box – built as an information

argument in the campaign for the retention

centre about the activity around the

of the building. While some Westerners

construction of the future Humboldt

criticized this position as exploiting a

Forum. The installation also features

‘selective Ostalgie’, the point is that some of

various terraces and a rooftop restaurant

the Eastern people actually felt longing for

with panoramic view on the construction

the social and communal aspects of life that

site.

the Palast embodied. This feeling expressed

Nevertheless, the question is everything

‘a preference for a certain type of use over

but closed and the huge urban void left by

the commercial and state representative

the Palast is still a burning issue for both

themselves

from

the

ideological

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

“IDEALLY THE PAINFUL HERITAGE IS MARGINALIZED, AS NOTHING HAD HAPPENED IN THE MEANWHILE „

planners and citizenship. The architectural competition held in 2007 for the design of the new Schloßplatz was another controversial point of the debate. The contest had a set of rules strictly aimed at a reconstruction of the pre-war baroque image of the Schloß:

that hides “a messy political container” ‘(D’ Alessandro, 2011).

“[...] the reproduction à l’identique of three of the historical facades, including the dome

In the next paragraph we will analyse

and the three internal facades of the large

how the burden of architectural Socialist

court. On the contrary, the side that was

heritage has been dealt with in these 20

in the direction of the Spree and that had

years of reunification.

a view on Alexanderplatz could be freely interpreted, since the baroque building by Schlüter and Eosander itself had redrawn only three facades of the castle of the princes from Brandeburg (D’ Alessandro, 2011).” Considerations on this type of approach will be further developed in this chapter. However it should be noted that the demolition of the ‘Palast’ as a symbol of Socialism was not committed, as Ariane Sept argues (2007: 5) in the ‘absence of better alternatives’. The alternative of the Schloß was the best choice in the eyes of a political class that envisioned the chance to regain a symbol of the ancient Prussian roots, which have been swallowed by the dramatic events of the 20th century. The painful heritage is ideally torn away, hidden and marginalized ‘as if nothing had happened in the meanwhile. It is an image

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

2.2 ARCHITECTURE OF THE GDR AFTER THE REUNIFICATION

2.2.1

Socialist architecture as a ‘foreign body’

The reunification of Germany was a culture

transposed on the architectural layer,

shock for Eastern people. The acceptance

translates into a continuous interaction

of the Western values initially brought

between

euphoria in the former GDR population.

architecture 7 for the new urban spaces. This

Yet, leaving out the unmistakable freedom

unity was aimed at creating a magnificent

that GDR citizen achieved, for many of them

image of the Socialist model.

the Mauerfall opened a weakness which

Robert Halsall (2000) describes this concept

threatened their very lifestyle. Communism

as ‘Ganzheitlichkeit’ – literally holism - and

restricted individual freedom and centred

recognizes a two-phase development of

culture and socialization on the worship of

the idea. Between the 50’s and the 60’s

town

planning,

art

and

the ideology; on the other hand, the GDR provided its citizens with an extremely

7 According to Bruno Flierl, this was ‘the claim of shaping the architectural quality of the city, and architecture in the urban dimension of the social, practical and aesthetic space, structured in accordance with the ensemble and commensurable as parts of a whole ‘. FLIERL B., ‘Nachdenken über Städtebau und Architektur in Deutschland Ost und West’ in FLIERL B., 1998, Berlin baut um – Wessen Stadt wird die Stadt? Berlin, 27-34 (32).

efficient welfare, bureaucracy and a sort of financial security through guaranteed jobs and low-priced apartments. It was a sort of a totalitarian utopia model with a specific cultural manifesto, which

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

the GDR opted for an ‘autoritäre Zentralität

reflect the Zentralität through the use of

or kommunikative Zentralität rather than

wide open spaces.

the commercial centrality typical of the

Afterwards, the SED approached the social

capitalist city’ (Halsall, 2000), achieved

issue of dwelling. Rather than emphasizing

through the use of huge empty spaces and

the ‘triumph of the socialist idea’ (Halsall,

the raising of visible landmarks. The well-

2000),

famous Fernsehturm is a tangible example of

pragmatic application of it. Under the

the ‘dominant symbol’ (Halsall, 2000) policy,

slogan ‘Wohnungsbau statt Städtebau’8, the

while Schloßplatz itself, Alexanderplatz -

mass production of prefabricated housing

and some boulevards such as the Stalinallee

blocks began and gave life to the best known

the

efforts

moved

towards

(Karl-Marx Allee since 1961) in Berlin and the Straße der Nationen in Chemnitz 8

Literally: housing rather than urbanization.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 11

architectural product of the DDR – the

Karl-Marx Allee in Berlin, from Strausberger Platz. Formerly Stalinallee, the street is one of the most remarkable examples of the Zuckerbäckerstil - or Socialist Classicism - which marked the Eastern architecture of early ‘5os. This style was particularly elaborated, and featured ornamental and decorative materials and elements. However, after the deStalinization process, the Zuckerbäckerstil was dismissed, not only due to ideological reasons. The devastation caused by the war brought millions of people in extremely poor living conditions; the pressing emergency of housing led to industrialization and prefabrication, which were aimed to a fast and economic construction. Of course, such rich and elaborate buildings were nor economically feasible and therefore, neither suitable for mass housing.

Plattenbauten. After die Wende however, the outcomes of this planning policy have shown all their limits by interacting with the life model of the West. As Hans Wolfgang Hoffmann (2000) observes, ‘the overriding aim of reunification was to create the same living conditions for everyone: and the leading area in which this could be implemented was housing’. In the BRD public prefab estates were in fact associated with poor living

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

conditions and social trouble spots. Such

buildings and playgrounds brought back

idea connection ended up being projected

2/3 of the former socialist housing stock

on the East, despite the fact that in the GDR

to the western living standards, although

prefabricated panel structures were the

they drastically changed their appearance.

norm. It is reported that up to the Mauerfall,

If we extend the discourse to the urban

nearly one in four GDR citizens – and almost

scale, the communal system was the main

half of East Berlin population - lived in

incompatibility with the western model;

Plattenbauten. The population of the prefab

the absence of a spontaneous market and

estates was also particularly heterogeneous

real private entrepreneurship left Eastern

and well mixed – ‘in the socialist housing

town centres ‘lacking the necessary mixing

complexes [...], shift workers often lived under the same roof

state

servants’

(Hoffmann, 2000). The

Plattenbauten

were

indeed a foreign body in the Westernized

Berlin,

‘and

“PREFABIN THEHOUSING BRD, PUBLIC WAS

and

„

not

ASSOCIATED WITH POOR LIVING CONDITIONS AND SOCIAL TROUBLE SPOTS.

centralization uses’

2000).

(Halsall, Obviously,

GDR buildings were and

even

designed

planned

accommodate a mix

their uniformity and poor aesthetic quality,

of tertiary services and housing, and were

might be held to be a totalitarian distortion

difficult to be suited for any other use.

of a laudable social aim’ (Halsall, 2000).

We can conclude that the progressive

However the real failure of prefabrication

shrinkage of the East German culture was

lay in the low building standard quality

due to the fact that Communism itself

– ‘the huge panels do not insulate from

worked as an ‘isolated system’, where the

cold and heat, are vulnerable to moisture

interactions were possible only among

in some joints and heating the apartments

members of the Warsaw Pact9. Hence, while

is very expensive’ (Burelli, 2002). Several

being the mark of a failed attempt to build

refurbishment attempts have been carried

a utopian society, as Robert Halsall (2000)

out and - especially in Berlin - most of the blocks have been successfully launched

9 For further reading on the subject of the fall of Communism and the issues of ‘real-state Socialism’ see Hobsbawm E., 1994. Age of Extremes. The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991.

back in the housing market. New thermally insulated skins, broad gardens between

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

sustains, those limits are above all a further sign of weakness of the Socialist model, according to us. As for the attempt to achieve the already mentioned Ganzheitlichkeit: [...] in practice, the massive scale and monumentality of the ensembles produced, often dwarfs the human being and could be seen as an allegory of how the state dominated the individual in the GDR. These principal ideological elements of architecture and planning in the GDR, therefore, could be interpreted, in terms of Geschichtsaufarbeitung, as [...] the product of a totalitarian ideology [...] (Halsall, 2000). Therefore, the interpretation of the elements described above helped reinforcing the negative association of the regime with its architecture. The symbolic meaning acquires even more importance in the light of the fact that the examined features are in complete clash with the Western idea of the city.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 12,13

New and old. Refurbished and vacant Plattenbauten stock in HalleNeustadt, An der Magistrale

2.2.2

After the fall. Demolition as a solution?

Tearing away the symbols: the Bildersturm

persisted even after independent asbestos experts concluded in mid-1993 that the cost

The case of the Palast der Republik cited in

of removing the material and restoring the

paragraph 2.1 is a meaningful evidence

structure would be half that of demolition

of the approach adopted right after the

and reconstruction. Around the same time,

reunification towards the symbolic heritage

the ICC, a West Berlin concert/sports venue

left by the GDR. As already discussed, the

dating from the 1970s, was also found

building was tainted by dangerous levels of

to contain very high levels of asbestos, primarily in ceiling and wall panels

asbestos. What did surprise many Berliners

throughout the building, a type reportedly

was that other buildings – both Eastern and

posing a greater hazard; but the city never

Western - included asbestos, but were never

contemplated shutting down the ICC even

shut down as the Palace was. In her essay

temporarily.

Growing Pains: From the Opening of the Wall to the Wrapping of the Reichstag, Rogier (1996:

Although

64) provides a significant example for our

justified

the

asbestos

contamination and by the non-adaptability

argument:

of a Modernist building for the new image of Berlin, the demolition of the palace had

Indeed, the desperation with which the

a clear programme behind. This manifesto

Palast was for over four years steadfastly

was based on the solely bestowal of a ‘political

rejected by many local and state officials

intention – as a ‘representative’ building of

in the face of both economic and political

the GDR state’ (Halsall, 2000) upon the Palast.

wisdom remains a vivid memory. They

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

‘The debate about its removal or retention,

statues, buildings, street names as an

therefore, was seen largely in terms of

expression of a discredited ideology, Eastern

demolition as a ‘symbolic act of revenge’

people did not necessarily associate the

upon the state which built it’ (Halsall, 2000).

spaces which surrounded these monuments

The Palast is just the most notable example

with their political intentions, but they

among the several architectural symbols of

rather assigned them memories from their

GDR public life condemned to demolition.

lived experience. Anja Merbach (2009:

Within the overhauling of Unter den Linden

286) argues that ‘apart from its intended

only, we can include several clearances:

meaning and impact, a monument is still

the Lindencorso, the Hungarian Embassy

open for interpretation. It always underlies

building and the Foreign Ministry, while ‘the former Ministry of Public Instruction and the Ministry of Foreign Commerce

were

provided

with new facades’ (Oswalt, 2006: 67). Other demolitions

“DID NOT EASTERN PEOPLE NECESSARILY ASSOCIATE THE SYMBOLS WITH THEIR POLITICAL MEANING

„

contemporary

influences,

ideas and opinions and is thus characterized by a semantic openness and dynamic in time’. Hence we can read an alteration of the urban continuum

have been completed in Leipziger Straße,

which happened with shocking speed

Fischerinsel and Schloßplatz itself, with

as ‘the socialist heritage became part of

the razing of the Unter den Linden hotel, the

the common German heritage, virtually

Ahornblatt restaurant and the Palast Hotel

overnight’ (Merbach, 2009: 287). Due to the

respectively.

rapidity of this process, building a common

This systematic obliteration of the GDR’s

cultural memory for the East and the West

built memory has initially involved the

turned out to be impossible, and eventually,

‘most immediate images or icons of the

a compromise between the two blocks was

power of the old regime’ (Halsall, 2000),

made even more difficult by the historical

in a Bildersturm fashion – i.e. iconoclasty.

context. This whole ‘tinkering with the

However, such approach received negative

communist-city text’ (Huyssen, 1997: 60)

feedback from the Eastern citizens, as those

was the act of supremacy of Capitalism

landmarks were part of their urban identity.

upon the Socialist model, upon its ideas and

While the Western government identified

marks.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 14, 15, 16, 17

Notable examples of demolished DDR buildings in East Berlin. From the left to the right: The Ministry for Foreign Affairs, right after the finalization of the works in 1967. The Ahornblatt GroĂ&#x;gaststĂ¤tte in Fischerinsel in 1973. 1972 photograph of the Lindencorso building in Unter den Linden, demolished and repalced in 1997. A 1987 aerial view of the Marx-Engels Forum, The buildings overlooking the square are the Palast der Republik on the left, the Berliner Dom, in the middle and the Hotel Palast on the right.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

‘It was a strategy of power and humiliation, a final burst of cold war ideology, pursued via a politics of signs’ involving the Eastern population ‘that felt increasingly deprived of its life history and of its memories of four decades of separate development’ (Huyssen, 1997: 61)

Tearing away the city: the Stadtumbau Ost Programme Moving away the debate from the individual buildings to focus on the urban development realized by the GDR, the conservation and heritage issues highlighted so far turned out to be closely related with demographic and social matters instead. It should be observed that most of the settlements built in East Germany by the GDR were established to accommodate workers of the newly created industrial hubs; the new town of Eisenhüttenstadt (Stalinstadt until 1961), for instance, was developed along with the

growing ‘using industrialized construction

expansion of EKO10 iron and steel works.

techniques and standardized, prefabricated

From 1970 to 1990 Eisenhüttenstadt kept

components’ for the new housing projects (Lötscher, Howest and Basten, 2004: 363).

Eisenhüttenkombinat Ost.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 18

Cityscape of Eisenhüttenstadt in 1960, with the kombinat in the background.

The settlement of Wolfen-Nord - now part

mining industries. Halle was involved by

of the Bitterfeld-Wolfen municipality –

the construction of the Chemiearbeiterstadt

was developed by the GDR to exploit the

Halle-Neustadt,

maximum from the pre-war chemical and

the workers of the chemical industries’

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

mainly

dedicated

(Eckardt, 2006: 59). New established towns

(Lötscher, Howest and Basten, 2004: 363).

and neighbourhoods were seen by the SED

Settlements tied to those plants suffered

as an opportunity to fulfil their ambition of

from low occupancy rate and eventually

building the Socialist city, a settlement that

of outmigration of former inhabitants

could be ‘more than just a place to sleep’

towards the West. Along with other factors

(Eckardt, 2006: 59). Referring to Halle-

to be discussed in Part 2, and the ‘decline in

Neustadt, the Ministerrat in 1963 wrote: ‘the

birth rates since 2003’ (Chaplin and Stara,

new city should provide the best conditions

2009: 105), this dynamics has been cause of

for a socialist community life with regard

the ‘urban shrinkage’ phenomenon which

to cultural activities, commodity, housing,

led to high vacancy rates and neglect of the

sports and leisure’. However, as we will

former GDR settlements in many Eastern

examine in Part 2 with regard to the case

cities.

study of Halle-Neustadt, this vision could

In response of this phenomenon, the

remain valid only within a Socialist model.

German Federal State has tried to address

The collapse of the utopia went hand in

the issue in 2001 with the launch of the

hand with the post-reunification collapse

Stadtumbau Ost programme. This tool was

of the GDR industrial system. Competition

conceived as an agreement between the

and obsolescence led many factories in the

Bund and the Länder under the form of a

East to a reduction in workforce or complete

development plan. The redevelopment

shutdown: for instance ‘In 1989 EKO-Steel

was designed to be applied in East German

had employed 12.000 workers. During

regions affected by ‘deindustrialization and

1990 ARCELOR11 reduced the work force to

rapid population decline, suburbanization

2,700 – a loss of 9,300 jobs within one year’

and erosion of city centres, growth in area and perforation of the urban structure, as well as functional deterioration and the

11 ‘After unification of the two Germanies in 1990 the singular dependence on steel production turned out to be the crucial problem for Eisenhüttenstadt. Economic globalization had immediate consequences as the company EKO-Steel – once the largest steel producer in East Germany – was taken over by ARCELOR, a giant European steel producer which already held ARBED in Luxemburg, USINOR in France and ACERALIA in Spain’ (Lötscher, Howest, Basten, 2004: 363).

infrastructure becoming more expensive‘ (Wallraf, 2009). The budget volume of the programme amounted to 2.56 thousand million Euros, with a financial aid from the Bund of 1.02 thousand million Euros. However the purpose of the Bund was not to

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

revitalize the old GDR neighbourhoods. On

between individual and space appears to

the contrary, ‘the Bund-Länder agreement for

be no less preminent in shrinking Eastern

the Programme stated that at least half of the

cities. The urban space is still lived by the

funding had to be used for deconstruction

minority of those who could not emigrate to

or demolition of housing’ (Wallraf, 2009);

the West due to their economic condition or

housing companies were also funded with

social background.

a subsidy amounting up to 60 Euro12 per

In spite of this, the articulation of the

square meter of living area cleared until

Stadtumbau-Ost Programme highlights a

2008. In the light of a 2007 agreement, which stated that ‘the states were to use at least 50 per cent of the government funding provided

for

upgrading

districts’ it can be easily

“OST THEHIGHLIGHTS STADTUMBAUA PREFERENCE FOR A SIMPLISTIC DEMOLITIONRECONSTRUCTION APPROACH

„

figured out how in most

preference for the simplistic ‘demolition-reconstruction’ scheme

rather

than

for

the adoption of a more holistic approach, or the development

individual

strategies for the reuse. Therefore

solution

of the involved municipalities the funding

is prefigured, which is centred on the

has been prevailingly used to revitalize

dismissal of the GDR settlements. However

the old districts rather than the former-

this stance has received a fair amount of

Socialist neighbourhoods or saving housing

criticism. A good example is provided by

companies from bankrupt.13

the position of Daniel Libeskind. In an

Once again the issue of the relationship

interview with Anne Wagner (1999), the American-Jewish architect acknowledges the added value of architectural continuity against an architecture imposed from

12 ‘The government guaranteed a subsidy of up to 30 Euro per square meter of living area for deconstruction or demolition of unoccupied housing, which is topped up to the same value by the Länder. The local authorities do not carry any of these costs’ (Wallraf, 2009).

above. This stance is ‘vehemently opposed to the totalitarian mechanism of the master plan. Instead he calls for strategies of transformation and metamorphosis of

13 As a matter of fact, demolitions were strongly encouraged due to the economic conditions of the housing companies. The issue will be extensively discussed in Paragraph 2.3.

existing realities, as he attempts to open up a domain for the creation of unpredictable,

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

flexible and hybrid architectures.’ (Leach,

You can call it now no longer the GDR, it is

1999: 6)

now the western, it is Germany. But this has not changed the nature of that space or its experience and you have to work with that

It is not an abstraction, it is not something

space. No one can afford to ideologically just

that you can change by renaming it for

wipe it out of their minds and say, we don’t

example, give it another name. Say it is

like it, we like the old streets of the medieval

not the GDR. It does not matter whether it

Berlin, because this is just wishful thinking.

is GDR or not, you have that space. That is

One has to deal with that space which of

why I think that in order to see architecture

course is also historical space where people

in continuity, not as something which is

have grown up there. (Libeskind, 1999: 131)

disruptive or transversal towards people’s lives, but is a betterment, one has to deal with these conditions. (Libeskind, 1999: 130-

Nevertheless, the above mentioned wiping

131)

of the Socialist architectural memory in the German Federal Republic is unmistakable.

Betterment however is not only added by

An ideologically anachronistic past is

the stratification of the urban fabric. In

being systematically erased in favour of

relation to the GDR planning, the added

an idealized image which traces back to a

value is bestowed by the ‘the pedagogical

Golden Age. As it will be examined later

value in the present of urban traces of the

on in this chapter, the issues of ‘selective

past’ (Jameson, 1999: 71, cited by Halsall,

historical memory’ and ‘historical image’

2000). According to Libeskind, those traces

are deeply rooted in the German culture and

act as a memento of a totalitarian ideology

have seemed to be a constant concern for

and their erasure could lead to the erasure

planners and governments throughout the

of the public memory itself, as ‘[memory]

last century.

is built. Memory is not something which is just there. It is also constructed’ (Libeskind, 1999: 132). However Libeskind sustains the independent architectural nature of the space from the conditions which generated it:

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

2.2.3

The aesthetic autonomy approach. A real normality?

In 1995 the Deutsche Nationalkomittee für

of historical monument when dealing with

Denkmalschutz14

document

GDR architecture. The attribution of such

which could be regarded as a turning point

value should be preceded by a significant

in the debate concerning the architectural

amount of researches and should not be

Socialist heritage, and a welcome shift from

influenced by the temporal proximity of the

iconoclastic demolitions towards a more

historical events analysed. The document

critical approach. The document went

also recognizes the existence of new ideas

under the name of Empfehlung zur Erhaltung

about social life, working, and organization

von Architektur und Städtebau der DDR –

of urban space, and the advent of a new

literally ‘Recommendation concerning the

economic system; however, these factors

Preservation of Architecture and Urban

cannot lead to the loss of architectural

Planning of the GDR’, and contained several

quality worthy of protection, historical

remarkable considerations about the topic.

urban structure of the socialist city and loss

In the light of the controversial argument

of authenticity (DNK, 1995).

going on at the time, the DNK acknowledges

This cutting edge declaration is significant

the

Socialist

of how the debate on the existence of the

architectural legacy and the necessity for a

Eastern architecture was moving from

more thoughtful discussion on the status

the simplistic Bildersturm towards a more

published

endangerment

the

detached approach. Nevertheless, the stance of the Committee could be regarded as the position of a few enlightened minds; the

14 German National Committee for Monument Protection.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

debate was still controversial ‘but more

what you see in London. But we see them

“normal” than in the Bildersturm phase in the

differently because we are seeing them with

sense that this has seen the attempt to apply

all the interests and all the blindness. [...] (Libeskind, 1999: 137)

“normal” aesthetic [...] criteria associated with urban conservation [...]’ (Halsall, 2000).

Nonetheless, we consider this approach

According to the new trend, the focus of the

to be incomplete, since the historical and

debate was now on the quality of the aesthetic

pedagogical values carried by those buildings

expression, the features, the ‘positive and

are completely left out of the debate. If we

negative aspects of the architecture of the

do not protect their cultural value and of

GDR and the relationship between the

the power of the ‘history lesson’ (Halsall,

architecture and the people who live in

2000) we would be operating a partial de-

and around it’ (Halsall, 2000). In substance,

contextualization, equal to draining them

Socialist architecture began to be considered

of their soul – we would be exposing them to

as an architectural expression of the culture

a judgment based solely on the current taste,

of the time, rather than of the culture of the

although aesthetic values are not sufficient

ideology. This stance is clarified by Daniel

to define ‘beauty’.

Libeskind, which in the above mentioned

The dangers coming from an approach

interview with Anne Wagner (1999) also

based

raises a mechanistic issue related to a certain

exclusively

‘aesthetical

autonomy’ (Halsall, 2000) are once again

social reality:

demonstrated by the case of the Berlin Palast

[...] It is not by coincidence that we have

der Republik. As Anke Kuhrmann (2009)

housing blocks, whether in East Germany

evidences, the Palace of the Republic is also

or in Rotterdam, or in London, or in a

an ‘aesthetically burdened building’. The

totalitarian society like China today, or in a

rejection of the building also issued from

free society like Western Germany—it really

a ‘cultural revolution against post-war

makes no difference, because we are talking

Modernism’, especially against the ‘60s and

about this material fact, that you are to

‘70s style, which was mixed with the ‘Late

get people up and living in a certain place.

Modern’. This architectural vocabulary

[...] These housing blocks are no different from the housing blocks in Rotterdam.

featured

concrete

They are no more ugly or no more nice than

shapes, amber mirrored curtain walls and

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

cubic

asymmetric

marble-trimmed facades. Many examples

image of the city.

of this style have been demolished both in

Eastern and Western Berlin, in the name of

controversial context of Berlin we can

a city planning aimed at achieving a sort of

however find several examples of a more

connection between the two parts of the city.

neutral aesthetic approach, such as the one

By subverting the structure of the Mitte15 -

adopted for the conservation of the Karl

which was the core of Ost-Berlin under the

Marx monument in Chemnitz (former Karl-

GDR rule - planners are trying to ‘develop

Marx-Stadt) and the surrounding building

a true centre with which all Berliners

complex. In 1994, the Land of Saxony

and, as the new capital, all Germans can

issued a preservation order for the area. The

identify’ (Halsall, 2000). Such goal is being

decision relied on two main factors, closely

achieved through the imposition of an

connected with the ‘aesthetical autonomy’

aesthetics hinting to a pre-war historicity16

argument. First of all, a partial demolition

and a planning based on the original street

or modification of the buildings ensemble –

pattern of the Prussian Berlin. Given that,

or the removal of the Karl Marx monument

the weakness of a mere aesthetical approach

- could alter the spatial and architectural

towards the issues of GDR architectural

values of the whole, therefore it was

heritage conservation is clearly visible. A

excluded. Besides, the complex was primarily

judgment grounded on plain aesthetical

regarded as an expression of the European

consideration is fragmentary, and allows

architecture of the ‘60s and compared with

the building to be sacrificed in the name of

other residential developments of the same

a taste deemed more adequate for the new

period built in Rotterdam or West German

moving

cities.

outside

Therefore

the

delicate

and

Karl-Marx-Forum

was considered worthy of preservation 15 The district of Mitte is the most central of Berlin. It encompasses most of the city’s landmarks and places of interests such as the Museum Island, Alexanderplatz with the Fernsehturm, the Unter den Linden boulevard and the Brandeburg Gate, Potsdamer Platz and the Reichstag. It gained the status of borough in 2001 and includes the remaining traces of the Old Berlin.

just like other Western examples of the same architectural style (Halsall, 2000). Nevertheless, the justification for the preservation order issues states that: The assessment of the public interest

16 See par. 2.2.4 – A ‘hierarchy of the past’ for further reading about urban planning in Berlin and the research of a pseudo-historical image of the city.

for conservation is based on the rightful

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

relevance assigned to the interpretation of recent German and Saxon history. The Marxist-Leninist model claimed to be the rightful and exclusive representative of the interest of the German people. The meaning of this statement– and how a closed society and a centralist state were intended - are here visible as clearly as nowhere else in Saxony. Furthermore, the almost religious consecration of the founder of this social model - Karl Marx - is rather unique as well.17 We are confronted with a balanced analysis, which also includes the consideration of the ‘negative history lesson’ (Halsall, 2000) value, embodied by the Karl-Marx-Forum complex. In the light of this justification, we believe that, in order to prove effective, the act of monumental preservation could never be completely untied from historical and pedagogical considerations.

17 Author-translated version of the following excerpt: ‘Das öffentliche Erhaltungsinteresse gründet sich auf die hier zutreffende Bedeutung für die Deutung einer Epoche der jüngeren Geschichte Sachsens und Deutschlands insofern, als an keiner Stelle Sachsens so anschaulich wird, was der Alleinvertretungsanspruch des Marxismus-Leninismus als Philosophie- und Gesellschaftsmodell darstellte, wie eine geschlossene Gesellschaft und ein zentralistisch ausgerichteter Staat sich verstanden. Der geradezu sakralen Erhöhung eines der Begründer dieses Gesellschaftmodells Karl Marx, kommt darüber hinaus Singularität zu.’

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 19

The Karl-Marx monument in Chemnitz, marked for historical protection in 1994. The preservation issue acknowledged the monument as a characteristic element of the whole spatial ensemble of the square.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

2.2.4

A ‘hierarchy of the pasts’

So far we have seen how the debate on the

twenty-two

Palast der Republik featured several layers

in stone’ (Huyssen, 1997: 68). ‘Critical

of interpretation. While the purpose itself

Reconstruction’ has been incorporated

of demolishing the building could be

into the city’s planning tools through the

regarded as the will to erase a symbol of a

adoption of the Planwerk Innenstadt in 1999.

discredited ideology, the ideas concerning

The plan for the development of Mitte

the reconstruction of the Stadtschloß opened

wanted by the Senate Building Director

a whole new level of discussion. Opting for

Hans Stimmann and supported by Vittorio

a partly reproduction of the Hohenzollern

Magnago Lampugnani - Director of the

Palace is a significant evidence of how Berlin

German Architecture Museum in Frankfurt

is recurring to images from an idealized past

am Main – met a fair amount of criticism

to build its future (Rogier, 1996: 63) – and, to a

and political opposition. The attempt to

certain extent, the future image of Germany.

impose architectural unity over the freedom

The theory underlying the concept went by

of expression of individual architects

the name of Kritische Rekonstruktion. Such

cost the advocates of the Rekonstruktion

a way of interpreting the urban structure

the accusation of being ‘fascists’ and of

draws from a pre-WWI vernacular language

having ‘architectural intentions similar

consisting in splitting buildings into smaller

to the Nazis’ (Halsall, 2000); the plan also

parcels, ‘city block building, traditional

evidences a strong disrespect of the factual

window façades, a uniform height of

history, expressed by the goal to reinstate

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

meters

[...]

and

building

Picture 20

the long-time lost baroque-era street plan

Panorama of Pariser Platz, Berlin. The buildings overlooking the square strictly follow the principles of Critical Reconstruction. The outcomes range from the exact replicas of past buildings (such as the Hotel Adlon, first building on the right) to interpretations of the Rekonstruktion in a contemporary fashion. Notable examples are the glass facades of the Akademie der Künste (first building on the left), and the DZ Bank designed by Frank Gehry (second building on the left).

(Barrows, 2007: 33). All the points of this manifesto highlight the desire for a pre1914 image of Berlin (Huyssen, 1997: 69). This stance not only entails a rejection of the high-tech global corporate architecture18, but also implies the repudiation of the

the architecture of the Nazi period and

architectural heritage from the Bauhaus onwards,

seen

the architecture of the GDR. Still, Socialist

quintessentially

buildings are not directly attacked although

“American” modernity (Huyssen, 1997: 69),

‘[t]he most common tactic has, so far, been

which the vernacular tradition must be

to simply tear down or completely remodel

defended from. The unwanted historical

them’ (Barrows, 2007: 46). In any case, the

memory is also seen as an accident, produced

Rekonstruktion is endangering the survival

by unforeseen derailments from an else

of the GDR heritage not only to achieve an

unalterable Prussian history. A repressive

image hinting to the pre-war Berlin, yet to

approach has been adopted both towards

give citizenship a secure and comfortable appearance to the urban space by casting off painful history.

18 ‘Lampugnani disapproves of ‘easy pictures ... superficial sensation ... tormented lightness ... wild growth ... nosy new interpretation.’ Stimmann in turn protests that ‘learning from Las Vegas is out of place in a central European city, a programmatic statement as much directed against postmodernism in architecture as it is quite blatantly anti-American in the tradition of conservative German Kulturkritik.’ (Huyssen, 1997: 69)

As Mark Jarzombek reports in his essay Disguised Visibilities (2004), a similar discourse has been led in Dresden. Following the destruction brought by the Allied air raids

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

of 1945, the Socialists rebuilt the city by carrying out a political programme of urban renewal. As a first act, the SED built a wide, monumental

boulevard

–

Thälmann

Ernst

“CRITICALTHE RECONSTRUCTION PRINCIPLES OF

HIGHLIGHT A DESIRE FOR A PRE 1914 IMAGE OF GERMANY

„

by the inclusion of commercial

centres

in the former GDR building. The result is a district that simulates a

nineteenth-century

urban

structure.

Straße - which bisected the former old city.

for the GDR buildings included into the

Subsequently, in line with the regime’s

touristic district, they have been razed

political intentions, the Kulturpalast was

down in the name of the urban archaeology,

raised to symbolize the allegiance with

to explore the ruins beneath the streets.

the Communist culture. The new Dresden

Once again, the intent was to bring to light

also incorporated housing developments,

an historical layer – the medieval layer

several museums dedicated to the rhetoric

– which, taken alone, is incoherent with

of the party and a Transportation museum.

the historical continuum experienced by

To summarize, Dresden was rebuilt as a

Dresden (Jarzombek, 2004: 69-71).

living manifesto of Socialism (Jarzombek,

Such practice of concealing and casting off

2004: 64-69).

unwanted – or rather, obsolete - heritage

After the Mauerfall, the GDR’s utopic

is deeply rooted in a century and a half of

vision has been drastically overturned.

German history and strongly characterized

The strategy adopted by the new planners

its culture. This attitude affected the identity

was to split the city core into two zones,

of the city itself and led to a ‘tradition of

ideally

heritage

the absence of tradition’ (Oswalt, 2006: 61),

conservation and to commerce. In the

especially in the main cities. In the essay

latter, the Socialist heritage is partially

Berlin_Stadt Ohne Form, Philipp Oswalt

disguised through a Verdichtung19 approach

(2006) delineates with reference to the

given

respectively

German capital, how the Bildersturm became 19

chronic in the name of a new iconography,

Densification.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 21

2005 aerial view of the Neumarkt in Dresden. Though the Kulturpalast has been retained, is it possible to notice the beginning of several medieval archeological digs where GDR buildings once stood.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

as the governments came one after another.

the symbols of the Communist Berlin.

Oswalt traces the beginning of this denial of

The

architectural tradition back to the beginning

and the Scheunenviertel district were razed

of the XIX century, when the Prussian

down but not rebuilt upon, as it occurred

kings started replacing and transforming

in the Kaiser age. Subsequently, the works

the baroque heritage into neoclassical

for the Welthauptstadt Germania masterplan

buildings, especially in residential areas

conceived by Albert Speer began to open

such as Pariser Platz and Unter den Linden.

a kilometre wide gap going across Berlin,

Nevertheless, until 1871 the plan had been

for the realization of a North-South axis

left untouched. However, with the industrial

boulevard. As a result, the neoclassical

revolution and the designation of Berlin as

district of Alsen was razed down; similar

the new capital of the Prussian Empire, the

plans were designed for an East-West

urban scale widened and several medieval

axis and for the area surrounding the

districts were razed down and replaced with

Museumsinsel, but never enacted due to

large-scale buildings – such as warehouses

the turn of the war events and the Allied

and hotels – and new roads in order to

bombings (Oswalt, 2006: 64-65).

reduce traffic. Behind the reorganization

After the occupation of Berlin, the Allied

there was also the desire to dispose of

forces themselves, both in the East and the

the preindustrial, small-town image of

West, added to the ruin brought by the

Berlin, which was deemed inappropriate

bombs the erasure of the most significant

to represent the Empire in comparison

buildings of the Nazi rule. Heritage

with other European capital cities. Kaiser

from the past century was included in

Wilhelm II ordered the construction of huge,

the demolitions in several occasions, due

monumental buildings which replaced

to their association – whether direct or

most of the architectural heritage in Berlin,

indirect – with the old regime. For instance,

as it happened to the Dom altered by Karl

Friedrich Schinkel’s Prinz-Albrecht Palais,

Friedrich Schinkel just a decade before

which housed Gestapo and SS’ headquarters,

(Oswalt, 2006: 61-63).

was among the first buildings to be razed.

Yet, it is with the rise of Nazism that

Franz

demolition becomes an end in itself, a pure

Banhof, Schinkel’s Bauakademie, the baroque

political gesture initially directed against

Jerusalemkirche, the Petrikirche, and the Berlin

Liebknecht-Luxemburg

Heinrich

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

monument

Schwetchen’s

Anhalter

Sportspalast – which was a popular venue

break in a 19th century façade alludes to ‘[...]

for party events and important speeches

an interruption, a fundamental dislocation’

- along with many buildings designed by

and ‘creates a question mark about the

Speer, shared the same fate. West German

continuity of history and what it means’ in

city planners also devised demolition as the

Dresden’s historical continuum:

best solution for urban renewal. To achieve the desired density, 430.000 houses were

The new architectural feature penetrates

declared obsolete and entire districts were

the historical arsenal and creates a new accent on the front. It creates a 21st century

knocked down in Wedding, Schoneberg and

reading of the complex. It is something like

Kreuzberg. In East Berlin, the demolition

a lantern, a signal, a beacon that evokes

of the Fischerviertel quarter erased the last

the city itself. After you ascend through the

remaining heritage from the Middle Ages

historical collections inside the building,

(Oswalt, 2006: 65-67).

you arrive at a new view of Dresden. It is

It is worth to note that until the Mauerfall, in

the best-possible canvas of the history which

most cases German governments resorted to

you saw in the museum. [...] The triangular

an array of architectural styles which aimed

structure on the front of the arsenal points

to create an idealized image of the future by

to the direction from which Dresden was bombed (Libeskind, 2010).

building on the ruins of past history. On the contrary, the theory of Kritische Rekonstruktion

Rather than the GDR rule, the breakpoint

recurs to current technology to evoke images

is Germany’s Nazi period and the Allied

of an idealized past. In our vision, it is the very

destruction of the city in 1945. Still, the

act of looking backwards with an uncritical and

nostalgic

attitude

that

concept behind Libeskind’s design can be

triggered

read as a general critic to the impetus of

controversy, debates and the scepticism of

bringing back history by concealing the

many critics and militant architect, such as

crucial alterations that Dresden suffered

the already mentioned Daniel Libeskind.

during the last 60 years. Libeskind also

In an interview with Charles Hawley (2010)

sustains that the efforts to rebuild the

for Der Spiegel Online, the American architect

city as it was before the air raids are

explains the connection between his project

understandable, although ‘the events from

for the German Military Museum in Dresden

the past are not just a footnote, they are

and the history of the city. A sharp glazing

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

central to the transformation of the city’

Heimat20 acted as a self defence mechanism

(Libeskind, 2010), and therefore they are to

not only against the extrinsic elements

be confronted with a critical and reasoned

introduced by the WWII and post-war era,

approach. Turning to Berlin, in his collection

but also against speculation, investors and

of writings on architecture Kein Ort an seiner

corporate architecture (James, 2009: 23-24).

Stelle, Libeskind defends the uniqueness of

These dynamics analysed by James with

the history of the city against the attempt

regards to a small town like Eisenach, are

to create a ‘hierarchy of pasts’ (Halsall,

the very same principles behind the theory

2000) based on a nostalgic feeling arisen

of Critical Reconstruction in Berlin. It is the

after the Mauerfall. The outcome of this

popular feeling itself that goes towards a

hierarchization would be the consideration

re-appropriation of a national architectural

of the GDR architecture as an anomaly

identity whenever possible, as pointed out

‘[…] and thus not worthy of preservation.

by the wide participation of the citizenship

Libeskind advocates the recognition of the

in the writing of the manifesto for the

validity of all the pasts which exist in Berlin,

reconstruction of Dresden. The points for

including the GDR‘ (Halsall, 2000).

the reconstruction of the Frauenkirche and

Nevertheless, hierarchization is the most

the Neumarkt21 envisage the restoration of

natural and popular response against the ‘foreign bodies’ introduced in the urban

20 The idea of Heimat is a strictly German concept. Though the word has no exact English translation, Heimat could be regarded as the attachment to the homeland, to the particular social and spatial context and traditions from one’s own lineage, acting as a safeguard against external alienating elements.

structures. The sociologist Jason James (2009) describes the focus of the already mentioned post-Wende longing as a sense of nostalgia towards a cultural heritage which suffered

21 For further reading on the reconstruction of the Frauenkirche and of the Neumarkt see Pretelli M., Germania anno zero tra ricostruzione postbellica e riunificazione della nazione. In: Casiello S. ed., 2011. I ruderi e la guerra. Memoria, ricostruzioni, restauri. Piacenza: Nardini Editore, pp. 11-32 and Jarzombek M., Disguised Visibilities. Dresden/”Dresden”. In Bastèi E. ed., 2004. Memory and Architecture. University of New Mexico Press, pp. 49-59.

stigmatization ‘at the hands of the other’. In this vision, the Nazi and the SED regimes are seen as something that was inflicted upon German culture and heritage and their legacy is therefore externalized. The forces driving such re-appropriation of the

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Picture 22

Facade of the Germany Military Museum, Dresden. Libeskind uses a sharp, ultra-modern language to vehemently affirm the validity of the historical continuum of the city, in spite of concealment and alterations of the urban structure.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

conditions existing prior to the bombings,

Nevertheless, this search for a stabilized

and a rebuilding based on scientific and

image brings up numerous questions on the

historical studies on each culturally and

future of the GDR architectural legacy. The

artistically significant fabric. Additionally,

rejection of the above mentioned external

new buildings have to be designed according

forces tainting the victimized heritage is a

to the principles of vernacular architecture,

threat to those buildings ‘outside’ the image

with simple plaster facades and wooden

of an unspoiled Heimat and already found

floors (Pretelli, 2011: 23).

its drastic outcomes in the demolition of the

That being so, Daniel Libeskind’s stance

most representative post-war fabrics.

(Libeskind, 1999: 235), which ‘[calls] for the non-identity of Germany’, while seeming a first glance rather extreme and perhaps somewhat utopic and elitist, can be regarded as a provocation against an idealized concept of national architecture: I would say why would you want an identity. You should develop the non-identity of Germany. In other words its blurred structure which is here as well. I have never thought that nations and national architecture is of relevance (Libeskind, 1999: 235)

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

2.3 DEALING WITH A FINANCIAL BURDEN

2.3.1

Creation and relieving of debts

The debate around demolition of the GDR

construction of flats in the GDR was financed

settlements cannot be exclusively lead on

by the state bank under the form of loans. At

an ideological level. On the contrary, in our

the time of the reunification, the debts of

case study, pragmatic aspects tied to the

housing companies were equal to 72 billion

economic and financial management of

marks. A 14.6 billion Euro equivalent debt

this heritage are fundamental to define a

was created and redistributed among the

complete picture of the situation in Eastern

newly founded enterprises, when the GDR

Germany.

State Bank was taken by Western banks.

As we have seen in Paragraph 2.2, demolition

However, cheap rents subsidized by the

is subsidized by both Bund and L채nder. The

GDR state were the concrete economic issue,

financing was conceived to deal with the

as they could not finance the repayment of

housing industry and urban development

those old debts.

crisis in East Germany, which had its origins

The growth of the debts forced the Bundestag

in the shift from the Socialist model to a

to pass in 1993 the Old Debt Assistance Law. The

capitalistic economy. Rochus Wiedemer

agreement, which involved both the federal

provides a clear insight on the matter in

government and the housing companies,

the first research volume published by the

provided up to 78 Euros per square meter

Shrinking Cities (2006) project. First of all, the

to cover part of the old debts. In return, the

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

enterprises committed to privatize 15% of

to sell the renovated apartments. Instead, as

their holdings before 2003, with the use of

Wiedemer (2006) reports, ‘the vacancy level

their own capitals. In substance, ‘the Old Debt

in communally and cooperatively owned

Assistance Law was a housing policy tool for

flats grew to an average of 14% in 2000’. The

reducing the percentage of communally and

risk for the housing company was therefore

cooperatively owned flats and for increasing

insolvency, which meant loss of credit for

the share of private ownership’ (Wiedemer,

the loaning banks.

2006). However, flats had to be made more

In the light of this, the aforementioned

attractive to compete with new housing

Stadtumbau Ost programme was conceived as

development in the surroundings, and a

an instrument to reduce the surplus of flats

great deal of units had to be renovated due to neglect lack

maintenance.

These

conditions

forced

the companies to take out more loans to be eligible for subsidies, creating a new

“OST THE WAS STADTUMBAU ALSO CONCEIVED TO REDUCE THE SURPLUS OF FLATS IN EAST GERMANY

„

on the market and stabilize their rents and values. On the other hand, the debts of the housing companies could be partially paid off through

the

demolition

subsidies we described in

chunk of debts.

Paragraph 2.2.2.2.

Nevertheless, the first signs of a long-term

A further boost to the one-sided razing of

shrinkage were already starting to show.

ex-GDR buildings was given by the synergy

As a study of the SHRINK SMART project

between the Stadtumbau Ost and the Old

reports about the case of Halle (Rink,

Debt Assistance decree of 2000, which waived

Haase, Bernt, Arndt, and Ludwig, 2011),

the

job-related out-migration was particularly

to demolished buildings if the owning

evident, especially in the so-called mobile

company had a vacancy rate higher than 15%

population segment – i.e. young families

(Wiedemer, 2006).

pre-reunification

and singles – which moved due to lack of jobs and unemployment. This phenomenon was particularly evident until the mid-1990s, when suburbanization started to manifest. As a result of this, housing companies failed

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

debts

connected

Limits of the Stadtumbau Ost programme

2.3.2 Stadtumbau

Ost

also

Instead of conceiving an organic plan of

provided a boost to urban development.

action, it is opted to demolish the buildings

Town councils had to devise an urban

with the highest vacancy rates. Such choice

development concept with the aid of the

also poses serious issues to the maintenance

housing enterprises. The concept also had

and functioning of social infrastructure.

to deal with the low-occupancy issue, by

Districts are only partially razed, and they

formulating

long-term

would therefore still need facilities such

solutions. If those conditions were met, the

as schools or medical centres. Moreover,

municipality was eligible for the allocation

the creation of wide open spaces from

of additional subsidies. The programme

demolitions only increases segregation

allotted 1500 million euros for urban

within the housing estate, increasing the

improvements; a third of the sum was to

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;spiral of low occupancy levelsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and the

be raised by the municipalities themselves

number of empty flats. It is also worth to

(Wiedemer, 2006).

note that, in many cases, most of the funds

In many cases, however, the planning

allotted for improvements are used for

strategy is strongly influenced by the

partial demolition, as the municipalities are

financial

not able to raise their own share of money

The

programme

previsions

situation

and

the

housing

companies. Concepts had to prioritize

(Wiedemer, 2006).

economic development and survival of the

These conditions led in 2006 to think that

enterprises through partial demolition

the demolitions would continue even after

rather than actual urban improvement.

2010 in the absence of a perspective of urban

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

development, as the number of empty flats

of vacant flats in East Germany could rise to

was steadily rising. Investigations led few

1.42 million by 2020’.

years before (Wiedemer, 2006) were already

The Stadtumbau Ost programme was

showing this trend. Given that the goal

eventually prolonged until 2016. However

for 2010 was the demolition of 350.000

its outcomes in 2009 and the demographic

flats in East Germany (500.000 would still

trends, point out that the programme is

remain vacant), GdW (Head Federation of

no longer a sustainable solution to face

Housing Companies) figures from 2003

shrinkage in Eastern Germany. Demolition

showed that only 70.000 flats had been so

might still be a useful tool to improve

far demolished, and 1.3 million22 were still

urban spaces. However, the socio-economic

vacant. In 2007, as (Martinez-Fernandez,

framework we described resolves into an

Kubo, Noya and Weyman, 2012) report,

unsustainable approach, which sees former

‘the first evaluation of the programme […]

GDR housing as a financial burden. In our

showed, amongst other things, that it is

vision, the Stadtumbau Ost programme

necessary to continue tearing down vacant

while having the best of intentions, is

residential buildings. Otherwise, because of

limited by the consideration of Socialist

the ongoing population decline, the number

architectural heritage as a mere urban issue. Their cultural value is not taken into account, and Germany rebuilds once again

22 The Federal Ministry of Transport, Building and Housing figures shown instead a 1 million flat surplus.

on the ruins of its history.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

2.4 A MODERN URBAN HERITAGE

2.4.1

The cultural value of urban modernity

So far we have seen how the debate on the

Giovanni

Carbonara

and

Simona

destiny of the GDR architecture has been

Salvo (2006) argue, the concentration of

strongly influenced by economic factors,

symbolical values and practical needs is

ideological matters and by the current

a common burden to the conservation of

aesthetic taste. The historical value of these

all contemporary architecture, although

buildings is often neglected and appears of

with different meanings and purposes.

marginal importance when compared with

The short temporal gap elapsed between

the aforementioned elements.

the construction of modern buildings and the present time often led to the oversight

â&#x20AC;&#x153;HOW INCANTHE THELIGHT FIELD OF THIS, OF

on their status of cultural heritage. As a result, the approach to the conservation of contemporary architecture is still the

ARCHITECTURAL RESTORATION HELP FINDING A COMPROMISE AND PRESERVING GERMAN HISTORICAL MEMORY AS A CONTINUUM?

expression of several circumstantial needs: economic issues, socio-political matters, aesthetic taste and ideological positions.

â&#x20AC;&#x17E;

In this confused framework, we believe that the architect-restorer should still have

the

crucial

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

duty

identifying

connotations of historical evidence through

time is required for a monument to acquire

his sensitivity and critical thinking. The

cultural relevance.

goal of conservation is indeed to safeguard

According to Olimpia Niglio (2008), for a

cultural assets ‘[…] no less as works of art

successful conservation it is crucial a careful

than as historical evidence’ as stated by the

decryption, selection and comprehension

Venice Charter (1964: art. 3). Therefore, it is

of those values. Such attention certainly

possible to realize how the application of the

requires

current theories underlying architectural

active interaction with the surrounding

restoration might be the most appropriate

environment.

instrument to retrieve the neglected values.

Petrarola (2006) also sustain that the

Modern architecture is certainly included in

motivations of the restoration activity are

this discourse, as the concept of monument

dominated by the necessity of retrieve both

embraces settings in which:

an individual and collective identity. The

receptive

context

Carbonara

and

(2006)

an and

acknowledgement of values through critical [...] is found the evidence of a particular

judgement means indeed recognizing what

civilization, a significant development or a

could be deemed as ‘identity’ and standing

historic event’. This applies not only to great

surety for its transmission to future

works of art but also to more modest works

generations.

of the past which have acquired cultural

Such stance (Carbonara and Salvo, 2009:

significance with the passing of time (The

101) nullifies the ideas of those who assume

Venice Charter, 1964: art.1)23

for modern buildings the preponderance Even in presence of a legislation regarding

of aesthetic values upon historical values.

the minimum age of a building - or of an

With reference to our case study however,

urban environment - for issuing protection

founding the recognition of values upon

orders, the ‘passing of time’ mentioned in the

the need for a collective identity could lead

Charter is not tied to specific prescriptions.

to an apparently irreconcilable conflict; as

It rather suggests that a certain lapse of

pointed out in paragraph 2.2.4, ‘A Hierarchy of Pasts’, the popular feeling goes in fact towards the rediscovery of an unspoiled

23 The reported translation of the Venice Charter is edited by the ICOMOS and it is available at the web address http://www.icomos.org/charters/venice_e. pdf.

identity, by sacrificing historical layers in favour of others deemed more appropriate.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

In our vision, the ambiguity could be solved

ideological foundations behind a certain

by considering the heritage of the GDR as

architectural model. Products of such ideas

part of an identity belonging not only to

are rather to be regarded as the evidence of

German people, but to the whole Western

a cultural framework featuring peculiar

civilization as well. The events of the Cold

elements, and rooted to a specific historical

War have undoubtedly influenced the lives

period.

of an entire generation and shaped the

In the architectural heritage left by the

world as we know it. Under this perspective,

GDR, those characteristics are however

Socialist architectural heritage is not only an evidence of the policies adopted during this unique historical moment, but also the legacy of an obsolete cultural model, to be preserved as collective memory. Our opinion is corroborated by the position of Pietro Petrarola (2006:

“A R CSHOI TCECI ATLUIRSA TL

HERITAGE IS THE LEGACY OF A MODEL TO BE PRESERVED AS A COLLECTIVE MEMORY.

„

29). In his view, the process of

often

expressed

at the urban scale, and take the shape of new cities and neighbourhoods. As we have discussed in Paragraph 2.2.1, urban spaces initially had a central role in

acknowledging the status of ‘cultural asset’

the expression of political power, followed

is basically founded on keeping memory

by the aforementioned mass production of

and history alive, as the Article 1 of the

housing blocks. Although single relevant

Venice Charter reminds us. Furthermore,

buildings still had an important role in

as we cannot identify the cultural value of

East German architecture, the shaping of

buildings in their technological advances,

a real Socialist community was devolved

design and usage features, we also believe

upon the housing policy. The construction

that our judgment should not be clouded by

of cities and neighbourhoods also had the

our opinion on the principles inspiring the

task of accommodating workers for the

project – in this case those of Real Socialism

nascent industry, as demonstrated by the

– and of its intentions.

According

cases of Rostock, Bitterfeld-Wolfen, Halle-

to our vision, the critical thought of the

Neustadt and Eisenhüttenstadt, to mention

architect-restorer should always be detached

some. In the light of this, preserving urban

from personal taste and opinions of the

scale heritage becomes of the utmost

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

importance not only for historical purposes,

former is the pure contemplation, the latter

but also to promote a new quality of life in

requires to be preserved for practical ends.

Western civilization. In fact, the rigorous

Therefore, architectural literature is not

conservation and usage of built heritage fits

inferior to poetry; a local identity is indeed

in the objective of saving goods, resources

built through the stratification of the urban

and buildings, and prevents their waste

environment rather than through single

(Fiengo, 1990). Once again, the field of

monuments (Fiengo, 1990).

architectural

acknowledged

Roberto Pane’s studies were eventually

those ideas in the Venice Charter, where the

acknowledged by the Venice Charter,

very need of preserving urban structures

starting from art.1: ‘The concept of a historic

and more complex environmental systems

monument embraces not only the single

is one of the founding principles.

architectural work but also the urban or

The cultural background leading to the

rural setting [...]’ (The Venice Charter, 1964).

recognition of their status of ‘cultural

The most noticeable evolution from the

asset’ is cleverly described by Giuseppe

past was regarding the ‘setting’ as a ‘cultural

Fiengo (1990) in the essay La conservazione

asset’ by itself, rather than just a mere frame

dei beni ambientali e le Carte del Restauro.

to single masterpieces.

Destruction brought by World War II and

While still remaining a benchmark for

the

reconstruction

the restoration activity, the purpose of the

stimulated a more critical thought on the

Venice Charter was the conservation of the

conservation of traditional architecture.

ancient urban or environmental setting. The

In 1948, Roberto Pane gave a significant

question of the ‘modern’, and its significance

contribution to the debate by applying

as an in-becoming historical layer was

Benedetto Croce’s aesthetics to architecture.

substantially left out. Nevertheless, we

Pane’s theory was based on the distinction

consider that such operative limit should

between ‘architectural poetry’ – regarded

not detract from the effectiveness of the

as the single monument - and ‘architectural

Charter. As we will demonstrate in the next

literature’, which is the historical urban

paragraph, the principles stated in 1964

structure formed by the single buildings.

still remain a fundamental guideline for the

These two categories have completely

restoration of the modern.

different purposes. While the subject of the

Advances on the topic are made with the

restoration

subsequent

chaotic

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Declaration of Amsterdam (1975), which defines contemporary architecture as ‘the

monuments: all buildings and structures

heritage of tomorrow’. Therefore ‘every effort

of conspicuous historical, archaeological, artistic, scientific, social or technical interest,

must be made to ensure that contemporary

including their fixtures and fittings;

architecture is of a high quality’. Protection of the architectural settings is also set

groups of buildings: homogeneous groups

in a wider perspective by ‘embracing all

of urban or rural buildings conspicuous

buildings of cultural value, from the greatest

for their historical, archaeological, artistic,

to the humblest - not forgetting those of our

scientific, social or technical interest

own day together with their surrounding’

which are sufficiently coherent to form

(Declaration of Amsterdam, 1975). This

topographically definable units;

awareness of contemporary architecture as

sites: the combined works of man and

potential heritage was certainly a far-sighted

nature, being areas which are partially

position. However, this stance ended up to

built upon and sufficiently distinctive

be an isolated case, as the charters published

and homogeneous to be topographically

the following years omitted discussion on

definable and are of conspicuous historical,

the topic.

archaeological, artistic, scientific, social or

Besides this, the subsequent international

technical interest.

statutes – namely the 1985 Granada Convention and the 1987 Washington

The use of the adjective ‘conspicuous’

Charter - marked an involution in the process

suggests that conservative actions should

of acknowledging the status of heritage. As

follow a selection of the assets to be protected,

Giuseppe Fiengo (1990) points out, both

exposing heritage to circumstantial needs

charters are burdened by conceptual limits

and evaluation influenced by external

which do not allow protection of relevant

interests. The same ambiguity is present in

evidence from the past as a whole. In fact, only

the Washington Charter (1987). In Article

those expressions which are more ‘relevant’

5 it is entrusted to the conservation plan

to the eye of the restorer are deemed worthy

determining which buildings must be

of conservation. For instance, Article 1 of the

preserved, which should be preserved under

Granada Convention defines architectural

certain circumstances and which, under

heritage as it follows:

quite exceptional circumstances, might be

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

expendable (Fiengo, 1990).

artefacts, are the result of an identification

A significant evolution, instead, is seen with

with

the Krakow Charter (2000). Based on ‘the

history and social-cultural contexts. The

spirit of the Venice Charter’, the document

conservation of this heritage is our aim’.

asserts that ‘each community, by means of

Most importantly, the document makes a

its collective memory and consciousness of

clear statement, by integrating in Article 1

its past, is responsible for the identification

the consciousness shown by the Declaration

as well as the management of its heritage’.

Furthermore, it is shown an unprecedented

stratifications: ‘[a]ny intervention implies

consciousness about the relativity of values,

decisions, selections and responsibilities

their pluralism and mutability in time and

related to the complete heritage, also to

of the impossibility to define heritage in a fixed way.24 In line with our vision, the Charter expands the social and cultural nature of the heritage, and acknowledges the effort of

various

associated

Amsterdam

towards

“THOSE WE ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR STRATIFICATIONS THAT MIGHT HAVE MEANING IN THE FUTURE „

moments

contemporary

those

parts

that may not have a specific meaning today, but

might

have one in the

preserving urban and environmental assets.

future’.

As it is stated in Article 1: ‘[t]he architectural,

As a consequence of this view, the short

urban and landscape heritage, as well as

temporal gap should not encourage the modification

the

values

embodied

by a cultural model recognised as such. Therefore, while being more evident with

24 From the Preamble to the Krakow Charter: ‘Individual elements of this heritage are bearers of many values, which may change in time. The various specific values in the elements characterise the specificity of each heritage. From this process of change, each community develops an awareness and consciousness of a need to look after their own common heritage values. This heritage cannot be defined in a fixed way. One can only define the way in which the heritage may be identified. Plurality in society entails a great diversity in heritage concepts as conceived by the entire community; therefore the tools and methods developed for appropriate preservation should be adapted to the evolving situations, which are subject to a process of continual change’.

the GDR urban policy, there is a potential socio-cultural value even in other ‘60s and ‘70s European housing estates, which are nowadays so criticized. Those ideas are identified by a development model belonging to a certain idea of living social relations and the city. According to the principles of the Krakow Charter then,

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

those housing projects, characteristics of our urban suburbs, ought to be preserved as the evidence of a particular socio-cultural context. Their restoration project ‘should anticipate the management of change, in addition to verifying the sustainability of selected options, linking heritage issues with social and economic aspects’ (The Krakow Charter, 2000: art.8). In spite of these recommendations, the efforts for the conservation of ‘modern heritage’ are still limited. Acknowledgment of its cultural value is pushed into the background

several

circumstantial

interests and factors which are often considered more relevant. For this reason, we believe that the figure of the architectrestorer should gain more relevance in the urban renewal process, by encouraging a more careful thought on the in-becoming heritage in our cities.

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

2.4.2

The operative framework

Before hoping a more prominent role for

the contemporary’, ‘of the 20th century’.

the architect-restorer in the conservation of

In the article L’intervento sul contemporaneo:

urban spaces, we should open a discussion

esperienze e tendenze, Giovanni Carbonara and

on the topic of the approach towards the

Simona Salvo (2009) consider this lexical

‘modern’ and put order into a confused

confusion as the symptom of ‘an insecure

framework. In fact, as Pietro Petraiola (2006)

and disjointed development’ of the topic,

asserts, 20th century heritage is perceived as

and most importantly, it evidences the

a turning point in the field of architectural

aforementioned desire for a stand-alone

restoration, to such an extent that a

approach, whose methodology lies outside

widespread demand for a new management

the ‘classical’ standards of architectural

and understanding methodology arose.

restoration.

The approach of the discipline towards this

Such confusion often resulted in the

issue is still an open topic of discussion,

return to an idealized original image of the

and the appellation of ‘restoration of the

building rather than the conservation of its

modern’ itself is deemed (Carbonara and

material condition, marking a throwback in

Salvo, 2009: 97-98; Crippa, 2003: 16) rather

the application of the restoration principles.

ambiguous. In fact, the expression is usually

The advocates of this position ascribe

extended to include buildings which do

the inability of preserving the material

not belong to the standards of the Modern

condition of 20th century architecture to

Movement, and can be also substituted by

the following reasons. Firstly, it is argued

the utterances ‘restoration of the new’, ‘of

that the experimental building materials

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

“RESTORERTHE

employed are difficult, if not impossible

perfection 25 .

to be preserved (Galliani, 2007: 132).

Our

Especially in the realization of structures

and facades, the use of reinforced-concrete

indicated

poses several durability issues. However,

stance

the inherent resistance of these materials

far

from

to conservative actions and their proneness

the

actual

to a steady degradation cannot justify the

architectural

return to an unspoiled appearance of the

restoration field, and aims at preserving the

building. Otherwise, this act would identify

iconic value of the building rather than its

their natural decay as a ‘negative value to

value of ‘cultural asset’.

rectify rather than a fundamental sign of

The understanding and the decryption

meaningfulness and creativeness to be

of those cultural qualities are the key to

wittingly preserved’ (Carbonara and Salvo,

bring back the ‘restoration of the modern’

2009: 100). Thereby, rather than leading

as part of a unified method. In our vision

to the independence of the ‘restoration

then, the argument should move away

of the modern’, this condition should be

from the research of a differentiated

tackled by the architect-restorer through

approach based on alleged limits in the

the acquisition of additional knowledge

field of architectural restoration. Instead,

concerning ‘characteristics, deterioration

we should focus our efforts on overcoming

of materials and intervention techniques as

the substantial difficulty in recognizing

well’, as Raffaella Telese (2004) asserts.

architectural values of the modern caused

opinion that

the is

ARCHITECT SHOULD ACQUIRE ADDITIONAL TECHNICAL KNOWLEDGE TO INTERVENE ON THE ‘MODERN’

„

Besides this argument, Carbonara and Salvo (2009) report a further stance, which sustains 25 This objection directly concerns the architecture of the Modern Movement. Raffaella Telese (2004) sustains that colours and thicknesses adopted by Modernists only add to the difficulty of preserving the original figurative values of the building, especially when integrating missing parts. In these circumstances, the restoration project should not alter the perception of the whole by carefully intervening on the blanks.

that the figurative language of modern architecture cannot be handed down to new generations if deprived of integrity and

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

by the ‘lack of an adequate chronological

However, as far as building obsolescence

gap and by an undeveloped architectural

is concerned, we are not able to apply the

historiography’

Salvo,

same construction to the architecture of the

2009: 98). For this purpose, the discipline

GDR. The East German housing policy was

calls for ‘original studies and analysis’,

above all a demagogic political programme

‘operations

requiring

meant to build a socialist community.

specific and unaccustomed instruments

Despite the heavy prefabrication which

and technologies that could be efficiently

could hint to an avant-garde idea of total

applied to new architectural techniques

reversibility, there were no architectural

and materials’ (Petraiola, 2006: 29). Yet, the

statements behind this choice, but mere

aforementioned proneness to degradation

economic reasons. Obsolescence was not

of the materials used by the Modern was

even taken into account. As the housing

an intended side effect and was an integral

programme in Honecker era (1971-1990)

part of those buildings’ life cycle. Hence,

clearly demonstrates, the goal of the SED

the use of perishable building materials is a

was to upgrade buildings and raising living

statement posing an additional ethical issue

standards and conditions (Hannemann,

to the architect-restorer. Which is the stance

2004). However, after the reunification the

to be taken towards the programmatic

whole Socialist urban planning system itself

ageing and physiological substitution of the

suffered from obsolescence, as a result of

buildings? On this point the position seems

historical circumstances triggered by the

to be rather unitary. Given that ‘the desire

failure of Real Socialism.

of preserving and handing down historical

All the more so, the conservation of urban

documents is not bound to the prerogatives

spaces developed by the GDR is fundamental

and purposes behind their creation’ (Telese,

for ‘cultural, historical and more generally

2004: 278), we indeed preserve Modernist

scientific reasons’ (Carbonara 2006: 21),

buildings in spite of their ‘natural and

as they are the extraordinary heritage of a

arranged

specific cultural model and of an extremely

enacted due to historical reasons, or rather

significant historical period. These are

to protect the heritage of past civilizations

the very reasons behind the activity

for the future generations, as Olimpia Niglio

of restoration. On the other hand, the

(2008) asserts.

conservation of urban developments requires

and

(Carbonara

researches

obsolescence’.

and

Restoration

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

additional efforts and care. Once dealt with

cycle yet and that it is still part of an on-

their crucial acknowledgment as ‘cultural

going creative process. In the light of this,

assets’, we realise the inability of applying

it is argued that the only feasible approach

a standard method, and the importance

consists

of a case by case action. With reference to

buildings. Such position is rather simplistic

our study subject, the task of the architect-

and issues from common misconceptions

restorer is made even more difficult by the

about

nature of former-GDR urban structures. We

most frequent prejudice lies in regarding

are indeed in the presence of organisms which still

are living,

breathing

architectural

“SOCIALIST WITH REFERENCE TO THE FORMER CITIES, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL VALUES ARE ACCOMPAINED BY ECONOMICAL AND USAGE EMERGENCIES

„

and dynamic;

‘redesigning’

the

existing

restoration.

The

restoration as the act of crystalizing a building in time.

Nevertheless,

this

opinion denotes a substantial ignorance about the actual principles and of the real goals of restoration as stated

however they have to face the consequences

by the Venice Charter.

of being child to a failed vision – i.e.

First of all, the Charter describes the process

abandonment, shrinkage, and negative

of restoration as:

demographic trends - in addition to the issues which plague new millennium cities. Hence,

[...] a highly specialized operation. Its aim

the above mentioned historical, cultural and

is to preserve and reveal the aesthetic and historic value of the monument [...] (The

scientific grounds belonging to restoration

Venice Charter, 1964: art. 9).

and conservation, are accompanied by economical

and

usage

reasons

which

As we can see, cultural and historical

concern the field of architectural renovation

instances are closely related with the

(Carbonara, 2006: 21).

aesthetic values of the monument, and

These two instances might apparently seem

strongly emphasized. Hence, the ‘redesign’

conflicting. In fact, as Raffaella Telese reports

approach endangers the whole set of values

(2004: 388-389), numerous architect and

of the fabric, by claiming the right to alter

planners have argued that contemporary

spatial qualities of the buildings in the

heritage has not finished its historical

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

name of their temporal contiguity with

cultural values with the practical utilisation

the present. Moreover, the aforementioned

of the building, which is accountable to

crystallization is seldom, if ever, the right

political, social and economic requirements

solution for a successful conservation,

(Carbonara, 2006: 21). This shift from the old

which:

to the new destination should come after the previously mentioned research of references

[...] is always facilitated by making use

and sources and after an in-depth study of

of them for some socially useful purpose.

the historical and architectural context of

Such use is therefore desirable but it must

the monument. Afterwards, the interventive

not change the layout or decoration of the

restoration should be carried out according

building. It is within these limits only that

to the familiar criteria of authenticity,

modifications demanded by a change of

compatibility, distinguishability, minimal

function should be envisaged and may be permitted.

intervention

and

reversibility

and,

(The Venice Charter, 1964: art. 5)

subsequently, could be articulated into different operations, ranging from the

This crucial statement further highlights the fallacy of considering the

‘restoration

the

modern’ as a stand-alone branch of the discipline. As Pierfranco argues,

Galliani

the

(2007)

purpose

restoring the ‘modern’ is not

“HISTORICAL WE

simple upgrade of the materials to the

SHOULD BALANCE VALUES WITH THE PRACTICAL UTILISATION OF THE BUILDINGS, THROUGH THE FAMILIAR CRITERIA OF ARCHITECTURAL RESTORATION

„

a ‘complacent preservation of the building, led without planning a specific and suitable destiny for its future’. We should instead develop a project which joins together several requirements through the professionalism of the architect restorer. In other words, we should manage to balance the historical and

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

modification of inner spaces, or, if necessary the addition of new

volumes

(Galliani, 2007: 130-132).

Yet, even with clarity of goals and method,

system. Our goal is to design a suitable and

the restoration of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;contemporaryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; - and in

sustainable planning approach by following

particular of the GDR architectural heritage

the methodology explained above. To this

- still poses several thorny issues. First and

end, the next part of this dissertation will

foremost, restorers are often in conflict with

feature an extensive study on the programme

their political counterpart whose goals are

behind the construction of Halle-Neustadt,

often far from the preservation of cultural

the goals and outcomes of the urban design

values. As we have seen in this chapter,

project and on the socio-economic issues

such debate is even more controversial in

currently affecting the district.

Germany, where the attitude towards the cultural values associated with the GDR age is still rather hostile. Of equal importance is the issue of preserving

and

acknowledging

former

Socialist urban systems as cultural assets. However, the challenge we are dealing with is rather complex. In several cases we are indeed faced with the issue of integrating the conservation of cultural values into a context that desperately needs to be revitalized. On the other hand, we have economic interests which usually do not profit from its conservation, and opt for demolition in order to relief their debts, thanks to the previously mentioned subsidies. For the purpose of our study, we have identified a suitable case in the district of Halle-Neustadt in Halle (Saale). In HalleNeustadt, the aforementioned issues are still strongly relevant, including dismissal and demolition of the former GDR urban

PART I OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

PART TWO

T D A T S U E N E L L HA

The city of the chemical workers

Picture 23

Geographical context of Halle-Neustadt. Halle-Neustadt is a district of Halle (Saale), which is the most populous city of Saxony-Anhalt. Through the centuries, Halle acquired the status of important education center. At the present days, the city houses the Martin Luter University of Halle-Wittenberg, the biggest university in Saxony-Anhalt.

NETHERLANDS

BELGIUM

FRANCE

SAXONY-

GERMANY

-ANHALT

BERLIN

POLAND

FORMER EAST GERMANY

HALLE

CZECH REPUBLIC HALLE

SLOVAKIA HALLE-NEUSTADT AUSTRIA

HUNGARY

3.1 ASPIRATIONS OF A SOCIALIST COMMUNITY

3.1.1

A role model town

Halle-Neustadt was the fourth of several

remarked in Part I.

new towns and communities built under

the Central Committee of the SED held a

the GDR rule. Following the planning

conference in the chemical plants of Leuna

experiences of Eisenhüttenstadt, Schwedt

about the chemistry programme of the

and Hoyerswerda, the development of Haneu

DDR. The committee passed an investment

– as the new settlement was nicknamed

programme which scheduled the doubling

by dwellers – went hand-in-hand with

of the current chemistry production, and

the strengthening of the Eastern German

further development of the Buna and Leuna

industrial apparatus,26 as we have already

plants.

Moreover,

conference

also

In November 1958,

the passed

aforementioned a

resolution

concerning the recruitment of labour for 26 The first notable examples of the socialist new town were Nowa Huta in Poland and Magnitogorsk in the Soviet Union. Those cities were built alongside new state kombinat – groups of industries from the same branch - to accommodate workers. The first East German “socialist city”, Stalinstadt, began being built in August 1950 alongside the erection of a new steel mill. Nine years later the town further expanded, with the inclusion of the neighbouring settlement of Fürstenberg. In that occasion, due to the ongoing Destalinization process, Stalinstadt was renamed to

Eisenhüttenstadt. On the other hand, HoyerswerdaNeustadt was built to accommodate the rising numbers of workers employed in the Schwarze Pumpe lignite processing factories. The city kept growing in four distinct development phases until the mid-80s. However the first Plattenbau already started to rise from 1957, due to the large demographic increase and request for accommodation.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 24

A 1964 map indicating the construction site of Halle-West. At first, the choice fell on a relatively small area south west of Nietleben. Successively, the new settlement ended up annexing, and eventually building over the village of Passendorf.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 25

front page of Architektur der DDR, issue 6/1974. A monographic issue on HalleNeustadt was published in occasion of the ten-year anniversary of the city.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 26

Commemorative bronze medal for the 25-year anniversary of HalleNeustadt, portraying the Architect Richard Paulick on the top side.

Picture 27

Commemorative stamp for the 20-year anniversary of the GDR celebrating Halle-Neustadt.

Picture 29

Picture 28

Guests of honour in Halle-Neustadt: Erich Honecker, General Secretary of the SED and Fidel Castro, General Secretary of the Cuban Communist party.

Horst Sindermann lays the first stone for the construction of Halle-West during the groundbreaking ceremony.

Picture 30

Postcards depicting the most prominent landmarks and sights of Halle-Neustadt.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

the chemicals industry and the construction

development of socialist coexistence in

of a new settlement in proximity of the

terms of cultural activities, the supply of

two chemical sites. The first tests carried

housing, sport and recreation’ (Pasternack,

out by the Politburo in 1959 identified the

2012: 9). Functional aspects were not only

area between the old Halle, Nietleben and

related to the site choice – which was of

Passendorf as a suitable site for the new

course strategically located near the Buna

development. The following year,

the

leadership

SED

district

approved

the

site, and eventually, the first earth moving operations began in December 1963.

“REGARDED HALLE-NEUSTADT WAS AS AN UNIQUE OCCASION TO BUILD THE PARADIGM OF A SOCIALIST COMMUNITY

„

Since that moment already,

and Leuna plants - but they were as well understood in a broader, socialist and

communitarian

sense (Pasternack, 2012: 10). ‘Thousands of these chemical

workers

live,

Halle-Neustadt was being regarded as an

in some cases, in villages distant hundreds

unique and exceptional occasion to set up

of kilometres from production. Hours of

new milestones in urban planning. The

transport in crowded vehicles, which take

latest development in social sciences, urban

free time away from them’ (Müller / Schlör /

planning and construction engineering

Bachmann 1968: 6, cited by Pasternack, 2012:

could be applied to build the paradigm of

10). However, as Schulze (2010) observes, the

Socialist way of living, a sort of visiting card

aspect of workers’ leisure time was not only

and national pride outside the GDR, aiming

dictated by the needs of social welfare, but

to build the Socialist community of the

it also underlay a merely pragmatic aspect.

future (Sonntag, 1967). The Ministerrat (1963)

By supplying attractive new apartments,

itself, from the pages of Deutsche Architektur,

the SED directive wanted to attract young

enthusiastically claimed that Halle-Neustadt

and more productive, efficient workforce.

should mark the beginning of a new

Furthermore, the concept of the new city, its

phase for urban planning, characterized

shape and planning was conceived to achieve

by four aspects: ‘the unity of economics,

a demographic increase – by facilitating

high technology, great convenience and

sexual reproduction of the individual. Such

a high level of artistic expression’, aimed

goal had indeed to be achieved through the

at ‘creat[ing] the best conditions for the

increase of individual leisure time and the

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

In substance, Halle-

selective allotment of the new apartments.

capitalistic housing.

First of all, marital status played a role,

Neustadt was the embodiment of what the

and married young couples with different

GDR was ideally meant to be, a small-scale

occupations had priority on the allocation.

prototype of a perfect socialist community:

Planners recognized that the disposable

socially,

time budget between individual time –

dedifferentiated, powerfully

dictated by the work shifts – and biologically

the optimism in the GDR education

determined reproduction time did increase

with a functional planning, and timely

only by shortening commute times.

implementing

Apart from mechanistic needs, we can

advances, at least as far as resources could be

still point out, as Schmidt (1994: 21, cited

mobilized. (Pasternack, 2012: 49).

by Pasternack, 2012) remarks, how these

Concerning the aforementioned rupture

positions further denote the intention of

with the past, although many settlements

creating an urban concept which could be

were indeed built as planned developments

an alternative both to capitalistic planning

and a rupture with planning of the past.

Lichtenhagen, Grünau, Jena Neulobeda, Suhl-

Halle-Neustadt was considered an ideal

North, Dresden-Prohlis, Berlin-Marzahn and

and eloquent ‘socialist reshape’ of the old

Berlin-Hohenschoenhausen, to name a few

city structure, which still bore capitalistic

– they had not the ideological meaning

elements of social iniquity. ‘Specifically,

that was instead ascribed to the planning

it was criticized the social segregation of

of Halle-Neustadt, or any other new town.

residential which

areas

the

[…],

low-income

classes were housed in small, under

dark poor

conditions’

apartments hygienic (Schulze,

politically

SOCIALLY, POLITICALLY, AND ECONOMICALLY DEDIFFERENTIATED

„

2010). The new city was

technical

Magdeburg-New

“BE ATHE“SMALL-SCALE NEW CITY HAD TO GDR”,

and

economically embodying

and

Olvenstedt,

Those

design

Rostock-

prefabricated

housing blocks served the only purpose of solving the

pressing

post-war

issue

housing

stock

in East Germany. On the other hand, the already

therefore the perfect chance to put the

mentioned experiences of Eisenhüttenstadt,

ideals of ‘socialist living’ in practice from

Hoyerswerda and Schwedt had their limits,

scratch, without the pre-war remnant of

and in the 60s were already deemed obsolete

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 31

Coat of arms of Halle-Neustadt. The coat was introduced in 1984, for the 20th anniversary of the groundbreaking ceremony.

(Pasternack, 2012: 9). ‘Eisenhüttenstadt,

Hoyerswerda,

Schwedt [...] yielded a rich treasure of experience. [...] In these settlements, new principles of organization of the urban living environment have been gradually developed. But they also have shown the brittleness, the schematism and monotony of new industrial construction design. Those buildings were also hampered by the realization of incomplete functional solutions and insufficient attention to longterm development opportunities’ (Schlesier

‘The gold of the key represents [...] the ten

et al. 1972: 43, cited by Pasternack, 2012:9).

thousand keys handed over [...] which paved the way for family happiness and joyful

Halle-Neustadt

gained

the

status

laughter of children, for social facilities

independent city in 1967 and its new

accessible to all. To illustrate the function

name27. This decision prevented confusion

Halle-Neustadt as chemical workers city, the

with investment funds, as the old Halle had

benzene ring was used as a graphical symbol in the coat of arms. The emblem symbolizes

completely different issues, and ensured

the close relationship between the district

that local interests would not hinder the

town of Halle and Halle-Neustadt with the

new development (Pasternack, 2012: 18).

inclusion of a [...] six-pointed star edged out

The coat of arms of the new city was highly

of the crest of the city hall. A key feature is

significant of the optimism and enthusiasm

the colour. The red background has been

going around the project:

deliberately chosen in order to document that it has always been the desire and the struggle of the working class to create the living conditions which, today, are the objective in Halle-Neustadt‘ (Town of Halle information centre, 1989: 2f, cited in Pasternack, 2012: 49).

27 Until 1967, the development had been referred to as Halle-West.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

3.1.2

Education, participation and equality: shaping the socialist man

Being the paradigm of the perfect Socialist

Halle-Neustadt.

community, Halle-Neustadt ideally had

In the light of these considerations, and

to form role-model citizens. Pasternack

from the analysis of our case study, we have

(2012: 16) sharply points out that the task

identified two main aims of the educational

of breeding well-schooled individuals was a

system of Halle-Neustadt.

main priority, due to the expected youth of

Firstly, the proximity of the Buna and Leuna

population which would settle. As we have

chemical plants pushed the urge for the

seen, young couples had to be the social norm

creation of a highly specialized scientific and

in Halle-Neustadt; they had priority on the

technological hub. In the new town, future

allocation of new apartments which were

workers had to be formed and put in the

indeed planned for one or two-child families

conditions to keep up to date with the latest

(Pasternack, 2012). It is worth to note that

advances in the field of chemical industry

‘ in 1972, the average age of the adults was

(Pasternack, 2012). Beside the extension

24.4 years. While accounting citizens over

of the Buna-Werke Polythecnic, many other

65 for only 2.6 per cent of the population,

facilities were built until 1989: a section of

the proportion of children was 32.9 per cent‘

the Economics Faculty of the Martin-Luther

(Hafner 2006: 131f, cited by Pasternack,

Universität Halle-Wittemberg, a branch of the

2012). The educational system had therefore

Akademie der Pädagogischen Wissenschaften, the

to be particularly well-developed. The table

Advanced ‘Karl Marx’ high school, and three

on the right gives an idea of the extensive

vocational schools, to mention a few. It was

coverage and distribution of the facilities in

no coincidence that the groundbreaking

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Table 1

Equipment of residential areas with social facilities: chosen values of the “complex policy for urban planning and design of residential areas” - 1986-1990

Facility

Design indications for 1000 units of population

Maximum walking distance

Polytechnic High School

150/180 places

1000 m

Nursery

30 places

600 m

Kindergarten

50 places

600 m

Youth Club

18 places

1250 m

Other Clubs

35 places

1250 m

Bookstores

7/8 sqm for the main function areas

1250 m

Library (children/adults)

1650 inventory units

1250 m

Source: Liebmann (2004: 53) in MfB (1985: 21ff.) in Pasternack (2012: 16)

ceremony for the new city was held at the

lifestyle. The educational policy, therefore,

site of the new Polytechnischen Oberschule

was also aimed to create a socialist life-long

(POS); it was a programmatic statement

learning experience, strong of the optimistic

which involved not only children and

idea of educating people through tangible

young people, but the whole East German

conditions (Pasternack, 2012). This program

population in the path towards an educated

also involved fine arts, as in Halle-Neustadt

nation

Apparently,

we could record the installation of over 180

this long-term goal had been successfully

works. The pieces had both a pragmatic –

achieved, as it is certified by a study of the

decoration of space – and programmatic

90s (Hafner, 2006: 132 in Schulze, 2010)

function, as they illustrate Socialist ideology

that the population in Halle-Neustadt had an

and way of life (Pasternack, 2012).

above-average level of education.

Awareness on those tangible conditions

On the other hand, by focusing on cultural

was further on increased by the constant

and spiritual education while increasing

involvement of the population in the

spare time, the SED hoped to ‘steer the

planning process. ‘Although in the typical

leisure interests’ (Walter, 1968: 86 cited in

limits of paternalistic socialist participation

Pasternack, 2012: 16) towards a socialist

patterns’

(Pasternack,

2012).

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

(Pasternack,

2012:

12),

the

Picture 32

Unity of the working class and foundation of the GDR, Josep Renau Berenguer, 1970-1974. Ceramic mosaic decorating the exterior of a Plattenbau in Am Stadion. Pasternack (2012: 32) reports that HalleNeustadt was a real open air gallery, featuring â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;a total of 184 works of fine and applied artâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

participative model formula gave citizenship

architectural typology featured a smaller

the idea of being part of a collective project,

living space and custom-made furniture,

thus increasing the sense of solidarity,

purposely designed for the new type. The P

community and of belonging towards

2.12, which had to set a new living standard

the future city. The involvement process

in the GDR, was particularly appreciated by

started at a very early stage of the design,

younger people, while older couples were

with a 1961 exhibition which introduced

quite disappointed by the new apartments,

the planning concept to the population of

especially by reason of their small size29

Halle; in the same occasion, 10.000 leaflets

(Pasternack, 2012: 12). Due to their reduced

about key aspects and questions on urban

dimensions, new apartments were sensibly

planning in Halle-West were distributed to

cheaper to reproduce; moreover it was

catch the interest of professionals from design offices. The initiative was rather successful, with the organizing committee receiving over 400 responses. (Pasternack, 2012: 11). Subsequently, two other exhibitions followed, along with six main public discussion forums.

“AND EARLY EDUCATION INVOLVEMENT IN

THE PLANNING PROCESS WERE THE INSTRUMENTS TO SHAPE THE SOCIALIST COMMUNITY

„

easier

arrange

blocks so that no cell had more than one room exposed to north and all of them had view on a green space. The

prefabricated

Even the jury for the 1964 urban design

type could also be easily justified on an

competition included chemical workers

ideological level. If the new city was to

from the Leuna and Buna plants besides

be a role model for the spatial and urban

members of the Bauakademie and public

transposition of Socialism, equality had

officers.

to be lived by the citizenship firsthand.

1964 was also the year of the exhibition held

Equality had to permeate all aspects of life,

at the Volkspark in Halle, which presented the new P 2.1228 prefab-apartment type. The new 29 Pasternack (2012: 12) reports some opinion of the future residents, gathered during an interview at the Buna plant: ‘I would once like to see the homes of the architects who designed this apartment type!’ ‘It is ridiculous to expect that a married couple with two children would live in this dollhouse!’

28 See paragraph 3.2.2 for a more detailed description of the architectural typology conceived for the new apartments in Halle-Neustadt.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

starting from the share of natural resources available, leisure and, eventually, of living space. The Platte system allowed the creation an architectural language for equality - through homogenization of element and the enactment of a real alternative to capitalism, by â&#x20AC;&#x201C; at least apparently - erasing the existing social differences: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The

residential

complex

city

under Socialism is not characterized by differentiation based on income groups, professions or other differences. [...] There is no precedence when assigning the location within a residential building. Everyone lives under the same conditions in the same housing: here, the General Director lives in the same house as the operator from the large chemical plant, the mayor on the same block with the switch attendant from the heat supply centre and the town plannerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Schlesier and Autorenkollektiv (1972: 85), cited by Schulze, 2010).

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

3.1.3

Limits of a cybernetic dwelling machine

The considerations we have described so

transfer behavior patterns to its residents

far denote an almost boundless optimism

through its morphology and institutions

and a blind trust in social sciences and

(Pasternack, 2012: 14-15, 53). Predictability

masterplan. Modern sciences were the basis

of human behaviour was also facilitated by

of the assumption that the new city could

the functional zoning of the city in areas of

be regarded as a controllable mechanistic

housing, employment, leisure and transport,

system, with self-regulating subsystems

and the transposition of the social role of

which allowed the unhindered development

the individuals into spatial organization.

of the socialist life and ambitions. At the same

Therefore, the idea of functionality also

time, the ‘algorithmic’ implementation in

extended to the ‘new socialist man’, who was

the image of the city – and its processes – of

to be formed in Halle-Neustadt and shaped so

ideological and political content, allowed

that he contributed to the collective good

to minimize intromissions from the GDR

(Pasternack, 2012: 53-54).

parent system. Those features implied

Yet, the 1972 volume Plan und Bau der

the application of an almost cybernetic

Chemiearbeiterstadt

way of intending the city. On one hand,

evidences how the scientific rigor needed for

people were thought to move in the urban

the management of the new city had been,

space by following predefined loops and

in his view, underestimated. Although being

patterns dictated by shift times in Buna

a carefully moved constructive criticism,

and Leuna, free days and school hours; on

which encouraged ‘not to resign over the

the other hand the city was supposed to

dynamics and the size of the tasks ahead’,

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

edited

Schlesier,

the study – addressed to an international audience through summaries numerous

multilingual -

reports technical

deficiencies affecting the

“PROJECT THE UTOPIC ASPECT OF THE WAS THE BOUNDLESS

TRUST IN THE MASTERPLAN AS THE INSTRUMENT TO REGULATE URBAN DYNAMICS

„

design of Halle-Neustadt.

Bloc, as the idea of controlling processes

social through

urban planning and architecture

was

indeed a mainstream tendency in the 70s.

The defects list embraces urban scale and

However, in Halle-Neustadt this approach was

the detail scale alike, ranging from the

devised as an applied critique of capitalism,

impression of monotony and schematism

and an attempt to balance the iniquities

of the facades, low quality and durability

in its cities:

of materials used, lack of soundproofing

and workplaces’, ‘imbalances in the goods

in apartments. While conceptual issues

supplying system and cultural care of

are not mentioned, underestimating ‘the

the population’ and the ‘irregular and

complexity and the intricacy of building

anarchic growth of the city structure and its

a city of this size’ seems to be, according

transport system’ (Koenen 1962: 133 cited

to Schlesier, the cause of the technical

by Pasternack, 2012: 15).

deficiencies (Pasternack, 2012: 22-23)

It should not be surprising then, that most

Nevertheless, the technocratic belief in

of the criticism moved to the outcomes of

the predictability of urban life was not a

the Neustadt design project shares many

peculiar feature of the DDR or the Eastern

similarities with negative censure against

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

the ‘bad neighbourhoods

other European urban developments of the

need for a more ordered architecture. In this

70s. As Pasternack (2012: 25-26) reports, the

case, the sought ‘order’ is to be intended as

physical separation of urban functions was,

‘clarity’ and ‘readability’ of the city.According

for instance, criticized by Kühne (1986) in

to Pasternack (2012: 26) Halle-Neustadt failed

relation to the whole GDR prefabricated

to achieve a clear structure not because it was

housing system. Segregation, along with the

not conceived by planners, rather because

monotonous space and the undifferentiated

of its unimaginative, uniform and dull

architectural forms prevented urban life

architecture, incapable of psychologically

from expressing itself with vibrant intensity,

engage the user. This condition reflected a

thus denying the original intentions of

problem of the image of the city, and a lack

the masterplan (Bach, 1966: 7 cited by

of sense of place and belonging; a 1985 study

Pasternack, 2012). Another point emerged

on the original planning goals (Staufenbiel

in a 1980 (Weber & Zimmermann, cited

& al., 1985) evidenced how ‘only half of the

by Pasternack, 2012) experimental survey

interviewees felt at home in Halle-Neustadt,

about the ‘effects of the urban form’, and

and about a third would have preferred to

their relation with the processes of social

live in a different place (Pasternack, 2012:

appropriation. Although the structure of

26).

the city was quite simple, one of the most significant outcomes of the research was the

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

3.2 THE FORM OF THE NEW CITY

3.2.1

Construction and planning of Halle-Neustadt

As it has been reported in the previous

site offered the possibility to build a quick

paragraph, the new settlement was to

railway connection to the chemical plants

be established between Passendorf and

and allowed the partial use of the existing

Nietleben, on the west bank of the river

railroad (Paulick, 1967: 203).

Saale, opposite the old town. Richard

The guidelines of the masterplan for

Paulick (1967: 203) describes from the pages

Halle-Neustadt were eventually defined

of Deutsche Architektur how the site choice

through a 1962 architectural competition:

was influenced by several factors, such as

the requirements were the division in

its ‘bioclimatic suitability, the possibility

Wohnekomplexe

of rapid transportation’ and even ‘the

population of 12.000 inhabitants and the

recreational opportunities in the area’. While

inclusion of a central square equipped

meeting the requirement of proximity to

with a community centre. Moreover, the

the chemical plants, the chosen location was

guidelines assigned a particular relevance to

also found to be favourable in terms of wind

the road infrastructure: a new highway had

direction, so that the fume plumes of the

to be the backbone of the district, while also

industries would not disperse upon the new

providing the link to the Old Halle by the

city (Hermann, 2000: 27). Besides that, the

construction of a bridge upon the Saale. In

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

with

approximate

parallel with the competition, Ernst Proske

appointed chief architect and head of the

and Gerard Kroeber led a preparatory urban

Urban Development Collective for Halle-

planning phase and a preliminary design

West. These conditions could explain both

for the development of WK I30 from 1960 to

the decision of reserving land for the future

1963 (Hermann, 2000: 27, 31).

expansion of the town – with the increase

However, given the growing importance

of the planned size of five apartment

that the SED assigned to the development

complexes to seven with the addition of two

of the chemical industry, the design process

more residential areas by the end of the 70s

underwent a sudden acceleration. The

- and the ‘overlapping of construction and

project also began being modified more

planning’ (Hermann, 2000: 31). Especially

and more frequently, in favour of higher

in Wohnekomplexe I to III, it is interesting to

population density: Daniel Hermann (2000:

note how the aforementioned overlapping

28) reports that, until 1964, the planning

resulted into experimental and trial-by-

history of the district is characterized

error processes, involving the form of the

by numerous revisions which led to the

complexes and the interaction between the

‘transition from the four-story blocks to

urban-architectural and artistic concept.

the construction of eight and twelve-storey

WK I, for instance, although still suffering

elongated residential blocks’. Eventually,

from ‘relatively uniform urban spaces’

the urgency caused by the industrial

(Siegel, 1967) dictated by the path of the

growth led to the immediate beginning of

cranes track, already shows the first signs

the construction works, which officially

of the Kunst am Bau unity, with landscaping

started on September 17th 1963.

During

experimentations and use of ornamental

the ground breaking ceremony held on July

and decorative elements. While in WK I art

15th 1964, Paulick – who had worked with

and landscaping were implemented only

Gropius before being an exile in China,

in the executive phase of the project, in

and had a Bauhaus background31 - was

WK II this interaction is improved through the cooperation with a collective of artists and landscape designers since the early

Abbreviation of Wohnkomplex.

31 The intentions behind the project and its final outcomes project have indeed strong ties with the ideals of the Modern Movement. See Paragraph 3.2.2

for an in-depth analysis on the Bauhaus influence upon the planning of Halle-Neustadt.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Legend Urban area / Halle Old town centre / Halle Residential complexes / Halle-West Residential complexes centres / Halle-West Supply area Areas reserved for expansion

Picture 33

The plan above defines the main functional areas of the new district, including service centres for each Wohnekomplexe and space allocated for future expansion.

Picture 34

On the left, a large-scale study drawing defines the connections with Buna and Leuna, featuring a calculation of the commute times from Halle-West. PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

planning stage. The planned shape for the complex still had experimental traits, but featured the first ‘angular construction groups’

(Siegel,

1967),

and

presented

‘greater height contrasts with duplex floors and roof gardens’ (Paulick, 1967). In WK III all the urban, architectural and artistic achievements obtained in WK I and II found their best application, and prefigured the residential complex as a turning point and a model for future urban planning in Halle-Neustadt. The artists and landscapers collective participated since the urban planning phase, to define the appropriate focus of the design project and create a balance contrast of more intimate and larger social spaces. Besides the interaction between art and architecture, the goal of WK III was to define a workflow, and generally valid solutions for the design of building corner solutions and better exploitation of the crane track (Paulick, 1967; Siegel, 1967). The residential complexes in Halle-Neustadt also feature the experimental introduction of the P 2.12 apartment type mentioned in the

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 35

Richard Paulick commenting on a scale model of Halle-Neustadt with Zaglmeier, Siegel and Bach.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

previous paragraph. According to Hermann

is the Block 10, a 10-storey, 380-metres long

(2000: 44), the P 2.12 type was conceived

building whose central parts were designed

as a 60 m2 (balcony excluded) three-room

on the P 2 module. The design experiments

apartment with a fixed layout. A 5.99 m2

carried in WK II and III, on the other hand

corridor led to a 20.72 m2 living room on the

were focused on solving the corner solution

left; the room was equipped with a service

and connection issues for the new module;

hatch connecting the 4.97 m2 kitchen with

the outcomes ranged from the opening of

entrance through the hallway. The master

free passages on the ground floor, to the

bedroom (11.05 m2) and the kidsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; bedroom

creation of terrace roofs and eventually, the

(9,83 m2), along with the 3.52 m2 bathroom,

design of duplex apartments at the top floor

were located on the right of the hallway.

(Fraustadt, 1967).

Such layout allowed the use of 6 m outer wall

In regard to their general character, the

prefab plates, and the creation of continuous

Wohnekomplexe were literally functionally

balconies and loggias. Initially, the P 2.12

independent

type was featured in the experimental

initially planned to accommodate 10.000

housing project of WK I, especially in the

â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 11-000 units. However, the urge to

longer blocks due to the versatility of the

rationalize the maintenance costs of the city,

6-metres module. Particularly interesting

led the planners to increase the number of

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

residential

developments,

Picture 36

Schematic type plan for a residential complex centre in Wohnkomplex III.

Picture 37

Conceptual perspective sketch of the entrance to Halle-Neustadt from old Halle, with the GimritzerDamm complex on the sides.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

inhabitants to 15.000 – 20.000. Paulick itself (1967: 204) explains how smaller sizes were found to be economically unfavourable, due to the fact that lower densities led to the creation of garden-like cities, with ‘small decentralised and unprofitable utilities and relatively large green spaces, which [were expensive] and labour-intensive to maintain’. In this regard, Halle-Neustadt marks a significant progress in Socialist urban planning, since residential complexes of the 50s used to contain a population from 4500 to 5500 inhabitants. Every residential complex was equipped with autonomous energy supply, recreation and education facilities, located within walking distance from the blocks. Stores and leisure activities were an integral part of planning, included into a single low-rise building equipped with several independent, flexible and easily modifiable spaces. The center was designed to cater for a ‘population density of over 300 inhabitants / ha’ (Paulick, 1967: 205) and comprised of a department store, a post office, a restaurant,

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 38

Sketch of the residential complex centre area in Wohnkomplex III

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 39

(above) South-eastern skyline of Wohnkomplex I in 1974

Picture 40

Perspective sketches of Wohnkomplex III.

club rooms and healthcare facilities. Larger spaces between apartment blocks were usually allocated for the combination of nurseries and day-care centres and schools with gyms and other sport facilities. To concentrate functions, facilities for children were also built right next to schools (Hermann, 2000: 37). Smaller gaps between buildings were instead intended as collective spaces for recreation, and often designed as parks or playgrounds, while the use of statues and sculptures further helped developing the quality of Wohnkomplexparks (Hermann, 2000: 28). The eleven-storey elongated blocks running parallel to the path of the planned highway â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the so called An der Magistrale, formed a sort of boundary PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

Picture 41

Isometric sketch of the commercial area. The volume of the 18 floor blocks of student apartments dominates the whole composition.

Picture 42,43

Perspective sketches of the city centre, facing respectively the central square (42) and WK III (43)

Picture 44

1974 plan of the stores area in the newly built city centre. The project included three Zwischenbauten, stores on two separately accessible levels.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

for the residential complexes. The road

The two far end of the NeustĂ¤dter Passage had

network plan itself had strong ties with the

different heights, with the western central

construction schedule, and was conceived to

square at 4.20 m â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the height of a storey.

prevent vehicular traffic through the blocks.

Such height difference allowed the planners

Cul-de-sacs were designed for the smaller

to design the Passage on two floors, with

streets ends and, the rest of the network

an elevated pedestrian platform. Besides

was planned in order to bind commuters

receiving pedestrians from WK IV, the bridge

to peripheral routes, if taken, to prevent

also made possible to develop shops and

further car crossing (Hermann, 2000).

recreational facilities on two independent

An exception to this planning scheme

floors, by placing them adjacent to the

was made by the WK IV, which received no

platform. The eastern end of the street

independent facilities in order to densify the

featured a marketplace and a department

city centre. The complex was planned north

store, to preserve the character of a shopping

of the NeustĂ¤dter Passage and designed in

street (Khurana, 1974). As described above,

order to create a continuous pedestrian area

the western end of the Passage featured the

to link blocks, city centre and the Bruchsee

central square, with underground access

city park to the west. The pedestrian flow is

to the railway station, and the town hall on

canalized towards the five 16-storey towers

the eastern side. The square, as Hermann

which dominate the composition of the

(2000: 40) describes, had been a brownfield

city centre and lead to the Passage (Khurana,

site until the construction of a cinema in the

1974; Hermann, 2000). This area had an

early 80s. The original concept for the area

east-west elongated extension, featuring

also featured an educational and cultural

shops and health facilities, various services,

centre, which had been never implemented

and restaurants of municipal relevance.

due to economic factors.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

3.2.2

Rational-socialism

Besides having been a significant advance

architectural legacy because it claims that

in the field of urban studies and building

ideas cannot be given architectural form

technology under Socialism, the experience

and that, in architecture, form, function, and construction take precedence’ (Thöner,

of Halle-Neustadt also marked an important

2005: 122).

phase in the reception of the architectural language inherited by the modernism. In

Contextualized into the historic framework

particular, the Bauhaus aesthetics - which

of the Cold War, the rejection of the Bauhaus

was the most prominent representative of

is connected to the concept of International

the Modern Movement in Germany – until

Style, coined in 1932 by Henry-Russell

the mid of the 60s was still deemed an ‘affront

Hitchcock e Philip Johnson. According to

to national traditions’ (Thöner, 2005: 120)

the 1948 volume entitled In USA erbaut, 1932–

by the SED. The main topic of criticism were

1944, published in Western Germany – the

formalism and functionalism, considered

International Style had American origins

incapable of elevating ‘the construction to

but deep roots in the European modernist

a work of art’ (Thöner, 2005: 122) ; Walter

culture. Therefore, modernist aesthetics was

Ulbricht, first state secretary of the SED and

unsuitable for Eastern culture, since it was

prime minister of the GDR described the

regarded as a ‘genuinely American’ (Thöner,

Bauhaus style as:

2005: 121) product, deprived of beauty and distant from the national architectural

‘an alien hostile phenomenon because it denied “the necessity of the creative use

legacy and context.

of progressive elements of the national

However,

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

the

Destalinization

process

actuated by Nikita Khruscev, and the first

argument raised – first against and then in

signs of a long term economic crisis, also

favour of the Modern. Wolfgang Thöner

affected the current architectural tastes,

(2005: 123) reports that in 1951 Paulick had

as in December 1954 the new Communist

to adapt his idea for the Sports Centre on

Party secretary ‘called for the loosening of

the Stalinallee in Berlin to the new national

Stalinist doctrines in architecture and for the

aesthetics, by designing a frieze and a

industrialization of construction’ (Thöner,

colonnade for the entryway. The original

2005:

decorative

plan ‘drew upon modernist theatre designs

formalism of the ‘national tradition’ that

from the early 1930s, in which one could

marked the first decade of the GDR’s

see all the characteristics of Philip Johnson

architectural history started giving way

and Henry-Russell Hitchcock’s definition of

to the design of buildings that were both

International Style’. Given Paulick’s forced

functional and economic, mainly aimed at

self-distancing from the Bauhaus ideas, his

solving the housing problem and the issue of

attempt to reintroduce modernist ideas in

reconstruction32. Rehabilitation of Bauhaus

the plan of Halle-Neustadt should not be

was also favoured by the application of

surprising. The concept for the new city

the latest technological and scientific

may have not been admittedly modernist,

achievements to the building industry,

and it was certainly tolerable, as in those

which allowed more efficient prefabrication

years the debate around the architectural

and construction speed.

language of the GDR was shifting in favour

As a former pupil of Walter Gropius,

of the Bauhaus tradition. But whilst Halle-

Bauhaus

Paulick

Neustadt was ‘hardly viewed in connection

experienced in first person the effects of the

with the Bauhaus [and more in general, the

125).

The

architect

grandiose

Richard

modern movement] even in East Germany’ (Thöner, 2005: 128), the project was included

32 As we have noted in Part I, Paragraph 2.2.1, the hasty solution of housing and reconstruction issues were among the main propaganda topics in the newly found GDR. As Hüter, (cited by Thöner, 2005: 125) asserts: ‘It was the pressure to increase productivity which pushed aside the officially decreed decorative style; despite, or rather because of the unreflective turn from a narrow-minded historicism to an equally narrow-minded technology of construction from large pre-fabricated forms, the steady diet of forced overideologization remained unchanged’.

by Aldo Rossi in the XV Triennale di Milano catalogue entitled Architettura Razionale. Angelika Schnell (2010: 51) stresses out the importance of this inclusion: ‘the project […] is […] to be considered a contemporary Rationalist project of the same value as those

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

100

Picture 49

Cover of the catalogue of the XV Triennale di Milano, with the introduction to the winning design project for Halle-Neustadt.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

101

by Ungers, Krier, Eisenman, or Stirling; it is the only project singled out in Rossi’s introduction’. Specifically, it was praised for the collective planning approach which was, in Aldo Rossi’s opinion, a concrete way for architecture to successfully engage society and the modern world. Under this light, rationalist architecture was considered ‘socialist architecture’, and the approach adopted for Halle-Neustadt was commended independently from its outcomes (Schnell, 2010: 59). However, this stance was not universally shared. By way of example, Joseph Rykwert criticized the work method as it led to mass standardization through the use of small prefabricated forms. On the other hand, the ‘new generation of architects in the West criticized architectural and urban planning concepts like those of the CIAM, which were also the basis for HalleNeustadt’ (Thöner, 2005: 128). As a matter of fact, a number of architectural and planning solutions

designed

for

Halle-Neustadt

remind us of Le Corbusier’s theories. For

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

102

Picture 50

View of Block 10, and the Buratino kindergarten, on the left. in WK I. This 380 m long building is perhaps the most significant symbol of the socialist utopic plans for Halle-Neustadt.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

103

instance, the use of the Magistrale as an east-

pillars should have been left empty to create

west backbone for the whole district can

supply areas on two levels. As previously

be compared to network system designed

described, Block 10 featured the use of

in Brasilia, which features a main pipeline

the standardized P 2.12 module: another

route as well. The Wohnekomplexe also

reference to the concept of the ‘living cell’,

show a few solutions resembling the ideas

presented in 1925 by Le Corbusier in his

presented in the urban concepts of Plan Voisin

pavilion ‘De l’ Esprit Nouveau’ (Hermann,

and Ville Radieuse. In WK 3, the meandering

2000: 36-42).

shape of the residential buildings reminds

To conclude this section, through the analysis

of the lower gradation planned for the

conducted so far it is possible to deduce how

outer rings of Ville Radieuse. On the other

our case study makes a significant example

hand, some of the experimental blocks carry

of architectural heritage of the modern. The

on the idea of the Unitè d’ Habitation: the

ideas of dwelling machine and cybernetic

original plan of Block 201 in WK 3 featured

city found in Halle-Neustadt an important

the overlapping of functional layers rather

application attempt – even if they were

than the superimposition of flats, and a

already obsolete in Western countries. In

pillared structure. Particularly impressive

this regard, our judgment should abstract

is the aforementioned Block 10 in WK 1: the

from the political programme behind the

original plan reserved the lower levels of

plan which should be treated as a ‘product

the building to social services and common

of its times’.

areas while on residential floor, cells next to

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

104

3.3 REQUIEM FOR AN UTOPIA POST 1989-NEUSTADT

3.3.1

Portrait of a ‘shrinking city’

On May 6th 1990, 66.1% of the Neustädter

arduous task of balancing two cities, while

spoke up for merging with the old Halle

dealing with unprecedented economic,

municipality through a local referendum.

social

Peer Pasternack (2012: 56-57) states that, far

These dynamics, which underwent the

from being an act of capitulation towards the

name of ‘urban shrinkage’, manifested

new system or a way to repair the anomaly

themselves with negative demographic

caused by the separation of the two cities, the

trends, deurbanization, abandonment and

reunification had a different background.

high vacancy rates. Philipp Oswalt (2008)

By merging Halle with Neustadt, the city

describes with great efficacy the challenge

reached the sum of 300.000 inhabitants, so

posed by shrinkage, which is still seen by

that it could rightfully participate in the

our society as an ‘accident and exception’.

political debate around the choice of the

Modern thinking – and architecture and

future capital of Saxony-Anhalt. However,

urban planning as well – have been ruled

the choice eventually fell on Magdeburg,

since 19th century by the idea of endless

which was deemed more appropriate.

growth, which is ‘the foundation of [our]

The decision proved to be far-seeing, as

ideas, concepts for action, theories, laws

Halle is nowadays still struggling with the

and practices; yet, we are slowly reaching a

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

105

and

demographic

phenomena.

Figure 1

Number of unemployed and long-term unemployed 19902008 30.000

25.000

unemploeyees

20.000

15.000

10.000

5.000 0 1990

1995

unemployed long-term unemployed

2000

2005

2008

[Source: UFZ database in (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 20)].

turning point (set to the end of 21st century),

significant case-study, as the most evident

in which shrinkage and growth will be

phenomenon

balanced. According to Oswalt’s hypotheses,

strongly tied with the effects of post-

new theories and instruments will therefore

socialism

be required to face socioeconomic and

suburbanisation as well.

planning issues and allow a ‘reversal of view:

construction [should not be] the goal, but

Environmental Research (UFZ) of Leipzig

the starting point’.

explains how the combine-economy of the

Along

with

suburbanisation

2011

and, report

deindustrialisation to of

certain the

extent,

Centre

for

and

GDR was dismantled under capitalism. The

metropolitanisation, deindustrialisation of

state companies connected to the Buna and

mono-industrially oriented sites appears

Leuna facilities were ‘disintegrated and

to be one most influential factors of urban

privatised – although with an extremely

shrinking in 20th century. In this regard,

reduced number of employees’. It is also

Halle-Neustadt makes an exceptionally

assessed that, since reunification, about one

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

106

fourth of the jobs have been lost. The extent

of shrinkage, which also had strong

of the Eastern deindustrialization is well

repercussions on the social composition of

described by these figures:

the city. While until 1989 Halle-Neustadt had - as we have described earlier - a strong

‘the number of jobs related to industrial

social mix encouraged by the Socialist

activities per 1,000 persons now is around

state, with the shift towards a capitalist

50, compared to an average of 114 in West

economy and the loss of jobs, segregation

German territorial states (which includes

phenomena began to manifest. The first to

agrarian regions)’ (Dieter, Haase, Bernt,

leave, drawn by safer career opportunities

Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 19).

in the West, were younger individuals and people with high degrees of education –

Right after the reunification, the massive

which in Neustadt represented a fair share

unemployment produced by the chemical

of the population. Outmigration led to a

industry dismantling was kept under

flats surplus, and an increase of the vacancy

control. The UFZ reports that the ‘public-

rates, also due to newly renovated units and

job creation measures’ and also ‘early

housing complexes (Dieter, Haase, Bernt,

retirement programmes’ gave work to

Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 27). No longer

one third of the unemployed workforce.

regulated by the fixed prices imposed by

However, unemployment rate kept rising

the GDR state, the housing market of Halle

from 1990 to 2005, peaking in the year 2000

responded to the new conditions with a drop

at 21%.

of prices and rents that increased residential

The decrease of the unemployment rate

and social mobility. The UFZ report (Dieter,

from 2005 could be attributed to the

Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 27)

first reindustrialisation attempts in the

concludes that ‘selective processes of out

area, with the modern Dow Chemicals

and in-migration led to a differentiation

facilities in Merseburg and the solar cell

of the socio-economic structure of Halle’s

production plants in Bitterfeld that pushed

population and a rearrangement and

unemployment rate down to 13.8 in 2008

strengthening of patterns of segregation’.

(Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig,

On the other hand,the fall of Socialism opened

2011: 21). Deindustrialisation

certainly

new business opportunities for suburban

development, and the newly acquired land

be acknowledged as the main factor

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

107

saw a phase of intense suburbanization right after the fall of the Wall. ‘Benefitting from diverse subsidies’ and unrestricted by the ‘lack of coordinated regional planning and cooperation between the cities and surrounding

municipalities’

(Dieter,

Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 22), commercial and residential developments were

built.

However,

suburbanization

interested in particular areas with poor housing conditions, which coincided with the old Halle - neglected by the GDR - and was not as relevant as deindustrialisation in regards to demographic dynamics33

33 The yearly maximum of suburbanization was reached in 1998 with 4,600 persons. Before and after that time period, interregional migration was (and is) more important for population losses in Halle. By and large, interregional out-migration has been more important for population decline in Halle than suburbanization (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 25)

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

108

3.3.2

Job outmigration, segregation patterns and ageing

In order to analyse demographic records and

district went down to 46.000 units in 2008.

better comprehend shrinkage phenomena,

Stabilisation signs are not visible, as from

a distinction between the Old Halle and the

2000 to 2008 Halle-Neustadt lost 8000 more

Neustadt has to be drawn. The old city had

inhabitants (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and

already been affected by population loss from

Ludwig, 2011: 10). These figures point out

the late 60s to the late 70s, (Dieter, Haase,

how the two cities shrink at different paces.

Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 10), due to

However, due to the joining of the two

outmigration towards the nearby Neustadt.

municipalities, Halle became â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;one of the big

However, from 1989, the demographic trend

cities in Eastern Germany with the biggest

drastically changed and almost reverted.

population loss throughout the 1990s and

While until the turn of the millennium both

the 2000sâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and

parts of the city saw a constant population

Ludwig, 2011: 10).

decrease, from 2000 to 2008 old Halle lost

As we have already pointed out in the

merely 4000 inhabitants, showing signs of

stabilisation. On the other hand, Neustadt

migration appears to be the main factor of

lost almost half of its population in the span

shrinkage, with share of negative population

of 20 years: from a population peak of almost

balance equal to the 80% of the total loss

94.000 inhabitants in 1987, the prefab

(Raschke and Schultz, 2006: 51 in Dieter,

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

109

paragraph,

job-related

out-

Table 2

Age groups and ageing 1989 - 2008

1989*

1996

2000

2008

Share of people (0-14)

19.2

13.5

11.1

10.8

Share of people (15-65)

66.3

71.8

71.9

66.2

Share of people (65+)

14.5

14.7

17.1

23.1

Youth dependency rate**

28.9

18.8

15.4

15.6

Age dependency rate***

21.8

20.5

23.7

33.4

Index of ageing****

75.5

108.9

154.0

21.41

* without Halle-Neustadt ** (0-14) / (15-65), per cent *** (65+) / (15-65), per cent **** (65+) / (0-14), per cent

Source: UFZ database in (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 12).

Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 11).

although in this segment the costs slightly

Especially in Halle-Neustadt, this process

increased until 2004 [...]While during the

- which started right after the German

last few years the rents for low-price housing remained stable, they slightly increased for

reunification - manifested with ‘selective’

middle and high quality locations’ (Dieter,

traits, since it involved in particular young

Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 28)

people and individuals with high education degrees. On the other hand, people with

‘above average values of low income and

stronger

segmentation

the

market prevents lower income groups

unemployment remained’ (Dieter, Haase,

from

Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 29), leading

benefitting

wider

relocation

opportunities, excluding them from areas

to the first signs of social segregation and

with rising prices. It is significant that

differentiation. Such trend has been further

during the second half of the 90s, ‘the share

on boosted by the increasing vacancy rates

of inhabitants who depend on social benefit

and the resulting reaction of the housing

increased considerably’. Nowadays, the

market. Rents and prices for flats fell, yet not

share of dwellers living on social benefits is

in every market segment, as:

higher in Halle-Neustadt than in the rest of the city. Neustadt itself is becoming more

‘[...] the highest costs are to be paid for post-

differentiated as low-income households

1990 flats, the lowest for pre-1948 housing

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

110

Figure 2

Population development of Halle â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;old partâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and Halle-Neustadt 1967-2008 300.000

250.000

population

200.000

150.000

100.000

50.000 0 1967

1972

1977

1982

1987

1992

1997

2002

2007

[Source: UFZ database in (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 11)].

Old Halle Halle-Neustadt

Figure 3

Out-migration 1993-2008 according to target region

16.000 14.000 12.000 10.000 8.000 6.000 4.000 2.000 0 1993

1997

2001

2005

2008

[Source: UFZ database in (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 14)]. Germany Western Germany towards foreign countries suburbs

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

111

tend to concentrate in the southern part,

UFZ report, ageing will become more and

while the northern part is stabilizing (Dieter,

more important as a negative population

Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011).

development factor, due to the decrease of

Moreover, due to the migration of the

women in child-bearing age. This condition

younger households, the population of

– the report asserts – ‘cannot be reversed

Halle-Neustadt

process

in the mid-term even by improved labour

of accelerated aging, aggravated by the

market conditions and household incomes

relatively young pre-1989 population age.

but at best attenuated’ (Dieter, Haase, Bernt,

The UFZ figures for the whole Halle

Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 16).

municipality clearly describe how the

Future

phenomenon affected especially the prefab

evidences the effect that population ageing,

housing estates (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt

constant segregation and shrinkage could

and Ludwig, 2011: 12). From 1989 to 2008,

have in the long period: the IBA website

the 0-18 group share had a drastic decrease

(2010) reports that while in 2009 231.978

(from 22 to 13 %), while, in the same period

people still lived in Halle, prospects for 2020

the share of the eldest group (65+) grew from

and 2025 show further population decrease

14% to 23%. The most recent ageing index is

trends (2020: 215.000; 2025: 206.120),

a straightforward sign of the anomaly, and

without stabilization signs.

underwent

rose to 214.1 in 2008 from the 75.5 of 1989 – a 138.6 point increment. Therefore we can conclude that a sizeable population share of the former GDR settlements is made by ‘first generation dwellers’, those who ‘aged together with the housing estates (ageing in place)’ (Dieter, Haase, Bernt, Arndt and Ludwig, 2011: 31). This

condition

has

two

evident

consequences. First of all, the occurring of age related segregation phenomena, which are bound to increase as the population keeps ageing. On the other hand, according to the

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

112

population

prospect

effectively

Picture 51

‘Wohnzelle’. Facade of a residential building in WK III. Surprisingly, this block is occupied, but nevertheless in bad shape.

PART II HALLE-NEUSTADT

113

Picture 52

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Herzlich wilkommenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. This shot was taken in an off-limits area of the underground S-Bahn station of Halle-Neustadt, at 7:20 AM.

Picture 53

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Damnatio memoriae?â&#x20AC;&#x2122;. However, the off limits area is not-so-off-limits. The old S-Bahn platform is separated from the new train platform by a thin wall easy to bypass.

Picture 54

‘Wall-in’. Sealed entrance to a vacant bulding on An der Magistrale. Those buildings have become playgrounds for writers, crews and urban explorers.

Picture 55

‘(not) for sale’. A vacant residential building along the Magistrale, neglected and vandalized.

Picture 56

Another night shot of a building on the Magistrale. It is possible to note how the left section of the facade has no lights switched on. Vacancy or energy saving?

Picture 58

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Emerald Towerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. One of the four vacant buildings towering the city centre covered with green security nets.

Picture 57

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Once upon a time, there was the DDR.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; View of the town centre, dominated by four vacant eighteenstorey Plattenbauten. The original circulation system has been entirely preserved, both in form and function.

4 CONCLUSION As we have pointed out in this essay,

analysed

affirming the right of existence of GDR

layers. Behind the consideration of the GDR

architecture required several years of debate.

modern style as inadequate to represent the

In the years following the reunification, the

reunified Germany, there was indeed the

most prominent architectural symbols of

struggle between two ideologies, and the

the socialist regime were erased in favour

will to dispose of socialism in every possible

of a more acceptable and less painful image

way.

of the urban space. By introducing the case

Our research also described this attitude

of the Palast der Republik - and the planned

as a recurring theme in German culture.

reconstruction of the Schloss - we could

Erasure of memory has been led by defacing,

positively affirm the existence of prejudices

rebuilding, and tearing away the heritage

towards the architecture of GDR: through

deviating from an else unalterable Prussian

the interpretation of the recent history of

history. Nevertheless, we should consider

the Palast, the topic of damnatio memoriae

this behaviour as a natural reaction,

towards the socialist heritage could be

triggered by the end of the unnatural

CONCLUSION

124

under

several

interpretation

separation and communist dictatorship:

from being over. As we cannot merely rely

in many cases, GDR is still seen as an alien

on the aesthetical and architectural value

phenomenon, as demonstrated by the many

carried by the GDR heritage, we believe that

Plattenbau

hiding

preserving socialist heritage is essential for

the socialist ‘aesthetics’ behind brightly

historical and pedagogical purposes, to make

coloured facades.

good use of the ‘negative history lesson’. In

On the other hand, urban-scale GDR

the light of this approach, the contribution

heritage posed a more complex issue, due

of the architect restorer is fundamental to

to the surplus of flats in the East and their

acknowledge the aforementioned values and

economic burden. This challenge had

develop redevelopment strategies respectful

been initially faced through a simplistic

of the context. Under this aspect, we believe

approach, symptomatic of the ‘out of

that a significant methodological advance

sight, out of mind’ attitude towards the

has been made: through the analysis of

Stadtumbau Ost

the documents from the Venice Charter

programme provided significant economic

on, we have defined how modern urban

benefits for the demolition of pre-1989

heritage should be certainly embraced by

housing stock, while opening possibilities

the architectural restoration field, against

for urban renewal. Yet, only during the last

the calls for a stand-alone discipline. The

few years former socialist district have been

framework defined in this dissertation

involved in redevelopment projects, such as

relies on the idea of ‘identity’ as something

the recent IBA Saxony-Anhalt 2010 – which

belonging to the collective history, and

also involved Halle-Neustadt, our case study.

the acknowledgment of GDR heritage as

Nevertheless, the reappraisal process is far

product of a unique historical moment.

communist

refurbishing

past.

The

project

CONCLUSION

125

The Venice (1964) and Krakow Charters

with urban environments. From socialist

(2000) in particular, respectively affirm

role model town, Halle-Neustadt became one

the value of cultural asset of whole urban

of the many East German shrinking cities.

settings, and the relevance of contemporary

With the reunification and the privatisation

stratifications as elements that might have a

of the nearby chemical plants, young people

significant meaning in the future.

and well-educated individuals left in search

Attempts have also been made to provide

of better jobs. The negative demographic

trend is not expected to revert, also due to

suitable

operative

methodology

restore the ‘modern’. Criteria should follow

the aging of population.

the

restoration

These factors, along with the extraordinary

framework, in line with the familiar

architectural and historical value of the

notions

compatibility,

original project, strongly influenced our

distinguishability, minimal intervention

design. First of all, a series of new uses had

and reversibility originally defined by the

to be planned in order to create movement

Venice Charter. Moreover the acquisition of

to and within Halle-Neustadt; in particular,

additional technical knowledge is required

our intention was to attract young people,

to the architect restorer in order to deal with

while providing suitable uses for the elder

the problem posed by steel and concrete

population. Moreover, the project should

structures, while a significant effort should

include a set of ‘dual-speed’ solutions, with

be made in conciliating conservation issues

short-term interventions and long term

with practical and economic needs.

goals aimed to the landscaping (e.g.: creation

By applying the above mentioned framework

of green areas, canals, parks, burial of vacant

to the case study of Halle-Neustadt we

Plattenbauten, improvement of sustainable

have also concluded that extensive studies

mobility) of the most perforated areas.

concerning socio-economical issues are as

Approaching the project with the mindset of

essential as historical analyses, when dealing

an architect restorer allowed us to preserve

current of

architectural authenticity,

CONCLUSION

126

the original spatial values, and to plan new

existing volumes, these ideas are meant to

volumes where demolished buildings once

overcome the dreariness of the socialist city,

stood. To this end, short terms solutions

while preserving the values of the urban

have been devised, such as the construction

space.

of simple steel boxed structures, resembling

Finally, it should be noted that the

the volume of old Plattenbauten. These

formulation of a universally applicable

‘skeletons’ are meant to be completely

planning methodology is not the goal of this

dismountable:

with

study. The study of Halle-Neustadt involved

glass, wood and old prefabricated panels

an unique approach, relative to the issues of

from demolished buildings should provide

a shrinking city: the ‘case by case’ approach

population with flexible spaces for different

itself is indeed typical of the architectural

uses – art exhibitions, live performances,

restoration discipline. Therefore, rather

playgrounds and even sport, with old

than defining an operative methodology,

Plattenbau facades rebuilt for free climbing

the ultimate purpose of this dissertation is

and bungee jumping. On the other hand,

to define a new role for the architect-restorer

buildings flagged for future demolitions

dealing with the ‘modern’ urban heritage.

should be acquired by the city of Halle,

From this point of view, the architect-

parcelized and sold for a symbolic price, on

restorer has the appropriate sensitiveness

condition that purchasers invest a certain

and historical knowledge to work with

amount of wealth to refurbish the units for

designers and urban planners, and shape the

commercial ends. A similar experience has

planning process towards more sustainable

been successfully led in Rotterdam, where

and human sized outcomes.

completing

them

some areas suffered from high vacancy rates. Along with the possibility of extruding with colorful canopied terraces and cutting

CONCLUSION

127

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34. (1967) ‘Flächennutzungsplan’. Deutsche Architektur, 4/1967, 203. 35. Sturm, H. 1967. Planung HalleNeustadt, Zaglmeier, Siegel, Paulick, Bach. [photograph] Available at: <http://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_183-F0609-0301-001,_ Planung_Halle-Neustadt,_ Zaglmeier,_Siegel,_Paulick,_Bach. jpg> [Accessed 19 October 2012].

27. Anon, 1966-70. 1501 20 Jahre DDR Halle-Neustadt 10 Pf O. [stamp] Available at: < http://www.marktplatzphilatelie.de/images/LA/470/82g/1501. jpg/> [Accessed 24 October 2012] 30. 197-. Postkarte Halle Neustadt Saale, Blick auf verschiedene Wohnblocks [postcard]. Available at: <http://static1. akpool.de/images/cards/52/527619. jpg> [Accessed 24 October 2012]

36. (1967) ‘Schemagrundriß für das Wohnkomplexzentrum III 1 : 2000’. Deutsche Architektur, 4/1967.

31. Anon, 1984. Wappen von HalleNeustadt [illustration] Available at: <http://upload.wikimedia.org/ wikipedia/commons/5/50/Wappen_ Halle-Neustadt.png> [Accessed 26 October 2012].

37. (1974) ‘Stadteingang von Halle aus’. Architektur der DDR, 6/1974, 346 38. (1967) ‘Blick von…’. Architektur, 4/1967.

32. 2010. Wandbild “Einheit der Arbeiterklasse und Gründung der DDR”, Josep Renau Berenguer, 19701974. [photograph]. Available at < http:// www.flickr.com/photos/kunst-am-bauddr/6867418426/> [Accessed 27 October 2012]

Deutsche

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41. (1974) ‘Zentraler Fußgängerbereichim Stadtzentrum von Halle-Neustadt’. Architektur der DDR, 6/1974, 354 42,43. (1974) ‘Sicht vom Hauptfußgängerbereich zum Wohnkomplex IV (Hochhaus D, Kaufhalle an der Scheibe E, Y-Hochhaus im Wohnkomplex IV)’. Architektur der DDR, 6/1974, 355 44. (197-) ‘Ausschnitt Stadtzentrum HalleNeustadt mit den funf Wohnscheiben „A” bis „E”’. Architektur der DDR. 45. (1974) Das Wachstum der Stadt in den Jahren von 1965 bis 1974’. Architektur der DDR, 6/1974. 46. Halle Stadtvermessungsamt (1971) Halle-Neustadt Stadtgrundkarte. Halle. 47. Halle Stadtvermessungsamt (1983) Halle-Neustadt Stadtgrundkarte. Halle. 48. Halle Stadtvermessungsamt (1989) Halle-Neustadt Stadtgrundkarte. Halle.

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Seconda UniversitĂ degli Studi di Napoli

FacoltĂ di Architettura Corso di Laurea in Architettura U.E.

A.A. 2011/12

Laboratorio di Sintesi Finale di Progettazione di Restauro Architettonico e Urbano Relatore: Prof. Arch. Luigi Guerriero Correlatore: Prof. Arch. Luca Molinari Referee: Prof. Florian Urban (Glasgow School of Art - Mackintosh School of Architecture) Elaborato di prova finale di Federico Cosimo Biancullo Matricola: 800000804